The letter sent by Slough Borough Council on 11 August 2022.
Tag: Speeches
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John Hayes – 2010 Speech to City and Islington College
The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at City and Islington College on 17 June 2010.
Thank you and good morning everyone.
Arthur Hugh Clough wrote that: “if hopes were dupes, fears may be liars”. And it seems to me that the words of this unjustly neglected poet are a particularly apt place to begin my remarks on what has been an unjustly neglected sector.
I know that many of the hopes that the last government raised for further education ultimately proved illusory.
And perhaps the most important thing I want to say today is that the fears which you may have for the future will prove equally misplaced.
But before I try to justify that bold statement, I must first thank you all, and especially Frank and his staff, for accommodating my request for an early start this morning.
For being here for me.
I have to go to Parliament shortly for a debate on the importance of skills in building and maintaining a strong economy and, of course, that’s closely linked to what I have to say now…
Even before Lord Leitch published his compelling analysis of the problem, it’s been no secret to most of us that skills are economically vital. And that doesn’t apply just to the manufacturing and industrial sectors, but right across our economy, to the service and retail sectors, and the public sector too.
Employers can’t stay in business without people with the right skills for the job. While people can’t hope for a good job without the skills employers are looking for. Without the right skills, inward investment will dwindle because we can’t compete for jobs on the grounds of cost with countries where low wages are the rule. And of course we wouldn’t want to. We are thankfully beyond dark, satanic mills.
But we can still compete effectively in ways which would have been unfamiliar to Mr Gradgrind. Through the business environment that the government creates. And, crucially, through the skills of our workers; skills which are still vital in the high-tech world in which we live than when William Morris majestically celebrated the joy of craft.
Few people, and very few politicians, would disagree with any of that. Indeed, I know that you’ve heard members of the previous government say similar things, albeit with less style.
But the similarity of aims should not obscure absolute difference of view about mean. You see my own analysis differs fundamentally from theirs, and the good news for you and particularly for me it that both the Prime Minister and Vince Cable agree with me, not my predecessors.
I believe, like Ruskin, that “industry without art is brutality”.
Too often in the recent past, the strength of the economic case for skills has been portrayed as the only case for skills, creating an implicit and in my opinion wrongheaded divide between learning that is useful and learning that is useless. We emphasise the economic and overlook the social and cultural benefits of learning at our peril.
The previous government’s concentration on the utilitarian aspects of learning excluded too much valuable activity and too many people. I see learning as a single whole, not a series of separate silos. Learning a skill to do a job should lead into learning for pleasure or self-fulfilment, and vice versa. But more the acquisition of practical skills is virtuous for its own sake as it instils purposeful pride. We enjoy what we learn to do well.
Likewise, the line between further and higher education should be a permeable membrane, not an iron curtain.
As soon as people start to treat the various styles and levels of learning as discrete entities, they also begin to erect the sorts of arbitrary barriers that stop learners moving from one to another, barriers that are the antithesis of the ideal of lifelong learning. And, of course, the people worst affected by these barriers are the most disadvantaged in our society, those furthest from learning and with fewest chances for progression.
These are all reasons why, in my view, no learning should be treated as if it were without point and every new element added to our collective stock of knowledge and skill should be applauded. Everything any of us learns adds a new brick to the edifice of civilised life. Those with the will and commitment to learn, however they do it and whatever they choose to study, should be admired and encouraged. None should be disparaged as one of Browning’s “picker-up of learning’s crumbs”.
The services this college offers to its community – services the excellence of which has repeatedly been recognised – are a case in point.
I recently took a look at your summer courses and was pleased to see intensive ceramic-throwing in there alongside more obviously vocational options like beginners’ computing and level 3 perming effects.
I think the author of The Stones of Venice would have approved.
But it’s the economic rather than the social or cultural case for skills that has been used by some not just to downgrade learning for its own sake, but as an excuse for the centralised command and control arrangements that have been foisted on adult educators over the past decade and more.
Now we must finally acknowledge that this approach, even in the terms of its own narrow criteria, has failed.
As the UK Commission of Employment and Skills reported in the Ambition 2020 report published last year, on recent trends, we are likely to slip from 18th to 21st in OECD rankings for intermediate level skills by 2020.
On recent performance ‘we will not be in the top eight countries of the world at any skill level’ in ten years time.
The highly centralised and bureaucratic system that developed over the course of the last Government meant that funds that could have been used on teaching and training, to dirve up skill levels, have, instead been devoted to formulating detailed plans and complying with targets.
Bean counting, hoop jumping, form filling – these were the skills my predecessors most admired.
Instead of enabling colleges and other providers to respond to needs of businesses and learners in their areas, Ministers, isolated in their Whitehall Offices, thought that they had a better idea of what these needs were.
Excessive bureaucracy sapped precious energy from our education system.
And, even worse, it led to systemic failure in the form of a F.E. capital crisis from which the sector is still reeling.
The LSC encouraged bids that would have cost 10 times more than the available funds.
144 capital projects were frozen.
79 of these projects had already received agreement in principle, and many colleges incurred considerable costs .as the result of what the Foster Review into the crisis described as ‘mismanagement’.
The top-heavy target driven bureaucratic system failed, as it was bound to. As Andrew Foster concluded, the LSC was too slow to respond: ‘there were straws in the wind, early storm warnings, but the problem was not crystallised fast enough.
There has to be a better way. An increasingly dynamic economy necessitates a dynamic skills system. If we are to build a highly skilled, high tech economy Colleges and independent providers need to be able to respond quickly to the needs of learners and employers.
That is why this government must and will offer further education a new beginning. – From satanic mills to bows of burning gold in one speech.
Before being appointed as Minister I was fortunate enough to have enjoyed a long Apprenticeship as Shadow Minister for Lifelong Learning, Further Education and Skills. Over the past five years I have held countless meetings with College Principles, their representative bodies and others from the sector.
I visited innumerable colleges across the country.
Everything I said in Opposition, and everything I say now in Government has been informed by the relationship I have built with FE.
I’ve listened to what you have had to say.
Which is why we came into government with the promise to set colleges free.
Now is the time to start delivering on this promise.
That’s why I’ve to come here, to a college, to announce publicly that we’re starting today. This is not the end of a process, but only the beginning.
Vince Cable has written this morning to the Chief Executive of the Skills Funding Agency setting out our ambitions for the Agency’s in 2010-11.
