Tag: Speeches

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the New All-Age Careers Service

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the New All-Age Careers Service

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 4 November 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone.

    For anyone who feels as passionately as I do about the value of practical skills, it’s a pleasure to be here in Belfast. This is a city in which skill has always been honoured, whether it’s the skill needed to build a ship or to produce the perfect Ulster Fry.

    And it’s a city whose people are, in consequence, more vividly aware than most of how important it is for the young to gain the skills that will serve them well when they try to find their place in the local jobs market. So I congratulate the Institute warmly on their choice of venue for this year’s conference.

    Of course I’m fully aware that the different parts of the United Kingdom each have their own approaches to careers guidance. But no one has a monopoly of wisdom in this area and one of the reasons why this conference is so valuable is that it offers the chance for us to compare approaches and learn from each other.

    Differences only go so far. What I hope we all have in common is a recognition that even the best skills system in the world can’t deliver half its potential unless it is supported by a structure that helps prospective learners to take well informed decisions.

    Like me, many of you will no doubt recall the Everyman Library. The library’s still going strong after more than a century. But I guess most of us still know it best from the pocket-sized red hardbacks that can still be found in any second-hand bookshop.

    J M Dent’s original and very laudable aim in establishing the series was to make 1,000 of the classics of world literature available to ordinary working people at a shilling a time.

    There are those, no doubt, who would dismiss that aim as an example of Edwardian paternalism. But at a time when compulsory schooling ended at the age of twelve, there was nevertheless a great deal of truth in the epigraph that opened every volume:

    _Everyman, I will go with thee
    and be thy guide,
    In thy most need to go
    by thy side.
    _
    There’s certainly no doubt that, a hundred years ago, most adults needed guidance to help them progress down the road to self-improvement through self education. Just as it’s true that today, in the 21st century, many people need extra help to get onto the ladder that leads to success in life.

    I’m not speaking only of people from disadvantaged backgrounds, though it is for them that the stakes are perhaps highest. Because, if navigating the canon of world literature can be confusing, so can mapping a path through the seemingly inexhaustible range of career options and qualifications routes that are available in the modern world.

    Because we are determined to eradicate unfairness and disadvantage from our society, to create an environment in which the only limit on any person’s ability to go far is the extent of their own efforts. We must first identify and then overcome the barriers which currently hinder people from progressing.

    So what I want to say to you today is not just about careers guidance but about what good guidance can achieve. Careers guidance makes a difference. It’s in the engine room of social mobility; a vital part of the machinery of social justice.

    Good advice doesn’t just transform lives. It transforms our society by challenging the pre-conceived ideas about what each of us seeks. And what all of us can achieve.

    I take it that no one here would disagree that one of the biggest barriers that many people face today lies in the inability to match the right learning opportunities with the right employment choices to achieve their aspirations. Unless we inherit great wealth, this is an obstacle that virtually all of us have to face.

    And to face it successfully, there are few people who would not do better with good, professional advice of the right kind, at the right time. If we believe in fairness and if we believe in social justice, then we must also believe in the value of advice and guidance in helping people find the right path.

    The evidence clearly supports that conclusion.

    We know that young people who stay in education or training post-16 are more likely to find employment, and that guidance in the final year of compulsory schooling is an important factor in their decision to stay on. We know that many young people drop out of post-compulsory education or training because it does not meet their expectations, or because their chosen course was unsuitable.

    The right guidance is no less important to adults. 82 per cent of adults receiving careers guidance say that it is instrumental in their decision to learn or seek training. And over 20 per cent say that a lack of information is a significant barrier to learning.

    Guidance is also an important key in unlocking access to learning and progression for those facing disadvantage, helping them become socially mobile.

    Early career decisions can have the most important impacts on mobility through the course of people’s lives. Failing to progress can have a damaging effect on social confidence, which can hamper mobility. There is also evidence that guidance of insufficient quality can create barriers to learning for young people who face significant disadvantages.

    Guidance is also essential in helping people aim as high as they can. Alan Milburn recognised this in his report on access to the professions, noting that “guidance is crucial in helping young people to develop ambitious but achievable plans, which are more likely to lead to positive outcomes.”

    Sir Martin Harris’s report on widening access to Higher Education reinforces this picture, noting that students with similar qualifications from disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to apply to and attend the most selective courses or institutions than their more advantaged peers. He also notes the impact of good quality advice on social confidence.

    And most recently, Lord Browne has made very clear recommendations in his review of Higher Education. In his view, “[careers guidance should] be delivered by certified professionals who are well-informed, benefit from continued training and professional development and whose status in schools is respected and valued.”

    So whether promoting social mobility, or helping people make educational and training choices, the importance of high quality careers guidance cannot be ignored.

    Alan Milburn’s report was titled “Unleashing Aspiration”, and that is exactly what I believe high quality careers guidance has the power to do, for young people and adults everywhere.

    There is also another important reason why we need to act.

    The impact of changing economic circumstances means that skills demands will increase at every level.

    As Leitch put it, better skills will be needed at higher levels “to drive leadership, management and innovation – the key drivers of productivity growth”, at intermediate levels to implement investment and innovation, and basic skills are “essential for people to be able to adapt to change”.

    The OECD stresses that as emerging economies start to deliver high skills at moderate cost, the OECD countries must themselves reform their skills policies. High quality advice and guidance is key to this development, but as Leitch pointed out “the current system in England is fragmented and fails to integrate advice on learning with careers advice”.

    We have to respond to these challenges.

    In whichever part of these islands we live, if we seek to promote social renewal by enabling more young people and adults to realise their aspirations of getting on in life; if we seek to support growth and productivity at every level; then effective, high-quality careers guidance is indispensible to our cause.

    At present, in England, we are falling short of that ideal far too often. We have not moved on far enough from the days when, to quote Disraeli, “To do nothing and get something formed a boy’s ideal of a manly career”.

    So let me outline what we propose to do about it.

    Of course, we must start from the position that the coalition Government inherited. And that’s by no means all bad.

    But while I recognise that there are examples of the Connexions service providing good careers guidance, the quality of careers advice for young people has not been consistently high. The universal aim of the Connexions service has meant, in practice, a dilution of its capacity to provide high quality, expert, impartial careers guidance.

    So I am clear that we need to restore a focus on specialist expertise in careers guidance for young people.

    Meanwhile, for adults, I appreciate that the Next Step service is an important achievement. But I want to go further still.

    Many of you know that I have long argued for the creation of a single, all-age careers service.

    A single, unified careers service would provide major benefits in terms of transparency and accessibility. And a single service with its own unique identity would have more credibility for people within it as well as users than the more fragmented arrangements that are currently in place.

    There are a range of other benefits, including the ability to support young people more effectively during their transition to adulthood. And that’s why creating an all-age service will be one of my and my Departments’ most important tasks over the coming months and years.

    As we go about this, it’s important to recognise that we’re not starting from scratch. On the contrary, we will build on Next Step, and on Connexions because we must not lose the best of either.

    In advocating this, I am certainly under no illusions about the Spending Review settlement. But if we are going to create the sort of comprehensive guidance service that I and many others think we need, then we will simply have to do more with less.

    That’s by no means an impossible task. Not if you approach it with pride in the importance of the task and with a willingness to use innovation and creativity where money is in short supply.

    So we will find new ways of providing face to face guidance that give young people, adults and communities what they need, and get the best from careers professionals

    Bringing careers advice for young people and adults together will help us to achieve some savings. But we will need to go further, and become much more imaginative in the way we make use of resources.

    We have a golden opportunity to build a service that will endure and the sector must rise to this challenge. There are always a hundred reasons to delay action until times change.

    There are doubters who will argue that we should wait until the financial situation is easier. Or until other reforms have bedded down. Or because it’s just less bother to let sleeping dogs lie.

    But I am a doer not a doubter, I believe that reform is needed now. Both to meet our national labour market needs better and to widen individual opportunities.

    We must build a path to a fairer and more open society.

    My vision for that future rests on two core principles:

    The first is that independent advice must be underpinned by professional expertise. That implies both strong leadership and a workforce of the highest calibre.

    Whatever good careers advisers achieve – and it’s a great deal – their public status too infrequently matches the importance of their job.

    So we will revitalise the professional status of careers guidance, looking to the Careers Profession Alliance to establish common professional standards and a code of ethics for careers professionals.

    We will implement the recommendations of the Careers Profession Task Force. In doing so, we will consider the Taskforce’s recommendation on levels of qualification, particularly the speed at which we could move towards establishing Level 6 – equivalent to an Honours degree – as the minimum standard for practising careers advisers within the service.

    We will also work with the Careers Profession Alliance and with awarding bodies to ensure that careers qualifications include an appropriate focus on the essentials of careers guidance.

    And we will insist that the all-age service meets demanding quality standards. Competition will be important in avoiding the complacency that can cause quality to slide.

    But most importantly, whether the public comes to recognise a culture of excellence amongst careers advisers depends mainly on you.

    On your ability to embrace the opportunities that reform offers. On your willingness to step up to the task of raising the status of your profession. On your determination to deliver the change we need to make individual dreams come true as they fulfil their potential.

    The second core principle of reform is independence.

    Young people and adults need impartial advice, which is independent of any organisation with a vested interest, and which is underpinned by objective and realistic information about careers, skills and the labour market.

    Just as I want to make sure that everyone has access to professional, independent advice, I also want to make sure that institutions know where that advice can be found.

    We will discuss with the sector how best to do that, perhaps by establishing a register of providers who meet the highest standards, and by a kite-mark, and by awards for excellence.

    I want all careers advisers to take pride in their profession, and to take their own professional development seriously. They must be seen to be the experts in their field and the most trusted source of advice.

    I want the professional organisations to lead the process of continuing to strengthen the status of advisers. That’s in their own interests, just as it’s in ours to empower them to play that role

    Because with greater independence comes greater responsibility.

    The rationale for change and the basic aims for reform are clear. So we need now to get on with the job.

    It is never too soon to fight the battle for social justice. We must not delay.

    So I can announce today that we will put in place as much as possible of the basis for an all-age careers service by September next year. And building on that, we will push ahead so that the all-age service is in place by April 2012.

    An indispensible part of that work will be gaining the confidence of educational institutions at all levels.

    Individual schools and colleges know their own learners and are better placed to assess their needs than anyone else. So it follows that on them must fall the responsibility for ensuring that all learners get the best advice and guidance possible.

    That should, of course, include information on vocational options like apprenticeships, as well as on academic options.

    I know that many schools do this very well already. They work effectively with their local Connexions service, and I have no doubt that they will continue to work effectively with the all-age careers service.

    But we ask too much of our teachers when we expect them to be excellent pedagogues and professional careers advisors. So too many schools are not equipped to provide young people with a full understanding of the options open to them. As a result, the ambitions of some are prematurely limited.

    That’s a waste that we just can’t afford.

    And that’s why I am clear that close partnerships – whereby schools work together with expert, independent advisers – must be at the heart of our new arrangements.

    I’m acutely aware that, with so much already expected of them, it would be asking too much to expect schools to keep up to date with all the latest developments in the labour market. So I want them to recognise the importance of independent, impartial, professional careers guidance, and to invest in it.

    I am confident that schools will want to secure the best for their students.

    For our part, we will provide them with the information and tools to secure independent and impartial guidance that empowers pupils make informed decisions about their future.

    With over 40 per cent of young people progressing to higher education these days, there’s an important role for universities too.

    Universities will continue to provide their own advice and guidance. But we will still encourage use of the all-age service and encourage its quality standards to be widely applied.

    I recognise that all this represents a significant shift for many within the careers sector, and, in particular, for local authorities, who are currently responsible for ensuring all young people receive careers guidance through the Connexions service.

    So let me make it clear that they will continue to have a vital role to play. Without them, we could not meet our target of achieving full participation by 2015.

