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  • Nick Gibb – 2010 Speech to Reform

    Nick Gibb – 2010 Speech to Reform

    The speech made by Nick Gibb, the then Education Minister, on 25 November 2010.

    Thank you Andrew for your introduction and for giving me the opportunity to speak today. I greatly admire the work you and your colleagues do and, in the difficult economic times that this government has inherited, Reform is, I believe, very well placed to have a real and lasting influence.

    Over the last decade Reform has developed a deep understanding of the problems facing Britain’s public services and has brought together people of real experience from across the world to develop a practical agenda for their change.

    While you have recognised that investment can be part of the solution, you have argued that reform of the way money is spent can be just as or, sometimes even more, significant. This insight – always important – will be crucial in the years ahead.

    And you have taken a serious and independent approach. Reform’s publications are based on firm research, and you’ve worked with reform-minded politicians from across the political spectrum.

    In education you have, I believe rightly, argued for the extension of choice as a driver of improved standards but have also recognised the role government has to play to ensure greater concentration on academic rigour and the passing on of core knowledge.

    So as I start work as the minister responsible for driving through significant changes to help raise standards in schools, I know that Reform will be a friend but, like the best friends, will never be afraid to tell us when you think we have got things wrong or could do better.

    The government’s aims

    Like everything in the agreement that unites this coalition government, our education policies are guided by the three principles of freedom, responsibility and fairness. We’re going to give schools greater freedom and parents more opportunity to choose good schools.

    We’re going to place greater trust in professionals to give teachers more freedom to decide how to teach.

    And we’re going to reduce bureaucracy so that schools can get on with their core business. In just one year, under the last government, the department produced over 6,000 pages of guidance for schools – more than twice the length of the complete works of Shakespeare but much less illuminating, and certainly less readable. We want to put an end to the reams of paperwork and bureaucratic burdens piled on to teachers and schools: not just the jargon-heavy instructions telling people how to do their jobs but the posters and DVDs that gather dust in supply cupboards.

    Outstanding schools will be freed from inspection to refocus Ofsted’s resources on those schools that are coasting or struggling and which are failing to deliver the best quality education to their students.

    We agree with Reform that extending choice will drive up quality.

    Academies, introduced by the last government, have been very successful in raising standards and so we want to see many more. The Academies Bill, now going through the House of Lords, will allow more schools to benefit from the freedoms of academy status – including, for the first time, primary schools and special schools.

    Academies are free from local authority control, can deploy resources as they deem best, and have the ability to set their own pay and conditions for staff. They have greater freedom over the curriculum and the length of terms and school days. Yet they operate within a broad framework of accountability which is designed to ensure that standards remain high, and consistent.

    In just one week, 1,100 schools expressed an interest in becoming an Academy, and those schools which have been rated outstanding by Ofsted will have their applications fast tracked so that some can be open this September.

    We are also making it much easier for parents, teachers and education providers to set up new schools, so that there is real choice in every area.

    The second coalition principle I mentioned is responsibility, and everyone must take their share in the education system.

    Government has a responsibility to ensure high standards; schools have a responsibility to promote an ethos of excellence and aspiration with opportunities for extra-curricula activities and sport. But it is the responsibility of pupils and their parents to ensure that their behaviour at school is of a standard that delivers a safe and happy environment in which children can concentrate and learn.

    We will support that by giving teachers and head teachers the powers they need to deal effectively with poor behaviour. And we are working to ensure that teachers are protected from the professional and social humiliation of false accusations.

    But the coalition principle I want to concentrate on this morning is fairness. Britain’s school system today is, frankly, unfair. Too often, opportunity is denied in a lottery of education provision where geography or parental income determines outcomes rather than academic ability.

    Scale of the problem

    The figures are familiar but nonetheless shocking for all their repetition:

    • The chances of a child who is eligible for free school meals getting 5 good GCSEs including English and maths are less than one third of those for children from better-off families.
    • 42% of pupils eligible for free school meals did not achieve a single GCSE above a Grade D in 2008.
    • In the last year for which we have data more pupils from Eton went to Oxford or Cambridge than from the entire cohort of the 80,000 students eligible for free school meals.

    This is simply unacceptable.

    I do not believe that less able children or those from disadvantaged backgrounds are not capable of having an academic education, or indeed that their parents necessarily hold lower ambitions for their children. I absolutely agree with Alan Milburn in his speech to the National Education Trust in March when he said:

    It is sometimes argued that parents in the most disadvantaged areas are less aspirational for their children than those in better off areas. The figures on school appeals repudiate such assumptions, with a large number of parents in disadvantaged parts of the country using the appeals system to try to get their children out of poorly performing schools and into better ones.

    It is a natural instinct for parents to want the best for their children, and better opportunities than they had themselves. Britain’s educational problems are not primarily the result of a lack of private aspiration, rather the state’s failure to provide enough good schools.

    It is socially unfair, and economically damaging.

    As Reform has highlighted, England’s performance in international educational league tables is now ‘amongst the worst of large developed economies’.

    The Progress in International Reading Literacy Study of 10 year olds marks England’s fall from 3rd out of 35 countries in 2001, to 15th out of 40 countries in 2006. And a PISA study shows that only 2 countries out of 57 have a wider gap in attainment between the lowest and highest achievers compared to England.

    I don’t cite these figures in order to attack the last government or to criticise the fantastic work that is done in our schools by teachers and pupils alike. Rather, this issue highlights a fundamental ideological debate about education which runs much deeper than the decisions of ministers in the last few years.

    Indeed, I pay tribute to the work done by Andrew Adonis and Jim Knight, and to previous Conservative Secretaries of State such as Ken Baker and John Patten, who tried to tackle some of the underlying causes of the problems we face.

    On one side of the ideological debate are those who believe that children should learn when they are ready, through child-initiated activities and self-discovery – what Plowden called ‘Finding Out’. It is an ideology that puts the emphasis on the processes of learning rather than on the content of knowledge that needs to be learnt.

    The American education academic, E.D. Hirsch, traces this ideology back to the 1920s, to the Teachers College Columbia in New York and the influence of the educationalists, John Dewey and William Heard Kilpatrick.

    Added to that ideology is the notion that there is so much knowledge in the world that it is impossible to teach it all – and very difficult to discern what should be selected to be taught in schools. So, instead, children should be taught how to learn.

    The importance of knowledge

    I believe very strongly that education is about the transfer of knowledge from one generation to the next.

    Knowledge is the basic building block for a successful life. Without understanding the fundamental concepts of maths or science it is impossible properly to comprehend huge areas of modern life. With little or no knowledge of our nation’s history, understanding the present is that much harder.

    Getting to grips with the basics – of elements, of metals, of halogens, of acids; of what happens when hydrogen and oxygen come together; of photosynthesis; of cells – is difficult, but once learned you have the ability at least to comprehend some of the great advances in genetics, physics and other scientific fields that are revolutionising our lives.

    Once these concepts are grasped it opens up and develops the mind and takes you one tiny step further to understanding the complex world in which we live. Each new concept facilitates deeper understanding, and the ability to think more creatively and more independently about the way the world works, and about society.

    The facts, dates and narrative of our history in fact join us all together. The rich language of Shakespeare should be the common property of us all. The great figures of literature that still populate the conversations of all those who regard themselves as well-educated should be known to all.

    Yet to more and more people Miss Havisham is a stranger and even the most basic history and geography a mystery.

    These concepts must be taught. And they must be taught to everyone. Sadly, that is not always the case.

    Professor Derek Matthews’s practice of quizzing his first year history undergraduates over a three year period shows depressing evidence of the state of teaching knowledge in history.