In parallel, I have also written today to colleges and other training organisations. My letter announces a number of ways in which the burdens on them will be lightened:
First, I am removing the requirement to complete Summary Statements of Activity, with a resulting reduction in performance monitoring of employer responsiveness.
Second, the Government has already announced the removal of Ofsted inspections for schools with outstanding performance – I will work with Ministerial Colleagues to introduce the same way approach to the FE sector removing inspections for Colleges with outstanding performance’.
Third, I will also remove the regulatory requirement for college Principals to undertake the Principals’ Qualifying Programme. That is not because I do not want appropriately qualified principals, but because I know that there are a range of development opportunities and qualifications which can enhance principals’ capabilities to run colleges.
Individuals and their institutions should be free to decide what package of development is appropriate to suit individual circumstances.
We will, of course, work with the Learning and Skills Improvement Service to ensure that there are high quality development opportunities available to prepare for and carry out leadership roles in the sector. This will allow governors to reassure themselves about the skills and capabilities of those seeking to take up leadership positions or to develop further in those roles.
And fourthly and most importantly, I will enable all colleges except those which are performing poorly to move money between adult learner and employer budgets, because you know best how to help you learners’ fulfil their potential and meet employer needs.
I hope that these are all changes which you welcome. But they are not an end in themselves. They are only a beginning, a first indication of this government’s determination to deliver on the promises it has made to providers and learners alike. To draw a line under the mistakes of the past and deliver a better future.
With this Government FE is no longer the poor relation. Cinderella is going to the ball.
With freedom comes a fresh challenge, as the costs of compliance is reduced I will be looking for colleges to find efficiencies. This may be, for example though the use of shared services and new approach to procurement. And colleges freed from constraints will also find new, better and more efficient ways of responding to local needs.
It won’t have escaped you that there are other things that the government has promised, too. And that chief among them is to tackle the public sector deficit and secure our economic recovery. You may therefore suspect that, as I have come here today with some goodies for colleges in one hand, I’ve probably got a big stick in the other.
So now you’ve at last got a Minister who is going to treat the FE sector as grown ups lets talk frankly. Members of the government from the Prime Minister down have striven to be completely frank with people about the scale of the savings that will need to be made to bring the public finances back under control and the pain that will inevitably result.
I certainly can’t pretend that further education will be excluded from those challenges. But I can give you some indications about how it will be managed.
So for the rest of my time this morning, I want to turn my attention to an area where we announced that there would be changes: the £1 billion Train to Gain programme. I know that there has been a lot of comments about this in the sector and among employers and it’s important that I should make our intentions clear.
George Osborne’s budget announcement a couple of weeks ago saw £200 million from the Train to Gain budget, refocused where we know it is needed most . £50 million of that money is being recycled into new capital grants for colleges, while the remaining £150 million will pay for 50,000 extra apprenticeship places this year.
The main point I want to make is that the money saved was not taken from further education and skills. A quarter of it is going to help alleviate a serious problem for many colleges; a left over from the capital crisis I spoke of earlier, while the rest will continue to support training in the workplace.
In that context, those of you who have followed the debate around further education policy over the last few years will know how much store this government sets on apprenticeships. There are many good reasons for that. First and foremost, the apprenticeships model is not only work-based, but work-focused. It passes on the practical skills needed to do a particular job in a way that is widely appreciated and understood.
The evidence also shows that apprenticeships add more to a person’s earning-power than any other form of practical training. Someone may begin an apprenticeship unable to do anything that might fit them for a skilled job. But they emerge as – and I’m not afraid of the word – a craftsman. I am as proud of medieval stonemasons, who build so many of our cathedrals – and an apprenticeship can still rightly involve learning how to use a mallet and chisel – as I am of the software designers, film technicians, aeronautical engineers that emerge from today’s apprenticeships.
Demand for apprenticeship places is growing and one of our priorities is to encourage more employers to participate. Apprenticeships are both a route to key competences for employees and a vital way to help employers build highly skilled, efficient businesses.
We must also seek new ways of guiding people from lower-level engagement into apprenticeships, and from apprenticeships into higher education or other forms of further study.
Academic study should not, and both David Willetts and I are determined it won’t be, seen as the only thing that carries value. Practical skills are often undervalued, but that’s usually by people who don’t and couldn’t ever have them.
As a youngster growing up in south east London, I realised that I was only clever enough to be an academic. I was not clever enough to use my hands to make and do things. And the older I get, the more I revere the practical skills of my forbears, their craftsmanship and the pride they were able to take in it.
But as effective as apprenticeships are, they are not the be-all and end-all of workplace training. That is why we have never proposed, as some people mischievously claim, simply to end funding for other work based training and put all of the money saved into apprenticeships instead. And let me say once and for all that there’s nothing whatsoever wrong with helping people to train whilst in work.
But there’s everything wrong with waste at any time and above all at times like these. Train to Gain was always too blunt an instrument to be efficient, craft the skills we need and its impact was never proportionate to the enormous amounts of money it cost.
Indeed, the National Audit Office found that that the scheme did not provide good value for money.
Apprenticeships have value, for people and for employers. People understand what they are and the benefits they bring. But for some, that won’t always be right. And we’re determined that we won’t repeat the mistakes of the last government by driving towards one arbitrary goal without actually considering what else employees and employers need.
So one of the big questions I’m going to be seeking to answer over the next few months is what are the right things for the government to do to support employers and people for whom apprenticeships aren’t the right answer, as we create a comprehensive, efficient and effective workplace training offer.
One of the key issues is eliminating deadweight – where taxpayers’ money is simply substituted for money that employers would spend regardless. Because every pound that my Department spends to zero effect is a pound that won’t be spent on other public services or in helping to bring down the deficit, or simply left in the pockets of the people who worked hard to earn.
There are clearly also questions around the specific needs of particular economic sectors, and also whether special provision should be made for small and medium-sized enterprises who often find it more difficult than larger organisations to absorb the time and cost pressures that staff training can involve.
Finally, there is the problem of bureaucracy on which I have already touched. Whatever new arrangements to support workplace training are established – including the provisions of information, advice and guidance to employers and learners – must avoid the pitfalls of excessive paperwork that have put so many people off training and frustrated employers.
Those are some of the key issues that we will need to address soon. Others will occur to those of you with direct experience of training in the workplace. And that’s another important point.
I am determined not to sit in Whitehall and remotely form a picture of how things are in colleges or workplaces. As I have done during our time in opposition I will consult, listen, learn and act.
I want to take time to talk to people like you about how things are, and what we should do to make them better.