    Local authorities in England will continue to be responsible for helping vulnerable youngsters to move forward in their lives and to participate in education, employment or training.

    They will need to maintain – as they do now – accurate data on young people’s participation in order to target support effectively on those who would otherwise suffer disadvantage.

    All this amounts to a serious programme of work. But my ambition, and that of the Coalition Government, does not stop there. Over time, I want to create an environment in which English careers guidance is recognised for the important public good it is, in which young people, adults, schools, colleges, universities and whole communities see its value, use it and invest in it.

    That’s a big task and it will require us to make some important changes. And I wanted this conference to be the first to hear them.

    I can confirm today that:

    First, we will ask the schools inspectorate to carry out a thematic review of careers education and other information, advice and guidance services for young people;

    Second, we will ask relevant national bodies to work with the careers sector to help schools, colleges and training organisations to learn from and share examples of good practice.

    Third, we will collate and publish clear evidence of the benefits and uses of careers guidance.

    Fourth, we will look at ways of recognising success and excellence, for example, developing awards for careers guidance professionals and those who have benefitted from it.

    And finally, we will consult you, the careers sector, on the scope for introducing a License to Practice for careers guidance, and the role it might play in securing quality.

    I will be asking the members of the Careers Profession Taskforce to monitor the progress we are making across this range of work, and intend to follow their recommendation to ask them to do so via two reports to the Government, one in March 2011 and one in March 2012.

    Careers guidance is often an important part of the journey for each individual. Very often when advice is bad, so are outcomes.

    But provided at the right time and in the right context, good advice from a trusted source can make the difference between sustained engagement in education, employment or training and a lifetime of disappointment,

    Engaging, inspiring, increasing social mobility – the job you do is the stuff of dreams.

    My plans aim to a radical and challenging programme of change. Delivering it successfully will require not just the efforts of those directly involved in providing careers guidance services, but of the wider education and training sector, too.

    Nevertheless, I know that the will for change, and a recognition of the benefits it can bring to millions of people’s lives, thrives here.

    And I know that the Institute will welcome the announcement of an all-age service for England.

    You called for it. We promised it in opposition. And we will deliver it in Government.

    In our hands lies the chance to change peoples prospects. What greater privilege, greater challenge can there be than the chance to change the future.

    I trust that you will have questions for me.

    Thank you.

  • Boris Johnson – 2022 Speech on Energy

    Boris Johnson – 2022 Speech on Energy

    The speech made by Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister, on 1 September 2022.

    Good afternoon everybody

    Thank you for coming today, thank you for coming everybody to Sizewell

    It’s wonderful to be here and to see this astonishing plant and to meet the staff and some of the young people who are going to be working here, already are working here..

    Now, when I was a child, I had a wonderful book – a much thumbed ladybird book called the story of nuclear power,

    It was published in 1972

    And I used to go through it again and again

    and I was enthralled to read how scientists split the atom here in the UK for the first time

    and they did it at the Cavendish laboratories in Cambridge

    and I noted that the world’s first civilian nuclear reactor, the first civilian nuclear power station was at Calder Hall in Cumbria, now of course Sellafield

    and I look back at the optimism in every page of that book and what has happened since
    and at the short-termism of successive British governments

    at their failure to do justice to our pioneering nuclear history
    their abject failure to think of the needs of future generations

    above all the families that are today struggling with the cost of energy in this country

    I feel like one of those beautifully drawn illustrations of what happens in a nuclear pile when the graphite rods are taken out at the wrong moment

    My blood starts to boil and steam comes out of my ears and I think I’m going to melt down

    And I asked myself the question: What happened to us?

    When Sizewell was opened in 1966 it was the eighth reactor that this country had built in just 7 years

    Why have we never got back to that kind of rhythm? Have we lost the gumption and the dynamism of our parents and grandparents

    but it gets worse

    When Sizewell B -fantastic white dome – was completed in 1995 it was the 5th reactor in 7 years

    1995 – an era that was technologically so primitive that people used things called carphones and went down to blockbusters to rent VHS videos

    Think of the colossal technical progress in other areas – and contrast the paralysis in nuclear energy

    how many new nuclear power stations have we built in the 27 years since?

    How many have been connected to the grid?

    How many slices of bread could we toast with the additional nuclear power we have created?

    how many washing machines could we power?

    How many families have been helped with extra nuclear energy?

    The answer is, none, zero, zilch

    The French, they have loads of nuclear power stations already, they’ve built four more since 1995– bringing their total reactor fleet up to about 56, the Indians have added about 12 and the Chinese have built more than 50 additional nuclear reactions since 1995!

    and you know why we have failed? It’s not even as though we have some cultural aversion to nuclear power

    I just met those nice protestors outside – it wasn’t some atomkraft nein danke – they seem to be objecting to the disruption to the roads, it’s pure nimbyism out there

    I will diagnose the problem

    It’s called myopia. It’s called short-termism

    It’s a chronic case of politicians not being able to see beyond the political cycle

    Tell that to British businesses and industries that are desperately short of affordable and reliable electricity

    tell that to the families struggling with the cost of heat and light this winter

    It is because of that kind of myopia that here in the country that first split the atom we have only 15 per cent of our electricity from nuclear – and it is falling

    whereas in France it is at 70 per cent

    and we ask ourselves why France is more self reliant than we are when it comes to energy

    why they have found it relatively easier to hold down their costs

    and yes nuclear always looks – when you begin, it always looks relatively expensive to build and to run

    but look at what is happening today, look at the results of Putin’s war

    it is certainly cheap by comparison with hydrocarbons today

    in fact if Hinkley Point C were already running already this year

    it’s been delayed for ages and ages of course

    it would be cutting fuel bills by £3 bn

    I’ll say that again – if Hinkley Point C were running now, it would be cutting fuel bills by £3 bn

    So you have to look ahead
    And you have to beware of the false economy

    If you have an old kettle that takes ages to boil, it may cost you £20 to replace it

    But if you get a new one you will save ten pounds a year every year on your electricity bill

    I remember when the government finally did the deal on Hinkley C– in fact by then I was already sitting in the cabinet

    and I remember some people protesting that the strike price of £92.50 per kilowatt hour was very, very expensive

    it doesn’t look so expensive today

    that is why we must pull our national finger out and get on with Sizewell C

    That is why we are putting up to £700 m into the deal

    Just part of the £1.7bn of Government funding available for developing a large-scale nuclear project to final investment stage in this Parliament,

    and in the course of the next few weeks I am absolutely confident that it will get over the line.

    and we will get it over the line because it would be madness not to

    This project will create tens of thousands of jobs, but it will also power 6m homes – that is roughly a fifth of all the homes in the UK

    So it will help to fix the energy needs not just of this generation but of the next

    a baby born this year will be getting energy from Sizewell C long, long after she retires

    and this new reactor is just a part of our Great British nuclear campaign

    we will build a reactor a year again

    we will build them across the country, at least eight of them, large ones and small modular reactors

    and of course they are not the entire solution to our energy needs – far from it

    yes we are increasing our own domestic hydrocarbons

    we’ve got more gas out of the north sea this year than last year, considerably more, 26% more

    we are putting a big bet on hydrogen and on carbon capture and storage

    and because of the activism of the government we are now racing to our target – and we will hit it – of 50 GW of offshore wind by 2030

    this is a huge amount, it’s probably half the electricity needs of the country from offshore wind

    I’ll tell everybody who thinks hydrocarbons are the only answer and we should get fracking and all that

    that offshore wind is now the cheapest form of electricity in this country
    offshore wind is nine times cheaper than gas because of the insanity of what Putin has done

    and that’s why it makes sense for us to become more self-reliant

    and of course it is entirely clean and green

    so renewables are not only helping us to defeat climate change

    they are also helping to keep bills lower than they would otherwise be in this crisis

    what Putin has done is to launch a kind of kamikaze attack on the world economy

    He doesn’t care how much pain Russia suffers

    He believes that ultimately we will flinch, that western politicians do not have the stomach for the fight

    He believes that we will give up on Ukraine, give in to his aggression and go back to mainlining his hydrocarbons

    And I have to tell you he is wrong

    He is wrong about his assumptions about the British people

    I think he is wrong about other European governments too by the way

    I talked to Olaf Sholz last night and it is absolutely clear that Germany is resolute in moving away from dependence on Russian

    And Putin in this strategy is going to fail

    So we are helping people now with the cost of living and of course there will be more cash to come in the months ahead

    Substantial sums – that’s absolutely clear

    But now even more important our British energy security strategy of Great British nuclear is rectifying the chronic mistakes of the past

    taking the long term decisions that this country needs
    and I would say frankly folks over the last 3 years this government has done some very difficult things

    we have done some of the hardest tasks that you can set politicians

    we fixed our relations with the European Union

    we settled that argument pretty conclusively

    we got brexit done and took back control of our law-making even though we knew it would not be easy

    we opened up our economy post covid faster than any other major country because of the speed of our vaccine rollout

    we led the whole of Europe in helping the Ukrainians and in standing up to Putin and seeing the wisdom from the start in arming them and assisting them

    and at every stage of the last three years – and I hope I can say this given this will be one of my last speeches in this office

    at every stage what we have tried to do is put in the things that this country will need for the long term

    to try to look at what future generations will need for their prosperity, their productivity and for their quality of life and to reduce the cost of living as well

    so whether that’s gigabit broadband gone up from 7% penetration to 70% of premises now

    three new high speed rail lines

    investing massively in this country’s ability to make its own vaccines

    fixing social care

    coming up with a solution for that problem

    I think it would be fair to say this government has not shirked the big decisions

    we have raised our eyes, we’ve looked to the horizon

    and I just say whoever follows me next week I know that they will do the same

    No more national myopia

    No more short termism

    let’s think about our future, let’s think about our kids and grandchildren, about the next generation

    with the prophetic candour and clarity of someone about to hand over the torch of office

    I say go nuclear and go large and go with Sizewell C.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce on 26 October 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone. Thank you for coming.

    The Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce, is probably the most appropriate setting possible for my speech today.

    The RSA is a body founded on the ideal of progress, exemplified in James Barry’s series of paintings in the Great Hall.

    The RSA is also a body that has, right from the start, rejected artificial distinctions between art and craft, while upholding the particular value of each.

    Over more than 250 years, from mounting Britain’s first contemporary art show to organising the Great Exhibition, the event in our history that, more than any other, astonished the world with the beauty of British craftsmanship, the RSA has insisted that art needs craft, and vice versa.

    And it continues to remind us the joylessness of attempting to separate one from the other.

    Indeed, the more pleasure we take in our work, manual or mental, the more of ourselves we invest in it, the more we to get from it in return, financially perhaps, but most importantly aesthetically. What we do is what we are.

    Matthew B Crawford’s book, Shop Class as Soulcraft: an inquiry into the value of work, published in America last year, underlines this. Actually it is one of the things that inspired me to give this speech.

    The book describes how Professor Crawford, an academic political scientist and a former executive director of a think-tank, in Washington DC, discovered that his greatest satisfaction lay not in abstract political thought but in the practical skills needed to mend motorbikes.

    The argument he makes is not anti-intellectual – the author has not given up scholarship. But he charts the route to personal fulfilment found by combining his academic career with running a small motorcycle repair business.

    There are precedents for this sort of approach. I recall in particular a large painting by the Victorian artist Daniel Maclise, which can be seen in Royal Holloway College’s administrative buildings at Egham.

    Maclise’s work adorns the Palace of Westminster – notably two enormous representations of Waterloo and Trafalgar, which I return to admire time and time again. But the particular painting at Royal Holloway recalls Tsar Peter the Great’s visit to Britain in 1698.

    Peter of course has a good claim to be the founder of modern Russia.

