Tag: Speeches

  • Julia Lopez – 2022 Statement on Public Consultations to Improve UK Cyber Resilience

    Julia Lopez – 2022 Statement on Public Consultations to Improve UK Cyber Resilience

    The statement made by Julia Lopez, the Minister for Media, Data and Digital Infrastructure, in the House of Commons on 19 January 2022.

    Today, my Department has launched two consultations seeking public views on our proposals to improve the UK’s cyber resilience.

    The UK, as one of the leading digital nations, has accelerated its adoption of digital technologies. These technologies have rapidly become integral to the functioning of our economy and form an important part of our critical national infrastructure. In order to ensure our continued prosperity, it is vital that cyber-security is a fundamental part of our country’s digital transformation journey.

    Cyber-security incidents are increasing in frequency and sophistication, with the potential to cause severe damage to critical national infrastructure and the economy. Over the course of the last year, the National Cyber Security Centre has faced an unprecedented increase in the volume of cyber-security incidents to which it has had to respond. In addition, there have been a number of high-profile cyber incidents within the last year, both domestically and abroad, which have highlighted the increasing sophistication of threats to the UK’s cyber resilience. The faster paced digitisation of the UK’s economy means that these attacks will have an even greater impact on British businesses and consumers.

    Incidents such as the SolarWinds supply chain compromise in December 2020 and the ransomware attack on the Colonial pipeline in May 2020 demonstrated how such cyber-attacks can impact critical services and national infrastructure. At the same time, they have also highlighted the increased need for a sustained supply of diverse and skilled individuals into the cyber workforce to make systems more resilient against cyber-threats like these.

    Today’s consultations are aimed at addressing these challenges. They are divided into three distinct pillars, which are discussed over two separate consultations, given the nature and audience of the differing pillars.

    The first consultation covers pillars 1 and 2, and applies to the whole of the United Kingdom. Changes proposed here affect the Network and Information Systems (NIS) Regulations 2018. This is a key piece of cyber-security legislation which establishes legal measures to strengthen the overall level of security (both cyber and physical resilience) of network and information systems that are critical for the provision of essential UK services, such as transport, energy, water, digital infrastructure, arid health, as well as key digital services.

    Proposals in pillar 1 seek to bring additional critical providers of digital services under the NIS regulations. The proposals also establish a new risk-based and proportionate supervisory framework for all digital service providers in scope of NIS. Combined, these proposed measures will strengthen the oversight of providers who frequently have privileged access and provide critical support to essential UK services, and ensure that these businesses have adequate cyber-security protections in place.

    The proposals in the second pillar seek to future-proof the NIS regulations, by allowing changes to be implemented so the UK can adapt to evolving threats and technological developments. The Government propose powers to allow important updates to the NIS framework to be made in the future, either to respond to changing threats or technology or to cover other areas as necessary, as well as provisions to secure the most critical organisations on which essential services depend. The Government would also propose to make changes to the current cost recovery system and the incident reporting framework under NIS. Measures proposed in both of these pillars seek to address some of the supply chain cyber-security issues which we have experienced, and which, given the nature of the digital economy, are here to stay.

    The second consultation covers the third pillar. Its audience is different from the first two pillars and its proposals are limited to England only. It proposes a set of additional approaches the Government can provide in quality-assuring the cyber profession. This includes exploring both legislative and non-legislative options. The Government will look to the UK Cyber Security Council to be the professional authority to ensure efforts to supply the cyber workforce with diverse and high-quality individuals is done consistently and sustainably. The role of the council will involve developing professional standards and a career pathways framework, bringing together the existing qualification and certification market under a coherent structure. The consultation seeks to gather views on embedding a legislative underpinning for the cyber profession as well as non-legislative measures including a potential role for Government procurement requirements that explores the extent to which a similar demonstration of competence should be required for specific Government functions.

    Copies of the consultation on proposals for legislation to improve the UK’s cyber resilience and embedding standards and pathways across the cyber profession by 2025 can be found on the Government website: https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/proposal-for-legislation-to-improve-the-uks-cyber-resilience.

    Sharing views will help improve the UK’s cyber-security regulations. By strengthening the oversight of critical digital suppliers, existing cyber-regulation, and improving the UK’s cyber-security profession, we can solidify the UK’s position as a democratic and responsible cyber-power and protect our essential services (such as the NHS, transport services, digital services and energy supplies). This will, ultimately, defend the interests, livelihoods, and economic prosperity of our people and businesses.

  • Leo Docherty – 2022 Statement on the UK Armed Forces Families Strategy 2022-2032

    Leo Docherty – 2022 Statement on the UK Armed Forces Families Strategy 2022-2032

    The statement made by Leo Docherty, the Minister for Defence People and Veterans, in the House of Commons on 19 January 2022.

    The Ministry of Defence’s “UK Armed Forces Families Strategy 2022-32” on making the recognition and care of armed forces families a national priority has today been laid before the House.

    The strategy addresses the challenges armed forces families face with mobility, deployment and separation and the implications this has for accessing good quality healthcare, education, and accommodation. It also notes the evolving nature of family life and the pressures this can place on childcare and managing the career of the partner or spouse alongside that of the service person.

    The strategy will be supported by an action plan that includes the commitments made in the Government’s response to the “Living in Our Shoes” report by my hon. Friend the Member for South West Bedfordshire (Andrew Selous). The strategy and action plan will be delivered in partnership with the devolved administrations and the charitable and private sectors.

    The delivery of improved support is already under way. For example, the MOD is working with the Department for Education and local authorities to lessen the impact of mobility on service children’s educational attainment. Informed by consultation with families, we are also working with the Department for Health and Social Care and healthcare providers across the UK to improve understanding of the health needs of armed forces families. To advocate for the skills and experiences of partners and spouses we are collaborating with the Department for Work and Pensions and charities to ensure that they are recognised and valued by employers. And next year sees full roll-out of the wraparound childcare programme.

    But this is only the beginning. The Government and their partners value the role of all families in the regular and reserve forces and recognise their integral role in providing support to serving personnel based in the UK and overseas. Therefore, we are committed both to putting them at the heart of the Defence community and to helping them thrive in wider society. Together, under the principles of this strategy, we will continually review our policies to better support them, empower them and improve their lived experience.

  • Steve Barclay – 2022 Statement on the Veterans Strategy Action Plan 2022-2024

    Steve Barclay – 2022 Statement on the Veterans Strategy Action Plan 2022-2024

    The statement made by Steve Barclay, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, in the House of Commons on 19 January 2022.

    The Government have today published the “Veterans’ Strategy Action Plan 2022-24”, setting out how we will continue to empower, support and champion our veteran community. Just as the armed forces have stood by our country in its times of need, the nation will continue to fulfil its duty by supporting our veterans in their civilian lives.

    The plan will deliver for veterans across three key areas. We will better understand our veteran community, making sure we have the information we need to inform policy and service design.

    We will transform services and support for veterans, building on progress already made to ensure we are meeting veterans’ needs. We will celebrate our veterans and their contribution to society so that all veterans feel their service is valued by the nation.