Lets agree on the clear that action is needed, to build on what is working in the further education and skills sector and set right what is not.
Change is coming and, as Dr Johnson so rightly said in the preface to his dictionary, “change is not made without inconvenience, even from worse to better”.
It behoves all of us here, whatever the inconvenience and however difficult the transition, that the changes that are coming lead to a better deal for the learners whose hopes, in our various ways, we hold in our hands.
I began my speech by quoting a poem by Arthur Hugh Clough. The last line of that poem is quite well known – “But westward, look, the land is bright”. This was once famously quoted by the last leader of a British coalition government before David Cameron. Even at one of the darkest moments of the war, Churchill was inviting Britain to look to the future with confidence. And even amid our current troubles, I invite you to do the same today. Because I firmly believe that the future for colleges is bright. I am determined to work unceasingly to make it so.
Today, we take the first step towards a better, freer, more empowered further education system.
Today we start to unchain the immense human capital in FE.
Today, with the changes I have announced, we have made a new beginning. But tomorrow we must strive together to bring the process of rebuilding to fruition. Let us make sure that looking back we will be able to say that rebuilding started here, today, with us.
And I hope that we will feel able to say, that Cinderella lived happily ever after.
Thank you.
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John Hayes – 2010 Speech on the Government’s Skills Strategy
The speech made by John Hayes, the then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills and Lifelong Learning, at the QEII Conference Centre in London on 10 June 2010.
Thank you Elinor and good afternoon everyone.
What I have to say this morning sits comfortably between the points that Francis Maude has already made on public service reform and what David Freud will say later about welfare.
Further and higher education are public services, quite as essential in their own way to maintaining our way of life as the NHS or the police force.
Like other parts of the public sector, the previous government borrowed and spent billions on post-compulsory education. But much of this was wasted. Spending has risen far quicker than performance. And all too often, extra money has been spent not on improving the quality of teaching and learning, but on driving the system from the centre.
This is not the fault of the sector or those who implemented public policy, it’s the fault of the politicians who pushed these policies through parliament.
That goes not only for universities and colleges, but also for the education quangos that sprouted like mushrooms over the last decade.
On Monday, the Prime Minister said that the consequences for the public sector of the financial crisis that this government inherited will be “painful”. I don’t want to make light of the fact that further and higher will inevitably bear their share of that pain. But even if the credit crunch had not happened and our economy today was booming, there would still be compelling reasons for this government to seek greater efficiency in further and higher education, informed by a sober analysis of what has worked and of what hasn’t.
As I’ve no doubt David Freud will tell you shortly, welfare, too, is in urgent need of reform. And there are parallels between the difficulties that beset the benefits system and those we are striving to address in further and higher education.
Some people call the benefits system a safety-net. And that’s also how post-compulsory education has often been treated in recent years.
Now, safety-nets have their place in extremis. But, personally, I think that most people would find a springboard far more useful.
[As Winston Churchill remarked] “We are for the ladder, let all try their best to climb” and a net, “below which none shall fall”.
The last government made much of more people going into our universities rather than straight into a job or vocational training. But what about all those who were encouraged to aspire to the benefits that higher education brings, only to have their hopes dashed because there was no university place available for them?
We’ve also heard plenty in recent years about the numbers of adults whose training in the workplace was funded by the government. But we heard rather less about the fact that two-thirds of them got absolutely no benefit in terms of higher pay or career progression as a result.
What price lifelong learning for people who’ve been let down like that, especially those whose previous experiences of learning had been far from positive?
Educating adults – educating anyone – therefore has to be about giving the reality of opportunity, not just the illusion. Educating adults has to be a driver of social, economic and personal improvement, not a means of keeping the unemployment statistics artificially low.
All that implies that, notwithstanding the current state of the public finances, the government has a large agenda for change to deliver in further and higher education.
I hope that you’ll forgive me if I spend the rest of my time this afternoon talking mainly about the way our plans to reform further education and skills are developing. That’s not just because further education and skills are my area of Ministerial responsibility, but also because I’m reluctant to repeat so soon after the event the points that my colleague David Willetts made in Oxford only this morning about our plans for higher education. His speech is already on our department’s website if you’d like to read it.
So far as further education and skills are concerned, our plans are built around three basic principles.
First, we must replace the bureaucratic, target-driven, top-down regime to which colleges, employers and learners alike have become used with a genuine devolution of power within the system. I see the Government’s primary role as being to create a framework which helps individual people and their employers to get at the learning they want or need. An indispensable part of achieving that goal is removing the barriers that get in the way of learning providers’ efforts to respond to what their customers are asking for.
For example, there are better ways of measuring the outcomes that trainers achieve than simply counting the number of qualifications gained. The emphasis must be put on progression, whether that’s to higher skills or to other forms of lifelong learning, including informal learning. Bureaucracy which creates artificial distinctions between further and higher education, between different types of institutions or programmes, or between formal and informal learning stifles the creativity that is the essence of a responsive skills system.
Second, we must eliminate waste and inefficiency wherever they are found by taking a robust attitude to value for money. That means, for example, refocusing the Train to Gain programme. The National Audit Office found that about £250 million a year from this programme was being spent on things that employers would otherwise have funded themselves. That can’t be allowed to continue.
But I want to make clear that what must continue is training in the workplace and public support for employers who want to offer it. That, too, is an assessment based on value for money. Vocational qualifications delivered in the workplace provide better wage returns on average than qualifications delivered in colleges, while apprenticeships offer the highest returns of all.
That’s a subject on which I’ll be saying much more when I speak at City and Islington College next week.
For the moment, I’d just like to remind you that the £200 million cut in the Train to Gain budget that George Osborne announced on 24 May was not money lost to further education. Neither was it a vote of no-confidence in workplace training. Quite the opposite, in fact, because the money deducted from Train to Gain is being reinvested to create 50,000 new apprenticeship places and to offer £50 million in new capital grants to colleges left in the lurch by last year’s funding fiasco.
Third, I believe that education should be about people, not just numbers. It must hold out the promise of good things for those who seek “to know wisdom and instruction; to perceive the words of understanding; To receive the instruction of wisdom, justice, and judgment, and equity”. Not my words, of course, but Solomon’s, from the Book of Proverbs.
And indeed, we must never forget that the individual learner must be placed at the heart of the whole learning process.
People should be helped to identify learning opportunities, whether at work or in college, that will lead them towards a better job or a more fulfilling life.