    He built from nothing its first Western type city, St Petersburg.

    He founded Russia’s first university and its first formal civil institutions.

    He created its first modern army and its first-ever navy, conquered much of its present-day territory, sowed the seeds of its first industries.

    The inspiration for much of what he went on to achieve came from his Grand Embassy to the West, much of which was spent, not in political negotiations, but working as an apprentice shipwright in the dockyards of Amsterdam and Deptford.

    Maclise’s painting shows King William III visiting Peter at work at Deptford.

    The dapper king looks on in astonishment as the Tsar, in shirt sleeves, saws away contentedly at a lump of timber alongside other workers, helping to build one of the first ships of the new Russian navy.

    In fact, throughout his life Peter’s greatest pride lay in acquiring and using practical skills. Besides shipbuilding, he was highly-skilled at turning wood on his lathe.

    He also made rather less successful forays into dentistry and even surgery, much to the anguish of his courtiers.

    Of course, Peter was by no means alone in combining success in public life with pride in practical skill.

    Closer to our own time, Winston Churchill was both a skilled amateur artist and an accomplished bricklayer.

    Last month, I had the pleasure of attending a speech by my old friend and new colleague at the Department for Education, Michael Gove.

    On that occasion, Michael spoke persuasively about the urgency of reforming and revaluing practical education in this country, starting in schools.

    It’s true, as Michael said, that for decades practical learning for children has been seen by the educational establishment as a poor second-best to academic study.

    In recent times, lip-service has been paid to it with the creation of new school qualifications which seem useful but too often prove to be anything but when a youngster goes from school into the harsher realities of the job market.

    The growing availability of apprenticeships for young people has been of much more value, but again, the route towards high-level skills to which they point has all to frequently stopped short, at Level 2, rather than taking a person forward to Level 3 and beyond.

    .Of course, it’s a Level 3 that qualifications really start to have a big effect on a person’s future prospects and earning potential.

    I went from school to university and from there into a job. For people of my generation, this was the modern equivalent of the Roman cursus honorum. And to an extent it still is, even though over the last three years graduates in some subjects perceived by employers as soft have felt the chill blast of recession.

    And I don’t believe, as some seem to, that Britain, once the workshop of the world, is doomed to dwindle to a race of pseudo celebrities and merchant bankers.

    On the contrary, I believe that it is British manufacturing and the practical skills that underpin it that must lead us into renewed economic growth.

    For decades, people have been calling for greater parity of esteem between academic and vocational qualifications.

    Those calls have invariably fallen on deaf ears. As Instead, we’ve seen a dilution both.

    Too many things that are fundamentally practical have been given an academic veneer. Not because it’s needed to produce a better craftsman, but simply because it seems to legitimise craft for those who are fundamentally nsecure about practical learning.

    Ironically, many such people have done academic study no favours. But regardless, the academic route continues to enjoy greater esteem.

    Parents and grandparents will proudly display photographs of their offspring in graduation garb, whatever has been studied, wherever. Such is the power of the degree brand.

    Of course, university qualifications have an unbroken European history of nearly a thousand years. The Bachelor-Master-Doctor structure is relatively familiar to most people. And, even in an age of 45 per cent participation, they retain an aura of intellectual and social exclusivity.

    But the same can be said of few practical qualifications, because many come and go with alarming frequency and certainly before even employers in the sector concerned can work out exactly what they mean..

    Of course, that’s not universally true. Yesterday evening, I attended a reception to celebrate the City & Guilds Institute, which was established in the 19th century by a consortium of 16 City of London guilds and which remains a notable exception to that rule.

    But even so I think it’s impoverishes our culture that even apprenticeships, which have been around as a form of training for at least twice as long as universities, do not confer a particular title.

    That’s just one reason of many that things need to change. People speak of the intellectual beauty of a mathematical theorem. But there is beauty, too, in the economy and certainty of movement of a master craftsmen.

    I believe that both kinds of beauty must be recognised on their own terms.

    And that implies not that the stock of academe must fall, but that the stock of craft must rise.

    Change of the kind I seek would colour our national life in the three ways.

    The first is economic.

    The comparative orthodox esteem in which vocational and academic qualifications seems to have relatively little to do with earning potential. Indeed, at times like these with many traditional graduate recruiters cutting back, a practical skill may often be more marketable.

    The essence of the value of a skill lies in the fact that not everyone has it, assuming a skill has a market value. Which is why people like me, make an embarrassed judgement about what it’s worth to hire a man with the tools and know-how needed to do what we cannot.

    The same process applies, though with less embarrassment, when a factory-owner is willing to pay qualified machine-operators more than unskilled labourers.

    The higher and more sophisticated the skill, the more value it is likely to add to a product.

    And, as Lord Leitch and others have argued, the higher the skills levels available in an economy, the more they add to the value of products and services, the more profitable the economy as a whole is likely to become, the more jobs it will support and the more business we will win from other countries.

    And raising skills levels brings social as well as economic benefits, like better public health, lower crime-rates and more intensive engagement by individuals in the sorts of voluntary and community activities that fuel the common good and power the national interest.

    Where there is disagreement about this it tends not to be about the principle of needing to build a high-skill economy, but about how the cost of developing the skills in question should be shared between individuals, employers and the State.

    The second area where elevating the status of craft would bring benefits is social.

    Sadly few these days are described – or describe themselves – as a master-craftsman.

    In part, that is the consequence of social change.

    Within living memory, the butcher, the baker and the candlestick-maker enjoyed significant social status, alongside the bank manager, the lawyer and the schoolteacher.

    But these days, in most of Britain, the hard-won skill of individuals has been subsumed by brutal, impersonal ubiquity. Butchers, bakers and others reduced to anonymous shop assistants in soulless megastores.

    But history shows us that there is an alternative.

    When industrialisation was reaching its zenith here, it provoked a

    reaction which eventually became known as the Arts and Crafts movement.

    This movement, too, recognised the unbreakable link between satisfaction in work and quality of life. Its proponents considered the dehumanising effects of mass production in their own time and sought to recreate what they saw as a happier period for working people. A period when their skills were recognised, valued and freed to produce great art.

    One of the leaders of the movement, William Morris, wrote that:

    “the Middle Ages was a period of greatness in the art of the common people. The treasures in our museums now are only the common utensils used in households of that age, when hundreds of medieval churches – each one a masterpiece – were built by unsophisticated peasants”.

    Of course, nowadays much of the chattering class would to mock such idealistic attitudes.

    Those of us who’ve been watching Michael Wood’s current series of programmes on BBC2 know that life in the Middle Ages for many people was nasty, brutish and short. And that the world from which the Peasants’ Revolt sprang much less pleasant for the lower classes than Morris’ novel about the period, A Dream of John Ball, suggests.

    Even the great craft guilds, which people like Morris lauded as the guardians of skills and the upholders of standards of craftsmanship, were not always wholly positive forces. There was sometimes a thin line between upholding traditions and imposing what were once referred to darkly as “Spanish practices”.

    That very duality is found in the most famous 19th-century celebration of the guilds, if not of Merrie England then at least of Merrie Bavaria, Wagner’s Die Meistersinger von Nurnberg.

    Nevertheless on some points especially, I think that such a romantic view of an earlier age has much of value to teach us.

    The world that past fiction characteristics is one in which membership of a craft guild, and consequently the skills required to qualify, was something to which ordinary people aspired.

    It’s a world in which bakers and builders are proud to be what they are, and to be admired as such by others.

    And it’s a world in which people can realise the satisfaction that practicing a skill of proficiently can give.

    In our age that satisfaction can, in principle, be available to anyone. It should be available to more.

    Such a spirit inspired the teaching institutions that sprang from Arts and Crafts – like the Guild of Handicraft, the schools in Newlyn, Keswick and Chipping Camden and several colleges that are now numbered among our universities.

    The benefits to individuals of acquiring new skills, whether for work or for private satisfaction, are reflected throughout society.

    I certainly don’t mean to idealise hard work. Let’s be clear that there’s nothing necessarily dignified about some jobs. Jobs that are physically hard and dirty or just boring and repetitive.

    But neither should we underestimate the dignity of labour – the satisfaction of a job well done. For to do so is to undervalue those who labour.

    It’s a dignity we must rejuvenate, because many, though not all, practical skills are undervalued in our society.

    Yet interestingly that does not mean that, as a society, we necessarily look down on skill. After all the 150 applicants for each BT apprenticeship place certainly don’t. And think of the popular fascination with skills of celebrity chefs and professional dancers or the popularity of T.V and radio shows about architecture, engineering or fashion design.

    The instinctive value we feel for craft must be reflected by our education system.

    The third area where we need change is cultural.

    The men who built and beautified the cathedrals were not by and large academic. Even now, they challenge our prejudices about what culture is and who creates it.

    The same could be said of many of the great artists.

    Giotto, according to Vasari’s Lives of the Artists, started life as a shepherd-boy.

    The name of the master who painted the Wilton Diptych was not even thought to be worth recording.

    Their art and their craft beautifies the world still.

    The craftsmen who built Georgian and, especially, Victorian London were both numerous and anonymous. But they, too, created an environment where the effects of craft enriched ordinary people’s lives. All that we build should add quality, as the Victorians knew.

    That celebration of life in a Victorian terraced house, Noel Coward’s This Happy Breed, celebrated something else, too. The bonds of neighbourliness, friendship and shared experience that held working-class communities together. The social glue that helped them to weather hard times in the 1920s and 1930s.

    Craft skill also beautified our public spaces. Of course, much of that beauty has been swept away, partly by the Luftwaffe, but mainly by much more ruthless urban planners. And our lives are poorer for it.

    So let one example stand for all. The Euston Road has its brighter points. Above all, the high Victorian fantasy of St Pancras, itself so nearly lost to the wrecker’s ball.

    It also has its low points. Notably leaking warehouse set amid the crumbling concrete that is Euston Station.

    But it wasn’t always thus. The gaping entrance to the station and its depressing bus station was once guarded by a vast Doric arch, built of stone in 1837. Its size and neoclassical simplicity were a powerful symbol of national confidence at the dawn of the railway age and the start of Queen Victoria’s reign.

    A Conservative Government approved its demolition in 1961. The stones which had brought pleasure to the lives of millions were taken away and dumped in a river.

    Those who ordered that deed should never be forgiven. Because it wasn’t just a symptom of environmental brutalism. It was a symptom of post-war contempt for the skills and craftsmanship of the people who built it.

    In my view, the skills of a bricklayer are in no way less admirable and certainly no less hard-won than those of a stockbroker. And admired is what they should be. For each feel value, all feel valued.

    So let me digress for a moment to wish the Euston Arch Trust well in its efforts to persuade the Mayor of London to rebuild it.

    When we look at something beautiful, it’s not just the object that we admire, but the skill that went into producing it. That’s why Maclise’s fresco of The Death of Nelson will always be more admirered than Marcel Duchamp’s urinal.

    My point is that admiration for skill, even when it doesn’t involve production of an object, is an integral part of our culture.

    I remember watching the 1970 world cup final on television. The next day at school was a Monday. And all that any of my schoolmates or I wanted to do in the playground was to replicate the outrageous dummy that we’d seen Pele sell to Albertosi, the Italian goalkeeper.

    It didn’t matter that Pele didn’t score. It was his skill and the vision that fired our imaginations.

    Of course, all children admire skill in sport. If my schoolmates and I wanted to play football like Pele, we also wanted to bowl like John Snow, bat like Colin Cowdrey or play tennis like Rod Laver.

    But it’s not just sporting skill that children admire. How many children do not dream of learning to drive a car or fly and aeroplane, to do a card trick, or juggle?

    And admiration for a physical prowess and physical skill doesn’t end with the onset of adulthood. It’s part of our wiring; part of that complex bundle of impulses that, together, make us human.

