Tag: Speeches

  • Michael Gove – 2010 Comments on Education Policy

    Michael Gove – 2010 Comments on Education Policy

    The comments made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, on 24 November 2010.

    Many other countries in the world are improving their schools faster than us and have smaller gaps between the achievements of rich and poor. The very best performing education systems have a rigorous focus on high standards, a determination to narrow attainment gaps and have stretching curricula. The countries that come out top of international studies into educational performance recognise that the most crucial factor in determining how well children do at school is the quality of their teachers.

    The best education systems draw their teachers from among the top graduates and train them rigorously, focusing on classroom practice. They recognise that it is teachers’ knowledge, intellectual depth and love of their subject which stimulates the imagination of children and allows them to flourish and succeed.

    But for too long in our country, teachers and heads have been hamstrung by bureaucracy and left without real support.

    It’s shocking that the latest figures show that only 40 of the 80,000 children in England eligible for free school meals secured places at Oxford or Cambridge. That’s a scandal.

    That’s why the coalition government plans to recruit more great people into teaching, train our existing teachers better and free them from bureaucracy and Whitehall control.

    We are putting teachers in the driving seat of school improvement and we are setting out changes that will make schools more accountable to their communities and their parents.

  • Sadiq Khan – 2022 Statement on the Sir Tom Winsor Review

    Sadiq Khan – 2022 Statement on the Sir Tom Winsor Review

    The statement made by Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, on 2 September 2022.

    Londoners will be able to see that this review is clearly biased and ignores the facts. On the former Commissioner’s watch, trust in the police fell to record lows following a litany of terrible scandals. What happened was simple – I lost confidence in the former Commissioner’s ability to make the changes needed and she then chose to stand aside.

    Londoners elected me to hold the Met Commissioner to account and that’s exactly what I have done. I make absolutely no apology for demanding better for London and for putting the interests of the city I love first. I will continue working with the new Commissioner to reduce crime and to rebuild trust and confidence in the police.

  • Damian Collins – 2022 Statement Following G20 Digital Ministers’ Meeting

    Damian Collins – 2022 Statement Following G20 Digital Ministers’ Meeting

    The statement made by Damian Collins, the Minister for Tech and the Digital Economy, in Bali, Indonesia on 2 September 2022.

    The diverse membership and collective economic power of the G20 makes it one of the most important international meetings where the challenges facing global digital economies are discussed. It is right that G20 Digital Ministers continue to work together to deliver solutions for the benefit of citizens around the world, based on democratic values and human rights.

    In my speech to the G20 digital ministers I condemned Russia’s unprovoked and brutal war in Ukraine, as well as their use of cyber attacks and aggressive state sponsored disinformation campaigns to cause further disruption around the world.

    I also thanked the Indonesian Presidency for ensuring G20 discussions advanced in some key areas. Progress was made on shared priorities including digital connectivity, skills and literacy, and data free flow with trust.

    It has also been a positive opportunity to develop the UK’s relationship with Indonesia. I am pleased that Minister Plate and I share the same enthusiasm for the joint projects like developing the Satria 2 satellites which will improve connections for rural communities and help close Indonesia’s digital divide. Our discussions will be a firm foundation to build the UK-Indonesia relationship on digital and technology over the coming years.

    The UK will support further progress under future Presidencies, starting with India in 2023. The UK and India have a strong relationship and I was pleased to meet my counterpart, Minister Ashwini Vaishnav, to discuss our mutual digital and tech interests. We agreed to launch the UK-India Strategic Tech Dialogue this year which will promote data, economic growth, and diversifying telecoms supply chains in our two countries.

  • Shailesh Vara – 2022 Speech to the British-Irish Association Conference

    Shailesh Vara – 2022 Speech to the British-Irish Association Conference

    The speech made by Shailesh Vara, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in Oxford, England on 2 September 2022.

    It is a great pleasure to be addressing you this evening in these beautiful surroundings for the annual conference of the British-Irish Association.

    I would like to start by thanking Dominic for his kind invitation and his words of welcome. I would also like to express my gratitude to Francesca Kay and all of her team for their hard work and dedication in organising this conference.

    Since 1972, the BIA has played a key role in bringing people together – politicians, civil servants, academics and faith leaders. Also people from the world of business, journalists, commentators and many more, all of whom have sought to promote dialogue, understanding and good relations throughout these islands as we work to shape a better future together.

    So at the outset, I would also like to thank the BIA for everything it has done and will no doubt continue to do in the years ahead.

    Over the past two years, we have sadly lost two monumental figures of the peace process in Northern Ireland. In their careers and in their lives, John Hume and David Trimble demonstrated just how much progress could be made on challenges that were deemed insurmountable by coming together and seeking compromise.

    They put Northern Ireland’s future ahead of party interests, taking enormous personal and political risks to deliver peace. In coming together here this weekend, not only are we reminded of that spirit, but we should look to reignite it as we work together on the challenges in the months ahead.

    Belfast/Good Friday Agreement

    Nearly 25 years on from the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, we shouldn’t lose sight of the magnitude of what was achieved in 1998.

    The Agreement marked an extraordinary achievement for Northern Ireland, laying the foundation for the more peaceful and prosperous society that we see today.

    The approaching 25th Anniversary of the Agreement offers an opportunity for all communities to come together and recognise that shared achievement.

