Tag: Speeches

  • Peter Kyle – 2025 Speech at the Munich Security Conference

    Peter Kyle – 2025 Speech at the Munich Security Conference

    The speech made by Peter Kyle, the Technology Secretary, in Munich on 14 February 2025.

    Innovation is defined by its ability to surprise.

    Only a few years ago, GPT-2 meant nothing to the public.

    For many of us, AI felt like a distant possibility at best.

    Something that would never – could never – live up to the hype.

    And yet, overnight, ChatGPT became a household name.

    It unleashed an unprecedented wave of technological change.

    And the pace of progress shows no signs of slowing down.

    With DeepSeek, we’ve just seen once again just how sudden, how unpredictable, innovation can be.

    The AI revolution is happening.

    Ignoring it is simply not an option.

    In the UK, we reject the doomsayers and the pessimists.

    Because we are optimistic about the extraordinary potential of this technology.

    And hopeful for the radical, far-reaching change it will bring.

    We launched the AI Opportunities Action Plan to put us on the front foot.

    Working in collaboration with our international partners, we’re going to create one of the biggest clusters of AI innovation in the world and deliver a new era of prosperity and wealth creation for our country.

    This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity.

    If we can seize it, we will close the door on a decade of slow growth and stagnant productivity.

    Of taxes that are just too high.

    We will deliver new jobs that put more money in working people’s pockets.

    And we will drive forward a digital revolution inside government to make our state smaller, smarter, and more efficient.

    But none of that is possible unless we can mitigate its risks that AI presents.

    After all, businesses will only use these technologies if they can trust them.

    Security and innovation go hand in hand.

    AI is a powerful tool and powerful tools can be misused.

    State-sponsored hackers are using AI to write malicious code and identify system vulnerabilities, increasing the sophistication and efficiency of their attacks.

    Criminals are using AI deepfakes to assist in fraud, breaching security by impersonating officials.

    Last year, attackers used live deepfake technology during a video call to mimic bank officials.

    They stole $25 million.

    And now we are seeing instances of people using AI to assist them in planning violent and harmful acts.

    These aren’t distant possibilities.

    They are real, tangible harms, happening right now.

    The implications for our people could be pervasive and profound.

    In the UK, we have built the largest team in a government dedicated to understanding AI capabilities and risks in the world.

    That work is rooted in the strength of our partnerships with the companies who are right at the frontier of AI.

    Working with those companies, the government can conduct scientifically informed tests to understand new AI capabilities and the risks they pose.

    Make no mistake, I’m talking about risks to our people, their way of life, and the sovereignty and stability which underpins it.

    That is why today, I am renaming our AI Safety Institute as the AI Security Institute.

    This change brings us into line with what most people would expect an Institute like this to be doing.

    They are not looking into freedom of speech.

    They are not deciding what counts as bias or discrimination.

    They are not politicians – nor should they be.

    They are scientists – scientists who are squarely focused on rigorous research into the most serious emerging risks.

    They are researching AI’s potential to assist with the development of chemical and biological weapons.

    They are building on the expertise of our National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) to understand how this technology could be used to help malicious actors commit cyber-attacks.

    They want to understand how AI could undermine human control.

    Our research shows that those risks are clear:

    There has been a clear upward trend in AI system capabilities most relevant to national security in the past 18 months.

    • For the first time last year, AI models demonstrated PhD-level performance on chemistry and biology question sets.
    • The safeguards designed to prevent these models doing harm are not currently sufficient.
    • Every model tested by the Institute is vulnerable to safeguard evasion attacks.
    • And it is almost certain that these capabilities will continue to improve, while novel risks will emerge from systems acting as autonomous agents to complete tasks with only limited human instruction.

    The more we understand these risks, the better we can work with companies to address them.

    And the faster we can keep our nation safe, the faster our people can embrace the potential of AI to create wealth and improve their lives.

    There are certain security risks which require immediate action.

    That is why the Security Institute will collaborate with the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory, the Ministry of Defence’s science and technology organisation, to assess the dual-use scientific capabilities of frontier AI.

    Today, we are also launching a criminal misuse team in the Security Institute, who will partner directly with the Home Office to conduct research on a range of crime and security issues which threaten to harm our citizens.

    Earlier this month, the UK set out plans to make it illegal to own AI tools optimised to make images of child sexual abuse.