    The sort of revaluation I’m calling for won’t be easily accomplished. But I think there is a general recognition right across the spectrum of political and educational opinion that one is needed.

    So what can we do?

    There are five things I’d like to suggest.

    The first is to continue and intensify our efforts to re-establish apprenticeship as the primary form of practical training. We will create more apprenticeships than modern Britain has ever seen.

    And not just in the traditional craft sectors but in the new crafts too – in advanced engineering; IT; the creative industries or financial services .

    It’s not just that apprenticeships works – though they do.

    And it’s not just that apprenticeship is probably the most widely-recognised brand in the skills shop-window – although it is.

    It’s also about what apprenticeships symbolise. The passing-on of skill from one generation to the next and the proof that this offers that learning by doing is just as demanding and praiseworthy as learning from a book.

    As I said earlier, we need, with the help of sectoral bodies, to seek out new and more effective ways of recognising apprentices’ achievements.

    It was in an effort to begin to address that disparity that my colleague David Willetts announced at the recent Conservative Party conference that apprentices in the construction industry would in future be given the title of “technician”.

    But we will go further; I plan to reinstate fellows and masters too. The aesthetic of craft must be no less seductive that that of academe.

    And with the number of apprentices set to rise by 75,000 during this Parliament, we will to extend that sort of thinking to trainee craftsmen across sectors.

    Let me be clear this new aesthetic will not only offer the emblems of achievement to individuals but also provide business with important commercial advantages. Firms that invest in training deserve recognition and will be able to use the achievements gained by their staff as marketing tools.

    Second, we must re-evaluate and indeed redefine what a sectoral approach means.

    It’s been clear since even before guilds and livery companies existed that different sectors require specific skills, and that it therefore makes sense for sectoral bodies to be closely involved in designing training and qualifications and in setting standards.

    In some sectors, that link has been obscured, although it remains clear in others. The Goldsmiths and Fishmongers Companies are good examples of that, as indeed is the Royal College of Surgeons, which presides over the highest-stakes practical skill of them all.

    And, though my discussions with City and Guilds, I know that the livery companies are keen to build on the good work they already do.

    And there is also, I think, an opportunity for the sector skills councils to grasp.

    “Sector skills council”; it is hardly a label to stiffen the sinew and summon up the blood”. And that is a symptom of a deeper problem. Here, too, we have become stuck in a dreary technocratic language which limits imagination and inspiration.

    I want SSCs to dare to rise to the challenge of going beyond the strictly utilitarian, of becoming guilds for the twenty first century, creating a sense of pride in modern occupations, and giving individual workers a sense of worth and purposeful pride.

    Third, we must not forget the role that informal learning also plays in teaching skills.

    Acquiring skills make our lives, not necessarily wealthier, but definitely fuller. It raises our self-esteem and often also the esteem in which others hold us.

    Even a depressive and tubercular D H Lawrence found respite from contemplating man’s alienation from the modern world by applying practical skills. He once noted that:

    “I got the blues thinking of the future, so I left off and made some marmalade. It’s amazing how it cheers one up to shred oranges and scrub the floor”.

    The desire for skills can be accompanied by frustration if there is no clear way in which to gain them. But if they are available, what a difference they can make to individuals and communities.

    How many householders’ lives are enriched by watching Strictly Come Dancing? A programme about a group of celebrities and alleged celebrities acquiring practical skills by instruction and practice. How many learned the basics of gardening, that most satisfying of pastimes, from watching Geoff Hamilton or Alan Titchmarsh?

    What a force for social cohesion, and for every kind of practical skill, the formidable ladies of the Women’s Institute remain. What an introduction to manual skill the Boy Scouts and Girl Guides have given to millions of children. What pleasure it can give to the whole community to see the local gardening club come together once a year to pit their blooms and brassicas against one another.

    Show me a society where everyone has the opportunity and desire to seek out new knowledge and new skills and I’ll show you a society that really deserves to be called “bigger”.

    That’s why last week, as part of what’s probably the most hard-nosed cull of Government spending there has been in modern times, the budget for informal adult learning was protected.

    Learning for the common good protected. And on my watch it will remain so.

    My fourth point follows on from the previous three. We must do much more to facilitate progression.

    Under the last Government, we heard a great deal about creating ladders of learning. But their approach was fundamentally flawed because it was based on identifying problems and then trying to nail a few more rungs on the ladder to compensate.

    In fact, what the learner got was not so much one ladder as a game of snakes and ladders.

    Our task must therefore be to break down the barriers to progression that have been progressively erected. And to reject artificial distinctions wherever we find them

    For example, I don’t know how many of you could give us a comprehensible explanation of the difference between Level 3 and Level 4, and why it matters. I certainly know that many of those that administer the system couldn’t, and I doubt whether I could either.

    We must also make the barrier between HE and FE more permeable. If we want learning to be really lifelong, the road for any individual from basic skills to higher learning – not necessarily provided in higher education – must be as smooth as we can make it.

    My fifth point is about Further Education providers. FE Colleges are the great unheralded triumph of our education system. But their capacity to innovate has been limited by the target driven, bureaucratic, micro-management which characterised the last Government’s approach to skills. This Government could not be more different. We will free colleges to innovate and excel. In fact we have already begun rolling back the stifling blanket of red tape and regulation and we will go further.

    Our mission is to free colleges to be more responsive to learner choice and employer demands. This is vital to build provision sufficiently nimble to respond to dynamic demand. But often and understated product of this will be to drive up the status of FE Colleges, their teachers and learners, at last recognised as the jewels in learning’s crown.

    There were doubters when I first said that I wanted to give this speech. I think that was partly because it’s not about a particular piece of public policy, and perhaps partly also because it was bound to include unfashionable words like pride, beauty and dignity.

    To those doubters, I make no apology. Just as I make no apology for believing in the power of learning.

    I look back to the Englishmen who first raised the standard of craft skill as a force in the modern world – to Morris and Ruskin, Rossetti and Burne-Jones – and I think it’s high time to create a new aesthetics of craft, indeed, a new Arts and Crafts movement, for Britain in the 21st century.

    That won’t be done overnight. But I can announce today that we are making a start.

    I am considering backing high quality in the craft traditions by lending the Government’s support to a new award for excellence in the crafts. Details are at an early stage, but I think it is right that excellence should be rewarded and the Government will work over the next few months with those working to support the crafts, including the various charities under the Patronage of His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales, to encourage and reward excellence in this area.

    I hope I’ve shown this afternoon that I am not merely one of those who yearn for a mythical Merrie England,

    I don’t wish to idealise manual labour but to understand its intrinsic worth.

    The village blacksmith did not develop arms like iron bands by reading about how hard it is to swing a hammer.

    The price of the potter’s ability to throw was long hours of effort followed by failure, and several hundredweight of wasted clay.

    Art, said Hippocrates, is long, but life is short.

    But craft is about new industries too. Its about being as software designer and a network engineer; craft is as much about learning to be a film technician as furniture maker; as much about learning to be a fashion designer as a fishmonger.

    And what I want to show above all is that our society will benefit greatly when those that make policy understand what popular culture has always known –

    That skill, craft and dexterity give our lives meaning and value.

    They are at the heart of our society.

    Craft should be honoured and those who master it revered.

    So while we work to encourage the learning of practical skills, we must also work to build demand for and recognition of them.

    Craft to feed the common good. Skills to serve national interest.

    Ours will be – must be – the age of the craftsman

    Thank you.

     

  • David Willetts – 2010 Speech at the HEFCE Annual Conference

    David Willetts – 2010 Speech at the HEFCE Annual Conference

    The speech made by David Willetts at the HEFCE Annual Conference at the Royal College of Physicians in London on 21 October 2010.

    Good afternoon.

    It has been a crucial ten days for the development of higher education in our country. I am very grateful to HEFCE for this opportunity to set out how the Coalition Government sees things now. But my debt – our debt – to HEFCE goes much further than that. Alan Langlands brings sagacity and stability – qualities we need in such a turbulent world. Tim Melville-Ross makes an excellent contribution as chairman and I am delighted to announce that Tim has agreed to serve as Chair of the Board of HEFCE for a further three years.

    The Browne Report is up there with Lionel Robbins’ report of 1963 and Ron Dearing’s report of 1997 as a serious, paradigm-shifting publication. We will not necessarily accept all of it, but many experts have already recognised its quality – with praise coming, among others, from the vice-chancellors of Leicester, Imperial and the Open University. It has also been praised by our leading papers. Perhaps I can quote their words as if on a billboard outside a West End theatre: “genuinely radical”, the Financial Times; “sophisticated” and “persuasive”, Daily Telegraph; “attempting to uphold a core set of policy principles that should be broadly supported”, the Guardian.

    There are lessons we can take from those two great reports which preceded Browne. Robbins has gone down in the history books as the report which drove university expansion. But the key driver of that expansion was decisions already taken on student finance following the Anderson Report of 1960. It is right that we should look at university reform and finance together, rather than separately – while of course recognising that finance is only one aspect of a university’s mission, and that the social and moral purposes of higher education are its bedrock.

    I was actually my Party’s higher education spokesman when Dearing came out. And I remember the shock we all felt when David Blunkett effectively tore up Ron’s report the day before it was released; instead of considering Ron’s proposals, he announced an alternative package. That crucial mistake is one reason for the turbulent and messy history of university policy ever since.

    We are not going to repeat that mistake. There will be a very careful process of deliberation in light of the Browne Report. So my reactions today on some of the broad outlines of John Browne’s report are necessarily provisional, as we consult in the weeks and months ahead.

    There are some decisions, however, that can’t wait. We do need to set out in the next few weeks the way forward for graduate contributions and student support if we are going to have any chance of implementing changes for the Autumn of 2012. Many prospective students will visit universities and decide on their applications in the Summer of 2011, and so they need to know the likely costs by then, and how the Government will help them to meet those costs. In turn, universities have explained to me that their prospectuses – with information on graduate contributions – will go to print in April 2011. It is rather like A. J. P. Taylor’s thesis that train timetables determined the outbreak of the First World War: once the presses begin rolling, everything is fixed.

    This means that amendments to regulations governing the current fees structure and student support need to happen sooner rather than later. Prompt decisions will mean we can then implement in regulations the commitments we make. We hope to bring proposals on regulation of graduate contribution levels to Parliament before Christmas. Following Lord Browne’s proposal to introduce a real rate of interest on contributions, we will also need to seek an early opportunity to make the limited changes to primary legislation on that specific issue, and also update repayment regulations to enable a more progressive system.

    We are keen to hear the views of the sector on the wider issues that Browne considered, such as governance and regulation, private providers, and student number controls. In fact, we are already listening, and more lengthy consultation here will tease out the ramifications. We aim to publish a White Paper in the Winter and then – Parliamentary time permitting – hope to introduce a broader higher education bill perhaps later on in this current, extended session.

    The central proposition in Browne is this – that the bulk of the teaching grant which is currently distributed to universities via HEFCE should be replaced by spending power placed directly in the hands of students, who will be lent money to pay for their university education. Students will not, of course, have to find any money of their own for tuition during their time at university, but they will make contributions subsequently as graduates. That is the big shift in the funding of higher education put forward by the Browne report and endorsed by the Coalition. Vince and I both believe it is the right way forward. It both delivers a big saving in public spending – reflected in yesterday’s spending review – and reforms the financing system so that it is shaped by the preferences of students. This new model is what lies behind the Chancellor’s statement yesterday.

    We have said in the spending review that the overall resource budget for HE, excluding research funding, will reduce from £7.1 billion to £4.2 billion – a 40 per cent, or £2.9 billion, reduction – by 2014-15. By far the greatest part of that reduction flows from our acceptance of the approach presented by Lord Browne – that, starting from the 2012/13 academic year, we will start to reduce HEFCE teaching funding, and institutions will be able to replace it, if they can attract students to their courses, with funding flowing via the graduate contribution scheme. Obviously, the details of this will vary between different institutions, and will be affected by the decisions we quickly need to make about the fee regime.