    As we prepare to mark this historic moment, let us be mindful of our responsibilities, particularly to young people, and to future generations in Northern Ireland, and to do all we can to build upon the remarkable progress that has been made in the last quarter century, and to make sure that it endures into the future.

    Northern Ireland has so much to offer and huge potential for an exciting and prosperous future.

    Strategic Challenges ahead

    Of course, there are issues that we currently face, including the Northern Ireland Protocol, dealing with the legacy of the past, restoring a stable Executive and tackling the cost of living – these are extraordinary challenges.

    But they are not insurmountable. With constructive engagement and proper understanding, these challenges can be solved, especially as we already share a common goal – to secure the very best possible outcomes for people in Northern Ireland and across these islands.

    The UK Government remains committed to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and will continue to work with the Northern Ireland parties and the Irish Government to deliver our vision of reconciliation, equality and respect for all.

    We are proud of the progress that we have made in this respect since this conference last met.

    However, that is not to say there are not serious challenges ahead.

    There are difficult issues like the Northern Ireland Protocol and addressing the legacy of the past where I know there are strong differing views. I understand that – these are complex and sensitive issues and if there were easier solutions they would have been found long before now.

    What I can say is the spirit and intent of what we are doing is to deliver a better future for Northern Ireland.

    Northern Ireland Protocol

    The Northern Ireland Protocol was put in place to deal with the “unique circumstances” of Northern Ireland, recognising that a solution needed to be found that recognised Northern Ireland’s place as a sovereign part of the United Kingdom and its internal market, which of course is important, in particular to those with unionist identity, as well as to the commercial life of so many businesses. And of course, the Protocol serves the equally important purpose, not just for nationalists, of preserving frictionless trade across the land border through providing access for Northern Ireland to the EU Single Market.

    We also accept the importance of preserving the integrity of the EU Single Market, as well as our own. And we accept fully that the economic prosperity of Northern Ireland benefits from trade both East-West and North-South.

    However, there are real issues with how the Protocol is currently operating. Those issues increase cost and complexity, and reduce choice regardless of someone’s views on the constitutional position of Northern Ireland.

    We are determined to fix those problems, through negotiation and agreement with the EU if at all possible, and thus to deliver stability for businesses and citizens across Northern Ireland. But with legislation if we cannot.

    Our aim with the legislation on the Northern Ireland Protocol is to put in place an insurance policy so that we can ensure we have a way of resolving the issues with the Protocol. Like all insurance policies, they are better if they’re not invoked but we must bring about a resolution.

    There is also a bigger picture here. We need to get back to finding some common understanding and a relationship of trust between friends and neighbours with a spirit of good intent and a willingness to make things better.

    A stronger UK/Ireland and UK/EU relationship is in all our interest, not least given the wider geostrategic challenges we face. Individuals and businesses look to their political leaders, on both sides, to make their lives easier rather than more burdensome.

    As politicians, and as legislators, if something isn’t working, we make changes to find a solution. That is what we do – day in, day out, we find the possibilities and the room to make things better for the people we are elected to serve.

    I accept that the politics around this is difficult. But given the political will, this can be resolved. And of course the Protocol itself foresees the prospect of it being amended and evolving. We should aim to find a new balance through a new negotiation. And then we can all move on.

    Move on to so many other issues that deserve our urgent attention – such as continuing to deal with the Russian aggression which is making Europe more dangerous now than it has ever been since the Second World War, issues concerning the rising cost of living, the rise in energy prices and concerns over food security.

    I also recognise that the UK leaving the EU was a significant change. But it is time now to reach a place of acceptance, and focus on our future relationship as neighbours, as friends, and as allies.

    I believe that if we all hold to a commitment and spirit of good intent and put people and businesses first we can make this work.

    Legacy

    That same genuine commitment underpins our approach to dealing with the legacy of Northern Ireland’s troubled past. It is clear that the system as it stands is not delivering truth or justice to people who are still living with the pain from the years of violence and bloodshed.

    We have introduced legislation which we believe will address the concerns of those impacted by the Troubles – including those seeking answers and those who served – and so assist in the process of healing and reconciliation. I want to add that we are in listening mode, and my colleagues and I continue to engage directly with the representatives of victims and survivors as the Bill proceeds through Parliament.

    Identity, language and culture legislation

    In like manner, we believe the identity and language legislation which we have introduced, will support greater cultural inclusion, tolerance and openness.

    Abortion

    And we are determined to ensure that girls and women in Northern Ireland have equal access to healthcare. It cannot be right that in 2022 they do not have the same reproductive healthcare facilities as girls and women in the rest of the UK.

    Economic Investment

    That ambition for a better future lies behind the unprecedented levels of financial support and investment we have delivered in Northern Ireland, to help strengthen and grow the economy, along with our contribution to ensure a safer Northern Ireland where the security threat level has reduced for the first time in over a decade.

    So whilst there are challenges, there is much we can coalesce around and work together on to help make Northern Ireland a great place to live, work and invest.

    Executive Formation

    Principal to achieving this goal is of course having a functioning devolved government.

    I therefore urge all Parties, in the strongest possible terms, to work together to form an Executive and address the issues that matter most to people.

    There are people in Northern Ireland right now who are suffering. Some don’t know how they are going to put food on the table for their families and themselves. I believe it is the duty of their elected representatives to ensure there is an Executive and Assembly up and running so they can start spending the money that is waiting to be spent.