    Reports of AI-generated child sexual abuse material found online by the Internet Watch Foundation have quadrupled in a single year.

    The Security Institute will work with the Home Office to explore what more we can do to prevent abusers using AI to commit their sickening crimes.

    A security risk is a security risk, no matter where it comes from.

    US companies have shown the lead in taking security risks seriously.

    But we need to scrutinise all models regardless of their jurisdiction of origin.

    So I’ve instructed the Security Institute to take a leading role in testing AI models wherever they come from, open or closed.

    While we can’t discuss these results publicly, we will share them with our allies.

    We are alive to the security risks of today.

    But we need to focus on tomorrow, too, and the day after that.

    We are now seeing the glimmers of AI agents that can act autonomously, of their own accord.

    The 2025 International AI Safety Report, led by Yoshua Bengio, warns us that – without the checks and balances of people directing them – we must consider the possibility that risks won’t just come from malicious actors misusing AI models, but from the models themselves.

    We don’t yet know the full extent of these risks.

    However, as we deploy AI across our economy, our society, and the critical infrastructure that keeps our nation secure, we cannot afford to ignore them.

    Because losing oversight and control of advanced AI systems, particularly Artificial General Intelligence (AGI), would be catastrophic.

    It must be avoided at all costs.

    I want to be clear exactly what this testing is, and what it’s not.

    It’s not a barrier to market access. Not a blocker to innovation.

    It is urgent scientific work to understand serious risks to our country.

    Governments are not passive bystanders in the AI revolution.

    We have agency in how AI shapes our society.

    And we have a responsibility to use that agency to defend our democratic way of life.

    Only countries with a deep and knowing understanding of this technology will be able to build the capacity they need to deliver for their citizens in the twenty-first century.

    But success is not a given.

    It depends on the democratic world rallying together to maintain our leadership in AI.

    Together, we can protect our fundamental values – freedom, openness, and opportunity.

    If we do that, we won’t just keep our people safe.

    We will ensure that they are first to benefit from the new era of wealth and prosperity which AI will bring.

  • Jonathan Reynolds – 2025 Speech at Samsung KX

    Jonathan Reynolds – 2025 Speech at Samsung KX

    The speech made by Jonathan Reynolds, the Business Secretary, in London on 13 February 2025.

    Good morning, and thank you very much for that warm introduction, Aleyne, and my sincere thanks to the whole team here at Samsung for so generously hosting us, today.

    It’s actually quite emotional to be honest, it would have been someone like my grandfather who dug out that coal, sent it down here, and a few generations later I get to be on this stage doing this.

    But Samsung is a company synonymous with the best in cutting-edge design and innovation;  and much of it is on full display here within these four walls.

    It is a fitting venue to discuss this government’s ambition to go further and faster in our growth mission…ensuring that your investments that you outlined here in the UK pay dividends.

    Three years ago, I gave my first speech as the then Shadow Business Secretary – and I promised we would be both a pro-business and a pro-worker party…

    …A party rooted not just in the experience of working people, but which recognises, above all else, that you cannot rebuild an economy without a flourishing private sector; backed by an unapologetically pro-business government.

    I committed to partnering with you in making our offer to the country one you could get behind.

    And you gave us the ideas, energy and, in some cases, explicit support that was needed to win a strong majority and an even stronger mandate from the British people. A mandate to deliver our Plan for Change.

    Today, I want to reflect on the progress that we have made as a government. I want to talk candidly about what I believe we need to do;

    …And I want to provide a clear direction, some reassurance and – I hope – some excitement and optimism about the future.

    Now I am extremely proud of the work that my department has done in the first seven months of this Government.

    That includes our record-breaking International Investment Summit…where we secured £63bn of inward investment commitments for the UK…

    …that was where we published our Industrial Strategy Green Paper…

    …and where we launched our Industrial Strategy Council expertly led by Clare Barclay. I’m so glad Clare could join us ahead of the council’s meeting later today.

    Building on from the investment summit, at Davos last month, the Chancellor and I sent a clear message to the international community: that the UK is a great place to invest and do business. We have the lowest corporation tax in the G7, uncapped R&D tax credits, and 100% full expensing on capital allowances.