    The action plan contains over 60 commitments, which together will provide a step change in provision. For most service leavers, the successful transition into employment is the foundation of positive life outcomes. We will be doing more to champion the unique skill set of veterans to employers through a bespoke campaign and a new private sector employers advisory group. We will continue to support veterans to gain quality employment, with the roll out of the Great Place to Work for Veterans scheme, which guarantees interviews for veterans in the civil service. We are launching “Advance into Justice” which will fast-track veterans into prison officer roles. We will improve the enhanced learning credit scheme to make it easier for veterans to access a wider range of academic and vocational opportunities to support their development of a chosen career post-service.

    We will also invest in making better use of data than ever before, as well as digital programmes, including a £44 million digital transformation package. Compensation and pension services will be radically improved, with a new digital portal that will enable veterans to apply and track progress online. This will help the 1.2 million pensions members and 30,000 annual compensation claimants to access services more quickly and easily.

    We want to ensure all veterans feel their service is valued. Regrettably, some people have historically been excluded from serving their country. The Government are determined to take bold steps to begin looking at how we can redress these past wrongs, and we will commission an independent review into the impact that the pre-2000 ban on homosexuality in the armed forces has had on LGBT veterans today.

    A further £18 million will be invested in health and wellbeing support for veterans. To bring improvements to mental health services, NHS England will bring the three services offered under Op Courage into one long-term integrated service, making access easier for veterans and their families. The Veterans Trauma Network will be further developed to create an integrated plan to support the physical health of veterans. “Veteran Aware” accreditation will continue to be rolled out across England— meaning more NHS trusts and GP practices than ever before will become veteran-friendly accredited.

    The Office for Veterans’ Affairs will work across Government and beyond to make sure the action plan commitments are monitored and delivered. in 2024, the Government will develop a veterans’ strategy refresh, setting out how far we have come and what remains to be done to deliver on our policy ambition by 2028 to make the UK the best place in the world to be a veteran.

  • Gavin Williamson – 2022 Speech on Somaliland

    Gavin Williamson – 2022 Speech on Somaliland

    The speech made by Gavin Williamson, the Conservative MP for South Staffordshire, in the House of Commons on 18 January 2022.

    I am very grateful for the privilege of being able to bring this Adjournment debate to the House today.

    In 1960, Somaliland emerged independent from the British empire after many years as the British Somaliland protectorate. For five days it was independent, before it took the step to merge with what was then the Trust Territory of Somaliland, historically Italian, to form a union. Both nations entered that union with optimism—a sense and a view of creating a pan-Somalia where all Somalis would be able to come together. The hope, for so many of those in Somaliland, was that this would be a union of equals.

    Sadly, over the following 30 years, those hopes and aspirations for what might have been were not fulfilled. Instead, as the years progressed, the situation got worse, with military dictatorships and, tragically, people from the north of Somalia in historically British Somaliland being discriminated against. What started to emerge was attacks on civilians. There were mass killings of tens of thousands of Somali civilians. It was one of the few conflicts where fighter jets took off from cities in one area in order to bomb the cities that they had taken off from, indiscriminately killing thousands of civilians.

    Rushanara Ali (Bethnal Green and Bow) (Lab)

    My constituency has a very large population from Somaliland, whose families suffered, as the right hon. Gentleman has described, in that conflict. Last year, Somaliland celebrated 30 years since the declaration of independence. It has built up its own independent Government, its own currency and democratic elections. It has shown the capability to establish a state. Is it not time that the UK Government formally recognise its right to self-determination and its need to be an independent state?

    Gavin Williamson

    The hon. Lady raises a very important point. The key reason for this debate is to discuss the fact that Somaliland has developed so much. In those years of conflict—where so many Somalilanders had their lives under threat, and so many hundreds of thousands were displaced, both internally within Somaliland and externally—that dream and that vision of creating their own homeland once again and re-establishing those old territorial borders burned bright, and that is what they were able to achieve in 1991.

    Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)

    I draw the House’s attention to my interest as one of the vice-chairs of the all-party parliamentary group on Somaliland. It has been a privilege to work with the right hon. Gentleman on these issues. Will he also pay tribute to my predecessor, Alun Michael, and the many members of the Somalilander community in Cardiff and across the UK for exposing those atrocities at the time, including in this House and elsewhere, and explaining what had gone on to the world? Will he commend them on what they did at that time?

    Gavin Williamson

    I pay tribute to the hon. Member’s predecessor and the many people who live in his constituency. In his constituency is a very established Somaliland community that has been there probably far longer than he or I have been on this earth. This country has deep links with Somaliland that go back not just many decades, but a century and more, with many Somalilanders calling Britain their home, as well as Somaliland itself.

    Tom Tugendhat (Tonbridge and Malling) (Con)

    I am delighted that my right hon. Friend has secured this important debate. Many of us have been supporting Somaliland as an independent state, and we very much welcome the fact that he is here. On that point, he will know no doubt that many of Her Majesty’s naval ships for 100 or more years have had lascars from Somaliland—stokers and others—who built the first mosques in this country. Does he not agree that recognising the Somalilanders here in the UK is also about recognising our own past and our own future together as investors in a new Africa? It would demonstrate that independent states that govern themselves well in democracies can succeed, and we can partner with them.

    Gavin Williamson

    My hon. Friend the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee is absolutely right. By taking the brave step to recognise Somaliland, we would not just be opening up opportunities for Somaliland itself, but opportunities for British investors and British business to go there and work, very much creating the gateway to the whole of the horn of Africa.

    Mr Andrew Mitchell (Sutton Coldfield) (Con)

    I am grateful to my right hon. Friend, who has brought this most important subject to the Floor of the House. I visited Hargeisa when I was Secretary of State for International Development, and we spent quite a lot of time on exactly the issues that he and my hon. Friend the Member for Tonbridge and Malling (Tom Tugendhat), the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee have just raised. There is an enormous degree of normalcy there. The democratic structures, when they have elections, have held in extraordinarily difficult circumstances. There is proper governance. I have travelled on a bus in Hargeisa that was a result of British investment. The case that my right hon. Friend is making about Somaliland becoming an independent state is one where the Foreign Office normally takes the view that it does not want to lead it, but it would support it. Is he aware that the African Union is at least passively acquiescent in that view, if not actively supportive?

    Gavin Williamson

    On both areas that my right hon. Friend raises, he is absolutely right. One flies into Hargeisa airport, and it is a safe place to visit. One can get a bus to the centre of Hargeisa, as he did. When I visited, I must confess I did not get a bus, but I will endeavour to do so the next time I visit. He is equally right that this is an opportunity. The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office so often wants to be led on these issues, but there is sometimes a moment for Britain to lead, as against to be led.

    Alec Shelbrooke (Elmet and Rothwell) (Con)

    My right hon. Friend makes an important point about leading the world. Throughout the world, where western nations do not get involved, China does, and recently we have had many discussions about China’s influence. Does he therefore agree that when we look at development taking place in Somaliland, we can see that it is in our strategic interests and that of western countries not just to see what happens but to take an active, leading role and not allow that vacuum to be filled with those who, perhaps, we have difficulties with?