    The New Decade, New Approach agreement provided a lengthy period for politicians in Northern Ireland to restore functioning devolved institutions.

    But let me be clear, if the Parties do not make full use of that time to earnestly engage to restore a fully functioning Executive, then I will have to call an election at the end of October.

    This is not something that the people of Northern Ireland want or need, especially given the present economic circumstances.

    What people want is a fully functioning Executive, taking decisive action to tackle the cost of living crisis, improve healthcare, improve education and drive the economy to its full potential.

    I am in no doubt that Northern Ireland has the best of both worlds when it has a stable Northern Ireland Executive backed by the support and strength of the UK Government.

    And this Government believes firmly in the Union and Northern Ireland’s place within it.

    I believe that all people and all communities benefit from being part of a strong United Kingdom, a place where everyone is welcome and can live, work and thrive together.

    Concluding remarks

    I believe that our relationships across these Islands – be they political, business, family or friendships are one of our Union’s greatest strengths.

    These relationships are what have got us through difficult times in the past – and will get us through the challenging times ahead.

    It is the strength and power of these relationships that gave us the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement.

    So as we look to the 25th Anniversary of that agreement next year, let us continue to foster and strengthen our relationships to reach compromises and solutions for the benefit of all our people. And let us take inspiration from the great leaders that have gone before – so we can deliver our shared vision of an inclusive, safe and prosperous Northern Ireland.

  • Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to the Australian Chambers of Commerce

    Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to the Australian Chambers of Commerce

    The speech made by Anne-Marie Trevelyan, the Department for International Trade, in Adelaide, Australia on 2 September 2022.

    Good afternoon everyone

    Thank you, David and Don, for your warm welcome and to the Australian British Chamber of Commerce for inviting me to speak today.

    I want to acknowledge the Kaurna people of the Adelaide Plains and pay respect to their elders past, present and emerging.

    It’s great to be here in Adelaide, the final stop on my Australia and New Zealand trade tour.

    This great city doesn’t just regularly top lists of the most liveable and friendly places on the planet…

    It’s also known for its progressive spirit.

    This is, the city where the Aboriginal flag was flown for the first time – just over the road in Victoria Square.

    And speaking as a female politician, it’s thought provoking to reflect that South Australia was among the first places in the world to give women the vote, back in 1894.

    Today, South Australia has gained a formidable reputation for both complex industry and creative forward thinking:

    Alongside the food and drink produced by your agricultural sector and sold around the world…

    You are growing an extraordinary naval engineering and advanced manufacturing sector; I have been able to catch up with some great UK businesses welcomed here, from BAE systems working on your next generation of frigates, to MacTaggart Scott and Babcock, focused on providing critical technology and long-term support to your Navy.

    The dynamic combination of industry, research, and entrepreneurs, is making new Adelaide districts like Lot 14 and Tonsley, hotbeds for the cyber security, quantum computing and renewable energy sectors…

    South Australia isn’t just meeting the challenges of the modern, globalised world, it’s embracing them.

    So, it was great that in January our Foreign Secretary and the South Australian Premier cemented our partnership through a Memorandum of Understanding.

    Over the last four days, I have seen for myself that the bonds connecting the UK with Australia are stronger than ever.

    We, of course have the historical, cultural, sporting and linguistic ties that have linked our nations over the centuries…

    And the visitors we each welcome every year from one another’s countries –are now back on the rise following Covid-19.

    We also have a shared perspective on the world:

    Our joint belief in the values of democracy, free and fair trade, and the rules-based international order.

    We welcome Australia’s ongoing commitment to a free, stable and open Indo-Pacific region, based on the rule of law, human rights, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    Right now, close to home for us, we are feeling those shared values threatened in Europe by Putin’s illegal and unprovoked attack on Ukraine.

    War on European soil, with an aggressor challenging the democratic and sovereign rights of a country, a neighbour, to exist.

    In times like these, deep and longstanding friendships like the one we have with Australia, are more important than ever.

    Together, we show the world that we stand up for liberty, that we will fight back against tyranny and we will defend, for our citizens, the shared values on which our societies are built.

    And those values are at the heart of how we are using the power of free trade to reinforce the UK and Australia’s enduring partnership.

    Our commercial relationship is, of course, already flourishing…

    Last year, we did over £14 billion worth of business with one another.

    British design and engineering will be integral to the new Qantas direct flights between Sydney and London. With Rolls-Royce engines manufactured in Bristol, and Airbus aircraft wings made in North Wales, soon to be powering even closer links between our countries…

    While Clare Valley Riesling and Coonawarra Cabernet Sauvignon are firm favourites in UK supermarkets.

    Almost every day there’s another example of a new investment or commercial deal between our nations.

    But our trading partnership is about much more than the simple exchange of goods and services – excellent though these are!

    Our mutual trade is a powerful means of addressing some of the biggest issues of the day… working together in multilateral fora such as the G20, the OECD and with the like-minded World Trade Organization members that make up the Ottawa Group.

    Just a few months ago at the WTO, we collaborated on the global response to the food security crisis sparked by the war in Ukraine, along with a series of other major challenges.

    Don and I are both very much focused on building this close and productive relationship.

    Right now, we’re working closely on the UK’s accession to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans Pacific Partnership.

    The UK is aiming to accede by the end of this year, and joining CPTPP is a demonstration of our foreign policy focus aligning with the global economic tilt towards the Indo-Pacific.