    And ahead of our Trade Strategy’s publication, we are leveraging our relationships with Europe, China, India and the Gulf and beyond so businesses can make the UK their base to connect with global markets.

    And this is important, because in response to the announcements made by the US this week, I want to reiterate that under this government, the UK will always champion free, fair and open trade. That is what is in our national interest.

    And where we have seen the opportunity for an active government to bring business and workers together, my department has always been on the pitch…

    …Whether that’s securing a better deal for the workforce at Port Talbot

    …engaging on the takeover of Royal Mail…

    …Or the renegotiated deal that saw Navantia acquiring Harland and Wolff and protect 1,000 jobs at shipyards across the UK. I will always roll up my sleeves and get involved.

    But – being candid – none of this work in itself is sufficient, if it does not lead across the board to improved business confidence, to greater investment, and to higher household income, in every part of the country.

    And on that I, and the whole government, recognise the challenge, and we accept it.

    In the Budget the government had a responsibility to fix the foundations and restore economic stability.

    And while I recognise that the Budget capped corporation tax, extended capital allowances, and raised the employment allowance threshold from this April, I know it asked a great deal of business. I don’t underestimate that for a second.

    We will never take that contribution – your contribution – for granted.

    You are playing your part in fixing this country, in stabilising the public finances, in investing in our people and helping us rebuild our crumbling infrastructure.

    And we know it is imperative that therefore we clear the path for the private sector to thrive… that we deliver the right conditions for growth.

    It’s why, on top of the £100 billion of investment unveiled at the Budget, this Government has thrown its full support behind a third runway at Heathrow.

    It’s why we’re making the Oxford Cambridge growth corridor a success with the right transport and public services to foster growth.

    It’s why through our expanded Office for Investment and the National Wealth Fund we will be supporting transformative investments throughout the country from West Yorkshire to the West Midlands, and Glasgow and Greater Manchester.

    The challenges we face as government make all the things we promised to do even more critical.

    And I relish that.

    And I don’t believe there are easy answers to complex problems.

    But I do believe that good policy, good strategies, and good government working hand-in-hand with the private sector, can make a difference.

    And I want my constituents to feel, and to be, better off.

    And only a pragmatic, business-orientated government can deliver that.

    And that to me is what being pro-worker, and pro-business means.

    And I believe this national UK Government is able to deliver on this mission because, fundamentally, we can offer what no-one else can:

    First of all, political stability – sadly, a rare commodity in many countries these days.

    Secondly, openness to the rest of the world – at a time where that is clearly coming under pressure.

    And most importantly of all, we are offering a willingness to use our mandate in Parliament to transform the business and investor environment.

    And we are using our Industrial Strategy to ensure that our policies are made with business, for business.

    As you know, in October last year, we consulted on our Industrial Strategy Green Paper; our blueprint to channel investment and support into our country’s high-growth sectors and high potential places.

    In that green paper, we posed a series of questions, and you answered in great detail. You told us that you need access to a high-skilled workforce.

    And that is why we have launched Skills England, bringing in flexibilities for the Growth and Skills levy, allowing for shorter apprenticeships and giving employers more control over training.

    Meanwhile our Great Britain Working White Paper has already set out detailed plans to support people back into work.

    And for key sectors such as AI and life sciences, we’ve committed to looking at visa routes for the most highly skilled, ensuring those routes continue to work for the UK. The upcoming Immigration White Paper will set out plans to make our immigration, skills, and visa systems work better and more coherently.

    You told us that planning has become a by-word for inefficiency.

    So, we’re making it quicker and simpler for developers to build on brownfield land.

    We’re making it much easier to build laboratories, gigafactories, data centres, and digital network grid connections.

    And we’re preventing campaigners from repeatedly launching hopeless legal challenges against planning decisions.

    You have also told us that access to capital needs drastic improvement.

    Here again we’re listening and we’re responding. That is why the Government is creating pension megafunds, unlocking billions of pounds of investment. At the same time, we’re delivering on Lord Hill’s Listing Review to allow the FCA to rewrite the UK’s Prospectus Regime for faster fund-raising.

    And, finally, you told us that we need a ‘regulation reset’ in this country.

    Day in, day out I hear from business leaders who say to me that regulation and regulators are too cumbersome.

    They’re too slow.

    They’re too focused on theoretical issues, with little understanding of how businesses and markets actually operate.