People should not just be left floundering without education, employment or training. No one deserves to be broken on the wheel that revolves from a dead-end job to unemployment and back again.
Some of you will have read the speech that Vince Cable gave at the Cass Business School last week. In it, he described the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills as a “department for growth”. The contribution of post-compulsory education to that mission is essential. I don’t just mean its contribution to economic growth, driven by the higher productivity that better work-related skills bring. I also mean its capacity to spark the personal growth and the growth of a more developed sense of community that all learning brings.
The need to find efficiencies is no reason to counsel despair in further education or elsewhere. As Cardinal Newman put it, “Let us act on what we have, since we have not what we wish.”
And as I hope I’ve shown in the last few minutes, the government’s plans for further education and skills are far more ambitious and progressive than a diet of cuts and more cuts. Our proposals are not just to inform learners, engage employers and get off the backs of providers, but to give them the power to ensure that the system works in their best interests will be the most radical reform that skills has seen in at least a generation.
Whatever the economic weather, adult learning matters. There is much we can do, much we must do, to ensure that the beneficial power of adult learning reaches everyone, building stronger communities, stronger business and a bigger society.
Thank you.
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Vicky Ford – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Ethiopia
The statement made by Vicky Ford, the Minister for Africa, on 1 September 2022.
The return to conflict between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Ethiopian Government is catastrophic for the people of Ethiopia. This development risks tens of thousands of deaths – both directly through fighting, and indirectly through a further deepening of the already dire humanitarian situation. 22 months since fighting first began, it is clear that there is no military solution.
The cessation of hostilities agreed in March 2022 created an opportunity to resolve this conflict politically and enable Ethiopia to return to sustained development and economic growth. The resumption of fighting makes the path to peace much more difficult. Tigrayan forces should immediately cease fighting in Amhara region and return to Tigray. Eritrean forces should leave Tigray. We remain confident that progress towards peace can be made if talks begin.
The conflict in northern Ethiopia has contributed to one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, leaving 13 million people in Tigray, Amhara and Afar requiring humanitarian assistance. Conflict, and the TPLF’s seizure of fuel from the World Food Programme, makes the work of humanitarian agencies more difficult. The UK urges all parties to the conflict to guarantee unfettered humanitarian access by immediately ceasing hostilities. The UK calls on the Ethiopian Government to urgently restore services to Tigray and the TPLF to enable the seized fuel to be used for aid distribution and critical services.
Previous phases of the conflict were marked by terrible violations and abuses of human rights, including sexual violence. The UK will strongly support all efforts to ensure accountability for violations and abuses, including by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia. There have already been reports of airstrikes on Tigray by the Ethiopian Government resulting in civilian casualties, and of ethnically targeted arrests. It is the responsibility of all parties to the conflict to prioritise the protection of civilians, respect human rights and uphold International Humanitarian Law.
The only way to resolve this conflict is to reinstate the cessation of hostilities and immediately begin political negotiations. We support the African Union’s mediation efforts to this end, and urge a redoubling of these efforts to avert further escalation.
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Boris Johnson – 2022 Speech at the Commissioning of HMS Anson
The speech made by Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister, at Barrow-in-Furness on 31 August 2022.
Thank you very much Captain Bing.
Deputy Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen, it is fantastic to be here in Barrow, which is the crucible of British marine engineering, of course, and the historic vast maternity ward of these steel leviathans.
And when you look at HMS Anson ladies and gentlemen you are looking at the climax of eleven years of high precision effort by 10,500, brilliant shipwrights, and sonar experts, and weapons engineers – a concentration of talent and expertise that can be mustered by only two or three other countries in the world, at the most.
And on this special day, we give them our thanks.
And you’re looking, by the way, at a vessel that is five times as long as the chamber of the House of Commons and I think you will agree is an international argument considerably more persuasive than some of the things that are deployed in the chamber.
And this is also as the lady sponsor, as the wonderful lady sponsor pointed out this is the home, the place of work, play and rest for one hundred and ten brave submariners at sea, week in week out in the service of our country and to them in anticipation I think we should give our thanks.
When you’re looking at HMS Anson, you are also looking at a vast UK industrial project that represents all that we mean or certainly all that I mean by levelling up, that’s driving jobs and growth and the acquisition of skills up and down the country, sonar built in Somerset torpedoes built in Portsmouth, propulsion system, I think I might even say from Derby, Rolls Royce in Derby.
And you will know that those Rolls Royce reactors were, which are shortly going to be fired up, I think for the first time, they are the basis of the small modular reactor programme that this government has commissioned as part of our strategy to ensure that the people of this country get reliable supplies from the UK of the energy, affordable energy, that we need.
And I’ve just been informed by the by the brilliant people in BAE that these engines run so quietly, that the most important feature of this machine is that for all its enormous bulk.
And by the way, it’s I think it’s smaller than the dreadnought, but it’s still colossal.
All its bulk, you cannot hear it coming.
And I can tell you that I’ve just been out with the Metropolitan Police this morning on a dawn raid.
Coincidentally, in Lewisham, I think maybe South Norwood.
And I can tell you how important, is the element of surprise.
And we arrested a drug dealer, ladies and gentlemen that he was suddenly surprised to see me at the foot of his bed at 530 in the morning, he seemed remarkably pleased actually.
The element of surprise is crucial. And that is why HMS Anson is so vital for our defence, by leave of the Ministry of Defence and my great friends. The Secretary of State for Defence, I can tell you roughly what this boat does, it doesn’t actually carry the nuclear deterrent itself though it does carry as you know, plenty of other lethal stuff, but it does protect our nuclear deterrent.
And therefore today, ladies and gentlemen, what we are looking at is the policemen of the world, gathering intelligence protecting our sea lanes cruising up behind you silently you do not even know it’s there and invisibly helping to create that forcefield around us that is warding off attack on NATO countries for 80 years or getting on for 80 years keeping safe, a billion people around the world.
That is what this machine does.
And that’s why I’m so pleased, by the way, but under the AUKUS agreements with Australia and with the United States, the technology we hope in the submarine will be used to help keep people safe across the whole of the Pacific region as well.
Now, some people will continue to insist that this is a weapon of war.
I tell you that she is a guarantor of peace.
And in this uncertain world, we need that guarantee more than ever.
I congratulate all those who designed her. All those who built her. And I know that in the decades to come, all those who are going to set to sea in her.