    For the UK, the benefits of membership are compelling: Access to a high standards, free trade area – a powerful trade bloc, growing at pace which we look forward to joining.

    As a like-minded friend to Australia and other CPTPP nations – we will bring a new, strong and persuasive voice to the partnership… and unrelentingly make the case for upholding our values, protecting high standards and increasing collaboration on joint priorities.

    e are, of course, also furthering our bilateral relationship through the UK-Australia Free Trade Agreement, which we signed a few months ago.

    When the deal was first discussed, Prime Minister Boris Johnson famously said Australia would give us Tim Tams, while we would give you Penguin Bars.

    I’ve no doubt that the fierce debate on the delights of UK versus Australian confectionery and Marmite versus Vegemite will, much like our conversations around cricket, continue long into the future…

    (I’m a Marmite girl, sorry!)

    But this agreement is a win-win for businesses in both our countries.

    Together we have achieved a world class, comprehensive and modern deal.

    It won’t just end tariffs on goods and slash red tape for businesses. It will open opportunities for our citizens to live and work in each other’s countries.

    The FTA will allow us to enhance regulatory financial services cooperation, keep our digital markets open and boost collaboration.

    I’ve no doubt that the deal’s focus on technology and innovation is going to be an amazing springboard for businesses, both in the UK and across Australia…

    And firms here in Adelaide like Fivecast…the digital intelligence start-up that is now one of South Australia’s hotly tipped companies and which is expanding into the UK, will be at the heart of that success!

    Our Free Trade Agreement also sets out our mutual commitment to answering the big questions around labour standards, gender equality, environmental sustainability, and clean energy to tackle the impacts of climate change.

    As hosts of COP 26 last year in Glasgow, the UK set out our determination to help the world tackle the threats of climate change, not only by walking the walk at home with our 10-point plan, but also a sour number one foreign policy priority.

    Our FTA opens the door to close collaboration between us as we both move to low carbon economies, to share our experiences, from the political to technical, from financial frameworks to challenging technologies.

    A great example of this cooperation is, Wrightbus, a Northern Ireland-based business, providing hydrogen fuel cell powertrain technology to manufacturer called Volgren – so that you can develop zero emissions buses at pace, here in Australia.

    Our Free Trade Agreement marks the start of a golden age of commerce between our countries.

    A new door opened for our entrepreneurs and businesses to easily share goods, ideas, their people’s talents and innovations.

    The UK is focused on ratifying the agreement as soon as possible.

    The reason I have to head home tomorrow is because I’ll be presenting the enabling legislation for the FTA to the House of Commons on Tuesday – the next stage towards implementing this legislation, so our firms and citizens can start to enjoy its benefits.

    I know your government is focused on moving ahead at pace too.

    It is important to remember, that all the hours we’ve spent around the virtual negotiating tables will mean very little, if the Agreement’s benefits are not fully realised.

    And I am the first to say that we shouldn’t expect busy companies to wade through 32 chapters and technical legal language either.

    So, for the UK, an important next step will be spell out to our businesses, in practical terms, how they can harness the deal to grow.

    We’ve already started this work and we’re liaising with our Australian partners on this process.

    Fostering closer trade ties with Australia has a strategic, as well as an economic dimension.

    Last year your leaders decided to start a new chapter in your naval defence journey, by rolling in a new closer relationship with the UK and the USA.

    This new trilateral defence partnership is committed to the preserve of security and stability in the Indo Pacific.

    Our AUKUS partnership will be a 50 year bond, starting with us working with Australia to start your requisition of nuclear-powered submarines.

    I am personally committed to ensuring that the whole ecosystem…which is required to build, upskill and maintain our own UK submarine enterprise will be right alongside you, our Australian friends and allies, as you start on this complex and technically demanding defence commitment.

    This will span everything from construction, to creating a nuclear engineering skills ecosystem, to training of your sailors, to the through-life, maintenance, support and decommissioning of your AUKUS submarines. This is an extraordinary journey you are embarking on

    As well as the initial part of the journey the actual building of the submarines, AUKUS – is a deep strategic partnership – and reflection our mutual trust and long-term cooperation:

    Through shared training of your and our submariners, to collaborating on our plans and sharing expertise – we will cement our nations’ geopolitical ties and better position ourselves to meet future challenges together.

    The UK and Australia are continually exploring new opportunities to work, trade and invest together.

    In fact, name pretty much any field and there’s an exciting joint project underway:

    Last year, we launched the Space Bridge, which will open new trade, investment, research and collaboration opportunities for our respective space sectors.

    In July, we signed a deal to allow British raw milk cheesemakers to sell their produce to Australia for the first time.

    While a few days ago, in Sydney, I launched our Net Zero Innovation Handbook, which has been developed by our Digital Trade Network.

    The handbook aims to highlight to Australian businesses, some of the exciting opportunities unlocked by UK companies on their net zero journeys.

    It’s really valuable reading, so if you haven’t already, I’d encourage you to have a look.

    Ladies and Gentlemen

    I hope I have given you a sense of the scale of our joint ambition today.

    I am very much focused on developing future trade and investment opportunities that will allow our relationship to flourish. I know Don is doing the same.

    So one last thought:

    Trade brings our nations closer, our businesses grow stronger and our citizens enjoy the rewards.