    Gavin Williamson

    My right hon. Friend is so correct. If we look to Djibouti, to the north of Somaliland, we see the Chinese investment that is going in. Where there is a vacuum, others do step in. If this country showed the leadership that it can by recognising Somaliland, that would show the Somaliland Government the value that we put on their friendship and partnership.

    Sir Robert Buckland (South Swindon) (Con)

    I commend my right hon. Friend for securing the debate. I am honoured to represent a Somaliland community in Swindon. Building on the points made by right hon. and hon. Members about Somaliland’s strategic importance, and in particular its proximity to international shipping lanes, we all know that with British leadership under our good friend the noble Lord Hague, we led the way in dealing with piracy emanating from the horn of Africa. Is this not another opportunity for Britain to show leadership and recognise stable government in a region that is in pitifully short supply of such a quality?

    Gavin Williamson

    My right hon. and learned Friend is accurate in his assessment. Even though we are not yet in a position of recognising Somaliland, we already have that level of co-operation with Somalilanders. When I visited Somaliland as Defence Secretary, I saw at first hand the co-operation that British forces already had with Somaliland in protecting its coastal waters—and by doing so, keeping them safe for the international community.

    Kim Johnson (Liverpool, Riverside) (Lab)

    I thank the right hon. Member for securing this important debate and commend the Government on the support they have been providing to the Administration in Somaliland. Liverpool Riverside has a long-established Somali community and Somalilanders. Will he join me in calling for the UK Government to support a binding referendum within two years to allow Somalilanders to express their democratic will, guaranteed by the international community?

    Gavin Williamson

    I am not sure whether you are an expert on Somaliland affairs, Madam Deputy Speaker, but this is the opportunity for you to brush up on them. The hon. Lady makes an important point, but there has already been a referendum in Somaliland, and it was absolutely clear about the wishes of the Somaliland people: they want to see recognition, to be independent and to have that independent state. However, if that is a hurdle to establishing international recognition for Somaliland, the Somaliland Government may wish to look at that.

    Barry Gardiner (Brent North) (Lab)

    The right hon. Gentleman has been extremely fortunate not only in the House allowing him a lot of time to debate this important topic but in the number of hon. Members in their places supporting him and the cause of Somaliland. Wembley has a huge Somaliland community of expatriates who have said to me that, in all likelihood, a new Somaliland would desperately want to join the Commonwealth. Does he agree with them?

    Gavin Williamson

    From my visit to Somaliland and my discussions with so many Somalilanders in the UK, I have a real sense of kinship between Somaliland, Britain and other Commonwealth nations. I think that Somaliland would very much want to join the Commonwealth, and I hope that the Commonwealth would welcome them with open arms.

    Mr Clive Betts (Sheffield South East) (Lab)

    I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on securing this debate. I have the privilege of chairing the all-party group on Somaliland, and we have a large Somaliland community in Sheffield. The way he described the formation of what is currently legally Somalia was really interesting. Immediately on gaining independence, Somaliland was an independent country, and it voluntarily chose to enter into a union. The concerns about changing post-colonial boundaries do not apply in the case of an independent Somaliland; post-colonial boundaries, it was an independent country. The idea that Mogadishu now has any remit in Somaliland is a piece of nonsense, and it is time the Government recognised that.

    Gavin Williamson

    I very much agree with the hon. Gentleman. The boundaries being proposed are exactly the same as those that were agreed between Britain, Italy, and Ethiopia, and with the French in numerous treaties prior to that. Somaliland is not asking for a change to the boundaries, as they are very much what was there in 1960. There are precedents when it comes to unwinding acts of union and confederacies. One need only look to the other side of Africa, at the confederation between Senegal and Gambia, which was unwound in the late 1980s. This is not unprecedented. We are suggesting going back and recognising what were well-established international boundaries that we ourselves recognised and drew up.

    Stuart Anderson (Wolverhampton South West) (Con)

    I thank my right hon. Friend and constituency neighbour for giving way. The Defence Committee has just produced a report on the Navy and the importance of the sea in defence, and he mentioned his visits as Secretary of State for Defence. Does he agree that it is vital that we recognise Somaliland, given the strategic importance of the location in terms of defence?

    Gavin Williamson

    My hon. Friend is accurate in pinpointing the strategic importance of Somaliland. That is one of many reasons why it is so vital that not just Britain, but the United States and other NATO members lead the way in recognising Somaliland—not just because of the many brilliant things that have been done there, but because of the country’s strategic importance. The question is how we reinforce and support that Government.

    John Spellar (Warley) (Lab)

    If I may pursue that point, is it not desirable for a stable state in a region that is becoming increasingly unstable to achieve that level of recognition? We talk a lot about supply chain vulnerability; this is one of the most vulnerable places we have found. Even one ship blocking the Suez canal caused ripples right the way throughout industry. We should also recognise the importance of enabling communities here and in Somaliland to move freely, have passports that are recognised, conclude international agreements, and unleash the country’s energy. Having a properly administered state in the region would enable those communities to do those things. Is it not time that we grasped the nettle and recognised Somaliland?

    Gavin Williamson

    There is a level of consensus bubbling up that is not always typical of debates in this House. It is incredibly important to demonstrate the will and feeling of the House on this important issue. The right hon. Gentleman raises an important point about supply chains. DP World already invests in the port of Berbera, and the welcome investment from British International Investment—the old Commonwealth Development Corporation—amounts to hundreds of millions of pounds. The Government recognise the importance of Somaliland, and we are willing to invest hundreds of millions of pounds there, because we realise that it opens up so much of the horn of Africa to British goods and investment. However, we still do not recognise the state of Somaliland, which is a real tragedy. It is so sad to see that so many Somalilanders have difficulty travelling to Somaliland. They cannot fly direct from the UK, but have to go via either Addis Ababa or Dubai. By taking the step of recognising Somaliland, we can make so many British citizens’ lives easier.

    Alun Cairns (Vale of Glamorgan) (Con)

    I pay tribute to my right hon. Friend for securing this important debate; the attendance shows the strength of feeling across the House. Does he agree that recognition can take several forms, and that the Government could take interim steps to show willing, and to demonstrate progress towards the formal recognition that we all want? That could include the Department for International Trade—or the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, which has responsibilities to DIT—channelling food and aid through Somaliland. That way, Somaliland will not be at the wrong end of the supply chain; it often ends up with a raw deal.

    Gavin Williamson

    That is absolutely correct. For so long, international development aid has been channelled through the Federal Republic of Somalia and the Government in Mogadishu, which sadly means that people in Somaliland have often not had the assistance that this Government expected them to get. A perfect example of that is vaccines. A large supply of vaccines was sent to the people of Somaliland, but it was channelled through the Government in Mogadishu. By the time it arrived in Somaliland, sadly, there was only a few days left in which to dispense most of the vaccines.

    Bob Stewart (Beckenham) (Con)

    I thank my right hon. Friend for allowing me to intervene. I do not have any Somalis in my constituency, but I have a great love for the country because my ayah came from Somaliland when we lived in Aden. I remind the House that the Aden Protectorate and the Somaliland Protectorate were very closely linked; I remember my father flying over to Somaliland as part of the Aden Protectorate Levies when there was that close link. The people of Somaliland have a real affection for this country. That goes back a long time, and it would be absolutely right of our Government to encourage, support and allow Somaliland to be a real nation.