    The spending review also contained several assumptions about efficiency, both within the public sector, and for bodies to which the public sector contributes significant funding. My own department is facing a 40 per cent headline cut in its administration costs. It is not for us to say precisely what efficiency savings a university should make, but crucial areas to look at will be pay and pensions, procurement and shared services. I know most of you already have plans in train here.

    I know that you will have many detailed questions about higher education funding for 2011-12 and beyond, which, you will understand, we are not yet in a position to answer. As usual, we will send a grant letter to HEFCE, with more details, around the turn of the year.

    I know too that people in this room will have anxieties about the shift in spending, but I have to ask what the alternative is. Given the fiscal crisis and the pressure that we are under, there is no option of carrying on as we are. We would have had to do something – even the previous Labour Government had set out £600 million of cuts over a shorter time scale, albeit with no indication of how they were to be delivered. One possibility would have been a big reduction in the unit of resource per student, threatening the quality of the student experience. Alternatively there could have been a big reduction in student numbers, depriving thousands of young people of a crucial step on the ladder of opportunity. A third option was a pure graduate tax, which would risk a brain drain with its incentives for people to study or work abroad. The graduate tax also breaks the link between student and university. There is an excellent guide to these problems and more: a report from December 2003 called “Why not a pure graduate tax?”, published by the last Labour Government.

    These options, therefore, all have enormous disadvantages. Lord Browne’s considered approach, which we endorse, actually shows a pathway towards a positive and viable future for higher education – a way through the “valley of death” to which Steve Smith has often referred.

    The HE system that we develop between us must be as fair and as progressive as possible. In the current economic climate, therefore, we simply cannot afford a fiscal subsidy to the wealthiest families. Looking at the Browne proposals, the Institute for Fiscal Studies found that the poorest 30 per cent of graduates would be better off than now, while only the richest 30 per cent of graduates would have to pay off their loans in full.

    The figures we end up with may not be quite those. But broadly, that is the right approach. In fact, we in the Coalition have set ourselves the task of improving on Browne and coming up with proposals that offer even more help for students from the poorest backgrounds but without unfair penalties on success. I have to say to the strongest universities that they have not been successful enough in improving access to young people from disadvantaged backgrounds.

    Back in April, Sir Martin Harris duly noted that, collectively, universities have made clear progress on widening participation. But he concluded that the participation rate among the least advantaged 40 per cent of young people at the top third of most selective universities “has remained almost flat” since the mid-1990s. The Government is committed to good universities, but it is equally serious about social mobility. The two must go hand in hand. And I hope you will recognise the strength of feeling within the Coalition that one of the non-negotiables in all this is that universities must deliver on broadening access. The challenge is to achieve this with imaginative and equitable policy – not with clunky quotas or crude social engineering. I believe we can do it.

    We can do it by focussing on three key groups: young people at school and college, students with modest incomes at university, and graduates with low earnings. We will offer them a fairer deal which applies at all three stages: routes for people to get into university, from school, college and through other avenues; increased support for students from poorer backgrounds while they’re at university; and better support for people on low incomes once they have graduated.

    In his important speech last Friday, Nick Clegg pledged £150 million of government money for a national scholarship scheme to improve access for students from families of modest means. It will be fair, affordable, and make a real difference to some of the poorest students. At the same time, it will not add to the burden of regulation on institutions or duplicate arrangements under the more generous and coherent student support system that’s being developed as Browne recommended. I will be inviting the National Union of Students, Universities UK, the Office for Fair Access, the Sutton Trust and other interested parties to help us design a scheme for both young and mature students.

    The second stage involves a more generous maintenance package for students from poorer backgrounds, details of which we hope to announce shortly. We are looking closely at the Browne recommendations for a more generous maintenance grant, supplemented by a more generous loans package. It would be a great achievement to increase maintenance levels on a progressive basis, with more generous grant than now, even in these austere times. If the Coalition Government can deliver this as proposed by Browne, then the obligation on universities to deliver their side of the bargain on access will be even greater.

    Improving the deal for part-timers is a key part of broadening access. For the first time, part-time students will – as Browne proposes – be eligible for loans to cover the full cost of their tuition, on the same basis as full timers. I see this as a genuine milestone – something that neither Robbins nor Dearing tackled. It is a vital part of creating a more responsive and diverse HE sector.

    The third stage is fairness for graduates. We will reform graduate contributions, by increasing the threshold at which people begin to repay loans, and by introducing a positive interest rate. It is crucial for the Coalition that contributions should be related to ability to pay without making the mistake of the pure graduate tax and losing the link with the actual cost of a university education. We specifically asked Lord Browne to address the issue of progressivity and he has come up with ingenious and practical proposals which we intend to work with. We can see the case for setting the income threshold for repayments at £21,000, as Browne suggests – way above the present £15,000 – with nine per cent of salary payable above that threshold.

    As for terms on early repayment, the arguments have become rather muddled thanks to a misleading report in the Guardian and some rather sloppy work by the Social Market Foundation which does not appear to understand that money in the future is worth less than money now. We are examining this issue carefully. There is a feeling that it would be unfair if the better-off could reduce their payments by paying early. But for many people with modest earnings, the delay in repayments at a less than commercial interest rate is an advantage, not a disadvantage.

    This, then, is the direction in which the Coalition Government is heading. Even while public spending is being reduced, we are seeking more progressive outcomes than at present. As the Institute of Fiscal Studies commented, “The proposed reforms to student support and graduate repayments would be a welcome development if they were to be adopted. By continuing to provide up-front cash support for the full amount of fees and for living costs, the system should preserve access to higher education regardless of family background.”

    There are, of course, some very difficult issues around fee caps and the levy. For Lord Browne, there is – in theory – no upper limit to fees. He would argue that, provided admissions are needs blind and provided that the Exchequer doesn’t take on any of the risk of high loans, the problem is resolved. But we understand the very strong concern about the level of graduate contributions.

    Lord Browne’s proposed levy to avoid any Exchequer subsidy for loans has also aroused quite a lot of concern across the sector. It means that as soon as universities raise their fee above the threshold level, they face a rapidly rising levy which can drive their fees up even higher in order to reach a given level of income. Another objection, for example, is that a levy could become an obstacle to philanthropy if the upfront payment of fees via donors were to attract it. If you didn’t have a levy, however, there would be a need for some sort of upper cap. We recognise there are arguments for a lower rate for the levy, or for not having a levy at all and sticking with a fee cap instead.

    We have not reached a final decision on the levy and the fee cap, but there is an interesting feature within the current arrangements for higher education funding, which consist of a basic cap of £1,310 and a higher rate cap of £3,290. It would be possible to set new levels for each, with stringent conditions on access which any institution would have to meet before setting a graduate contribution at the higher rate.

    The key legal condition, of course, is access and progression – enforceable by OFFA. There is still a dangerous temptation for universities to blame failings in the widening participation and fair access agendas on schools – instead of dealing with the world as it is. We can’t just sit on our hands and wait for schools to be reformed – although that must happen. Universities must act now, and we would look carefully at the conditions that OFFA demands.

    There is also an important question around teaching quality. This is where I think the sector is most in danger of losing contact with its supporters. On the one hand, we should naturally expect high standards of teaching in all publicly-funded institutions. On the other, universities who wish to charge more for undergraduate courses need to produce compelling evidence as to what the extra money would buy in terms of better teaching, contact time and services for students. And it is legitimate for students to ask why the finance reforms introduced under the previous government failed – in some cases – to deliver improvements to their educational experience.

    In a reformed system, students will expect a better experience in return for higher contributions as graduates. If we are to win the argument for reform, universities must demonstrably respond to the perception that some students are being short-changed. We must do better and we will. This is one of the reasons why I attach so much importance to supply side reform. Competition is a great driver of improvement. We want to see innovation and a diverse range of choices for students – two-year courses, for instance, and more vocational degrees. In speeches we have made in recent months, both Vince Cable and I have challenged the traditional model of three-year degree courses for 18-year-olds away at college, and especially championed part-time learning. It is for you rather than us to carry through reform, but now is the time to identify anything in the arrangements for public financing or regulations which would stifle these options.

    I am also aware of substantial concerns within the sector about Lord Browne’s proposal on controlling student numbers via UCAS tariff points. This is an especially thorny problem: maintaining macro control over student numbers while leaving micro freedom to individual institutions. John Browne’s is an imaginative solution, but has raised questions about practicalities. And it is important that we do not deter mature students, for example, who may have not achieved academic success at school – which is why he suggests a second admissions route separate from UCAS points. But running two separate systems creates a new set of problems. Meanwhile UCAS is doing important work looking at how their points system could be reformed. There is a lot more work to do in this whole area before any changes are implemented.

    Some people have also raised doubts about the idea of a single council which incorporates HEFCE, OFFA, the QAA and the OIA. The Coalition is instinctively attracted to any proposals which reduce the number of such bodies, but we need to tread carefully. The OIA’s special role as an alternative way of resolving disputes without going through the courts does require independence. The QAA, of course, is not a Government quango – it is jointly owned and sponsored by the HE sector with HEFCE, and any changes need to be discussed with the sector. Clearly, we need to think through all this carefully. We won’t rush into any decisions. But Lord Browne, as so often, does have a powerful logic behind his central argument. HEFCE has, in effect, operated as the regulator of the sector through its power to make grants. As the relative size of these grants falls, so the regulatory role comes out into the open more. This must be must be used with care and discretion. But clearly, a key role is going to be in broadening access. What we’re also seeking to do, of course, is reduce regulation and external intrusion into higher education, in favour of greater freedom and autonomy.

    My own current thinking is that merging HEFCE and OFFA would be sensible once funding to universities is channelled through students rather than through HEFCE. I assure you, though, that the institutional landscape will not change before the academic year 2012/13; it would require legislation, and therefore Parliamentary approval. In the meantime, I can announce that I have reappointed Sir Martin Harris as Director of the Office for Fair Access for a further 12 months. His experience will be invaluable as we work more on improving access.

    I can also announce the appointment of Ed Smith – a HEFCE board member – as the new Chair of the Student Loans Company. The processing of student loan applications has gone well this year. Figures published today show that 94 per cent of approved applicants had their full entitlement available to them when they arrived on campus. We owe Deian Hopkin, Ed Lester and their team a substantial vote of thanks. This is a transformation, compared with last year’s appalling performance.

    I also want to take this opportunity to thank the National Student Forum – and its chair, Maeve Sherlock – for its contribution to improving the student experience over the past three years. The Forum has published its final report today, which again provides some excellent material for universities to consider together with their student bodies. It is this active partnership, often at a detailed course level, which can vastly improve the knowledge and skills of undergraduates, as well as helping institutions to fulfil their missions. We will continue to listen to students and make sure that we understand their varied concerns and priorities.

    The other main news from the Chancellor yesterday concerned funding for science and research. It is good news for HEFCE’s QR funding and Higher Education Innovation Fund, and good news for the Research Councils and National Academies.

    It is proof that this Government recognises the fundamental role of science and research in rebalancing the economy and restoring economic growth. Despite enormous pressure on public spending, the overall level of funding for science and research programmes has been protected in cash terms. And as we implement the efficiency savings identified by Bill Wakeham, we should be able to offset the effects of inflation – thus maintaining research funding in real terms.

    There has also been a great deal of pressure to maintain flexibility in government spending. A stable investment climate for science and research – as we all know – allows universities and research institutes to plan strategically, and gives businesses, public services and charities the confidence to invest in the research base. I am delighted to confirm, therefore, that the ring-fence for science and research programmes has therefore been maintained.