    And from everything I’ve seen on this trip I know our businesses do want us to work more closely together…

    So that we can build both our economic strength, and with it greater security…

    …whether that’s through providing the clean energy that will power our homes and businesses, or by assuring safe international waters that enable the world’s shipping to move goods around the world.

    We’ve achieved so much together already but we can look forward with anticipation that for our countries, there is a genuinely exciting future ahead…

    Through our renewed and revitalised trading relationship that will bring immense benefits to us all.

    Thank you

  • Committee on Fuel Poverty – 2022 Letter to Liz Truss

    Committee on Fuel Poverty – 2022 Letter to Liz Truss

    The letter sent by the Committee on Fuel Poverty to Liz Truss on 2 September 2022.

    (in .pdf format)

  • Committee on Fuel Poverty – 2022 Letter to Rishi Sunak

    Committee on Fuel Poverty – 2022 Letter to Rishi Sunak

    The letter sent by the Committee on Fuel Poverty to Rishi Sunak on 2 September 2022.

    (in .pdf format)

  • G7 Finance Ministers – 2022 Joint Statement on Russia’s War of Aggression against Ukraine

    G7 Finance Ministers – 2022 Joint Statement on Russia’s War of Aggression against Ukraine

    The joint statement made by the G7 Finance Ministers on 2 September 2022.

    We, the G7 Finance Ministers, met on 2 September 2022 to discuss our united response to Russia´s war of aggression against Ukraine and the war’s harmful impact on the global economy.

    We remain steadfast in our support for and solidarity with Ukraine. We will continue to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

    We continue to condemn the brutal, unprovoked, unjustifiable and illegal war of aggression against Ukraine by Russia and aided by Belarus. Russia´s war of aggression is causing global economic disruptions and is threatening the security of the global supply of energy and food. The economic costs of the war and consequent price increases are felt disproportionately by vulnerable groups across all economies and particularly by those countries already facing food insecurities and fiscal challenges.

    We underscore our shared commitment to our determined and coordinated sanctions imposed in response to Russia’s war of aggression, which are already having a considerable impact on the Russian economy. The cumulative impact of these measures on Russia will amplify over time and starkly deteriorate its economic potential. We remain committed to fully implementing and enforcing our sanctions and remain vigilant against sanctions evasion, circumvention and backfilling.

    At their summit in Elmau, G7 Leaders reaffirmed a shared commitment to preventing Russia from profiting from its war of aggression, to supporting stability in global energy markets and to minimising negative economic spillovers, especially on low- and middle-income countries. To deliver on this commitment, today we confirm our joint political intention to finalise and implement a comprehensive prohibition of services which enable maritime transportation of Russian-origin crude oil and petroleum products globally – the provision of such services would only be allowed if the oil and petroleum products are purchased at or below a price (“the price cap”) determined by the broad coalition of countries adhering to and implementing the price cap.

    The price cap is specifically designed to reduce Russian revenues and Russia´s ability to fund its war of aggression whilst limiting the impact of Russia´s war on global energy prices, particularly for low and middle-income countries, by only permitting service providers to continue to do business related to Russian seaborne oil and petroleum products sold at or below the price cap. This measure would thus build on and amplify the reach of existing sanctions, notably the EU´s sixth package of sanctions, ensuring coherence through a strong global framework.[1] We welcome the decision of the European Union to explore with international partners ways to curb rising energy prices, including the feasibility of introducing temporary import price caps.

    In line with our extensive and ongoing engagement with a diverse group of countries and key stakeholders, we invite all countries to provide input on the price cap´s design and to implement this important measure. We seek to establish a broad coalition in order to maximise effectiveness and urge all countries that still seek to import Russian oil and petroleum products to commit to doing so only at prices at or below the price cap. We reaffirm our own measures to phase out Russian oil and products from our domestic markets and underscore that the price cap measure aims to relieve pressure on global oil prices and support oil-importing countries globally by enabling continued access to Russian oil at or below the price cap for countries that continue such imports. The measure has the potential to be particularly beneficial to countries, notably vulnerable low- and middle-income countries, suffering from high energy and food prices, aggravated by Russia’s war of aggression. We will also develop targeted mitigation mechanisms alongside our restrictive measures to ensure that the most vulnerable and impacted countries maintain access to energy markets including from Russia.

    We commit to urgently work on the finalisation and implementation of this measure in our own jurisdictions through our respective domestic and legal processes and with our partners. We acknowledge that, for the EU, unanimity among the 27 EU Member States is required. We aim to align implementation with the timeline of related measures within the EU´s sixth sanctions package.

    The initial price cap will be set at a level based on a range of technical inputs and will be decided by the full coalition in advance of implementation in each jurisdiction. The price cap will be publicly communicated in a clear and transparent manner. The price cap´s effectiveness and impact will be closely monitored and the price level revisited as necessary.

    We envisage that practical implementation of the price cap will be based on a recordkeeping and attestation model covering all relevant types of contracts. We aim to ensure consistent implementation across jurisdictions. In implementation, we would aim to limit possibilities for circumventing the price cap regime, while at the same time minimising the administrative burden for market participants. With a view to final design and implementation, we will continue to engage with a diverse group of countries and stakeholders to enhance clarity and compliance and enable trade to continue to flow at or below the envisaged price cap. We envisage that the coalition establishes a cooperation framework across jurisdictions to ensure compliance and enable monitoring and supervision. Once operational, the coalition may consider further action to ensure the effectiveness of the price cap. The price cap measure will be reviewed and reconsidered when appropriate.