And I know that in decades to come, when she’s out at sea, unseen beneath the surface of the water, keeping us safe, we will all remember the day that we were here in Barrow to see HMS Anson commission.
Thank you, God bless this wonderful submarine and all those who sail in her.
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Timothy Kirkhope – 2002 Speech at the European Convention
The speech made by Timothy Kirkhope on 21 March 2002.
This is the second convention on which I have sat, having been on the Charter of Fundamental Rights Convention. Although I was not totally happy with the results of that Convention, it did establish a new model of negotiation which excites me and many other people too. The Guardian newspaper in Britain this morning rightly said that this Convention will be seen to have more democratic legitimacy than the secretive wrangling of national leaders as witnessed most recently at the Barcelona summit.
We must remember that Europe is not on trial here. Europe is part of the equation, part of the democratisation of Europe. After all, the peoples of Europe want to see all the institutions, not only the European ones but also the national Parliaments themselves, look carefully at their own activities. Maybe they want to reclaim some powers from Europe. At the same time, there is a general lack of confidence in politicians that we will have to address in the work we do here.
I want to just support you, Mr. President, in what you have said about young people. I believe that the future of Europe is not just ours. I hope I’ve got a little of a future left in Europe, but young people have a much bigger future and a bigger stake in the future of Europe. It is therefore essential for us, as part of the listening process that we are now embarking on, to make sure that young people are a significant part of the consultation process and that their aspirations for the future are listened to. I shall certainly consult very carefully with young people, Mr President. You identified it yourself and I think you hit the nail on the head, as they say, in doing so.
My only other remark is this. When consulting civil society, it is terribly important for us to draw the boundaries of civil society as widely as possible. There are some who call themselves representatives of civil society but who actually represent narrow vested interests. In order to avoid this problem, we must consult widely as part of the listening process.
Whatever we get at the end of this process, I hope it is a great success, and I hope we regain public confidence in our institutions.
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Peter Ainsworth – 2002 Speech on the Environment, Challenge and Opportunity
The speech made by Peter Ainsworth on 21 March 2002.
Given that the environment is where we all live, I’ve never understood why, historically, it has come so low down the pecking order of political priorities.
For years it was regarded as the unique preserve of cranks, new agers and people with strange beards. The caricature, usually unfair, of the tree hugging weirdo was easy to dismiss.
But should we have so lightly dismissed the work and warnings of poets and writers who, from the outset of the Industrial Revolution that built and sustained cities like Sheffield, began to show an acute regard for the relationship between man and nature?
The sense that something quite serious was going wrong runs like a thread through literature, from Wordsworth to TS Eliot, from Blake to Betjeman and Philip Larkin.
They worked from instinct, but 200 years after the start of the Industrial Revolution, science has begun to catch up with instinct and we know we have a problem.
It was in fact Margaret Thatcher who changed the whole nature of the debate about the environment. In a speech to the Royal Society in 1988, she took many by surprise in launching a series of new initiatives to protect the local and global environment, observing that “we have no freehold on this earth, only a full repairing lease”.
Politicians who dismiss the environment should remember that parliamentary seats can be won or lost on issues like incinerators, landfill sites, housing schemes, quarrying proposals, and flood defences.
So let’s put paid, once and for all, to the notion that the environment is not politically important.
We live in a time when the world has never been more connected. The internet, satellite television, mobile phones, email can put us in touch with almost anyone from almost anywhere at the press of a few buttons. These connections mean that this world has become, for mankind, a smaller place. What happened in New York on September 11th had an impact on communities as far afield as Sheffield and Sydney.
Yet there is a big paradox, in this age of connectedness, people feel that they have never been less connected with each other where it really counts; at home or in the communities where they live and work. Indeed, the very word ‘Community’ is in danger of becoming a meaningless piece of political jargon in a country where most people live in cities and don’t even know who their neighbours are, let alone share with them a developed commitment to work together and share their ideas and experiences.
So the age of connectedness is also an age of palpable alienation for many people. A time in which, perhaps not surprisingly, casual and violent crime is on the increase.
What has any of this got to do with the environment?
Well, as I have said, the environment is where we live, it is quite literally everywhere; it is the context in which we lead our lives. If we degrade the environment we degrade ourselves. Conversely, a society that invests in its environment is not only placing a proper emphasis on the quality of the lives of its citizens, but also recognising its obligations to future generations. In so doing it helps to create a more stable society and, internationally, a more secure world.
Those of us who care about the state of society are concerned by the indifference shown by large numbers of people, especially younger people, to politicians in particular and politics in general. The fact that more 18-25 years olds voted for Will or Gareth in Pop Idol than voted for Will or Tony in the General Election tells its own story.
One of the reasons for the profound and, ultimately, worrying disconnection between politicians and voters is that politicians have utterly failed to keep up with the changed nature of the public’s aspirations. If we begin to work on the basis that there’s more to the quality of life than the standard of living, and that the quality of our shared environment helps to determine the quality of our lives, maybe we can begin to speak a language which people will understand.
For this to happen, Government needs to ask itself what it is there to achieve, and to understand that, without the active support of people, nothing will happen at all.
As Iain Duncan Smith has said:“People’s best intentions are defeated if doing the right thing actually makes them worse off. The job of Government is to align people’s best interest with their self-interest; to make it easier for people to follow their natural inclination to care for the environment; it is about giving purpose and direction to what people are prepared to do for free”.
In practical terms, this means for example making it easier for households first to reduce the amount of waste they generate and then to recycle more of it. The costs of doing this need to be seen against the costs of not doing it – the financial, environmental and political costs of, say, large scale waste incineration or landfill, and I don’t need to tell people in Sheffield about those.
As you may know, the Conservatives are presently engaged in a fundamental review of policy. The development of detailed policy will come later, but this does not prevent us from articulating some basic principles from which specific ideas will evolve.
We believe in reducing the power and the role of the state; in increasing the opportunity and choice which people can exercise in their own lives; in providing security for our citizens; and in supporting enterprise.
How might these principles be applied to the environment?
Firstly, we recognise that the environment is not simply a national issue; that there is a need to work with the EU and other international organisations to forge binding global commitments to meet our obligations to future generations. I am delighted by the progress made towards ratification of the Kyoto Treaty. Though there remains much to do to persuade the developing world that it is in their interest to join up, and of course the onus is now on the US to come alongside the rest of the developed world.