    Gavin Williamson

    We have seen the people of Somaliland pay a price for the defence of this nation in both the first and second world war. If people go to Somaliland, they can see the Commonwealth war grave cemetery. So many Somalilanders gave their life in defence of this country and beat fascism on the horn of Africa. We owe a debt of honour to the people of Somaliland, and should restore to them the freedom that they fought to preserve for us.

    Paul Blomfield (Sheffield Central) (Lab)

    I congratulate the right hon. Member on securing this debate, which has demonstrated an exceptional degree of unity across the House in support of his proposal. He makes a good point about the debt of honour that we owe to the people of Somaliland. My hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield South East (Mr Betts) highlighted that we have a strong community of people who owe their origins to Somaliland in our city. In recognition of that, the council passed a resolution in 2014 adding its voice to the demands for independence. Does the right hon. Member for South Staffordshire (Gavin Williamson) agree that the parliamentary and local elections held last year were another successful democratic moment in Somaliland, further reflecting the maturity and strength of democracy in the country, which is an essential building block for recognition of statehood, and which the Government should recognise?

    Gavin Williamson

    I do not often advocate that a Government should follow the leadership of Sheffield City Council, but on this occasion I certainly do. The Government should try to catch up with what that city council has been doing. So many communities—Sheffield, Liverpool, Cardiff, Bristol, Swindon; we could go on and on—have welcomed Somalilanders, and Somalilanders have made these great cities and great communities their home, and will continue to do so.

    Ruth Jones (Newport West) (Lab)

    The right hon. Gentleman has demonstrated just how important this topic is to all of us here. Newport is home to the second-largest Somaliland community in Wales, and I want to place on record my thanks for the community’s amazing contributions to the city over the years. Has the right hon. Gentleman given any thought to how the devolved Governments can play a role in supporting the people of Somaliland as they continue to seek formal recognition?

    Gavin Williamson

    I strongly believe that this is a United Kingdom endeavour, in which we can all move forward in strengthening the bridges that already exist between the United Kingdom and Somaliland. Many steps have already been taken in municipal and devolved government to encourage the links between our great nations of the United Kingdom and Somaliland, but now is the time for the UK Government to take the lead—for the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office not to be shy, and not to think that policy is stuck in the 1960s.

    James Daly (Bury North) (Con)

    I congratulate my right hon. Friend on securing a debate on such an important subject. There has been unanimity this evening on the many reasons why we should recognise Somaliland, but does he, as a former Education Secretary, view and accept Somaliland as a champion of education in Africa for both boys and girls? We have heard about how the devolved Administrations and this Government can assist, develop and support Somaliland. In that context, the education system is not only something to be treasured, but perhaps a way in which we can provide support.

    Gavin Williamson

    One of the most precious things that a nation can have is democracy. That means justice, but it also means the education that we give our children. Those who have the privilege of visiting Somaliland will see both boys and girls being educated. There is no discrimination there; Somalilanders want to educate all, because they recognise that that is what will strengthen Somaliland for the future.

    Mr Mitchell

    My right hon. Friend has heard representations from people in a number of places where there are large Somaliland communities. Does he agree that the level of remittances to Somaliland from the diaspora is enormous? Some years ago, it was about six times the annual state budget. Perhaps, following this debate, the Minister could consult his officials on trying to make remittancing easier, so that there is more competition and lower charges, and the enormous Somaliland community in the United Kingdom can send money back through the remittancing structure without paying exorbitant fees.

    Gavin Williamson

    My right hon. Friend is right to highlight the importance of remittances going to Somaliland. This Government do not make that easier for people. Their view that Somaliland is locked in with Somalia makes it much more difficult for businesses to operate there, and to ensure that a flow of money from the diaspora community in this country goes back to Somaliland. The FCDO, working with Her Majesty’s Treasury, could take up this practical issue and consider how it could make improvements. I hope that my hon. Friend the Minister will be able to respond to that point at the end of the debate.

    Somaliland is a country that has incredibly proud links with our country. When we have been in need and have asked for help, it has responded by sending its young men to defend our values and our freedoms. In 1991, it emerged from years of subjugation to the regime in Mogadishu—from having so many citizens, including children, killed in cold blood—and it was able to establish its borders once more. It was able to put in place the structures for a legal system and elections. All across Africa, we are always asking for countries to have proper legal systems, to educate their boys and their girls and to ensure the establishment of democracy. In May last year, we saw the parliamentary elections in Somaliland. They were peaceful; they were calm; they were fair. We saw the roll-out of iris-recognition technology, the first use of that technology anywhere on the continent of Africa, to ensure that they were fair and properly run.

    All that goes to show the maturity of this country. In Somaliland, we have seen different parties enter government and leave it without questioning the veracity of their opponents’ claim. Indeed, as I recall, one presidential election was won by a margin of 80 votes. That vote was accepted, and we saw a peaceful transition. I cannot help thinking that there are some western democracies where, if the margin was quite so close, there might have been a little bit more controversy than we saw within Somaliland.

    Somaliland has been an amazing, shining beacon of everything we want to see flourish in Africa. It is the example we want others to follow, but it needs our help and our assistance, because around it are real challenges. To the south, in Somalia, we see the challenges of al-Shabaab. We see the disorder and difficulties in Ethiopia and some of the real security challenges in Djibouti.

    Somaliland is a country that wants to be our friend. It is a country that turns to us and asks us to show leadership. I ask my hon. Friend the Minister, instead of delivering the pre-prepared brief that no doubt every Foreign Office Minister has read out for the past 60 years, to show some guile, some leadership and some imagination—to show that he is a politician, not just a tool of Foreign Office officials to read their words. I have worked with him in the Whips Office; I saw some moments of merit.

    As politicians, and as this House, we must show leadership on this issue. We must show our friends in Somaliland that we are willing to defend them as they have defended us. Even if the Minister cannot give us all the promises we would like to hear—even if he cannot say at the Dispatch Box today that we can recognise Somaliland—he needs to go away, sit down and work out how we take the next steps. We cannot spend another 30 years pretending that the reality on the ground, an independent Somaliland, does not exist because it is not on the Foreign Office map. We must respond to those realities. We must lead on foreign policy. We must show our Somaliland friends that we are there for them and that we will deliver for them—that we will not just talk about our history, but talk about how we can make history together in the future.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Keynote Speech on the NHS and Labour’s Health Contract

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Keynote Speech on the NHS and Labour’s Health Contract

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 18 January 2022.

    Health Contract

    Thank you everyone and good morning.

    Two weeks ago, I set out the terms of Labour’s new contract with the British people.

    To provide people with the security, prosperity and respect they deserve.

    Today, I will concentrate on an aspect of security as I set out Labour’s contract for better health.

    Two years ago, the pandemic struck.

    As I speak, over 150,000 of our fellow citizens have lost their lives.

    I am convinced that a swifter response by government could have reduced that number.

    Covid affected every aspect of our lives. Children couldn’t go to school. Parents couldn’t get to work. We couldn’t see our families.

    Covid is still affecting so many of us.

    And the bravery and skill of health workers is helping to see us through.