    In line with G7 Leaders´ commitments at Elmau, we continue to encourage oil-producing countries to increase their production to decrease volatility in energy markets, and in this context welcome OPEC’s recent decisions to increase output amid tight supply conditions. We call on them to continue action in this regard. We will increase coordination with partners committed to bolstering efficiency, stability and transparency in energy markets.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Colleges Annual Conference

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Colleges Annual Conference

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 17 November 2010.

    Thank you Kirsty [Wark] and good afternoon everyone.

    WB Yeats said that education was “not the filling of a pail, but the lighting of a fire”; I know you share my burning passion for practical learning and that is why we can feel proud and excited about the Government’s new strategy for skills.

    Let’s together light the fire of learning across the nation. The documents that Vince Cable and I launched here yesterday are among the most important documents that the coalition Government has so far produced. Because they are about making sure the power of learning counts.

    And the first thing I want to do this afternoon is to pay tribute to Vince’s unstinting support in my work. We share – along with Michael Gove – a common vision of the value and the potential of further education and skills.

    We believe that, unless they are strong, it will be far harder to build a fairer, more cohesive and more prosperous Britain. And we all see ourselves, not just as the temporary political custodians of further education, but as active members of a diverse further education movement with a great history and a glorious future.

    In the past too few policy makers have understood sufficiently that F.E. is bigger than a certain number of buildings with a certain number of teachers and learners and a certain amount of money attached. Further Education is the lighting of many fires. From brightly burning ambition to the warm glow of achievement.

    I firmly believe that, just as I believe that the system’s success or failure is best measured not according to how many learners it recruits, but how many jobs it builds; how many communities it enhances; how much it inspires.

    Although learning is vital for economic success, it’s also about providing greater opportunities, breaking down the barriers that create and perpetuate disadvantage. It’s about invigorating people to think about how they can make more difference in their communities and how they can play their part in renewing our society.

    Vince spoke about this yesterday and it’s also the theme of much of what I want to say to you today.

    But I want to start not with the work of the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, but with that of the other department in which I’m proud to serve, the Department for Education. Because I am delighted to be here today in my capacity as joint Minister.

    Firstly, I was delighted that, despite difficult circumstances and tough decisions, we were able to confirm in the Spending Review that we will maintain our commitment to full participation of 16 and 17 year olds in education and training, and to raising the participation age to 18 by 2015. That is crucial if we are to make opportunity more equal and reverse the widening gap between rich and poor.

    I know that the Education Secretary, Michael Gove, also sees the role of FE and Sixth Form Colleges in meeting that ambition as crucial. That is why we have already taken steps to ensure that you have the freedom to determine your curriculum offer and mix of provision to meet the needs of the young people who choose to attend your college.

    And that is complemented by a vastly simpler funding system, cutting out the protracted planning that bedevilled previous systems; instead creating a responsive, demand led sector, in which funding follows learners.

    I know you are anxious to know what the 16-19 spending settlement will mean for you and I can confirm that the Education Department will announce details before Christmas. Alongside increased freedom for colleges I want to emphasise the importance of collaboration. Working together for nation’s future, for the common good.

    That’s about working closely with local authorities in promoting opportunities particularly for the most disadvantaged, but it’s also about increasing opportunities to work in school and college collaboration to develop cross-institutional approaches to vocational education.

    I am delighted to be able to announce the Growth and Innovation Fund to which Government will contribute 50 million pounds with many more millions coming from business. This fund will support greater collaboration between employers and colleges. There are many fine examples of this already and we need to understand how that best practice can be encouraged.

    There are also many examples of colleges sponsoring academies and we want to see more of that too. And I want colleges to grasp with both hands the opportunity offered by Lord Baker’s excellent work on UTCs.

    Let’s build new technical schools across Britain. At last fulfilling that part of Rab Butler’s 1944 Act.

    I welcome warmly Michael Gove’s invitation to Professor Alison Wolf to carry out an independent review of vocational education for under-19s.

    I know that Professor Wolf has talked to many of you in the course of her work so far, and has been impressed by your commitment to making high quality vocational provision available to young people including through your collaborative work. I certainly look forward to reading her report, which the Department for Education expects to receive early next year.

    Establishing a more coherent approach to qualifications will also help young people and their parents as they make choices about what and where to study post-16. Key to this will be young people’s access to expert, impartial and independent careers guidance.

    I made a speech the week before last to the Institute of Careers Guidance, where I set out my vision for an all-age careers service.

    Colleges will be able to work with the new all-age service to build on that the great work they already do. And we will make clear that we expect schools to take responsibility for securing access for their pupils to impartial, independent careers guidance, working with the all-age service or another licensed provider. For as W.H. Auden said “It takes little talent to see what lies under one’s nose, a good deal to know in which direction to point that organ.”

    I know as well as you do that the history of post-compulsory education over the last half-century has been one of chop and change. Nowhere has this been more disruptive that in 16-19 education. That has meant that too often, post-19 education and training has been treated as if its primary purpose was to pick up the pieces of the failures of other parts of the system.

    That’s not good enough. Indeed, it’s counter-productive. For, as I said earlier, real learning is inspirational.

    The doors of a further education college should open the way towards a place at life’s top table, not a seat at the back of the class. They should make real the prospect of a more fulfilled life; a better job; or the opportunity to deepen knowledge by progressing to higher learning.