    Almost twice as many students thought Nelson rather than Wellington was in charge at the Battle of Waterloo and nearly 90 per cent couldn’t name a single British Prime Minister of the 19th Century. And these were students at a university whose entry requirement is an A and two Bs at A level.

    Again, I do not intend to criticise Professor Matthews’s students or, indeed, their teachers. These were bright young people who had achieved good exam results. What is to be criticised is an education system which has relegated the importance of knowledge in favour of ill-defined learning skills.

    So I want to spend the remaining few minutes setting out the approach that the Coalition Government plans to take to put knowledge and subjects at the centre of the curriculum.

    Professor David Conway in his fascinating paper, ‘Liberal Education and the national curriculum’ quotes Matthew Arnold’s view of the purpose of education as introducing children to ‘the best that has been thought and said.’

    That must be the case for all children, not the privileged few, in an education system with fairness at its core.

    Children who come from knowledge and education rich backgrounds start school with an in-built advantage over those who do not. If the school then fails to make up the knowledge deficit, those divisions widen still further.

    Leon Feinstein’s research has shown that low-ability children from wealthy backgrounds often overtake and outperform more able children from poorer backgrounds by age 5, with the differences between children’s cognitive development related to parental social status emerging as early as 22 months.

    E.D. Hirsch, writes brilliantly about the importance of knowledge gained early on. He says, ‘Just as it takes money to make money, it takes knowledge to make knowledge.’

    He goes onto say:

    Those children who possess the intellectual capital when they first arrive at school have the mental scaffolding and Velcro to gain still more knowledge. But those children who arrive at school lacking the relevant experience and vocabulary – they see not neither do they understand.

    Which is why he believes, as I do, that: ‘It is the duty of schools to provide each child with the knowledge and skills requisite for academic progress – regardless of home background.’

    So we will introduce a Pupil Premium, which will direct resources to children from disadvantaged backgrounds, who need it most. Headteachers will then have the freedom to decide how best to use that money – whether to reduce class sizes, provide extra tuition, or recruit the best teachers.

    But we need to sharpen our focus on the core business of teaching at every level, starting with the basics. In particular, reading.

    25% of adults have literacy problems. But even after the literacy strategy in primary schools introduced in the late 1990s, we still have nearly one in five 11-year-olds leaving primary school still struggling with reading. Again, the ideologically-driven, child-centred approach to education has led to the belief that the mere exposure to books and text, and the repetition of high frequency words, will lead to a child learning to read – as if by osmosis.

    That Look and Say, or whole language approach to reading ignores the importance of teaching children the 44 sounds of the alphabetic code, and how to blend those sounds into words.

    Although phonics does play a part in the way reading is taught, as Ofsted has reported in their last annual report: ‘… weaknesses in the teaching of literacy … remain… Inspectors continue to report a lack of focus on basic literacy for low attainers…’.

    So we are determined to focus on ensuring that reading is taught effectively in primary schools and we will say more about this in the coming months.
    And it is because of that necessary focus on the basics, and our belief in giving teachers more flexibility, that we have decided not to proceed with the new primary curriculum as recommended by Sir Jim Rose.

    Instead, we want to restore the national curriculum to its intended purpose – a core national entitlement organised around subject disciplines.

    So we will slim down the national curriculum to ensure that pupils have the knowledge they need at each stage of their education, and restore parity between our curriculum and qualifications, and the best world has to offer: whether that is Massachusetts, Singapore, Finland, Hong Kong, or Alberta.

    We will reform league tables so that parents have the reassurance they need that their child is progressing.

    And we must also restore confidence in our exam system. Pupils should be entered for qualifications that are in their best interests, not with a view to boosting a school’s performance in the league tables.

    We have opened up qualifications unfairly closed off to pupils in state maintained schools – such as the iGCSE – to offer pupils greater choice, and to ensure that they are afforded the same opportunities as those who have the money to go to independent schools.

    Conclusion

    Andrew, I have set out today an overview of how we intend to tackle some of the problems in our education system and how we intend to start to close the achievement gap between those from the richest and poorest in society. As you would expect from this Coalition Government it’s based on a conservative belief in a liberal education.

    E.D. Hirsch writes that ‘… an early inequity in the distribution of intellectual capital may be the single most important source of avoidable injustice in a free society.’

    It is remedying that injustice that is the driving force behind this Government’s education reforms.

  • Michael Gove – 2010 Speech to the National College Annual Conference

    Michael Gove – 2010 Speech to the National College Annual Conference

    The speech made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, on 25 November 2010.

    Thank you Tony for that kind introduction.

    And thank you all, for the work that you do.

    The service you give, the leadership you show, the example you set – they are all inspiring.

    And they are what make my work worthwhile.

    The wonderful thing about my job is the opportunity it gives me to see the very best of this country – young people achieving more than they ever thought they could, finding their special talent, taking charge of their own destinies, becoming authors of their own life stories.

    Seeing the work you do – often against the odds, in difficult circumstances, with tight resources and challenging intakes – reaffirms one of my deepest convictions – there is no way to spend your life which is more admirable than following the vocation which inspires all of you – the calling to teach.

    And there is no way I can do this job without listening to you as you explain what drives you, what your ambitions are for the children and young people in your care and what Government can do to serve you.

    Which is why I was so glad to hear what Steve had to say – because the political leadership I want to provide is all about service. It should be Government’s job to help, serve and support you – not direct, patronise and fetter you.

    I believe that heads and teachers are the best people to run schools – not politicians or bureaucrats.

    The people from whom I have learnt the most while in politics have been headteachers – people like Fiona Hammans at Banbury School, Joan McVittie at Woodside High, Mike Wilshaw at Mossbourne Community Academy, Mike Griffiths at Northampton School for Boys, Mike Spinks at Urmston Grammar, Sue John at Lampton School, Patricia Sowter at Cuckoo Hall, Sally Coates at Burlington Danes, and so many more.

    At the heart of this Government’s vision for education is a determination to give school leaders more power and control. Not just to drive improvement in their own schools – but to drive improvement across our whole education system.

    Looking back over the last 15 years there are any number of things I could criticise – but I won’t – instead I want to celebrate the gains which have been made – and one of the most important is the development and deepening of culture in which we recognise that it is professionals, not bureaucratic strategies and initiatives, which drive school improvement.

    Teachers grow as professionals by allowing their work to be observed by other professionals, and observing the very best in their field, in turn.

    Headteachers improve their schools fastest and most effectively by working with other heads who have been on that journey. And both sides gain from the collaboration. Mentoring others is often the best form of professional development.

    The whole culture of the National College under Steve has been informed by this vision of system-led leadership that taps into the profound moral purpose of the profession, which is why I am so grateful to him – and especially admiring of what has been achieved by all of you who are National Leaders of Education.

    Moral purpose

    But admiring as I am of what has been achieved I am, frankly, impatient for us all, as a nation, to do better.

    Harold Wilson once said of the Labour Party, it is a moral crusade or it is nothing. Well, whatever view one takes of the Labour Party’s history, I believe that we have to ensure there is a driving, crusading, vision at the heart of our Government’s education policy. Or we will forfeit our mandate.

    Unless we are guided by moral purpose in this coalition government then we will squander the goodwill the British people have, so generously, shown us.

    And the ethical imperative of our education policy is quite simple – we have to make opportunity more equal.

    We have to overcome the deep, historically entrenched, factors which keep so many in poverty, which deprive so many of the chance to shape their own destiny, which have made us the sick man of Europe when it comes to social mobility.

    It is a unique sadness of our times that we have one of the most stratified and segregated school systems in the developed world.

    We know, from Leon Feinstein’s work, that low ability children from rich families overtake high ability children from poor families during primary school.