    The least we can do to show the respect they are owed is to ensure that we protect the National Health Service.

    The NHS cannot look after us, if we do not look after it.

    This is a political crusade for us in the Labour party.

    The NHS is Labour’s proudest achievement in office.

    As Bevan said when he introduced the National Health Service Act: The NHS would “lift the shadow from millions of homes”.

    But this is also a personal crusade for me.

    My wife works in our local hospital.

    My sister is a care worker.

    And my mum was a nurse in the NHS.

    She took great pride in what she did all her working life.

    But she was also, sadly, a long-term patient of the NHS.

    I spent a lot of time as a child visiting my mum in hospital.

    I have never forgotten – I never will forget – the care my mum received. The respect with which she was treated.

    I want that level of care for everyone.

    We all need the security of knowing that the NHS is there for us when we need it.

    That will be what my contract will offer. And I cannot stress how badly it is needed.

    Rather than concentrating on getting through the pandemic and bringing down waiting lists this self-indulgent Tory party is having a fight about a leader who they should have known from the start is not fit for office.

    Boris Johnson is too preoccupied defending his rule breaking and as day follows night when it comes to the National Health Service you can never trust the Tories.

    We are witnessing the broken spectacle of a Prime Minister mired in deceit and deception, unable to lead.

    But while the Tories bicker and fight each other on whats app, I want to look to the future.

    Because the NHS faces new challenges.

    We are an ageing population a fact brutally exposed by a virus that hit the oldest the hardest.

    We must devise new methods of care to help with long-term conditions.

    We need to think about mental as well as physical health.

    And we need to think not just about how we treat patients but about how we prevent them from falling ill in the first place.

    The Present Crisis

    But before we can think about the future we must attend to the present.

    When Labour left office 12 years ago, the Conservatives inherited a strong NHS…

    Waiting times were the shortest on record.

    The overall mortality rate from cancer had fallen by 22%.

    That proud record really puts the failure of the Tory years into sharp relief.

    Today, NHS waiting lists are the highest since records began.

    6 million people in England – more than one in nine – are waiting for consultations and operations.

    I would imagine that most people in this room know someone who is either waiting for an operation on an eye, a hip or a knee. Or someone who is worried about the symptoms they are experiencing but cannot get an appointment to see anyone.

    The Health Secretary has admitted this backlog is going to get worse.

    And it is not good enough to blame all this on Covid.

    This mess has been much longer in the making and this government has to bear the responsibility.

    Waiting lists were the highest on record before the virus arrived.

    Average life expectancy had stalled after decades of improvement.

    And the health gap between the poorest and wealthiest parts of the country had increased.

    And why are we in this mess?

    Why have we got to this point, where the NHS itself is in a critical condition?

    It’s not hard to work out what has gone wrong.

    The NHS went into the pandemic short of 100,000 staff.

    In social care, there were 112,000 vacancies.

    Even before the pandemic, patients could not be discharged from hospital bed because there were too few places in social care and too few staff.

    The consequences of 12 years of Tory failure are coming in.

    This is what always happens with Tory governments.

    It always ends this way.

    And I am afraid it may well get worse yet.

    The Conservatives said they would train more GPs.

    The Health Secretary now admits he is not on track to meet that commitment.

    These broken promises cost lives.

    If there is no GP to go to people will end up going to hospital.

    A&E departments become the front door of health and social care.

    The first task of a Labour government would be to clear up the mess the Tories have made of the NHS.

    The last Labour Government brought waiting times down from 18 months to 18 weeks.

    We will need to do the same again.

    People who can afford it, are paying to go private.

    Those who can’t afford it are stuck in the queue, waiting for months, if not years, in pain and agony.

    That cannot be right.

    This is an issue about fairness, as much as it is an issue about health.

    People should get treated faster via the NHS.

    But it’s outrageous that people are being forced to spend more in the private sector simply because the Tories have run down the public sector.

    That’s why the Labour government I lead will invest properly to bring down waiting lists.

    We would start by recruiting, training and, crucially, retaining the staff we need.

    We have a five-point plan for the transformation of social care.

    We would make sure that every older and disabled person who needs care and support can get it when and where they need it.

    We would act on the principles of prevention and early intervention; an approach we call “Home First”.

    We would give disabled adults choice and control over their support.

    We would establish a New Deal for Care Workers to ensure they get the job security they deserve, and the rewards they have earned.

    And we would establish a new partnership with families to ensure they don’t put themselves at risk for looking after people they love.

    And, as we repair and strengthen, we need to learn to live with Covid.

    So that people can live their lives as normal supported by a strong health care system.

    I don’t want a government ever again to have to place tough restrictions on our lives, our livelihoods and our liberties.

    And I’m delighted to say that Wes Streeting, the shadow health secretary will be setting out the details of our plan for living with Covid in the days to come.

    New Problems

    But the job will not be done once we have dealt with the immediate crisis.

    It’s much bigger than that because health challenges are changing all the time.

    In the first half of the 20th century polio, rubella, mumps, tuberculosis, and diphtheria were among the leading causes of death.

    The NHS’s treat and cure model proved a remarkable success.

    In the second half of the 20th century, these conditions were effectively wiped out.

    In 1950, the average life expectancy was 69, today it is 81.

    People live for much longer now with conditions that would once have killed them or which they would not have lived long enough to contract.

    Many of the pressures on the NHS today are the result of our successes.

    I am delighted we are an ageing society.

    It’s wonderful that so many people live so long.

    But an older society needs a different health system.

    One that is as much about prevention as it is about cure.

    That is a bit less about the community hospital and a bit more about the community.

    A health system that is a bit less about the system and a lot more about the patient.

    Many people feel insecure about whether the NHS will be there for them in the future.

    I understand that anxiety: I share it.

    In fact, it makes me more than anxious.

    It makes me angry.

    Angry that an important national institution is being allowed to decline.

    Angry that this government has the opportunity to do something good but is instead doing nothing.

    And angry that so many people who could be helped are suffering.

    The shadow that Bevan said was lifting from so many homes is falling again.

    So let me tell you what we would do to lift it.

    How we would protect an NHS free at the point of use.

    How we would secure health care for all.

    It is obvious that the NHS needs more money.

    But that is not all it needs.

    Do not think that the NHS is automatically protected when more investment goes in.

    The NHS also needs reform, so that it works in a different way.

    We set the NHS up in 1948, to treat the diseases of 1948.

    When we were last in government, we started to reform the NHS so that it was pointed more towards the patient so that it answered the needs of the time.

    That renewal process has stalled because this government simply doesn’t care enough, if the NHS falls behind.

    It will fall to us again to establish the changes that the NHS needs if it is to remain the great institution it has been for more than seven decades.

    From Cure to Prevention

    Let me give you a flavour of the change I have in mind.

    It has been said many times that the NHS is a national sickness service rather than a truly National Health Service.

    I see health as about more than hospitals and surgeries, as important as they are.

    It is about the towns and cities where we grow up, the food we eat, our access to green spaces.

    Health is about the air we breathe.

    It is estimated that, every year in the UK, air pollution kills tens of thousands of people.

    We would introduce a new Clean Air Act to tackle this silent killer.

    Poor health affects our earnings, our relationships, and our sense of purpose.