Secondly, we accept that there is a role for regulation to control activities which are contributing to climate change or which threaten the local environment . But regulation should be carefully targeted, properly thought through in genuine consultation, simple and effective. There are too many complex and overlapping regulations at present; the result can be a bureaucratic nightmare which hinders compliance and gives environmental protection a bad name. Law of unexpected consequences is an every present risk. The hugely expansive shambles of fridge mountains is an object lesson in exactly how not to regulate.
We need to establish a more mature relationship between Government and industry; one which avoids arbitrary intervention but is based instead on a recognition of mutual needs, abilities and responsibilities.
Thirdly, we believe that there is a role for fiscal intervention in the interests of a better environment. But we must ensure that environmental taxes actually deal with environmental problems.
A Climate Change Levy which does virtually nothing to prevent climate change but which costs manufacturing industry £ million and exports jobs to countries with lower environmental standards is obviously counter-productive.
An Aggregates Tax which nobody, including the Treasury, understands and which simply increases imports of products made from aggregates is plainly likely to fail.
If we are to have taxes which discourage environmentally damaging activities let’s be straight forward. For example, if we are concerned about the impact of carbon emissions on the future viability of the planet (and we should be) shouldn’t we be thinking about taxing carbon emissions and seek to persuade other countries to do the same?
Fourthly, we need to get away from the idea that Government action, the passing of new laws and regulations, is the answer to everything.
I went into politics because I believed in its power to make things happen, not to stop them happening.
It is important to emphasise that I am not advocating a laissez fair approach to the environment, the stakes are far too high for that. On the contrary, I believe that we need a step change in our approach to tackling environmental problems which reflects both the urgency of the need for action and the scale of the business challenge which this presents. Instead of seeing environmental improvement as a problem, we should start to see it as an opportunity.
That’s what companies like Shell and BP are doing. Across the world, Shell is working on the delivery of 1,000 megawatts of renewable wind energy, aiming not only to achieve major environmental benefits but also to improve security of energy supply through diversification. The company is also now investing heavily in a joint venture to develop, manufacture and market hydrogen storage units which make use of the emerging science of fuel cell technology. They claim that fuel cells, which could revolutionise the way we power vehicles, are “the power plant of the future”.
Last week, Lord Browne of Madingley, the Chairman of BP, made a speech in Stanford, Connecticut in which he detailed how, in the last 5 years, BP has cut the level of its own CO2 emissions by 14 million tonnes. They have achieved this through efficiency and technology, and through better management of the energy they use. The result has not only been beneficial to the environment, but also beneficial to the business.
He also drew attention to BP’s investment in renewable energy sources, where their work on photovoltaics is on track to deliver 300 megawatts of solar panels each year by 2007 – supplying five million people. The market for these products is at present very small, but it is growing at around 40% this year and, particularly given the massive scope for their use in the developing world, the potential is immense.
I have chosen to highlight BP and Shell because they have traditionally been regarded as environmental villains. Whilst their mainstream activities still depend on the exploitation of non-renewable resources, they have seen the new market opening up for cleaner, greener technology – and they want to be part of it. They will need to be part of it if they want to retain leading positions in the energy market of the 21st Century.
The present global market for environmental products and services is worth around $515 billion, and it is forecast to grow to nearly $700 billion by 2010. That makes it not only one of the world’s largest business sectors, but one of the fastest growing. In the UK the market is already worth £16 billion and is thought to sustain some 170,000 jobs – and they can’t all be local authority inspectors.
I want to see more British companies playing a leading role in developing new technologies which will not only mean new high quality jobs, but also a cleaner, safer, more sustainable planet.
In the end, it will be up to you in industry to take up this challenge. But it is Government’s job to set the framework in which you can maximise the opportunities which are out there. You will not be helped if the Government’s mind-set remains wedded to outmoded concepts of tax and regulation. Already, Germany, Austria and Denmark, for example, are moving ahead of us; and it is interesting to note that the examples I used earlier from Shell and BP involve investment in overseas markets, not in the UK. There is a real danger of Britain being left behind.
Just as we need policies that make it easier for people to care for the environment, to align their best interest with their self interest, so we need policies which do the same for business.
We need an approach from Government that moves beyond flailing sticks which all too often miss the target, and offers instead some carrots if we are to take advantage of 21st century technology for the benefit of the planet, and the bottom line.
Since the dawn of the Industrial Revolution the interests of economic development and the interests of the environment have essentially been in conflict. It is a conflict we cannot allow to continue, and forging a reconciliation between these two forces is one of the great challenges to our generation of politicians, businesses and citizens. I believe not only that it can be done, but that it must be done.
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David Heathcoat-Amory – 2002 Speech to the European Convention
The speech made by David Heathcoat-Amory to the European Convention on 22 March 2002.
Our prime task is to create a Europe on the firm foundations of democratic involvement and consent. If we don’t get this right everything else will fail. To do this we must be honest with ourselves: the present EU is widely regarded as remote, unaccountable and wasteful. The gap between the political class in Europe and the public has never been wider. Our task this year is to close it. This will not be done by juggling with the existing EU institutions, each seeking more powers. That would intensify the problem, not solve it. Instead we must ask a very basic question: How do people feel themselves to be democratically represented? The answer is overwhelmingly at the level of the nation state. There is no European demos which compares with this. It follows that the only solution is to transfer back to national level a substantial number of powers exercised at EU level.
Second, the acquis commounitaire must not be exempt from our scrutiny. It runs to 5,000 pages, the supreme expression of bureaucratic man. It is also an unfair burden on the applicant countries which struggle to implement and enforce it. The acquis must be radically pruned back. The EU must find a reverse gear to match its forward gears.
Third, we must find new decision-making mechanisms for those matters which we agree should be decided supranationally. Again there is an inescapable role here for national parliaments. To do this we must be bold and creative. It is a strength of this Convention that we can step outside the confines of the traditional debate and look for new solutions.
Does this mean a retreat for Europe? Possibly, for some vested interests and established conventions. But for Europe as a whole it would be an advance, and an advance on secure foundations.
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Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Speech to Bled Strategic Forum
The speech made by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, on 29 August 2022.
Good afternoon, Ladies and Gentlemen!
Dear participants of the Forum!
I am grateful for this opportunity to address you and everyone present, as well as all Europeans!
Today is an important day for us – the Day of Remembrance of the Defenders of Ukraine who died in the struggle for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of our state. At this time, in August 2014, Ukrainian warriors were vilely killed near the city of Ilovaisk in Donbas. They were brutally shot by Russian troops. Ukraine lost hundreds of its sons then – in a few days. Hundreds of those thousands perished in the war since 2014.