    And the gap grows as the children get older. A child eligible to free school meals is half as likely to achieve five or more GSCEs at grade A*-C, including English and maths, than a child from a wealthier background.

    By 18 the gap is vast. In the most recent year for which we have data, out of 80,000 young people eligible for free school meals, just 45 made it to Oxbridge. That’s fewer than some private schools manage by themselves.

    We are clearly, as a nation, still wasting talent on a scale which is scandalous. It is a moral failure, an affront against social justice which we have to put right.

    And that is why I am so glad that at the heart of our Coalition’s programme for Government is a commitment to spending more on the education of the poorest. The pupil premium – supported by Conservatives but championed with special passion and developed in detail by our Liberal Democrat partners – is a policy designed to address disadvantage at root. By giving resources to the people who matter most in extending opportunity – school leaders and teachers.

    And far from difficult economic times being a reason to scale down our ambitions, the economic challenges we face are only reason to accelerate our reform programme.

    Because the days are long gone – if they ever existed – when we could afford to educate a minority of our children well while hoping the rest were being schooled adequately.

    Already China and India are turning out more engineers, more computer scientists and more university graduates than the whole of Europe and America combined.

    And the success of other nations in harnessing their intellectual capital is a function of their determination to develop world-beating education systems. Across the globe other nations are outpacing us – pulling ahead in international comparisons, driving innovation, changing their systems to give professionals more freedom to grow, adapt, improve and learn from each other…

    It is no longer enough, if it ever was, to say we as a nation are doing better than we did in the past. As Matt Ridley’s wonderful new book Rational Optimism shows, in almost every field of human endeavour we are doing exponentially better than we did in the past. The real test is how are we doing compared to the rest. And in particular, how are we doing compared to the best…

    Learning from overseas

    We have to ask ourselves how our 16-year-olds are doing relative to 16-year olds in Scandinavia, Singapore, Canada and Australasia.

    Unless we learn from those nations which are innovating most imaginatively and successfully then we will be failing in our duty to the young people who are in our care while we hold office.

    And the pace of change across the globe is accelerating. Many of those nations which are now the world’s strongest performers, from Finland to South Korea, were well behind us in levels of educational achievement a generation ago. Now they put us to shame.

    Twenty years ago we were 14th in the world when nations were measured on how well they educated their teenagers. Now we are 23rd.

    In English, Maths and Science, the figures from the most respected international comparisons also show us falling behind other nations.

    For the fourth-largest economy in the world, with a much higher than average level of investment in education and some of the most talented professionals anywhere in the globe, this performance simply isn’t good enough.

    But while the comparisons are sobering, the reasons to be optimistic are plentiful. Indeed most of them are in this room.

    If you look at the most successful education systems in the world – those with the best absolute performance – and those with the highest levels of equity across classes – they all tend to have certain common features.

    They extend a high level of autonomy to individual schools.

    School leaders are empowered to innovate in their own schools

    And they are expected to lead the drive for improvement in other schools.

    The political leadership is uncompromising in the drive for higher standards.

    There is a culture of high expectations which does not allow excuses to be made for poor performance on the basis of class, ethnicity or background.

    There is a proper national framework of accountability.

    Which includes the transparent publication of academic performance on a school-by-school basis with proper, externally set and marked, testing

    And an inspection regime which is very light touch for high performing institutions so the real focus can be on under-performance.

    Teaching is a high status profession which draws its recruits from among the highest performing graduates.

    There is a strong culture of professional development which encourages teachers to improve their craft by learning from others while also deepening their academic knowledge.

    All of these features – which characterise the best education systems in the world – are present in England. But not to the degree we require to keep pace with the world’s best.

    Indeed, over the last three years I fear Government action has held our education system back from making many of the advances we needed to make to keep pace with the best.

    Ministers decreased school autonomy, tried to drive improvement through bureaucratic compliance, complicated the inspection regime and simultaneously weakened and complicated our system of accountability.

    The prospect of radical reform along the lines of the world’s best education systems, envisaged in the 2005 Education White Paper, was never fulfilled.

    And while we rowed back on reform, the pace of change in other nations accelerated.

    In America, President Obama is pressing ahead with radical school reform to close the gap between rich and poor. He has offered extra support to programmes designed to attract more great people into teaching and leadership, as well as encouraging states to provide greater accountability to parents and welcome new providers into state education.

    He has insisted – along with other Democrat reformers like Arne Duncan, Joel Klein and Michelle Rhee – that there be more great Charter schools – the equivalent of our Academies – to drive up attainment, especially among the poorest. In New York, Charter schools – like the inspirational Knowledge is Power Programme schools – have dramatically narrowed the vast performance gap between black and white children and 91 per cent of those benefiting are on free or reduced price meals.

    With a relentless focus on traditional subjects, a culture of no excuses, tough discipline, personalised pastoral care and enthusiastic staff who work free from Government bureaucracy to help every child succeed, these schools are amazing engines of social mobility that are now sending children from ghetto areas to elite universities.

    In Canada, and specifically in Alberta, schools have also been liberated, given the autonomy enjoyed by charter schools in the US. Head teachers control their own budgets, set their own ethos and shape their own environments.

    In Calgary and Edmonton, a diverse range of autonomous schools offer professionals freedom and parents choice.

    And the result?

    Alberta now has the best performing state schools of any English-speaking regions.

    In Sweden, the old bureaucratic monopoly that saw all state schools run by local government was ended and the system opened up to allow new, non-selective, state schools to be set up by a range of providers.

    It has allowed greater diversity, increased parental choice and has seen results improve – with results improving fastest of all in the areas where schools exercised the greatest degree of autonomy and parents enjoyed the widest choice.

    Finland is often deliberately contrasted with Sweden because of the supposed rigidity of its education system.

    But by placing a premium on specialism, diversity and parental choice within that framework, they too are driving up standards.

    In Singapore, again often held up as a model of regimented Prussian-style centralism, dramatic leaps in attainment have been secured by schools where principals are exercising a progressively greater degree of operational autonomy. The Government has deliberately encouraged greater diversity in the schools system and as the scope for innovation has grown, so Singapore’s competitive advantage over other nations has grown too.

    School improvement

    It is these examples – and these lessons – that explains our philosophical approach to education perhaps better than anything.

    The most important people in driving school improvement aren’t inspectors, advisers, school improvement partners or Ministers.

    It is teachers and school leaders.

    And that is why I am passionate about extending the freedoms denied to you by the last government.

    One of the first things we have done is give professionals more scope to drive improvement by inviting all schools to consider applying for academy freedoms.

    This is an addition to, rather than replacement of the existing academies programmes, We will continue to ensure that academies are used to drive faster and deeper improvements in deprived and disadvantaged areas.

    But we will now also provide you with the kind of autonomy that has served schools in America, Canada, Sweden and Finland so well and allow all schools the freedom to develop their own curriculum and fully control their own budget and staffing.

    Since I issued my invitation to schools three weeks ago, I have been overwhelmed by the response.

    More than 1772 schools have enquired about academy freedoms.

    870 outstanding schools – including 405 secondary schools and more than 400 outstanding primaries have contacted us – and will lead the way.

    That’s 70 per cent of the outstanding secondary schools in the country and a significant cohort of outstanding primaries.

    I know some have expressed concern that this offer of greater autonomy for schools will work against the collaborative model of school improvement that has grown up over the past fifteen or so years and which has done so much to tackle under-performance in those schools in the most challenging circumstances.

    Let me be clear: I would not be going down this road if I thought it would in any way set back the process of school improvement, if would in any way undermine the progress we need to make in our weakest or most challenged schools or if it would in any way fracture the culture of collaboration which has driven school improvement over the last decade.