    And its effects are measured in lower productivity and higher crime, in family breakdown, and increased loneliness and depression.

    Labour would make wellbeing matter as much as national economic output.

    My preferred definition of well-being has been given by Angus Deaton, the winner of the Nobel prize: “all the things that are good for a person, that make for a good life”.

    This is about treating people with basic respect.

    So we would expect the Treasury under a Labour Government, to weigh every pound it spends not just for its effect on national income but also for its effect on national well-being.

    A good example of a policy for well-being is supporting our mental health.

    A Labour government would treat mental health as seriously as physical health.

    We would guarantee mental health treatment in less than a month.

    We’ll recruit over 8,500 more mental health professionals to support a million more people every year.

    Every school will have specialist support.

    Every community will have an open access mental health hub for young people.

    Under Labour, spending on mental health will never be allowed to fall.

    Stress, depression and anxiety account for 18 million workdays lost every year.

    We know that the more secure people feel about their jobs the less likely they are to suffer from stress and be absent from work.

    So we would expect employers to take wellbeing at work seriously.

    Under Labour’s New Deal for Working People, people will have the security of knowing they have the right to paid leave for family emergencies.

    Security and respect at work is good for workers.

    It is good for families.

    And a healthier workforce is good for the economy.

    That is why I envisage a health service in the future which is under less strain because a healthier population needs it less.

    Let me give you an example of prevention in action.

    In the early 2000s, every pub you walked into was filled with smoke.

    More than a quarter of all British adults smoked cigarettes.

    Labour banned smoking indoors, as well as cigarette advertising.

    Now just 14 per cent of adults smoke.

    Reducing the number of smokers preventing countless people from needing treatment and it freed up beds in the NHS.

    Just think of what more we could do.

    We know that high blood pressure and cholesterol hit the poor hardest.

    The consequences are cancers, heart failures, strokes.

    Much of this can be prevented.

    And usually the earlier you act, the better.

    A community in which all are respected is itself a source of better health.

    Because the connections we have in our communities are a form of security.

    These bonds have been eroded over 12 years of Tory rule.

    The social clubs, community centres, sports clubs, the green spaces, secure homes and safe streets.

    These are all health policies.

    There is a great example in Wigan.

    Like most local authorities the Labour council in Wigan saw its budget slashed.

    Its leadership responded with great imagination.

    They decided to let the people decide the future of their own borough.

    The people wrote the contract.

    The Wigan Deal.

    Which set out what both the people and the council would do.

    Already, life expectancy in Wigan has increased.

    On average, more than two years of good health have been added to people’s lives.

    And early deaths from heart disease have fallen faster than elsewhere in the country.

    This is what Labour in power can do.

    This is, in fact, what Labour is doing in many councils all over the country.

    And what the Labour government in Wales is doing too.

    From Hospital To Home

    I want the opportunity to add to this through central government.

    Because the range of what we can do now is quite mind-boggling.

    I was really struck by the power of progress recently.

    Many years ago, my mum had her knees and her hips replaced, when she was in her 20s and 30s.

    As was typical at the time, it took her six months to recover from the operation.

    She couldn’t get out of bed for weeks.

    By contrast, recently, a friend of mine had a hip operation, and he was on his feet the same day.

    The improvement in care in our lifetimes has been amazing.

    That’s what makes me optimistic about the NHS.

    That’s why, for all the neglect of the Tories, and all the big challenges it faces I am still upbeat about its future.

    We are still only beginning to explore what we might achieve.

    There are technologies that can provide us with early warnings about the diseases we might be vulnerable to.

    “Hospital at home” technologies allow patients to track and report their conditions with remote supervision.

    We now have access to the most incredible array of information about ourselves.

    Every day, algorithms are predicting our shopping choices.

    Imagine how information like that could be gathered and the insights used for our health.

    We can connect people with information and choices about their own health.

    Which give people greater security and control of their health.

    And that in turn makes us healthier, happier and more prosperous.

    Conclusion: Only Labour

    Sadly, the NHS is not getting better at the moment.

    There is no plan.

    No strategic thinking.

    If the NHS is going to continue to look after us, then it has to change.

    And only the Labour party has the permission to make that change.

    We founded the NHS.

    We understand it.

    We have reason to be thankful for it.

    I know I do.

    We are not out of the woods yet.

    The pandemic is by no means over.

    But we should not make the mistake of thinking that once we get through Covid all will be well with the NHS.

    It won’t.

    We have a government that we cannot trust with a precious national resource.

    Nearly three quarters of a century ago this party put into practice one of its cherished principles.

    Health care, collectively provided, free at the point of use to embody the idea of equality.

    It was a powerful idea then and it is a powerful idea now.

    And every generation has to find its own way to carry the tradition on.

    Because to prosper, we need the security of good health.

    This is the health contract that we will sign with the British nation.

    Item one, to tackle the immediate crisis to bring down waiting times by recruiting, training and retaining the staff we need.

    Item two, to make mental health as important as physical health.

    And item three, to shift the focus of health care to prevention as well as cure.

    To build the communities that care for us.

    To ensure that the NHS thrives.

    To look after the NHS so it can look after us.

  • House of Lords Commissioners for Standards – 2022 Statement on Michelle Mone

    House of Lords Commissioners for Standards – 2022 Statement on Michelle Mone

    The statement issued by the House of Lords Commissioners for Standards on 18 January 2022.

    Michelle Mone is under formal investigation for alleged involvement in procuring contracts for PPE Medpro leading to potential breaches of the following paragraphs of the House of Lords Code of Conduct: 9 (a), (b), (c), (d); 12 (a), (b); 16.

  • Chris Heaton-Harris – 2022 Statement on UK-EU Negotiations on Gibraltar

    Chris Heaton-Harris – 2022 Statement on UK-EU Negotiations on Gibraltar

    The statement made by Chris Heaton-Harris, the Minister for Europe, on 13 January 2022.

    On 14 and 15 December 2021 the UK hosted a fourth round of negotiations with the European Union (EU) on Gibraltar, following previous rounds in December, November and October 2021.

    Talks have been constructive and are making positive progress. Discussions have covered a range of issues within the political framework agreed between the UK Government, together with the Government of Gibraltar, and the Kingdom of Spain on 31 December 2020.

    Ensuring the fluid movement of people between Gibraltar and the EU has been the key area of discussion. Other areas have included the movement of goods, law enforcement and criminal justice, transport, social security co-ordination, citizens’ rights, and data protection.

    Negotiations with the EU will continue in the coming weeks. The UK remains fully committed to seeking a treaty based on the careful and pragmatic balance achieved by the political framework. The UK has been clear we will not agree to anything which compromises UK sovereignty.

    We are, of course, working closely with our Gibraltarian friends for a solution that works for the people of Gibraltar so they can go about their business. The UK Government and Government of Gibraltar agreed our joint approach to negotiations at the UK-Gibraltar Joint Ministerial Council on 29 March 2021. Since then, we have and will continue to work closely together as discussions with the EU progress.

    The UK Government and Government of Gibraltar have also continued work to ensure robust plans are in place for all eventualities, including a no negotiated outcome. While the political framework provides the route to a treaty it is only prudent to prepare for all eventualities.