    Across the country, we have excellent departments with the critical mass to compete globally and the expertise to work closely with business, charities and public services. This £4.6 billion settlement for science and research should mean that we can continue to support them.

    We must, though, continue to develop an assessment framework that combines recognition of the highest levels of research excellence with reward for the impact it has on the economy and society. HEFCE is making good progress with the Research Excellence Framework, in partnership with many academics from across the spectrum of disciplines. I too have had lively discussions with academics on this, and look forward to seeing the results of the pilot exercise later this year.

    We are also continuing to support capital investment where it is a high priority. We have allocated £69 million over the spending review period, in partnership with the Wellcome Trust, to the next phase of the Diamond synchrotron in Oxfordshire to support ground-breaking research in the life, physical and environmental sciences. And the Department of Health is joining my department, University College London and medical charities to fund the UK Centre for Medical Research and Innovation. The Department of Health will put £220m into this important venture that will accelerate the translation of basic research into care for patients.

    The Government is committed to getting business and universities working more closely together. I am therefore working with HEFCE to reform Higher Education Innovation Funding (HEIF) to increase the rewards for universities that are most effective in business engagement. Some exciting ideas have emerged from the community about how to improve the effectiveness of university IP management. We will explore with HEFCE the opportunities to release this potential.

    To conclude, let me make three final points.

    The first is to repeat that we are determined to manage the process of transition carefully – avoiding disruption unless it is a necessary aspect of reform. That is why the spending review savings will be focused towards the second half of the spending period. Indeed, I believe that higher education, as well as research, should be able to maintain overall levels of activity throughout this time of austerity.

    The more important point, though, is that, despite the risks associated with any change, the reforms we undertake will improve higher education in the long run. Those institutions which attract more students and pull in businesses seeking to boost the skills of their employees will be able to grow. They will reap the rewards of good teaching that students and employers recognise and value. They will be able to innovate, to make the most of greater autonomy, to pursue their institutional missions, including research.

    And thirdly, although this speech has inevitably had to focus on finance and organisation, Vince and I never lose sight of the sheer inherent value of the intellectual activity that happens within our universities. Any structure and any government department is just there to serve this greater good. Our changes have to fit with and reinforce the core values of higher education, that motivate those who devote their lives to it.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Statement Following the UN Human Rights Chief’s Report on Xinjiang

    Liz Truss – 2022 Statement Following the UN Human Rights Chief’s Report on Xinjiang

    The statement made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 1 September 2022.

    The report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights provides new evidence of the appalling extent of China’s efforts to silence and repress Uyghurs and other minorities in Xinjiang.

    It includes harrowing evidence, including first-hand accounts from victims, that shames China in the eyes of the international community, including actions that may amount to crimes against humanity.

    This includes credible evidence of arbitrary and discriminatory detention, torture, sexual and gender-based violence, violations of reproductive rights, and the destruction of religious sites. UN Member States must now be given the opportunity to consider the report fully.

    The UK has already led international efforts to hold China to account at the UN, imposed sanctions on senior Chinese government officials, and announced measures to help ensure no UK organisations are complicit in these violations through their supply chains.

    We will continue to act with international partners to bring about a change in China’s actions, and immediately end its appalling human rights violations in Xinjiang.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Institute of Directors

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Institute of Directors

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, to the Institute of Directors on 29 September 2010.

    Thank you David and good morning everyone.

    Group Training Associations England’s role in ensuring that GTA’s collective potential is harnessed right across the country is evident from the audience in front of me. That contribution is of enormous value in helping us to deliver the skills outcomes that will be so vital for the prospects of this country and its people.

    I know that the work of the GTAs has not been sufficiently recognised in recent years by the Government and its agencies. I know, too, that this neglect cannot be allowed to continue.

    Many GTAs have been established for half a century and they consistently deliver successful programmes of work based learning with above average completion rates. They offer, moreover a very special learning experience and have been developing and delivering outstanding training to industry for over forty years. The fact that GTAs are governed by and influenced by employers helps to ensure that you deliver meets real business needs.

    I’m particularly glad to see that some of your apprentices have been invited along this morning and are making their own contribution to your conference. Indeed, the truest measure of the success or failure of our work will be found in how well-equipped or otherwise today’s young people will be in future years to face the shifting challenges of life and work.

    To be successful in that, we must create a radically new model for workplace training with Apprenticeships at its heart and with partnership between Government, employers and individuals as its motive force.

    I’m sure that these young people are already well aware that, these days, none of us can afford to let our knowledge and understanding stand still because the world around us never stands still. They have grown up in an age that is driven by technology to an unprecedented degree. For them, it’s not just the ubiquity of mobile phones that appears normal, but also the fact that the latest model becomes obsolete almost as soon as they’re taken out of the box.

    But the need to come to terms with change doesn’t just apply to the young. As the years pass and we grow older, the world somehow seems to change more quickly than it used to. So we must carry on learning new things in order to adapt to it. That’s not always easy.

    For those of us who have reached, let us say, a very early middle age, the pace of change, like one of the new Boris bikes in London, can seem giddying, especially when we realise that it’s something we can’t stop or even slow down.

    For many it’s hard sometimes not to feel, like Dicken’s Mr Dombey, that “the world has gone”. Tradesmen are not the same as they used to be, apprentices are not the same, business is not the same, business commodities are not the same”.

    There are, however, compensations. If experience has perhaps taught many of us not only that change is not always for the better, then it has probably also shown, as Euripides wrote, that “there is in the worst of fortune the best of chances for a happy change”.

    That’s a thought to which anyone here who’s worried about the forthcoming Spending Review, about which I’ll have more to say later, might do especially well to hang on.

    But we can also take comfort from the fact that not all insights are modern, and that there remain truths which are immutable.

    Take, for example, the earliest and probably most-imitated of all great public speeches, the funeral oration, given by Euripides’ contemporary and countryman, Pericles. In it, he said that the best memorial is “graven not on stone but in the hearts of men”.

    If that remains as true today as it was two and a half thousand years ago, and I’ve no doubt it does, then young people like those here today and the changes that learning is making to them now, and will continue to make in the future, are the most important monument to the work that many of the rest of us here this morning do.

    Of course, I fully accept that it’s important to have figures in a ledger to show we spend the public’s money with which we are entrusted wisely and that we do good for the many and not just the few.

    Indeed, that’s something on which my friends at the Treasury tend to insist. And they have little alternative as they deal with the consequences of a decade in which the Government spent money it did not have with as much regard for financial prudence as a boatload of drunken sailors.

    The struggle to turn that situation around goes right across Government, and the contribution that the skills system must make its contribution. That is clear from my Department’s Strategy for Sustainable Growth, in which we have set out, among other things, the role that skills must play in creating the conditions needed to reduce the deficit and stimulate growth.

    And that’s one reason why we have promised to re-shape the Apprenticeships programme to ensure that it provides more high-quality training opportunities. We have already begun to deliver on that promise by redeploying £150 million to provide an extra 50,000 places.

    We are also taking an overdue look at how the costs of Apprenticeships and other forms of workplace learning are divided between Government, employers and individuals.

    Hard times always focus people’s attention on the balance-sheet. But at the same time, if numbers were the only reliable indicator of worth, John Nash, in whose astonishing building we find ourselves this morning, would be in the debit rather than the credit column. He would have gone down in history as an apprentice who failed to complete his training rather than as an architect who, by marrying opulence with good taste, changed the face of Britain.

    No. Real success for us must lie in the difference that the new knowledge and skills that learners acquire will make to their lives and to Britain as a whole. And not just at work but at home, too.

    It will lie in the contribution, both economic and social, that learning emboldens them to make in their local communities and in the part they play, individually and collectively, in creating a bigger, more open and more humane society.

    It will lie, perhaps most significantly of all, in the tradition of taking pride in knowledge and skills that they will in turn pass on to the next generation.

    And whatever the challenges we have to cope with, however different the skills landscape may look on the far side of the Spending Review, the objectives towards which we work and our determination to reach them must remain.

    The most important objective of all is to make Apprenticeships the primary, though I must stress not the only, means for people to gain skills in the workplace. GTAs have demonstrated over the decades their ability to work with employers to provide different forms of skills training as part of a wide programme of workforce development.

    But the primacy of Apprenticeships does not necessarily mean that they can be allowed just to continue as they are. They can, and should, be improved.

    Change is coming to how we educate adults, whether it’s in the classroom, in the community or at work. Some of that change we choose and it will be change for the better. Some is forced upon us by circumstances and we’ll have to make the best of it that we can.

    But this is an area that has never stood still.

    It’s certainly true that apprentices are not the same as they were even a few years ago, never mind in the Victorian era which many people still see as the golden age of apprenticeship.

    If memory serves me right, the conditions in which apprentices worked for much of the nineteenth century were determined by the Health and Morals of Apprentices Act of 1802. And the young learners who are with us this morning might like to reflect on some of the more humanitarian changes that this put in place.

    For example, it required apprentices to be given an hour’s religious instruction every Sunday and to attend church at least once a month. In my view, that’s a rule whose time might well come again. But that’s a fanciful thought, not a Government policy.

    So, too, could that of the even older, Elizabethan statute under which any apprentice guilty of “default” – which would be subject to whatever punishment the local mayor or justice of the peace thought appropriate.
    Apprenticeships have certainly changed over the many centuries during which this form of training has existed. And they will continue to adapt to the modern world’s changing training needs.

    Yet as with so much else, their essence has not changed. Above all, they remain perhaps the most effective way of passing on complex practical skills that has ever existed.

    And that’s why, even when money is short, the Government is committed to increasing the supply of Apprenticeships, and improving the quality of the training offered, to make them better suited to the needs of employers and learners alike.

    Indeed, we believe that the current Apprenticeships programme could be improved significantly in three main areas.

    First, many of you know from your own experience that British employers currently face a workforce with insufficient skills at intermediate technician and associate professional level, which are critical to many industries on which our future growth potential will depend and to our international competitiveness.
    I know that’s something on which you’re due to hear more from KPMG later on today.

    For the Government’s part, we want to create a clearer ladder of progression in the Apprenticeships Programme. There should be greater emphasis on progression to Level 3 and beyond.

    And this is why we are committed to expanding, in particular, the number of Apprenticeships available at more advanced skills levels. The Apprenticeship programme, newly refocused to prioritise progression to Level 3 and higher will help deliver the technician- level skills on which the jobs and industries of the coming decades will depend.

    Second, we wish to establish more firmly what the appropriate contribution for employers to make towards Apprenticeships should be. You can help in that because Group Training Associations are already a concrete example of how public -private learning partnerships can work successfully.

    The wealth of evidence on the return to both employers and individuals from investing in skills provides a compelling argument in this respect.

    Third, we want to make it easier for businesses of all sorts to take on apprentices and gain access to the benefits they bring. It is important that employers take up these opportunities and offer Apprenticeship places to secure a new generation of highly skilled employees and we will be encouraging them to do so. Group training models have an important role to play in this.

    For example, small businesses are the cornerstone of our economy and high quality training opportunities like Apprenticeships are key to supporting their growth and success. And group training models mean that we can reach more small and medium sized employers.

    In the past, many small businesses have been discouraged by the administration and the costs and risks of employing Apprentices. Group Training Associations help spread these costs and risks and create new jobs and training opportunities.

    This approach means smaller businesses, who may not have felt able to offer Apprenticeships before, can get on board. Group Training Associations help employers and apprentices alike, providing greater security for the Apprentice and flexibility for the employer.

    For further education, like everything else, the seasons are changing. But to make the most of, in Keats’ words, this time ‘of mists and mellow fruitfulness’ we must both reap the harvest provided by the hard working, dedicated staff within the sector, and prepare the ground for a new beginning.