In the war that reached the scale of a total war on February 24 of this year. Russia’s full-scale war against the life and freedom of our people, against ordinary peaceful cities that are being destroyed by Russian artillery, and against the culture of our people, which Russia wants to completely erase – Russian propagandists and officials do not even conceal this goal, they say absolutely openly that they want to destroy everything Ukrainian. So that it does not exist.
They do not perceive the very fact of the independent existence of our people. Like any of your people. As we repel Russian aggression on our soil, we protect every European people from exactly the same expansion – the expansion of those who have nothing human left in them.
Is there any human in someone who rapes children in front of their parents? In the one who forces the inhabitants of the entire village – everyone from small children to the elderly – to sit in the basement of the school for a month? Is there any human in someone who strikes heavy anti-ship missiles, which were built to destroy aircraft carriers, at an ordinary shopping mall full of people. In the one who supplies shells to the artillery, which day after day burns city blocks, ordinary residential buildings. In the one who interrogates and tortures people in the so-called filtration camps created by Russian forces throughout the occupied territory. Imagine: XXI century, filtration camps. Is there any human in someone who separates Ukrainian children from their parents and gives them for criminal adoption in Russia knowing that these children have relatives in Ukraine. Relatives who are alive and who are looking for them.
When we talk about Russian aggression against Ukraine and all of Russia’s pressure on Europe accompanying this aggression – and this is very cynical pressure, this is the deliberate destruction of normal economic and social life, this is the energy and price crises in Europe, which are artificially exacerbated by Russia – when we talk about all this, we mean not only those who are at the highest levels of the Russian power hierarchy. We are talking about thousands and thousands of different people with the passport of a Russian citizen.
About those who shoot at our soldiers on the battlefield and shoot civilians in the back of the head. We are talking about those who press the buttons to strike Russian missiles at Ukrainian cities. About those who design and manufacture these missiles and other weapons used for terror. Those who work in companies that provide for the Russian army and special services. Those who conscript, transport and in every way support Russian murderers. We are talking about those who provide for corrupt Russian officials and generals, who manage numerous businesses that are related to corrupt Russian officials. Those who sow hatred for any manifestation of freedom, promote war, support repression. Those who remain silent when they see all this and do nothing – do not protest, do not fight – even when they are completely safe in European countries.
Russia’s war against Ukraine has been ongoing since 2014. For more than six months, the Russian state has been spending all its available resources to destroy our state and split Europe. Most European countries have already seen and experienced one or another of Russia’s attempts to put pressure, inflict damage and bring suffering to people.
And according to the logic of any normal person, it is the citizens of Russia who have something human left in them who should be the first to oppose the war. If they have conscience, if they have shame. But we do not see constant and noticeable anti-war protests with the participation of citizens of this state – even where there is no risk for them of any repression for protests, I repeat this once again. Why so? I’ll leave you with that question. It is complicated – so why is it so?
Europe is not a quiet haven where you can just sit out the time when someone else is fighting against Russian terror. But, unfortunately, many citizens of Russia perceive Europe this way. That is why they need European visas. And, unfortunately, none of your states is immune from the fact that war criminals, on whose hands there is the blood of Ukrainians, will come to you simply as tourists, and one day they will receive an order – and they will become not tourists at all.
It shouldn’t be like that. And all of us in Europe have to protect ourselves from this. Both those who are part of the European Union and all other European countries. Because Russian terror is an equal threat to all of us, to all who live here, to all European nations.
The one who does not fight against terror supports it, and therefore shares the responsibility for all its consequences. This should be the rule that overrides all other rules. A state that threatens everyone around it – from the Baltic states to Kazakhstan – should be under a full embargo from everyone in the world who values freedom and respects themselves. We need an embargo on all relations with Russia, with a terrorist state, as long as Russia continues the war, occupies foreign territory, destroys the lives of other nations.
Ladies and Gentlemen!
Ukraine is paying the most terrible price for freedom and for the ideals we share with you. Thousands of people died. Dozens of cities and villages were destroyed, now they are black ruins that look through burned windows at Russia and whether the world is able to stop it and bring it to account for everything done against peaceful people.
Millions of Ukrainians were forced to leave their native places fleeing hostilities. And we can’t stand seeing how someone under the flag of the occupiers humiliates our people in some European cities sometimes. We can’t stand seeing how thousands of those responsible for this war smile cynically, hoping that Russia will succeed in breaking Europe and returning to, as they call it, business as usual. And hundreds of millions of people throughout the free world can’t stand seeing it either.
Hence, we need to act now so that our shared freedom is protected for generations to come. The stability and free development of Eastern Europe, the Balkans and all other parts of our continent of values, our continent of freedom must be protected and guaranteed. And that means very specific things.
Sufficient defense support for Ukraine, support with weapons, shells, so that this war does not drag on, so that victory is achieved as soon as possible.
Sufficient sanction pressure on Russia – to destroy the illusion of the Russian leadership that they will be able withstand the struggle against the free world.
Sufficient protection of Europe itself – our people, our markets from Russia’s hybrid aggression, which is betting on the spread of crises and poverty as much as it is betting on weapons.
This also means our close coordination in strengthening our association, in the integration processes in Europe, in security cooperation between our states. A stronger Ukraine means a stronger Europe. A stronger Balkans means a stronger Europe. We must continue to help each other on the European path, as we are doing now.
And it is imperative that the entire European Union, all European countries and the entire free world encourage Russian citizens to fight for a change in Russian state policy, encourage them not to remain silent and not to be complicit in terror.
You know what to do. I am grateful to everyone who is already helping Ukraine. By helping us, you gave not excess, but what really matters to you. We appreciate it. We know that when we are fighting, when all of us are fighting together against this aggression, we are not just fighting for ourselves, but for Europe to win. The real struggle of each country for independence is a difficult path, it is what generations gain. And now we have the opportunity to achieve victory for ourselves, for our children, for our grandchildren, for all generations of our nations who fought for freedom earlier.
I am sure we will win. We will win together. And this will be done in the name of Europe, in the name of all those who gave their lives for freedom.
I thank you for your support!
I thank you for your attention!
Glory to Ukraine!
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Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Speech to MEDEF Business Association
The speech made by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, on 29 August 2022.
Dear Mr. President of the MEDEF!
Dear ministers, dear MEDEF members!
Ladies and Gentlemen!
I am grateful to you for the invitation, for this opportunity to address you, to address in your person the entire people of France – each and every one who believes that no one has the right to destroy someone’s life.