    This policy is driven, like all our education policy, by our guiding moral purpose – the need to raise attainment for all children and close the gap between the richest and poorest.

    I believe this policy will only work if it strengthens the bonds between schools and leads to a step-change in system-led leadership.

    That is why I will expect of every school that acquires academy freedoms that it partners at least one other school to help drive improvement across the board.

    That is why I envisage a bigger role for the National College and the programme of National Leaders of Education in brokering and providing support from great schools for those who need help to improve.

    And that is why any school which acquires academy freedoms will continue to be governed by admissions rules which guarantee fair access to all, safeguards the inclusive character of comprehensive schools, ensures all schools take their fair share of pupils in need and prevents any school discriminating in any way against those pupils with special educational needs.

    Within the safeguards provided by these assurances I believe innovation can flourish. New approaches to the curriculum, to assessment, to discipline and behaviour, to pastoral care, to careers guidance, to sport, the arts and music, new ways of gathering data on pupil performance, new ways of supporting teachers to improve their practice, new ways of tackling entrenched illiteracy and the tragic culture of low expectations which blights so many white working class communities.

    And this culture of innovation, I believe, has the potential to benefit all our children.

    Earlier this month, Mike Gibbons of the Richard Rose Federation, wrote an article for the TES which encapsulated my vision.

    More autonomous schools, he wrote, had in the past been

    ‘…perceived as ‘educational lifeboats’ to allow highly capable and driven parents to leave the main system.’

    But, he argued, that the move to greater autonomy could in fact move our schools system in the opposite direction. More autonomous schools could, should, and in my view will, be ‘tugboats adding extra pull to the drive to increase universal standards, not innovations dragging much-needed resources away from the fleet.’

    He then concluded by saying that:

    If we can develop schools to become crucibles of innovation on behalf of the whole system, working for the sake of all children as well as meeting the needs of parents who are seeking different provision, then the sum continues to be greater than the parts. And so every school, regardless of its status, works for itself and for the whole system.

    Mike is himself another example of an inspirational school leader.

    He is also, of course, spot on.

    Whole system improvement, a comprehensive approach to driving up standards for every child, is what the coalition Government aims to deliver.

    Central to that drive is structural reform of the kind I’ve laid out – professionals liberated to drive improvement across the system.

    Improving teaching

    But the success of that model is not the only example of good practice here in England we want to spread more widely, it’s not the only lesson from abroad we want to implement more urgently here.

    We also want to take urgent action to attract more great teachers into the classroom. We want to further enhance the prestige and esteem of the teaching profession and further improve teacher training and continuous professional development.

    Look at the highest performing nations in any measure of educational achievement and they are always, but always, those with the most highly qualified teachers. Whether its Singapore, South Korea or Finland, as Sir Michael Barber has pointed out in his ground-breaking study for McKinsey nothing matters more in education that attracting the best people into teaching and making sure that every minute in the classroom is spent with children benefiting from the best possible instruction.

    The generation of teachers currently in our schools is the best ever, but given the pace of international improvement we must always be striving to do better.

    That is why we will expand organisations such as Teach First, Teaching Leaders and Future Leaders which have done so much to attract more highly talented people into education.

    That is why we will write off the student loan payments of science and maths graduates who go into teaching.

    That is why we will reform teacher recruitment to ensure there is a relentless focus on tempting the best into this, most rewarding, of careers.

    And that is why we will reform teacher training to shift trainee teachers out of college and into the classroom.

    We will end the arbitrary bureaucratic rule which limits how many teachers can be trained in schools, shift resources so that more heads can train teachers in their own schools, and make it easier for people to shift in mid-career into teaching.

    Teaching is a craft and it is best learnt as an apprentice observing a master craftsman or woman. Watching others, and being rigorously observed yourself as you develop, is the best route to acquiring mastery in the classroom. Which is why I also intend to abolish those rules which limit the ability of school leaders to observe teachers at work. Nothing should get in the way of making sure we have the best possible cadre of professionals ready to inspire the next generation.

    And that is why I will also reform the rules on discipline and behaviour to protect teachers from abuse, from false allegations, from disruption and violence. The biggest single barrier to good people starting, or staying, in education is poor pupil behaviour and we need a relentless focus on tackling this issue. That means getting parents to accept their responsibilities, giving teachers the discretion they need to get on with the job and sending a clear and consistent message at all times that adult authority has to be respected if every child is to have their chance.

    As well as giving teachers more control over their classrooms I want to give them more control over their careers, developing a culture of professional development which sees more teachers acquiring postgraduate qualifications like masters and doctorates, more potential school leaders acquiring management qualifications and more support in place for those who want, quickly, to climb up the career ladder. In every single one of these areas the role of the National College will be crucial and I hope we can all work ever more closely together.

    Investing in the workforce is one crucial lesson of great education systems, alongside granting your leaders greater autonomy. But there are others which we are also determined to push forward.

    More intelligent accountability

    The best school systems generate rich quantities of data which enable us all to make meaningful comparisons, learn from the best, identify techniques which work and quickly abandon ideologies which don’t. In America, President Obama, the Gates Foundation, the top charter schools and the principal education reformers all recognise the need for richer, timelier, more in-depth data about performance.

    That is why we need to keep rigorous external assessment. Improve and refine our tests, yes, but there can be no going back to the secret garden when public and professionals were in ignorance about where success had taken root and where investment had fallen on stony ground.

    Indeed I want to see more data generated by the profession to show what works, clearer information about teaching techniques that get results, more rigorous, scientifically-robust research about pedagogies which succeed and proper independent evaluations of interventions which have run their course. We need more evidence-based policy making, and for that to work we need more evidence.

    And that also means a new role for Ofsted. I want to see an inspection regime which also mirrors the approach of the world’s most successful systems. Intervention should be in inverse proportion to success. The best needed only the lightest touch to continue on a course of improvement. Those who are struggling need closer attention. That is why we will direct Ofsted’s resources to those schools which are faltering, or coasting, and insist that inspectors spend more time on classroom observation and assessing teaching and learning than having their attention diverted to other, strictly peripheral, areas.

    Curriculum and qualifications

    There is one other area where I also want us to learn from abroad, indeed to compare ourselves as we have never done before. And that is with our curriculum and qualifications.

    I want to ensure our national curriculum is a properly international curriculum – that it reflects the best collective wisdom we have about how children learn, what they should know and how quickly they can grow in knowledge.

    I want to use the evidence from those jurisdictions with the best-structured and most successful curricula – from Massachusetts to the Pacific Rim – to inform our curriculum development here.

    I want to remove everything unnecessary from a curriculum that has been bent out of shape by the weight of material dumped there for political purposes. I want to prune the curriculum of over-prescriptive notions of how to teach and how to timetable. Instead I want to arrive at a simple core, informed by the best international practice, which can act as a benchmark against which schools can measure themselves and parents ask meaningful and informed questions about progress.

    And alongside curriculum reform informed by evidence I want exam reform sustained by evidence. I want to ensure our qualifications can stand comparison with the most stretching in the world. I want to ensure that the maths tests our 11-year-olds sit are comparable with those 11-year-olds in Singapore sit and the science qualifications 16 or 18-year-olds acquire here are directly comparable with those in Taiwan or Toronto. That is why I want Ofqual to work not just to guarantee exam standards over time, but to guarantee exam standards match the best in the world.

    Conclusion

    I won’t deny for a moment this is an ambitious agenda. But I don’t think there’s any point being in politics, fighting elections, seeking office unless you’re ambitious to make a difference.

    And if there’s any audience I can confess to ambition in front of, it’s you. Every day your nurture it, encourage it, celebrate it. You’re ambitious for your schools, for the young people in your care, for the students they will become. You want them to be pushed, nudged, cajoled, encouraged, tempted and inspired to do more than they ever thought possible. And you want them to rejoice in knowing they have achieved their full potential.