    And I’ve heard that message loud and clear.

    One of our foremost regulators, the Competition and Markets Authority, has recently made great strides in addressing some of these issues.

    And today, my department is publishing a consultation on a new Strategic Steer for the CMA to accelerate this work.

    This isn’t about meaningless platitudes – about the ‘cutting of red tape.’

    It’s about effective consumer protection, competition law and digital market powers so that we create a level-playing field for businesses to compete on. We need to address genuine harm done by those who are not playing by the rules.

    Our Strategic Steer asks the CMA to minimise uncertainty for business – by being proactive, transparent, timely, predictable and responsive in its engagement.

    And I know, under Sarah Cardell and the new Interim Chair, Doug Gurr, the CMA has already taken significant steps in adopting this approach…in always having growth and investment in mind.

    Its extensive work around the merger of Vodafone and Three is a fantastic example of that…as is the CMA’s launch of a Growth and Investment Council to identify opportunities for greater competition.

    And there is more to come.

    I know Sarah and the CMA have set out their plans to deliver real, meaningful reforms to the merger control processes already today. Its eyes are trained firmly on more direct engagement with businesses. On speeding up its decision-making to deliver more certainty for investors. On adopting a faster, more agile approach to protecting competition.

    I fully endorse these measures because this Government believes in effective, independent institutions. In promoting competition and protecting competition – that is fundamental to our growth mission. And with the current CMA team in place, we want to support them every step of the way in the changes they’re making.

    I want to see that same level of ambition from our other regulators because right now, I don’t think our regulatory environment is doing enough to drive investor confidence and support growth.

    So, I’m taking this first step today but watch this space.

    I’m serious about delivering our wider regulatory reform over the coming weeks and months…

    …I’m also serious about building the pro-innovation, pro-worker, pro wealth creation economy that we promised at the general election. I know you in the room share that commitment, too.

    I’m proud of the reforms that we’ve set out in the Employment Rights Bill – of the opportunities they will afford working class families and working-class communities like the one I grew up in.

    I want everyone to benefit from the stronger economy I know we can have.

    But I always said, however, that we would work with – and not against – business to deliver these generational reforms.

    I said that we would never introduce changes that would make it harder for firms to hire with confidence.

    And this is precisely why my department is consulting on many of the key aspects of our Make Work Pay reforms – not least on probationary periods.

    I want a statutory probation period that lets businesses get a good sense of how new employees are performing.

    And it’s common sense to ensure that there are lighter touch standards for dismissal during those initial months of people starting a job.

    I know how important this is for employers. And I get it.

    It’s why my department will continue to engage face-to-face with business to develop a sensible, balanced proposal before we go out for formal consultation.

    And we will also consult on the length of the statutory probation period, with our preference being 9 months.

    We have also made clear that the changes we make to unfair dismissal will come into effect no sooner than the autumn of next year.

    I want there to be a buffer – a proper, business readiness period – so employers fully understand the details of our reforms, and can prepare long before they enter into force.

    That is the right thing to do – for both employers and employees.

    So, let there be no doubt – we are still the party of business.

    And we are willing to do the difficult things.

    Be that a third runway at Heathrow, a step change at the CMA, or stopping endless court challenges over the job-creating projects this country needs.

    We can share our ideas and ambition with each other.

    Take the big bets.

    Take some risks.

    Be the disruptors.

    My desire to be your champion in government has never wavered.

    And it is as resolute now as ever.

    We have to go further and faster in driving growth.

    And, friends, together, I know that we will.

    Thank you very much.

  • Stephanie Peacock – 2025 Speech at the Beacon Philanthropy and Impact Forum

    Stephanie Peacock – 2025 Speech at the Beacon Philanthropy and Impact Forum

    The speech made by Stephanie Peacock, the Minister for Civil Society and Youth, at the Guildhall in London on 12 February 2025.

    Good morning everyone, thank you Neil for that really kind introduction and thoughtful speech – the challenge you outlined is an important one.

    It’s great to be here with you at the Beacon Philanthropy and Impact Forum today.

    I want to start by thanking The Beacon Collaborative for organising this event, and the Charities Aid Foundation for sponsoring it and the City of London for hosting at this beautiful building.

    You’re here today, and are part of organisations like Beacon Collaborative, and Charities Aid Foundation, because you believe in the power of organisations and people using their resources to deliver social impact.
    And it’s a belief this Government shares.