    Securing a bountiful future will involve making difficult choices. I believe that we can deliver more and save money. But we will only achieve cost effectiveness by challenging the orthodox assumptions about what skills are for, how they are funded and what role Government should play.

    This is why I’m pleased to tell you that we’re bringing in-house the expertise of UKSkills, the charity responsible for championing skills and recognising home-grown talent through awards and competitions. UKSkills’ activities and staff will be transferred to the Skills Funding Agency who will lead a coherent annual programme of competitions and awards to promote skills and apprenticeships, in partnership with the devolved administrations. A highlight will be the WorldSkills 2011 international competition, which is being hosted by the UK in London in October 2011 and will see over 50 counties participate in over 30 skills competitions. My thanks go to UK Skills for their work to date.

    As for the future, I am determined to ensure our decisions are the result of proper consultation.

    That is why one of our first acts in Government was to publish two consultations on the future direction of skills policy and the simplification of skills funding. If you have not done so already, there is still time for you to contribute your views and your experiences.

    We will publish the results of this work after the Spending Review and set out at that stage the detail of how we intend to change and reorganise our learning and skills priorities.

    However, I want to go as far as I can – within these constraints – now, which is why I also want to announce that I am asking the SFA today to review urgently what additional financial support they can find to support the invaluable work of GTAs. I want them to find ways to help you reinvigorate your network. Furthermore, I have asked, when we met this morning, for GTA England to identify more ways in which Government can support further the work of GTAs. We will do all we can.

    Today, our country needs change and progress in equal measure. I know that you will support me in my mission to ensure that it gets both.

    Thank you.

  • National Audit Office – 2010 Report into Academies

    National Audit Office – 2010 Report into Academies

    The report issued by the National Audit Office on 10 September 2010.

    (in .pdf format)

  • John Hayes – 2010 Transforming Lives Speech

    John Hayes – 2010 Transforming Lives Speech

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at the British Library in London on 7 September 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone. It’s a great pleasure for me to join you all today in welcoming the launch of Transforming Lives. I also want to take this opportunity to congratulate NIACE and indeed everyone involved in the Transformation Fund projects from which the report has sprung.

    Of course, this project began last year under the previous government. But as many of you can confirm, I’ve been an advocate of informal adult and community learning for long enough to know that any initiative that improves our understanding of adult learners and their needs must be welcomed, irrespective of whose idea it was.

    What matters most is what the project has achieved and what lessons we can learn from it as we look towards the future.

    For me, you don’t need to look further than the front cover of the report to find the key to what follows.

    That’s because, as I hope all of us here today know, learning is capable not just of changing lives, but of completely transforming them.

    I’m not just talking about the fact that learning brings the qualifications needed to get a higher- rather than lower-paid job. It seems to me horribly reductive to express, as I know some do, the benefits of learning only in terms of lifetime earnings differentials. And it seems to me just plain wrong to measure everything that a person acquires during the learning journey only by its effect on the thickness of their pay-packet.

    It makes me sad when, for example, I read about the new graduates who’ve been unable to find the sorts of jobs they’d hoped for this summer and last. And I can assure them that my colleagues and I are working hard to ensure that they can get a foot on their chosen career-ladder sooner rather than later. But at the same time I hope that those young people also recognise how their years of study and the experiences these have brought have transformed them as individuals.

    Since John Henry Newman at least, I think there has been general recognition that a real university education must be about far more than just acquiring a passport to a white collar and a tie, that its value lies also in how much it does to enrich the content of students’ characters.

    That same effect ought also to be evident in patently vocational forms of training. Now some people refuse to recognise that vocational training can have anything other than employment-related benefits. But I’ve certainly seen for myself as I’ve gone round the country over the summer how, for example, apprentices develop not only practical skills, but also a sense of their own achievement, of pride in what they have accomplished, and of self-worth.

    That’s not just good for themselves and their employers. In the long run, it benefits all of us and the society in which we live.

    So the transformational power of learning is shown both in how learning spreads opportunity and in how it spreads civilisation. But it’s also shown in the element of personal choice, personal responsibility and personal empowerment that learning entails. And that’s especially true of the less formal types of learning.

    That is something of which the Transforming Lives report reminds us very forcefully.

    There are three other important messages that I’d like to draw out from it.

    The first is that in this area, a little money can achieve a lot, particularly if we are prepared to innovate and to trust people at the front line to organise learning in ways that suit their needs rather than conforming to some centralised model.

    It’s hardly a secret that money is going to be in short supply, even in priority areas like education as the Government works to bring the public spending deficit under control. And we all know that cuts will have to be made, although details of where they will fall won’t be finalised until George Osborne and Danny Alexander publish the outcome of the Spending Review next month.

    This isn’t a government that believes, like Aeschylus, that “he who learns must suffer”. But it would be idle to assume that some spending decisions won’t have an impact on education, including on informal learning.

    And it follows that, unless we are prepared in future to contemplate a choice between the Scylla of learning for the few and the Charybdis of learning on the cheap – which I for one am not – we should look urgently for more creative ways to engage both learners and providers.

    That implies, for one thing, making much better use of the local resources we have, engaging a wider range of partners in facilitating learning at community level, and making it easier for grass-roots initiatives to flourish. A good example of the sort of initiative I’m talking about was launched only a couple of weeks ago. The Cafe Culture campaign aims to encourage employers to offer informal learning opportunities at work to their staff. So far, it has involved some 64 companies covering almost two million workers.

    The second important message from Transforming Lives that I want to highlight is that there remains enormous demand for informal learning. And I take comfort from that, because a nation that wants to learn is a nation that is going forward rather than backwards.

    It’s a nation that’s already, by virtue of its people own free will, taking its future into its own hands. Sometimes the State can play a useful role in that, but most often the impetus comes from individuals.

    There’s literally no limit to the range of forms this can take. From the pub landlord who provides space for the local book club to the employer who makes a room available for the lunchtime learning circle. From the housebound person whose isolation is reduced when they discover email or Facebook to the person with depression who finds relief through art or photography.

    These sorts of activities and many others like them make our society a happier and healthier place, and this country a better one in which to live.

    The third and final point from the report that I want to highlight follows from the first two. And it’s that the strength of informal adult and community learning stems precisely from its diversity.

    Like nature itself, in Pascal’s definition, informal learning is “an infinite sphere, the centre of which is everywhere and the circumference nowhere”. Like the internet, with its profusion of interconnected yet free-standing networks, informal learning might have been designed to survive even the biggest catastrophe.

    And that’s perhaps a good point on which to close, because my own long experience of informal adult and community learning has taught me above all else that it has an enviable ability not just to survive, but to adapt and grow. As if to spite those governments that have tried to kill it with neglect as well as those that have tried to kill it with regulation, it not only lives on, but thrives.

    Transforming Lives reminds us of all this and of the essential role that adult and community learning must play in creating a better, more inclusive, more content, more confident and, indeed, bigger society.

    Thank you.

     

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech at Hackney College

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech at Hackney College

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at Hackney College on 22 July 2010.

    Thank you and good morning everyone.

    Ever since I’ve been in politics, I’ve spoken out for adult learning. In that time, I’ve seen plenty of strategies and plenty of lip-service paid to it. But what I’ve never seen is a system established in this country that delivers all the economic and social benefits that further education promises.

    The net result is that, today, the need to establish a system that makes possible a truly lifelong approach to learning, nurturing sustainable economic growth and social renewal, is perhaps more urgent than it has ever been before.

    I challenge anyone to walk around some of the estates of south-east London, where I grew up, and say that our society isn’t broken.

    Our common heritage is not unfairness and intolerance, nor the brutality that these evils breed. Neither is it passive acceptance of things not being right.

    The qualities that made the people of this country admired the world over – qualities like a willingness to stand up for what is right and a sense of fair play – have not become extinct. And yet parts of our society are indeed brutal and indeed intolerant.

    All too often, those who make the effort to improve their own, their families’ and their communities’ lives go unnoticed and unrewarded.

    Too many people feel they have lost power over their own lives.

    Too many neighbourhoods are communities in name only because there is no incentive for solidarity and joint action.

    I don’t pretend that democratising learning can cure all these ills. As David Cameron said just last Monday, we can only start to put things right by means of a wholesale devolution of power from central government to local communities.

    But unless we embrace the principle of lifelong learning, unless we become once again a people that cherishes knowledge and takes pride in skill, then we cannot begin the process of mending Britain.

    That is because education is the greatest civilising force that has ever existed or ever will.

    Knowledge really is power. It says to people, raise your heads and look to the future because your future is yours to build. And it says that what you become is in your hands.

    So I can’t help but feel honoured that it falls to me to, in Churchill’s words, “to lift again the tattered flag I found lying on a stricken field” and attempt to raise lifelong learning to the position that it deserves to occupy in our national life.

    For, as another great Conservative Benjamin Disraeli said ‘Upon the education of the people… the future of this country depends.’

    The consultation documents that we are launching today seek to place learning at the heart of our society.

    But if the full force for good that a culture of lifelong learning could exert on our society was not released when money seemed plentiful, how are we to release it now?

    Since the election, I’ve noticed two contrasting attitudes to the future of further education and indeed the future of public services in general.

    On one side are those who merely wring their hands and wait for the axe to fall.

    But other people, and I count myself among them, see in the need to make savings not impending disaster, but a once in a generation opportunity for really radical reform.

    The important thing is not that further education should become ever richer, but that it should become ever better. Spending more isn’t essential if you are prepared to spend more wisely.

    Those of us who think in this way see the waste, the over-regulation and the failure, all too often, to give institutions like this one what they need to really deliver for the people who depend on them.

    And we see in the impending cuts a driving force inexorable enough to overcome the inertia that stands in the way of real change or a storm of sufficient strength to finally sweep away, to borrow Shakespeare’s great formula, “the dust of creeds outworn”.

    I believe that we can deliver more and save money. But we will only achieve cost effectiveness by challenging the orthodox assumptions about what skills are for, how they are funded and what role Government should play.

    This opportunity to look critically at how closely what we are doing matches what individual learners and their employers need us to be doing must be grasped. And it should prompt in those of us who care deeply about adult learning a sense of excitement, not a sense of trepidation.

    It is in that spirit that our consultation proposals have been prepared. The system we want to build must harness both the economic and the social potential of lifelong learning. And I see the Comprehensive Spending Review not as a threat, but as an opportunity to do precisely that.

    The direction we want to take is clear. The issue is how best to get there. And that is where we need to hear your thoughts on how things could be made to work better, to draw on your knowledge of how things work in real life, and to learn more about the real obstacles you have to overcome on a daily basis.

    You can read the detail of our proposals for yourselves. But, in view of what I’ve said so far, it shouldn’t come as a surprise that they focus on two main themes.

    The first and most important is to secure a real transfer of power – and also of responsibility – from the centre to individuals and their employers.

    That needs to start with ensuring that they get accurate and impartial information about the learning available and of what benefit it is likely to be to them. In adult learning, the Government’s responsibility should be to facilitate informed choice.

    Of course, there can be no free choice without diversity. So we must do whatever is possible in the present funding environment to see that demand is met. For example, Apprenticeships are enormously popular with learners and employers alike.

    That is one reason why we have already acted to expand the number of Apprenticeships available by reallocating money that was previously being wasted through Train to Gain. And it explains why we must now look for innovative ways to incentivise employers to support training in the workplace. There is also growing demand for adult and community learning. This is not only valuable in its own right, but also as an activity that can stimulate people to learn for vocational reasons as well as for enjoyment.

    We therefore propose to help strengthen the relationships between colleges, local authorities, charities, voluntary organisations and social enterprises to support the delivery of adult education and community learning.

    The need to make the system less forbidding for customers obviously doesn’t end there. For example, there remains a need for much greater transparency around vocational qualifications and their credibility or otherwise with employers. What greater disincentive to continued learning is there than working hard for a qualification only to discover that it delivers absolutely nothing in terms of career progression?