    And that is what I want too. In the relentless drive to help every child achieve everything of which they are capable there can be neither rest nor tranquillity. But there can be the endless satisfaction of seeing the human spirit ennobled and fulfilled. That is the task you have been called to lead. And it is my job to serve you.

  • Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Speech to the Ambrosetti Forum

    Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Speech to the Ambrosetti Forum

    The speech made by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, on 2 September 2022.

    Dear participants of the Forum!

    Ladies and Gentlemen!

    I am grateful for this opportunity to address you right now as we are all going through a very risky time in this war.

    I would like to start with a fact that you may have missed. But I ask you to pay attention to it.

    Pay attention to the fact that the work of the Forum is currently being monitored by independent media. As far as I know, representatives of such media as Corriere della Sera, Rai, La Repubblica, La Stampa, New York Times, Financial Times, Reuters, Fox Business Channel, CNBC Europe are present at the Forum. And I think many others. In general, 280 media representatives cover the Forum.

    We are open to all. And we are open to them. And I can’t imagine that any of us are afraid of such or similar media.

    But I will tell you who is afraid of them.

    As you know, Ukraine is at the epicenter of Russian radiation blackmail right now. The Russian army seized the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant back in March and still holds it captive. This is the largest nuclear power plant in Europe – there are six nuclear reactors.

    The plant was repeatedly shelled. On the very first night, when the Russian occupiers entered there, on the night of March 4, they fired at the plant’s premises from tanks. There is video confirmation. Over the months after that, the situation has not changed – shelling and provocations every day, constantly.

    Under the cover of a nuclear plant, the Russian army is shelling neighboring cities and districts – this was the strategy. The occupiers are also shelling the plant itself – to put pressure on Ukraine and on all of you in Europe and on the world. The whole world. They want you to show weakness, to give up and stop supporting Ukraine. This is why Russia is doing this radiation blackmail.

    Recently, the Zaporizhzhia NPP was literally one step away from disaster – when the power transmission lines were damaged as a result of shelling, automation began to shut down the reactors. Only the Ukrainian nuclear engineers, who work there absolutely professionally even in such difficult conditions, manage to prevent the accident.

    If it was not for our professional people, Russia would have already provoked the worst disaster in the history of Europe – even worse than Chornobyl. And it is logical that this requires a strong international reaction.

    With the help of our partners, we ensured that the IAEA mission was sent to the plant – just yesterday the mission was there. We agreed with the head of the IAEA, Mr. Grossi, the members of the mission, when I met with them, that they would help with the key issue – the key issue of the safety of the nuclear power plant, the key issue is the demilitarization of the plant. Because this is key to protecting all of us, all Europeans, from a radiation disaster. We also agreed that together with the IAEA mission, independent journalists from Ukrainian and international media will arrive at the territory of Zaporizhzhia NPP. The same media that are currently covering this Forum.

    But what did we see? The Russian military stopped the journalists traveling with the mission at a checkpoint and did not let them go any further. Obviously, the occupiers felt that in the presence of a free media it would be impossible to lie to the IAEA and the whole world. Free media scares Russia.

    And this says everything at once – if you do not allow independent journalists to the plant, it means you are definitely aware of your responsibility for the catastrophe that the plant is on the verge of, and you are afraid that the world will draw conclusions about your responsibility.

    Unfortunately, the mission did not protect the journalists and did not put enough pressure on the Russians so that independent media would still be at the plant, so that everything would be open and fair there. And we talked about it with the mission and agreed. We said that without the admission of independent journalists, Russian propagandists would dominate the place. It would be a theater. Unfortunately, we also have not yet heard from the IAEA the key thing – the call to Russia regarding the demilitarization of the plant. And how can you do without it?

    I really hope that the mission will adhere to what the parties have agreed upon and what is in the interests of the entire international community. The greatest risk of a radiation disaster in 40 years must be removed. It is impossible to leave the military of the terrorist state at the nuclear power plant. There are situations when the fate of everyone on the continent depends on keeping one’s word. This is exactly the situation now.

    Ukraine has repeatedly demonstrated that we always keep our word. Always. This is evident in many areas.

    Of course, we did everything to ensure that the IAEA got access to the Zaporizhzhia NPP. I believe that this mission can still be fruitful.

    And also – this is another example – we have fulfilled our obligations for the grain export initiative, which alleviates the food crisis in the world. And therefore, it prevents a new migrant crisis. Famine in the countries of Africa and Asia would lead to new waves of migrants to Europe and, in particular, to the Mediterranean coast, to Italy. But we do everything for this not to happen.

    Ukrainian food has already reached 20 countries by sea. Our wheat was also sent to such countries as Ethiopia and Yemen, where the situation is particularly difficult. We will continue to keep our word on food safety guarantees.

    We are ready to help stop the price chaos in Europe. While Russia is making efforts to increase gas shortages on the market and prices, Ukraine is willing to increase electricity exports to EU countries. The return of the Zaporizhzhia plant to a safe mode of operation and its connection to the Ukrainian power grid is important particularly for this as well. The Russian presence at the plant significantly weakens our ability to help Europe in the energy sphere.

    At the expense of our electricity exports, we can stabilize the energy consumption of our neighbors in the EU, and as a result, this will reduce Russia’s energy pressure on the whole of Europe, and therefore on Italy. Even now, despite all the difficulties, we can export such a volume of electricity that corresponds to at least eight percent of the consumption of the whole of Italy.

    Moreover, Ukraine can become a green energy hub for Europe, which will replace Russia’s dirty energy resources. Dirty – in different senses of the word: both environmentally and morally. Our country has a huge natural potential for the development of capacities in green energy and in the production of green hydrogen. This is a potential of at least tens, and possibly hundreds of gigawatts of green electrical power and millions of tons of green hydrogen. It is important that there is already an infrastructure for transporting electricity and hydrogen to the EU. All this is there. And we have always kept our word on providing Europe with energy resources. Just compare it to the typical behavior of Russia, which always breaches treaties and uses the economy for political blackmail, not fulfilling its own promises.

    Even during a full-scale war, Ukraine did everything to gain the status of a candidate for EU membership. We quickly and efficiently fulfilled our obligations and we will do everything to start negotiations on EU membership. We will definitely be together with you in a united Europe. I am grateful to Italy and I am personally grateful to Prime Minister Mario Draghi for supporting our country on this European path and in protecting it from Russian aggression. Every word of our agreements with Mr. Draghi has been adhered to one hundred percent. A truly worthy person, truly worthy relations between our states.

    And life itself demonstrates that we need even more integration, even more agreements and results.

    We must ensure full compliance with every promise to increase pressure on Russia to finally stop the radiation blackmail, guarantee the complete safety of the Zaporizhzhia NPP and four other large nuclear facilities in Ukraine.

    All words regarding the support of Ukraine with weapons, shells and finances must be confirmed by actions as long as this war continues. Russia does not understand the words of peace. But it feels the strength on the battlefield very well.

    Strength should be with Ukraine, with the free world. Including the sanctions that the world applies as self-defense against Russian aggression. Strength should also be with business, primarily in Europe. The reputation of none of the companies will withstand radiation sickness. Therefore, it is necessary to immediately sever relations with the country that resorted to radiation blackmail. And don’t wait for disasters to make decisions, switch to predictable partners. Ukraine is just such a partner.

    Of course, now it is the war. Of course, Russian missiles hit our land. We lose people every day. And I will remind you of just one terrible number – 379. This is the number of Ukrainian children killed by Russian strikes. More than 735 children were wounded. All together in Europe and in the free world we have the power to end this war. And therefore, over time, we can move to much more meaningful economic relations.