    The UK has a vibrant culture of service and generosity, and philanthropy is so often the outlet for that culture.

    Every week hundreds of thousands of people – in our villages, towns and cities – come together and do what they can to support others. They devote their time, their money or both, to improve the lives of people less fortunate than themselves.

    That is something we should never take for granted.

    Philanthropy sustains over 170,000 charities in the UK and thousands of others who are so small they’re not actually registered.

    And it does things Governments can’t do – reaching into communities, and applying local knowledge and insight.

    I see it all the time in my own area of Barnsley.

    I can tell you so many examples, organisations such as Barnsley Youth Choir, Barnsley Hospices and BIADS, a local dementia charity I am patron of, all rely on charitable donations and giving from the local community to sustain their vital work. As Neil said, they all have their own stories, as I know you all will.

    But you recognise, as I do, that more is possible.

    And forums like this are a vital opportunity for the sector to come together and look at how we take philanthropy in the UK to the next level.

    The instinct people have to help is always there.

    It’s the job of the Government, working with organisations like the ones you represent, to find new, creative ways to make it not only easier to give, but more rewarding.

    That is part of why we started a new chapter in the relationship between Government and civil society through a Civil Society Covenant.

    We launched the Covenant at No10 Downing Street with the Prime Minister in October, in order to reset the relationship between Government and Civil Society. To make it a partnership that is built on a foundation of trust and respect.

    And it reflects our view that our charities, social enterprises and community groups have a huge and vital role to play in helping us deliver on this Government’s missions.

    Civil society groups can help make our streets safer, they can create opportunities for our young people, and they can reduce the burden on the NHS by supporting people to live healthier lives.

    And philanthropists, social investors and impact investors will have an important role to play in the Covenant, when it’s fully established in the coming months.

    This Government also recognises the enormous contribution social investors, philanthropists and businesses can provide in the delivery of our Plan for Change.

    Our impact investment market, worth £76 billion, leads the way in Europe and really sets the standard, and it reflects the fact that people want to see a connection between their investment and real social impact on the ground.

    As the Minister responsible for the impact economy, encompassing both philanthropy and impact investment, I see not only the incredible work happening in this space, but the huge potential for growing the money invested in public good.

    That is why I’m proud we are building on the UK’s strong industry leadership in social impact investing and working in partnership with the Chief Secretary to the Treasury to establish the Government’s Social Impact Investment Advisory Group. And I was really pleased to speak to Darren Jones about this last night.

    We are committed to backing private investment that delivers positive social impact right across the country, and this newly announced Advisory Group will help achieve this.

    Philanthropy is a vital part of the impact economy.

    So I’d like to be clear with everyone here today on our three priorities for philanthropy.

    Firstly, the Government wants to help to connect philanthropic investment with the places that need it most.

    Secondly, we want to unlock extra philanthropic investment.

    Thirdly, we want to partner with civil society, communities, donors and businesses to celebrate a culture of giving.

    On our first priority, this Government has been clear since our first day in office that we are committed to putting local people, communities and places first.

    Supporting philanthropic growth across the country is a really important route to generating more private capital that can deliver public good.

    That’s why the Secretary of State has committed to setting out a place-based philanthropy strategy so we can create an environment where the benefits of philanthropy are felt in communities everywhere.

    I know this is an area that many of you are invested in or connected to.

    Made-in-Stoke, which I was really pleased to visit a few months ago, Blackpool Pride of Place and Islington Gives are brilliant examples of what can be achieved with a place-based approach. I know many representatives of these networks are here with us today.

    By creating a community of philanthropists who are invested in the future of a city or town and who want to contribute to its success, they are blazing a trail for others to follow. And Neil, you rightly referenced the impact of place in your remarks.

    In areas that need it most, these networks are delivering programmes supporting young people’s skills development, from sports activities to dance and ballet classes for children.

    We can learn a great deal from these models of giving – by people motivated by the idea of helping give back to the community that helped to shape them.

    My officials and I will continue to explore how this Government can best support the growth of these innovative initiatives.

    When it comes to the second priority of unlocking additional philanthropic investment, there are already some excellent examples of what philanthropy can deliver.