    It’s that vision which underpins our strategy for skills.

    At the heart of how we will put this into practice is our plan for apprenticeships; 250 million pounds more for 75,000 extra apprenticeships. An ambition to create more apprentices than ever before.

    But, pivotal as they are, apprenticeships are not all we will do. They are just one aspect of a more equitable approach to sharing out the costs and benefits of training. Our plans also provide for fully subsidised provision for basic skills, training for young adults, and skills to help unemployed people to get and stay in sustainable work.

    We will also part-fund training for people 24 and over at level 2 while also giving access to loans for those individuals aged 24 and over who wish to study at level 3, and higher. Devoting resource to where it’s needed most. With your help, we will get this right, we will ensure that the most vulnerable get the financial support without which they could not gain new skills.

    Perhaps most importantly of all I want you to help me tackle the scandalous fact that one in seven of our young people is not in education, employment or training.

    I’m know, too, that a lot of lip-service has been paid over the years to employer involvement in training. And we know where that led: Train to Gain with its immense deadweight cost.

    What we must do now is to take a more realistic view of what’s needed and what’s worth paying for. The sort of realism that recognizes that those who reap the benefits of training must be prepared to share the costs. The sort of realism that graps that small employers are likely to need more help than larger ones to train their staff. And the sort of realism that, even when overall spending is falling, still fights for funds to create a new growth and innovation fund to support fresh employer-led skills initiatives..

    Learners’ choices will be underpinned by the new Qualifications and Credit Framework, which gives much greater flexibility through new credit-bearing qualifications, helping learners to progress, and giving them, and employers, access to training in a way that meet their immediate needs.

    We will also develop Lifelong Learning Accounts, encouraging individuals to learn, and keep on learning.

    I want the accounts to drive a national community of learners with the desire to seek out knowledge and skills. Sharing their successes with others; and I want you to play your part in building bigger lives.

    Another change will come with the intensification of colleges’ role as community assets. To help make sure that this happens, we will both protect and reform he budget for adult safeguarded learning.

    Above all, in future the emphasis will be on the primacy of the relationship between colleges and their direct customers – individuals and businesses. Accountability will pass from Government to colleges’ local communities.

    I am serious about devolving real power to get things done. So we intend to give greater freedom to colleges.

    Freedom from the unnecessary bureaucracy and regulation that inhibits your ability to frame what you do to suit local learners and employers.
    We seek to remove a raft of unnecessary regulations that dictate what you do, and how you should do it.

    We intend to remove the legal necessity to promote economic and social well-being of the local area, and have regard to prescriptive guidance about consultation. Because what college worth its name needs a law to tell it to promote well being? Social and economic well being are your stock in trade.

    And we are looking to make it easier for you to borrow to invest. We want to move towards creating a dynamic skills system which is lead by the colleges, who in turn work with learners and business to deliver the education and training provision they need.

    I don’t pretend that change on this scale will be easy, nor that it won’t make demands on you. It will require new and creative thinking.

    Representative bodies like this one will need to take collective responsibility for sector improvement, working through the Learning and Skills Improvement Service. I believe strongly in the professionalism of the sector, the importance of a qualified workforce, and power of peer to peer approaches in supporting quality improvement.

    It will also mean colleges working together to reduce costs, for example through more efficient collaboration in the delivery of front and back office functions.

    Though let me be clear there is a role for smaller, rural and specialist providers too. So rest assured I don’t see mergers as the only solution.

    And the Government devolving power will not mean the Government absolving itself of its responsibilities. Where colleges are failing, we will act, opening up opportunities to others in the independent and private sector to get involved.

    I don’t want to leave you today merely thinking that the Spending Review wasn’t as bad as some people expected – although it wasn’t.

    Reform would have been desirable even if we hadn’t inherited an unsustainable fiscal deficit.

    We have been planning change for years. And we built change on we learnt from you.

    The strategy we have launched at this conference was not just the result of a long consultation over the summer, though many valuable submissions, including from the AoC, (more than 500 in all) have helped to inform our thinking.

    As many of you know it is as much the result of a much longer period of consultation, of discussion, of deliberation, which began when David Cameron appointed me Shadow Minister, five years ago next month. Five years to build my understanding of the invaluable contribution made by FE to our economy and our society.

    I know there is immense human capital in the sector. Yet the last Government infantilised FE. It directed, micro-managed and encumbered FE.

    It’s time to treat you as grown ups. To set you free. Free from the technocrats; from full utilitarianism; from the stifling bureaucracy.

    I want you to leave Birmingham excited by the prospect of change.

    Know that at last there is a Government that understands Further Education, that prioritises skills. A Government that trusts you. My trust; learners trust.

    Play your part in taking our movement forward. Be worthy of that trust.

    Let none of us be content until everyone embraces our creed that, wherever you begin, whatever your background and whatever your circumstances, learning can make a difference; can ignite a fire.

    Learning brightens lives and warms hearts.

    So leave this conference with the glow of professionals at last trusted to do your best; to be your best.

    Thank you.

     

  • Shirley Williams – 1974 Interview on Rising Prices

    Shirley Williams – 1974 Interview on Rising Prices

    Part of the interview broadcast on Good Afternoon on Thames TV on 9 August 1974 with Shirley Williams, the then Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection.