    Ukraine is already one of the world’s largest producers of agricultural crops. You have already talked about this today. And together we can build one of the largest agro-processing clusters, strengthen our ability to be a guarantor of food security making Ukraine a place of production of affordable food for the whole world.

    Also, Ukraine is ideal for locating any processing enterprises. From woodworking to all types of mechanical engineering. We have a large amount of almost all resources and minerals – from gas to lithium, qualified people, fast logistics to the European market, good access to it. We want it, we strive for it.

    Ukraine is an ambitious reconstruction project after hostilities. Reconstruction worth hundreds of billions of euros – of everything that Russia destroyed with its terror. Tens of thousands of different objects have to be created virtually anew. And I am grateful to those Italian companies that have already shown their interest.

    And Ukraine is a completely new defense and security sector, whose power will match what we experienced in this war, and which will make a fundamental contribution to the security of Europe in the coming decades.

    Of course, after we force Russia to leave our land and make peace. And this will be possible if all our partners keep their word. Just as Ukraine does. Just as Italy does.

    I thank you for the firmness of the Italian word, for the actions that confirm that word. Thank you for supporting our state, for supporting our people who found refuge on your land. We will never forget it. I say this frankly, honestly, from the heart, from every citizen.

    Glory to Ukraine!

  • Michael Gove – 2010 Comments on Education Policy

    Michael Gove – 2010 Comments on Education Policy

    The comments made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, on 24 November 2010.

    Many other countries in the world are improving their schools faster than us and have smaller gaps between the achievements of rich and poor. The very best performing education systems have a rigorous focus on high standards, a determination to narrow attainment gaps and have stretching curricula. The countries that come out top of international studies into educational performance recognise that the most crucial factor in determining how well children do at school is the quality of their teachers.

    The best education systems draw their teachers from among the top graduates and train them rigorously, focusing on classroom practice. They recognise that it is teachers’ knowledge, intellectual depth and love of their subject which stimulates the imagination of children and allows them to flourish and succeed.

    But for too long in our country, teachers and heads have been hamstrung by bureaucracy and left without real support.

    It’s shocking that the latest figures show that only 40 of the 80,000 children in England eligible for free school meals secured places at Oxford or Cambridge. That’s a scandal.

    That’s why the coalition government plans to recruit more great people into teaching, train our existing teachers better and free them from bureaucracy and Whitehall control.

    We are putting teachers in the driving seat of school improvement and we are setting out changes that will make schools more accountable to their communities and their parents.

  • Sadiq Khan – 2022 Statement on the Sir Tom Winsor Review

    Sadiq Khan – 2022 Statement on the Sir Tom Winsor Review

    The statement made by Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, on 2 September 2022.

    Londoners will be able to see that this review is clearly biased and ignores the facts. On the former Commissioner’s watch, trust in the police fell to record lows following a litany of terrible scandals. What happened was simple – I lost confidence in the former Commissioner’s ability to make the changes needed and she then chose to stand aside.

    Londoners elected me to hold the Met Commissioner to account and that’s exactly what I have done. I make absolutely no apology for demanding better for London and for putting the interests of the city I love first. I will continue working with the new Commissioner to reduce crime and to rebuild trust and confidence in the police.

  • Damian Collins – 2022 Statement Following G20 Digital Ministers’ Meeting

    Damian Collins – 2022 Statement Following G20 Digital Ministers’ Meeting

    The statement made by Damian Collins, the Minister for Tech and the Digital Economy, in Bali, Indonesia on 2 September 2022.

    The diverse membership and collective economic power of the G20 makes it one of the most important international meetings where the challenges facing global digital economies are discussed. It is right that G20 Digital Ministers continue to work together to deliver solutions for the benefit of citizens around the world, based on democratic values and human rights.

    In my speech to the G20 digital ministers I condemned Russia’s unprovoked and brutal war in Ukraine, as well as their use of cyber attacks and aggressive state sponsored disinformation campaigns to cause further disruption around the world.

    I also thanked the Indonesian Presidency for ensuring G20 discussions advanced in some key areas. Progress was made on shared priorities including digital connectivity, skills and literacy, and data free flow with trust.

    It has also been a positive opportunity to develop the UK’s relationship with Indonesia. I am pleased that Minister Plate and I share the same enthusiasm for the joint projects like developing the Satria 2 satellites which will improve connections for rural communities and help close Indonesia’s digital divide. Our discussions will be a firm foundation to build the UK-Indonesia relationship on digital and technology over the coming years.

    The UK will support further progress under future Presidencies, starting with India in 2023. The UK and India have a strong relationship and I was pleased to meet my counterpart, Minister Ashwini Vaishnav, to discuss our mutual digital and tech interests. We agreed to launch the UK-India Strategic Tech Dialogue this year which will promote data, economic growth, and diversifying telecoms supply chains in our two countries.

  • Shailesh Vara – 2022 Speech to the British-Irish Association Conference

    Shailesh Vara – 2022 Speech to the British-Irish Association Conference

    The speech made by Shailesh Vara, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in Oxford, England on 2 September 2022.

    It is a great pleasure to be addressing you this evening in these beautiful surroundings for the annual conference of the British-Irish Association.

    I would like to start by thanking Dominic for his kind invitation and his words of welcome. I would also like to express my gratitude to Francesca Kay and all of her team for their hard work and dedication in organising this conference.

    Since 1972, the BIA has played a key role in bringing people together – politicians, civil servants, academics and faith leaders. Also people from the world of business, journalists, commentators and many more, all of whom have sought to promote dialogue, understanding and good relations throughout these islands as we work to shape a better future together.

    So at the outset, I would also like to thank the BIA for everything it has done and will no doubt continue to do in the years ahead.

    Over the past two years, we have sadly lost two monumental figures of the peace process in Northern Ireland. In their careers and in their lives, John Hume and David Trimble demonstrated just how much progress could be made on challenges that were deemed insurmountable by coming together and seeking compromise.

    They put Northern Ireland’s future ahead of party interests, taking enormous personal and political risks to deliver peace. In coming together here this weekend, not only are we reminded of that spirit, but we should look to reignite it as we work together on the challenges in the months ahead.

    Belfast/Good Friday Agreement

    Nearly 25 years on from the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, we shouldn’t lose sight of the magnitude of what was achieved in 1998.

    The Agreement marked an extraordinary achievement for Northern Ireland, laying the foundation for the more peaceful and prosperous society that we see today.

    The approaching 25th Anniversary of the Agreement offers an opportunity for all communities to come together and recognise that shared achievement.

    As we prepare to mark this historic moment, let us be mindful of our responsibilities, particularly to young people, and to future generations in Northern Ireland, and to do all we can to build upon the remarkable progress that has been made in the last quarter century, and to make sure that it endures into the future.

    Northern Ireland has so much to offer and huge potential for an exciting and prosperous future.

    Strategic Challenges ahead

    Of course, there are issues that we currently face, including the Northern Ireland Protocol, dealing with the legacy of the past, restoring a stable Executive and tackling the cost of living – these are extraordinary challenges.

    But they are not insurmountable. With constructive engagement and proper understanding, these challenges can be solved, especially as we already share a common goal – to secure the very best possible outcomes for people in Northern Ireland and across these islands.

    The UK Government remains committed to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and will continue to work with the Northern Ireland parties and the Irish Government to deliver our vision of reconciliation, equality and respect for all.

    We are proud of the progress that we have made in this respect since this conference last met.

    However, that is not to say there are not serious challenges ahead.

    There are difficult issues like the Northern Ireland Protocol and addressing the legacy of the past where I know there are strong differing views. I understand that – these are complex and sensitive issues and if there were easier solutions they would have been found long before now.