    In parallel to the UK-EU negotiations the UK Government, with the Government of Gibraltar, are maintaining a regular dialogue with the Kingdom of Spain.

    In December, the Foreign Secretary travelled to Madrid to meet the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, José Manuel Albares, to discuss strengthening the bilateral relationship between our two nations. The Ministers also welcomed the constructive nature of negotiations between the EU and the UK, reaffirmed their shared commitment to the political framework and agreed that it is in everyone’s interest to conclude these talks in the first quarter of 2022. The UK looks forward to hosting the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs on a visit to London in the coming weeks.

  • Lucy Frazer – 2022 Statement on VAT Penalty Reform

    Lucy Frazer – 2022 Statement on VAT Penalty Reform

    The statement made by Lucy Frazer, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, in the House of Commons on 13 January 2022.

    In the Finance Act 2021, the Government legislated to reform penalties for late submission and late payment of tax, initially from 1 April 2022, and to align interest charges for VAT with other major taxes.

    Today, I am announcing that these changes for VAT businesses will now be introduced nine months later, on 1 January 2023.

    HMRC is committed to becoming one of the most digitally advanced tax authorities in the world. The ambition and pace of change needs to be balanced with well-tested systems and good customer service, particularly when businesses are facing additional challenges and uncertainty.

    This extra time allows HMRC to ensure that the IT changes necessary for the new penalties and interest charges can be introduced as effectively as possible, ensuring a high standard of service to customers.

  • Eddie Hughes – 2022 Speech on Private Rental Price Increases

    Eddie Hughes – 2022 Speech on Private Rental Price Increases

    The speech made by Eddie Hughes, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities, in the House of Commons on 14 January 2022.

    I begin by congratulating the hon. Member for Hornsey and Wood Green (Catherine West) on securing this important debate on insecurity in the private rental market. In a country as great as ours, it should be a basic human right that people, regardless of whether they are home owners, leaseholders or tenants, feel safe and secure in their own home.

    The hon. Lady touched on a number of issues that I am sure are familiar not just to me and my constituents but to Members and constituents across the country. As she rightly pointed out, the private rented sector is the second largest housing tenure in the country—11 million people are housed in that way. In fact, 19% of people in the country live in the private rented sector. It is also housing the most diverse range of people these days. People living in the private rented sector are often older now and families rather than single people.

    Although it is the sector that continues to play a central role in providing housing across the country, it is the housing market that has undoubtedly left thousands of tenants feeling insecure and unprotected. However, this does not need to be the case and it should not be the case. We, the Government, want to shift the odds in favour of renters and deliver a better deal for them.

    People across the country should be able to expect that, when they are signing up to a rental agreement, they will be protected from wrongdoing. There is still much to do for us to reach that point, but the action that we are taking will improve the lives of people right across the country.

    As I stand here today, unfortunately, and as the hon. Lady rightly pointed out, millions of responsible tenants are living in homes in the knowledge that they could be uprooted at a moment’s notice and with minimal justification. That is not peace of mind; that is simply wrong. To give people the confidence they need to be able to plan for the future, we are stepping up with the biggest change in legislation for the private rented sector for a generation by abolishing no-fault evictions—section 21s as they are more formally known. This is the centrepiece of our plans to raise standards across the whole of the private rented sector and reflects our determination to drive out rogue and unscrupulous landlords. Our reforms will deliver a fairer, more effective rental market and, later this year, we will publish the White Paper that sets out the blueprint for the whole sector. I appreciate completely that the hon. Lady is very keen for us to progress, but it is important, given this once-in-a-generation change, that we make sure that we have consulted widely with people from across the sector to ensure that we get it right.

    In the meantime, the hon. Lady can be assured that we are not resting on our laurels. We are engaging with the widest possible range of voices, including stakeholders and organisations from across the sector. As much as we sometimes like to pretend, politicians do not always have the answers. Hearing and listening to these views would not only ensure that the White Paper and future legislation actually address the challenges that exist, but help to create a system that works for everyone.

    As part of a range of actions to address the urgent and pressing needs of the generational pandemic that has arrived on our shores, we acted to keep renters safe in their homes. We banned bailiff evictions, extended notice periods, and provided unprecedented financial support to people and businesses. These measures worked: fewer households were assessed as homeless; there are fewer rough sleepers today; and fewer possession claims are now being made in the courts. We will make sure that build back better is more than a slogan. As we recover from the pandemic, it is right that we do everything we can to improve the security of tenants in the private rented sector and learn the precious lessons from the interventions that we adopted to make sure that we deliver greater protection for tenants and empower them to hold their landlord to account.

    The hon. Lady is right to raise the issue of no-fault evictions. Currently, landlords can evict tenants with as little as two months’ notice once their fixed-term contract has come to an end without even needing to give a reason. The practical implication of this unjust situation is that the tenant can find themselves living with the worry that they may be evicted at the click of a finger. Other tenants continue to endure poor standards for fear that they will asked to leave if they complain about the problems in their home, as the hon. Lady pointed out. That is why the Government are committed to abolishing section 21 of the Housing Act 1988. No longer will tenants find that their landlord is evicting them on a whim with no reason given as to why they have to relocate their lives or disrupt their children’s education. In the future, landlords will always have to provide a specific reason for ending a tenancy, such as breach of contract or waiting to sell the property. It will also help to end revenge evictions where landlords may evict tenants who rightly complain about poor standards, as raised by the hon. Lady. It will protect tenants from having to make frequent and short-notice moves, and will enable them to put down roots and plan for the future.

    In 2019, we consulted the public on our proposed reforms to the tenancy framework and how we should take it forward. About 20,000 people gave us their views, and we are listening. While we continue to drive forward work on sector reform, we also recognise that affordability concerns can cause insecurity for renters, and we are committed to tackling that.

    It is unfortunate to hear of issues that constituents have raised about rent hikes. Under the existing legislative framework, private sector landlords can increase the rent in two main ways. First, during the fixed-term period any rental increases are set out in the tenancy agreement, allowing landlords and tenants to agree arrangements that suit their circumstances. Secondly, once the fixed-term has ended—and if the agreement transitions to a statutory periodic tenancy—a landlord is able to adjust the rent once a year under section 13 of the Housing Act 1988. The landlord must serve a notice to the tenant informing them of the proposed change. If the tenant does not agree with the landlord’s intention, they can refer the matter to the property chamber of the first-tier tribunal for independent adjudication. The tribunal will consider the application and decide what the maximum rent of that property should be if let on the open market, considering, obviously, the conditions of the local housing market. Tenants may also have a rent review clause in their contract.

    We are clear about the fact that it is for landlords and tenants to agree the amount of rent that should be charged at the outset of a tenancy, but the Government are keen to avoid any unintended negative consequences related to abolishing section 21. As part of that, we are determined that there should not be any mechanism for landlords to force a tenant to leave a property by including clauses in tenancy agreements which hike up the rent by excessive or unreasonable amounts just before the agreements are due to expire.