    INTERVIEWER

    Shirley Williams, can you tell me what effective steps you’ve taken to control rising prices?

    SHIRLEY WILLIAMS

    Yes, indeed and I think I have to say that I’ve always said there are some things you can do and some things you can’t do. And I’ll now list the things that I’ve tried to do.

    We first of all, declare a cut across the board in the retail margins of profit by 10%. We extended it not just to fresh food, but all the way across including all the non food items as well. We then declared a three months gap between price increases except to the few very rare cases. We ended the business of increasing prices of goods bought at the same price for stock goods on display, the so called sticky label racket.

    The next group of things we did was to bring in a Prices Bill which is now law, which enabled us to subsidise foods and under it we’ve subsidised bread, milk, butter, flour, and cheese. And that’s not the end of it, there’ll be others. We took powers to require the display of maximum prices for these subsidised foods and the orders on that are going out at the present time. We took powers to introduce unit pricing of particularly fresh foods, especially fruit and vegetables, meat and fish. And the first orders on that tool will be going out in the next few weeks.

    We entered on a voluntary agreement with the retail trade covering essential foodstuffs which weren’t subsidised, in an attempt to try to keep the margins down as low as possible on that, and finally, we’ve taken steps with the local authorities to greatly extend consumer advice centres and we hope that in a short space of time, these will also engage in price monitoring. That’s just on the prices side. I will leave out the consumer protection side where we’ve tried to do some things also. Net effect you want to ask, between four and five points on the food index, up to now with a bit more to come.

    INTERVIEWER

    Well, there’s lots and lots of points to take up there. And perhaps we could start with subsidies? Now the classic argument is you must know only too well against food subsidies is that we all get them, regardless of whether we need them or not. And to back this up yourself, you said recently in the House that only a quarter of the people who benefit from subsidies earn less than 30 pounds a week, actually 24%, are they then the best way of helping people who need help?

    SHIRLEY WILLIAMS

    Oh, Tony, you’ve got yourself stuck into a statistical difficulty that all the House of Commons got itself stuck in, so I can’t blame you. No, it’s 24% of households. But you see, most pensioners are households of one or two people. So that that many households represents far more people than the household figure gives you. Now we know three things about this. The first says that pensioners benefit most, they actually benefit in absolute terms most, that’s to say they make more out of subsidies per head than anybody else in the population. Reason for this quite simply is they buy more staple foods and they spend more of their budget on food. They don’t spend the same amount on cars and holidays and entertainment that no doubt you and I do. So they benefit the most, absolutely. They also benefit the most proportionately, and so do the poor families.

    The other part of the argument, I’ll be as quick about this as I can, of course it’s true that the average benefit of 60 pence a week goes to everybody. But the great difference is that anybody who earns over 60 pounds a week is paying an extra tax much more than he’s getting in subsidy. And anybody earning under 20 pounds a week is paying nothing extra in tax at all. So the whole of the subsidy benefits him and it’s what we call a give and take scheme, quite simply.

    INTERVIEWER

    But isn’t it true that the point of subsidies is completely lost if the good effect they have on lowering the cost of living is completely eroded by the government’s decision to put extra charges on the services of nationalised industries, things like electricity and gas, which pensioners need just as much as everybody else? I mean, isn’t that whole effect completely eroded away, and therefore we’re back to square one?

    SHIRLEY WILLIAMS

    As I began this programme by saying, there has been a definite impact on the food index and a definite impact on the pensioner index. The reason for this is that, although I agree with you nationalised industry prices do affect the pensioner, the pensioner does spend more of his income on food and rent. The two crucial things that had been directly affected in one case by subsidy and the other by freeze, then does anybody else in the population except the very poor large family.

    Now coming to nationalise industries prices. I mean, obviously, as the Prices Minister, I hate to see nationalise industries prices go up. But I think it’s fair to say that the scale of the subsidy was running at about 1,400 million pounds at the end of February, that the only way to sustain this would have been a massive further increase in income tax and other taxes including VAT. Therefore the feeling was in the government, and indeed in the Conservative government before it, that we could had to set a ceiling to these nationalised industry subsidies. And the only other point I would make is this. We have tried to protect the less well off, for example, rail fares to commuters have gone up substantially less than rail fares for people travelling InterCity because our studies have shown us that commuters include far more lower paid people.

    INTERVIEWER

    But you mentioned the word income then. Isn’t it really better to give people the money in some form or another, like increase pensions or family allowances or even less tax ,or some sort of tax credit then they can decide what they themselves would like to spend the money on?

    SHIRLEY WILLIAMS

    It’s no good giving people pensions on the one hand, and then see the whole lot eroded by increases in prices on the other. But the other point I want to make is this, because I think you have got a serious point about family allowances. Subsidies affected the cost of living immediately. It takes perhaps four weeks, six weeks to bring in a subsidy scheme, at least in areas where you can properly inspect it. There are some things like meat, but I’ve always admitted it’s very difficult to do.

    You can’t bring in a new family allowance system in anything like that time. You’ve got to print the books, you’ve got to set up the staff and so on. So can I just say this too quickly? The services have never been intended to be permanent, they’re intended to take the top off inflation. There is nothing in subsidies to preclude the government moving on to family allowances, moving on to higher pensions, but it can’t be done as quickly. It even took pensions up to July to be done although Mrs. Castle worked overtime and so did her staff and that was the shortest possible time.