    What I can say is the spirit and intent of what we are doing is to deliver a better future for Northern Ireland.

    Northern Ireland Protocol

    The Northern Ireland Protocol was put in place to deal with the “unique circumstances” of Northern Ireland, recognising that a solution needed to be found that recognised Northern Ireland’s place as a sovereign part of the United Kingdom and its internal market, which of course is important, in particular to those with unionist identity, as well as to the commercial life of so many businesses. And of course, the Protocol serves the equally important purpose, not just for nationalists, of preserving frictionless trade across the land border through providing access for Northern Ireland to the EU Single Market.

    We also accept the importance of preserving the integrity of the EU Single Market, as well as our own. And we accept fully that the economic prosperity of Northern Ireland benefits from trade both East-West and North-South.

    However, there are real issues with how the Protocol is currently operating. Those issues increase cost and complexity, and reduce choice regardless of someone’s views on the constitutional position of Northern Ireland.

    We are determined to fix those problems, through negotiation and agreement with the EU if at all possible, and thus to deliver stability for businesses and citizens across Northern Ireland. But with legislation if we cannot.

    Our aim with the legislation on the Northern Ireland Protocol is to put in place an insurance policy so that we can ensure we have a way of resolving the issues with the Protocol. Like all insurance policies, they are better if they’re not invoked but we must bring about a resolution.

    There is also a bigger picture here. We need to get back to finding some common understanding and a relationship of trust between friends and neighbours with a spirit of good intent and a willingness to make things better.

    A stronger UK/Ireland and UK/EU relationship is in all our interest, not least given the wider geostrategic challenges we face. Individuals and businesses look to their political leaders, on both sides, to make their lives easier rather than more burdensome.

    As politicians, and as legislators, if something isn’t working, we make changes to find a solution. That is what we do – day in, day out, we find the possibilities and the room to make things better for the people we are elected to serve.

    I accept that the politics around this is difficult. But given the political will, this can be resolved. And of course the Protocol itself foresees the prospect of it being amended and evolving. We should aim to find a new balance through a new negotiation. And then we can all move on.

    Move on to so many other issues that deserve our urgent attention – such as continuing to deal with the Russian aggression which is making Europe more dangerous now than it has ever been since the Second World War, issues concerning the rising cost of living, the rise in energy prices and concerns over food security.

    I also recognise that the UK leaving the EU was a significant change. But it is time now to reach a place of acceptance, and focus on our future relationship as neighbours, as friends, and as allies.

    I believe that if we all hold to a commitment and spirit of good intent and put people and businesses first we can make this work.

    Legacy

    That same genuine commitment underpins our approach to dealing with the legacy of Northern Ireland’s troubled past. It is clear that the system as it stands is not delivering truth or justice to people who are still living with the pain from the years of violence and bloodshed.

    We have introduced legislation which we believe will address the concerns of those impacted by the Troubles – including those seeking answers and those who served – and so assist in the process of healing and reconciliation. I want to add that we are in listening mode, and my colleagues and I continue to engage directly with the representatives of victims and survivors as the Bill proceeds through Parliament.

    Identity, language and culture legislation

    In like manner, we believe the identity and language legislation which we have introduced, will support greater cultural inclusion, tolerance and openness.

    Abortion

    And we are determined to ensure that girls and women in Northern Ireland have equal access to healthcare. It cannot be right that in 2022 they do not have the same reproductive healthcare facilities as girls and women in the rest of the UK.

    Economic Investment

    That ambition for a better future lies behind the unprecedented levels of financial support and investment we have delivered in Northern Ireland, to help strengthen and grow the economy, along with our contribution to ensure a safer Northern Ireland where the security threat level has reduced for the first time in over a decade.

    So whilst there are challenges, there is much we can coalesce around and work together on to help make Northern Ireland a great place to live, work and invest.

    Executive Formation

    Principal to achieving this goal is of course having a functioning devolved government.

    I therefore urge all Parties, in the strongest possible terms, to work together to form an Executive and address the issues that matter most to people.

    There are people in Northern Ireland right now who are suffering. Some don’t know how they are going to put food on the table for their families and themselves. I believe it is the duty of their elected representatives to ensure there is an Executive and Assembly up and running so they can start spending the money that is waiting to be spent.

    The New Decade, New Approach agreement provided a lengthy period for politicians in Northern Ireland to restore functioning devolved institutions.

    But let me be clear, if the Parties do not make full use of that time to earnestly engage to restore a fully functioning Executive, then I will have to call an election at the end of October.

    This is not something that the people of Northern Ireland want or need, especially given the present economic circumstances.

    What people want is a fully functioning Executive, taking decisive action to tackle the cost of living crisis, improve healthcare, improve education and drive the economy to its full potential.

    I am in no doubt that Northern Ireland has the best of both worlds when it has a stable Northern Ireland Executive backed by the support and strength of the UK Government.

    And this Government believes firmly in the Union and Northern Ireland’s place within it.

    I believe that all people and all communities benefit from being part of a strong United Kingdom, a place where everyone is welcome and can live, work and thrive together.

    Concluding remarks

    I believe that our relationships across these Islands – be they political, business, family or friendships are one of our Union’s greatest strengths.

    These relationships are what have got us through difficult times in the past – and will get us through the challenging times ahead.

    It is the strength and power of these relationships that gave us the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement.

    So as we look to the 25th Anniversary of that agreement next year, let us continue to foster and strengthen our relationships to reach compromises and solutions for the benefit of all our people. And let us take inspiration from the great leaders that have gone before – so we can deliver our shared vision of an inclusive, safe and prosperous Northern Ireland.

  • Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to the Australian Chambers of Commerce

    Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to the Australian Chambers of Commerce

    The speech made by Anne-Marie Trevelyan, the Department for International Trade, in Adelaide, Australia on 2 September 2022.

    Good afternoon everyone

    Thank you, David and Don, for your warm welcome and to the Australian British Chamber of Commerce for inviting me to speak today.

    I want to acknowledge the Kaurna people of the Adelaide Plains and pay respect to their elders past, present and emerging.

    It’s great to be here in Adelaide, the final stop on my Australia and New Zealand trade tour.

    This great city doesn’t just regularly top lists of the most liveable and friendly places on the planet…

    It’s also known for its progressive spirit.

    This is, the city where the Aboriginal flag was flown for the first time – just over the road in Victoria Square.

    And speaking as a female politician, it’s thought provoking to reflect that South Australia was among the first places in the world to give women the vote, back in 1894.

    Today, South Australia has gained a formidable reputation for both complex industry and creative forward thinking:

    Alongside the food and drink produced by your agricultural sector and sold around the world…

    You are growing an extraordinary naval engineering and advanced manufacturing sector; I have been able to catch up with some great UK businesses welcomed here, from BAE systems working on your next generation of frigates, to MacTaggart Scott and Babcock, focused on providing critical technology and long-term support to your Navy.

    The dynamic combination of industry, research, and entrepreneurs, is making new Adelaide districts like Lot 14 and Tonsley, hotbeds for the cyber security, quantum computing and renewable energy sectors…

    South Australia isn’t just meeting the challenges of the modern, globalised world, it’s embracing them.

    So, it was great that in January our Foreign Secretary and the South Australian Premier cemented our partnership through a Memorandum of Understanding.

    Over the last four days, I have seen for myself that the bonds connecting the UK with Australia are stronger than ever.

    We, of course have the historical, cultural, sporting and linguistic ties that have linked our nations over the centuries…

    And the visitors we each welcome every year from one another’s countries –are now back on the rise following Covid-19.