    While three quarters of private renters found it easy to afford their rent, we understand that affordability may be an issue for some, and that they may require additional support. For tenants who are unable to afford their rental payments, a range of support is available through the welfare system, alongside the unprecedented financial package helping renters to afford their housing costs during the pandemic. That has meant that, even given associated pressures of covid-19, the vast majority of renters—93%—are up to date with their rent. That shows that the comprehensive package of support provided by the Government is preventing widespread rent arrears as a result of covid-19.

    I hope we can all recognise that the Government are steadfast in their commitment to building a private rented sector that works for everyone: a sector that introduces a better deal for renters, and improves the lives of people across the country. Ours is a Government who are pursuing reforms that will ensure that good landlords can flourish and continue to provide the homes that the country needs, but it is also a Government who are protecting tenants from sharp practice and removing criminal landlords from the sector, and are building back better from the pandemic. We are committed to rebalancing the relationship between tenants and landlords to deliver a fairer, more secure and more desirable private rented sector. While that will not happen overnight, it will happen. We get it: we understand the challenges that exist in the sector, and we are open to dealing with them. That is why it is so important that we continue to drive through our reforms to ensure that we deliver on our aims.

    We are aware that we need the support of the entire private rented sector if we are to achieve these goals. It is in that spirit that I again thank the hon. Lady for securing this important debate, and assure her that I intend to continue to drive through the Government’s ambitious agenda of reform in the sector.

  • Catherine West – 2022 Speech on Private Rental Price Increases

    Catherine West – 2022 Speech on Private Rental Price Increases

    The speech made by Catherine West, the Labour MP for Hornsey and Wood Green, in the House of Commons on 14 January 2022.

    I called for this debate, and was successful thanks to the Speaker’s office, following the recent shocking treatment of a group of residents in my constituency by their landlord, which brought insecurities in the private rented sector into sharp focus. In November last year, I was contacted by several residents living in a block of flats in Hornsey and Wood Green. After their building was sold to a new landlord, they received either section 21 notices to evict them or section 13 notices saying that their rent was set to soar by an eye-watering 30% to 40%.

    Those tenants included families who had lived there for decades and they were understandably devastated at the thought of losing their homes. Like me, they could not understand how an increase on that scale could ever be justified or how a landlord could kick out reliable long-standing tenants for no reason in the middle of a pandemic.

    I am pleased to say that, following weeks of representations by my office to the new owners, the threat of adverse publicity in our local campaigning newspaper and the help of the charity Shelter and local Hornsey Labour councillors, I learned this week that the new owners had rescinded some of those notices and offered tenants new contracts on more favourable terms. Although that is welcome news for most residents, sadly, for some of them, the landlord’s change of heart two months after the notices were dispatched has come much too late.

    This example highlights the huge power imbalance between private landlords and their tenants, which is currently upheld by existing housing legislation. That is why I am urging the Government to end section 21 notices, as they committed in their 2019 general election manifesto. I am asking the Minister to provide an answer today on when the renters’ reform Bill, promised in the Queen’s Speech, will be introduced.

    In that block of flats in my constituency, seven households were issued with section 21 notices, which enable private landlords to repossess their properties from assured shorthold tenants without having to establish fault on the part of the tenant. Such measures are sometimes informally referred to as no-fault evictions. Many of those householders have lived in their flats for several years, in some cases decades, and are raising their families there.

    One family who were issued with a section 21 notice have been renting their flat since 1991. They raised their daughter there and, now in their 60s, cannot afford a mortgage, because in that period, as the Minister will understand, the average price of a property in a place such as Hornsey and Wood Green has sky-rocketed. After the family challenged their landlord over the notice, they were told that their only other option was to accept a 40% rent increase.

    Another resident whose family were issued with a section 21 notice after living in their flat for five years explained that his family had been left in an extremely difficult and precarious situation. To make matters worse, those notices were issued in mid-November, with section 21 notice recipients expected to find a new home and move over the Christmas period in the midst of a global pandemic. When challenged on that, the new managing agent for the block said that there was no good time to serve a section 21 notice. He is right, but there are some very bad times, and that was one of them.

    Many other tenants in the blocks were issued with section 13 notices of rent rises of up to 40% with as little as four weeks’ notice. One of those residents explained to me that when she moved into her flat as a single parent, she enjoyed the sense of community in the block, which is home to a number of families. The landlord’s aggressive move to increase her rent by 30% to £2,000 per calendar month for a two-bedroom flat in Hornsey would have made it impossible for her to pay.

    The only recourse available to those who receive section 13 notices is to refer them to a tribunal. However, this process can be lengthy, complex, time-consuming and a waste of public funds, particularly for those struggling to access expert advice. Moreover, there is nothing to stop landlords subsequently issuing a section 21 notice if the tribunal decision does not go in their favour. The Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, who has worked with tenants and landlords to develop a new and fairer tenancy model—the London model—has called on the Government to reform court processes to make it easier for renters to challenge rent increases and eviction notices. He wholeheartedly supports this Adjournment debate.

    Particularly given the Tory household budget crisis, it is an injustice that any landlord should be able to behave in this way. When I contacted Shelter for advice, I was told there is nothing to prevent private owners deciding to take possession on a large scale like this, even during a global pandemic and on the eve of Christmas.

    Living with that level of uncertainty can be detrimental to the wellbeing of our community. Shelter’s survey of private renters in 2021 found that 39% said their housing problems or worries left them feeling stressed and anxious, and many parents have reported to Shelter that the insecurity of renting makes it harder for their children to settle. Living in homes on short, fixed-term contracts with the threat of eviction or a looming unaffordable rent hike makes planning for the future extremely difficult. Frequent moves are not only expensive but disruptive to employment and children’s education.

    Living in constant fear of eviction also makes renters less likely to report disrepair problems, which is an issue I see all too frequently in my constituency, where 17,000 households are privately renting. Shockingly, a quarter of privately rented homes do not meet the decent homes standard, with 14% having a category 1 hazard that poses a very significant safety concern.

    Although there are some actions the local authority can take to ensure landlords address the most serious disrepair, Citizens Advice found that private renters who make a formal complaint to their local authority have a 46% chance of being served with an eviction notice within six months, which is a severe deterrent to reporting disrepair to the local authority.

    Eleven million people, including 1 million children, are now living in rented accommodation. In the past this was just a short-term option before one purchased a home or before one was able to get on a housing list. Now, with 11 million people living in privately rented accommodation in the UK, this has become an urgent issue. The number is expected to grow in the coming years, with 40% of London’s households expected to be living in the private rented sector by 2025. This is no way for the city’s inhabitants to live.

    The last piece of comprehensive legislation affecting the private rented sector was introduced in 1988, when the number was far lower. With a growing number of people affected across the country, the Government need to act urgently. First, when will the renters’ reform Bill be brought to the House? Secondly, when will the Government live up to their promise to build more genuinely affordable homes? By that I mean homes with rent at the level of council rents so that people can afford to save while renting and can get on to the housing ladder if they wish to do so later.

    Everyone has the right to a safe and secure home. It is shameful that, three years after promising to end no-fault evictions, renters such as my constituents in Hornsey and Wood Green are still living with the fear of being made homeless by their landlord due to this Government’s failure to act. I urge the Minister to address these concerns, which are shared by so many in my constituency, across London and across the UK—11 million people are affected in the UK.