I know that MEDEF unites and protects the interests of hundreds of thousands of businesses in France. You represent people who have created and who are developing businesses in different areas, completely different industries.
You represent people who work hard to be able to provide for their children and exercise their rights. The right to live, the right to be free, the right to happiness, the right to well-being, the right to housing, the right to education, the right to work, the right to a decent wage and other absolutely common modern human rights.
And in fact, your association represents the very people that I, as the President of Ukraine, represent.
Our people wanted nothing more than to live in their own country, enjoy their freedoms, work for their own good and the future of their children. Ukraine did not go to someone else’s home with weapons. Ukrainians were not going to rob any other people or any state. We cared about our social development, our democracy and dreamed that one day we would be in the European Union together with you and other nations of Europe.
And that is why this Russian war against Ukraine began. The leadership of Russia saw that Ukraine can become and is becoming a positive example for our region. An example that democracy can give more to society than dictatorship can. This seems to be an obvious opinion in Western Europe, but in the east of our continent, and especially in the territory of the former USSR, this is not an obvious fact, it needs to be proved. And Ukraine did everything to prove it.
Our state set an example of how to take care of society without crazy dollars and euros earned from the sale of oil and gas. How to create opportunities for social development. How to strengthen the regions of the state, not drain money from them. How to build modern infrastructure. How to create such opportunities for citizens that others in our region simply do not have thanks to the openness of society and the modernity of state institutions.
In particular, we conducted and continue to digitize public services. Our goal is to ensure that relations between a citizen and the state, between any company and the state take place without the mediation of a government official. This is a necessary condition for overcoming any risks of corruption and for the real freedom of people and business – something that dozens of other governments cannot dare to do. And this is something that every Ukrainian has in his smartphone today. This is “Diia” state service, which gives people dozens of different opportunities: from digital documents and vaccination certificates to the ability to register a business or pay fines.
We combine our economy and energy sphere with the European market and other advanced world markets. We have deposits of natural resources that are critically important for the world economy, including lithium, titanium, uranium, etc.
Ukraine has already become a guarantor of global food security. The value of our agrarian exports was fully demonstrated when Russia blocked Ukrainian ports, and as a result, the global food crisis aggravated.
Russia’s war against Ukraine is not just a colonial war in the worst sense of the word, it is not just an attempt to appropriate our land, resources or the potential of our people. Through the destruction of Ukraine, Russia is trying to destroy the hope of all nations near its borders and all peoples in the territory of Russia itself that freedom will really work. That democracy will help with development. That human rights and human dignity can give society more than the mercy of some dictator.
That is why the Russian war against Ukraine is so brutal. That is why it became total from the first minute on February 24.
That is why Russian cruise missiles and artillery destroy everything from day one. Everything that was built and developed by generations of Ukrainians. Schools and hospitals, universities, railway stations, airports, residential buildings of ordinary people, factories, bakeries, port facilities and even ordinary tire repair stations, ordinary shopping malls, machine-building plants, water plants, power plants – absolutely everything.
Dropping a bomb on a maternity hospital, a theater or a warehouse with food is all the same to the Russian occupiers. All these are the same targets for them. Burning cities and making millions of people forcibly displaced are just tools for them. Because Russia’s goal is to destroy Ukraine as a democracy, a social state, an economic power, a society of educated people who know how to work for their own interests. Like all people.
But that is why I believe in our victory. When someone is at war with an entire nation, he has no chance. For us, this is a people’s war. And nations are invincible! And when the nation has such friends like the Ukrainians have, victory becomes inevitable.
I am sincerely grateful to you, the people of France, and I am personally grateful to President Emmanuel Macron for support in this fight for freedom. I saw how Emmanuel was looking for a diplomatic way, looking for steps to stop the war.
I have devoted several years as president to finding a solution, a peaceful, diplomatic model of coexistence without war. But, unfortunately, the leadership of Russia does not want to live without war. The leadership of Russia considers the free and democratic life of Ukraine as an existential challenge for itself. That is why they want war and destruction. They think that this way they can secure their dictatorship for many years.
And that is why it is important to achieve victory. It is important to do everything so that the victory takes place as soon as possible. It is important to do everything so that Russia can never again blackmail either Ukraine or France. You don’t feel it as much as we do yet. And hopefully the war will not come to your land, but this is it. All this is their plan. Neither any European state, nor Europe in general can be blackmailed with a war, an energy crisis or a food crisis.
It is important to rebuild Ukraine after the war. Peace for Ukraine, guarantees of security, restoration of everything destroyed by the Russian occupiers will be clear proof that the European idea is stronger than any dictatorships, and the values of freedom, equality and mutual aid overcome any terror.
And that is why I am addressing you today. Ukraine can give you thousands of contracts, thousands of jobs. We need your experience and your participation in post-war reconstruction. We have already started – on the free territory of our country.
We invite construction companies to take part in infrastructure reconstruction, localization of production of construction materials.
We invite companies that can help in the modernization of communal infrastructure – water supply, water purification, waste sorting and processing.
We invite energy companies to produce and store gas, build green energy, produce hydrogen and develop our nuclear energy industry.
We invite automotive companies to localize the production of electric cars and components.
We invite food companies to engage in agro-processing and food production for the 40-million market of Ukraine and the entire European market with which we are fully integrated.
And we will come to the entire territory of our country currently occupied by Russia in order to return this territory to Europe.
Perhaps some of you already know that at the level of our Governments – Ukraine and France – we are preparing to hold such an initiative in Paris in the autumn – a forum on the recovery of Ukraine. I invite your companies to participate in this initiative.
I know that there are companies that have already responded and are participating in the reconstruction of our state. In particular, I am grateful to Matière company for its support in the restoration of our bridge infrastructure.
I would also like to thank the Île-de-France region for starting a partnership with the Chernihiv and Kyiv regions, and the Grand-Est region for a partnership with the Kharkiv region. And I am also grateful to all other small and large cities of France, which came to the aid of Ukraine in this important, cruel time.
I remember how last year, even before the start of the full-scale war, we met in Kyiv with the MEDEF delegation. Good ideas and ambitious projects were discussed. I want to confirm – we will be able to implement them, we will be able to do a lot together.
Because we equally value freedom, equally respect human rights, equally care about social development.
We are all people, we are all Europeans, and that says it all!
Thank you for your attention!
Thanks, France, for your support!
Glory to Ukraine!