    We also have a shared perspective on the world:

    Our joint belief in the values of democracy, free and fair trade, and the rules-based international order.

    We welcome Australia’s ongoing commitment to a free, stable and open Indo-Pacific region, based on the rule of law, human rights, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    Right now, close to home for us, we are feeling those shared values threatened in Europe by Putin’s illegal and unprovoked attack on Ukraine.

    War on European soil, with an aggressor challenging the democratic and sovereign rights of a country, a neighbour, to exist.

    In times like these, deep and longstanding friendships like the one we have with Australia, are more important than ever.

    Together, we show the world that we stand up for liberty, that we will fight back against tyranny and we will defend, for our citizens, the shared values on which our societies are built.

    And those values are at the heart of how we are using the power of free trade to reinforce the UK and Australia’s enduring partnership.

    Our commercial relationship is, of course, already flourishing…

    Last year, we did over £14 billion worth of business with one another.

    British design and engineering will be integral to the new Qantas direct flights between Sydney and London. With Rolls-Royce engines manufactured in Bristol, and Airbus aircraft wings made in North Wales, soon to be powering even closer links between our countries…

    While Clare Valley Riesling and Coonawarra Cabernet Sauvignon are firm favourites in UK supermarkets.

    Almost every day there’s another example of a new investment or commercial deal between our nations.

    But our trading partnership is about much more than the simple exchange of goods and services – excellent though these are!

    Our mutual trade is a powerful means of addressing some of the biggest issues of the day… working together in multilateral fora such as the G20, the OECD and with the like-minded World Trade Organization members that make up the Ottawa Group.

    Just a few months ago at the WTO, we collaborated on the global response to the food security crisis sparked by the war in Ukraine, along with a series of other major challenges.

    Don and I are both very much focused on building this close and productive relationship.

    Right now, we’re working closely on the UK’s accession to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans Pacific Partnership.

    The UK is aiming to accede by the end of this year, and joining CPTPP is a demonstration of our foreign policy focus aligning with the global economic tilt towards the Indo-Pacific.

    For the UK, the benefits of membership are compelling: Access to a high standards, free trade area – a powerful trade bloc, growing at pace which we look forward to joining.

    As a like-minded friend to Australia and other CPTPP nations – we will bring a new, strong and persuasive voice to the partnership… and unrelentingly make the case for upholding our values, protecting high standards and increasing collaboration on joint priorities.

    e are, of course, also furthering our bilateral relationship through the UK-Australia Free Trade Agreement, which we signed a few months ago.

    When the deal was first discussed, Prime Minister Boris Johnson famously said Australia would give us Tim Tams, while we would give you Penguin Bars.

    I’ve no doubt that the fierce debate on the delights of UK versus Australian confectionery and Marmite versus Vegemite will, much like our conversations around cricket, continue long into the future…

    (I’m a Marmite girl, sorry!)

    But this agreement is a win-win for businesses in both our countries.

    Together we have achieved a world class, comprehensive and modern deal.

    It won’t just end tariffs on goods and slash red tape for businesses. It will open opportunities for our citizens to live and work in each other’s countries.

    The FTA will allow us to enhance regulatory financial services cooperation, keep our digital markets open and boost collaboration.

    I’ve no doubt that the deal’s focus on technology and innovation is going to be an amazing springboard for businesses, both in the UK and across Australia…

    And firms here in Adelaide like Fivecast…the digital intelligence start-up that is now one of South Australia’s hotly tipped companies and which is expanding into the UK, will be at the heart of that success!

    Our Free Trade Agreement also sets out our mutual commitment to answering the big questions around labour standards, gender equality, environmental sustainability, and clean energy to tackle the impacts of climate change.

    As hosts of COP 26 last year in Glasgow, the UK set out our determination to help the world tackle the threats of climate change, not only by walking the walk at home with our 10-point plan, but also a sour number one foreign policy priority.

    Our FTA opens the door to close collaboration between us as we both move to low carbon economies, to share our experiences, from the political to technical, from financial frameworks to challenging technologies.

    A great example of this cooperation is, Wrightbus, a Northern Ireland-based business, providing hydrogen fuel cell powertrain technology to manufacturer called Volgren – so that you can develop zero emissions buses at pace, here in Australia.

    Our Free Trade Agreement marks the start of a golden age of commerce between our countries.

    A new door opened for our entrepreneurs and businesses to easily share goods, ideas, their people’s talents and innovations.

    The UK is focused on ratifying the agreement as soon as possible.

    The reason I have to head home tomorrow is because I’ll be presenting the enabling legislation for the FTA to the House of Commons on Tuesday – the next stage towards implementing this legislation, so our firms and citizens can start to enjoy its benefits.

    I know your government is focused on moving ahead at pace too.

    It is important to remember, that all the hours we’ve spent around the virtual negotiating tables will mean very little, if the Agreement’s benefits are not fully realised.

    And I am the first to say that we shouldn’t expect busy companies to wade through 32 chapters and technical legal language either.

    So, for the UK, an important next step will be spell out to our businesses, in practical terms, how they can harness the deal to grow.

    We’ve already started this work and we’re liaising with our Australian partners on this process.

    Fostering closer trade ties with Australia has a strategic, as well as an economic dimension.

    Last year your leaders decided to start a new chapter in your naval defence journey, by rolling in a new closer relationship with the UK and the USA.

    This new trilateral defence partnership is committed to the preserve of security and stability in the Indo Pacific.

    Our AUKUS partnership will be a 50 year bond, starting with us working with Australia to start your requisition of nuclear-powered submarines.

    I am personally committed to ensuring that the whole ecosystem…which is required to build, upskill and maintain our own UK submarine enterprise will be right alongside you, our Australian friends and allies, as you start on this complex and technically demanding defence commitment.

    This will span everything from construction, to creating a nuclear engineering skills ecosystem, to training of your sailors, to the through-life, maintenance, support and decommissioning of your AUKUS submarines. This is an extraordinary journey you are embarking on

    As well as the initial part of the journey the actual building of the submarines, AUKUS – is a deep strategic partnership – and reflection our mutual trust and long-term cooperation:

    Through shared training of your and our submariners, to collaborating on our plans and sharing expertise – we will cement our nations’ geopolitical ties and better position ourselves to meet future challenges together.

    The UK and Australia are continually exploring new opportunities to work, trade and invest together.

    In fact, name pretty much any field and there’s an exciting joint project underway:

    Last year, we launched the Space Bridge, which will open new trade, investment, research and collaboration opportunities for our respective space sectors.

    In July, we signed a deal to allow British raw milk cheesemakers to sell their produce to Australia for the first time.

    While a few days ago, in Sydney, I launched our Net Zero Innovation Handbook, which has been developed by our Digital Trade Network.

    The handbook aims to highlight to Australian businesses, some of the exciting opportunities unlocked by UK companies on their net zero journeys.

    It’s really valuable reading, so if you haven’t already, I’d encourage you to have a look.

    Ladies and Gentlemen

    I hope I have given you a sense of the scale of our joint ambition today.

    I am very much focused on developing future trade and investment opportunities that will allow our relationship to flourish. I know Don is doing the same.

    So one last thought:

    Trade brings our nations closer, our businesses grow stronger and our citizens enjoy the rewards.

    And from everything I’ve seen on this trip I know our businesses do want us to work more closely together…

    So that we can build both our economic strength, and with it greater security…

    …whether that’s through providing the clean energy that will power our homes and businesses, or by assuring safe international waters that enable the world’s shipping to move goods around the world.

    We’ve achieved so much together already but we can look forward with anticipation that for our countries, there is a genuinely exciting future ahead…

    Through our renewed and revitalised trading relationship that will bring immense benefits to us all.

    Thank you

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