    So we need to do more to ensure that no learning represents a dead-end. That’s particularly true of those who are currently out of work, dependent on benefits or otherwise disadvantaged. Our aim is to make it easier for them to get the training they need to enter and progress in work and learning.

    And new pathways need to be developed between formal and informal learning and, indeed, between the different levels and modes of formal learning. To take just one example, there is still a lack of clear routes between Level 3 Apprenticeships and study opportunities at higher education level.

    The second theme of the consultations follows from the first.

    If we want to ensure proper choice for learners and employers between high-quality options while achieving best value for money, we must free colleges and training organisations from unnecessary bureaucracy and make them more accountable to their customers.

    We made a good start on that with the relaxation of the burdens of inspection and reporting, together with the new freedom for most colleges to move money between adult learner and employer responsive budgets that I announced last month.

    Earlier this month, I received the recommendations of Chris Banks’ review of co-funding. The main aim of the review was to establish how to overcome the barriers to securing investment from employers and individuals alongside government while simplifying the further education and skills system.

    This is clearly an extremely important issue for everyone involved in adult learning and so we are taking advantage of this consultation also to invite views on how to implement this approach.

    This is clearly an extremely important issue for everyone involved in adult learning and so we are taking advantage of this consultation also to invite views on the fees review’s recommendations.

    But we must go further, faster. That is why we are seeking your views on what further simplifications would make it easier for you to deliver what your customers need.

    I hope that everyone here and in the wider further education community will share with me their thoughts and ideas on these and other questions. I want today to be remembered the day when we take the first steps towards releasing the genie of adult learning, in all its power, from the lamp of excessive state control. And in years to come, I hope that people will look back on this day as one of the milestones in the further education movement.

    If and when they do, I hope they’ll be able to say that, though times were tough and money short, our shared belief in and commitment to adult learning never wavered. Indeed, that where others saw cause only for woe, we instead found opportunity and grasped it.

    Today, by acknowledging the value of learning we can begin the task of re-evaluating our priorities, rediscovering craft, redefining community learning, rejuvenating apprenticeships, rebalancing the economy and building a big society.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Learning Providers Summer Conference

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Learning Providers Summer Conference

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 14 July 2010.

    Good morning everyone.

    It often strikes me how well the people who work in all parts of adult education satisfy Aristotle’s criteria for true friends – “The young they keep out of mischief; to the old they are a comfort and aid in their weakness, and those in the prime of life they incite to noble deeds”.

    That’s true of private as well as public providers, and true of all those who offer training in the workplace as well as in the classroom. It’s certainly true of ALP’s membership.

    I know that your members also include some further education colleges and voluntary organisations, but I think of ALP as the voice of learning in the workplace.

    I’ve enjoyed a very positive relationship with you in Opposition, and you serve as a constant reminder to us all that a person’s learning should not – and in fact, must not – stop with their first paypacket.

    Indeed, a commitment to the principle of lifelong learning is the natural consequence if you believe, as I do, that everyone deserves a fair chance to get on in life and that learning can help give it to them.

    It’s hard to ignore if you hear, as I have heard since long before I became a Minister, learners and trainers, employers and trade unionists alike, all telling you that skills delivered in the workplace are essential for economic growth and personal progression.

    And it’s inescapable if you see, as this Government saw on the day it came to office, people out of work and increasingly out of hope because they had low skills or just the wrong skills, businesses struggling because of an inadequate supply of skilled labour, and jobs going abroad as a result.

    We need to enliven the British people to get on and progress in their jobs. I see the business of Government very much as a consultative process, and you are our eyes and ears out in the workplace. You are the experts who know how it should be done and how it can be done.

    A lifelong learning system

    Today, I want to talk to you about some of the ways in which the coalition government will try to build a truly lifelong learning system which may be of particular interest to ALP and its members. And I want to set these in the context of the financial challenges that we currently face.

    The easiest way for politicians to show that they care about a particular area of policy is to throw money at it – some think the larger the payout, the deeper the commitment. And, in recent years, some aspects of publicly-funded adult learning have certainly seen their coffers swell as a result of that approach.

    If this Government means to show, as we do, that we in our turn have a genuine commitment to further education, then just splashing out is no longer an option. Like the Archbishop of Canterbury in Henry V, we have to realise that “miracles are ceased/ And therefore we must needs admit the means/ How things are perfected”.

    To judge by the number of invitations I receive, there is a fashion at the moment for conferences and seminars with titles like “How to do more with less” in the context of ensuring cost-effectiveness. And we all know it’s true that, while public spending is under pressure more severe than it has known for a generation, the demands on public services continue to grow rather than shrink.

    I can’t pretend that we are not going to have to take some hard decisions about where our priorities lie, stopping some activities so that others may not just continue, but grow, and may indeed carry on growing.

    As we seek to develop a new strategy for skills, as we will be doing over the next few months, we’ll be trying to do something similar, sorting the show from the substance and seeking to distinguish activities that look good but achieve little from those that have real impact on the lives of real people.

    Over a period of years in Opposition and in government, I’ve stressed the importance of the social and cultural, as well as economic impact that continuing to educate adults brings to individuals and whole communities. And my determination to see learning for its own sake flourish as never before in this country remains undiminished.

    But especially when we speak of training in the workplace, economic considerations are clearly hard to ignore.

    For example, as the Government works to promote renewed growth, it’s obviously more important than ever that the full influence of further education is felt on the transformation of local economies. You must all know from your own experiences that this influence is potentially incredibly great.

    That is why the Government recently invited proposals for local enterprise partnerships that will work in close cooperation with colleges and training organisations.

    You have extensive knowledge of employer skills demand, and are therefore well placed to help the partnerships to develop their economic priorities. The measures that my colleagues and I are already putting in place to cut the bureaucratic burdens on training providers and free them to use their own initiative will help in that, and we will add to those measures freedom to innovate by cutting bureaucratic burdens on training providers.

    And since, as Macaulay said, “the object of oratory alone is not truth, but persuasion”, there are a number of things that I would like to try to persuade you to do in that context.

    For example, I would like you to develop effective networks that will enable you to offer your local enterprise partnership a coordinated view of the economic priorities for the area, and to agree how you can help them to respond to those priorities.

    The foundation-stone of your economic contribution is the teaching of practical skills. Not just random skills, but the skills needed to get local jobs with good prospects. And not just teaching skills, but teaching them well, so that every working day gives people the right to take pride in their own achievements.

    Apprenticeships

    And this Government believes that the best way to teach the practical skills that employers need to the required quality is through Apprenticeships. We need to look at the length, content and quality of Apprenticeships as we seek to inspire learners.

    ALP members provide more Apprenticeship training than anyone else and it follows that you are central to the success or failure of our efforts.

    Of course, it’s easy for those of us with a more sentimental cast of mind to be seduced by, as it were, the imprint of the potter’s thumb. We forget at our peril that while, at least at some level, all art is craft, not all craft is art. Indeed, what right have they who spend their lives sitting in offices to idealise physical labour and manual dexterity.

    Apprenticeships are often thought of as old, but they are also about new and future ideas. And I still firmly believe that there is no less nobility in mastering a skill than there is, say, in learning to understand why space is curved.

    Skills and those who master them deserve to be celebrated no less than the French subjunctive and those who learn to use it properly.

    The coalition Government has already shown in its actions that it views Apprenticeships as the central pillar of its approach to vocational skills. You’ll know that we are redirecting £150 million of funding this year to create 50,000 new high-quality Apprenticeship places. And we see ALP members as vital to the delivery of these extra places.

    In particular, we want to expand Apprenticeships at Level 3 and there are good reasons to do so. Evidence shows that people who gain an Apprenticeship at Level 3 are likely to receive, on average, nearly a fifth higher again than those qualified up to Level 2.

    The key challenge continues to be to get employers on board in offering Apprenticeship places.

    I know that you see some obstacles in the way of that, and that one of the most important is the impending removal of Key Skills from Apprenticeships and their replacement with Functional Skills. I have always been clear that this is a consultative process and we must take your views seriously.

    I have listened to your views on this and I find some of them very persuasive. It is important that we get this right, and I want to take the time over the summer to consider the issues you’ve raised. So I am pleased to be able to announce this morning that, as a result, the use of Key Skills in Apprenticeship Frameworks will be extended until March next year. This will allow providers the choice of offering either Functional Skills or Key Skills in the interim.

    I should stress that this is a temporary measure to allow more flexibility for providers and more time for us to work together to get the implementation right. I know that many providers will be finalising their preparations for delivery of Functional Skills from April 2011. They should still identify and access the support they need to develop their capacity to deliver Functional Skills, with which the Learning and Skills Improvement Service can help.

    The message is clear: it must be a priority for us to work together to build capacity and to decide what is best for the future.

    I would also strongly encourage those of you who are ready to deliver Functional Skills from September 2010 to go ahead and do so, as this will give apprentices the opportunity to develop these highly-valued skills.

    Of course, the need for reform goes much wider than Apprenticeships. There is much important work to do on other types of workplace training. For example, while Train to Gain needs to be dismantled, workplace learning must continue to be nurtured – for example, to ensure that businesses have the skilled workforces they need to grow and employees have the opportunity to progress.

    We must also help to integrate further education more closely into its local environment – social as well as economic. We can make it more efficient and less bureaucratic. We can offer adults more, better and more relevant learning opportunities.

    We can do much more. And we will.

    Empowering people

    Skills are a priority for my department and for my Government. But ultimately whether to learn and what learning to choose will remain a matter of individual choice. And all of these things I’ve been talking about this morning will fail to deliver fully on their promise unless we make sure people have the information they need to make the right choices for them.

    Because by informing people, we simultaneously empower them. And that’s something from which everyone – providers and employers as well as learners – benefits.

    That’s the thinking behind the Next Step service, which will be launched in August. It will aim to give everyone access to the best information, advice and resources to make more effective choices about skills, careers, work and life.

    Individual providers also have an important role to play in empowering learners. They can do their bit as well to ensure that learners and employers to still get good quality, comparable information about exactly what’s on offer.

    We don’t need huge bureaucracies to make this happen. Indeed, most providers already gather this type of information for their own purposes, and many publish it already. We must build on that.

    I’m particularly happy that Graham Hoyle, through his position as Chair of the National Improvement Partnership Board, is taking forward the UKCES proposal to introduce a course and provider labelling system.

    Having a labelling system will ensure that every provider publishes reliable information about their institution and the opportunities they provide.

    Comparatively few providers have anything to fear from this approach, since more than four out of five already deliver satisfactory or better results.

    For the Government’s part, we will maintain and continue to build a light-touch approach. But I have asked the Skills Funding Agency to ensure they take swift action where they identify any unsatisfactory provision.

    Either prompt improvement will follow, or public funding will be removed and reinvested in providers who can deliver to the standards learners and employers expect and deserve.

    Nevertheless, and even though today is Bastille Day, I don’t want to end my remarks, as it were, in the shadow of the guillotine.

    So instead, as we mark the anniversary of one revolution, I’ll end by reminding you all that we stand on the threshold of another.

    The areas on which I’ve concentrated this morning will clearly figure prominently in the new skills strategy to which I’ve already referred, but so will others that will be of particular interest to ALP members.

    For example, we need to think about the right form of public support for non-Apprenticeship workplace training after Train to Gain. I would welcome more thoughts on this subject, and on how to encourage progression and interchange between the different styles of formal and informal learning.

    It will make it much easier to get the right answers to some difficult questions if bodies like ALP are prepared to share their opinions, experience and expertise. And that is something for which I’ll be asking sooner rather than later.

    And now if you have any questions I’ll do my best to answer them.

    Thank you.