    Family Foundations such as the Reece’s Foundation in the North East are working to address some of the most complex problems in the region, supporting innovations like the National Geothermal Energy Centre whilst providing new opportunities for local people.

    But, as I said earlier, we need the right structures in place to make it as easy as possible for philanthropists to give more and would-be philanthropists to give for the first time.

    Gift Aid is a vital part of the already existing system, and it gives charities and donors important tax relief.

    And for businesses, payroll giving provides companies an easy way for employees to give in a tax-efficient way to the causes they care about.

    We want to raise awareness of just how straightforward that scheme is, and there couldn’t be a better time as February is Payroll Giving month, as I’m sure you all know.

    The final part of the equation is changing how we talk about and celebrate philanthropy.

    In 2023 we collectively gave £13.9 billion to charity. It’s a phenomenal amount of money and it’s testament to the generosity that exists across our country.

    But if you look deeper, you find that the number of donors is actually decreasing.

    Clearly there’s no one single reason why that would be the case, but I think it’s all of our responsibility to do our bit in championing and celebrating those who do donate.

    Last year I had the privilege of attending the Paris Olympics and Paralympics, seeing first hand some of our most exceptional athletes perform on the biggest stage of all.

    Over the last decades, philanthropists like Barrie Wells have supported the training success of athletes including Jessica Ennis-Hill, who started her career in Sheffield, just down the road from my constituency of Barnsley.

    After winning Gold at the 2012 Olympics in London, she went on to engage and inspire the next generation of young people through philanthropy funded workshops in the Athletes4Schools programme.

    Similarly, businesses continue to contribute to society, like Barclays, who support young people and create opportunities for all, through their community grass roots football grants.

    5,500 community groups have been supported across the UK with the aim of helping to reduce inequalities in football.

    If you look at a sector like the arts, that is one that’s always relied on a variety of funding sources.

    And that’s why, for over 20 years, DCMS has partnered with the Wolfson Foundation to deliver the DCMS/Wolfson Museums and Galleries Improvement Fund.

    But these are just some of the examples of what can be done when we work together to build things that deliver long term benefits.

    You share in our ambition to raise the amount donated and the number of people donating it, and I urge you all to talk loudly and proudly about some of the great work going on in the regions across the country.

    That just leaves me to thank you all, once again, for inviting me to join you all today.

    By working together we can fulfil the huge untapped potential that exists in the impact economy, in our civil society, and across our philanthropic landscape.

    There are no simple answers to how we do it but, by focussing on the areas I’ve set out today, I am certain we can meet the challenge head on.

    Together we can grasp the opportunity to improve people’s lives and give back to communities we all care deeply about.

  • Shabana Mahmood – 2025 Speech on the Probation Service

    Shabana Mahmood – 2025 Speech on the Probation Service

    The speech made by Shabana Mahmood, the Lord Chancellor, at Southwark in London on 12 February 2025.

    Today, we are in Southwark, the home of London’s probation service, one of the busiest in the country.

    Here in London, the Service supervises more than 36,000 offenders.

    And, every day, in this building, there are a thousand untold stories of how our probation service protects the public and makes our streets safer.

    I want to talk about the future of our probation service today.

    But to look to that future, I think we must first look to the past.

    Because it was here, in Southwark, that the probation service first took root.

    Over 150 years ago, the Church of England’s temperance movement posted a man called George Nelson to Southwark’s police court.

    Nelson was the first of a band of missionaries, driven by their faith and strict teetotalism, who gave up their time to help offenders give up the drink.

    Addiction then, as addiction now, drove much criminal behaviour…

    And the approach worked.

    In fact, it worked so well that the courts came to rely on missionaries like Nelson.

    A system soon developed where offenders would be released on the condition that they kept in touch with these volunteers.

    Because what began as a moral cause proved to have a practical purpose:

    These missionaries led to less crime and fewer victims.

    As this Government might say: they made our streets safer.

    By the early twentieth century, this voluntary service was so greatly valued that it was placed on a statutory footing.

    The 1907 Probation of Offenders Act established the first formal structure for probation…

    And the volunteers became professionals.

    In the years that followed, the service grew:

    The 1925 Criminal Justice Act paid probation officers a regular wage.

    By the 1950s, probation’s work expanded to offenders on parole.

    And by the 1980s, the service was focused increasingly on prison releases.

    Over time, the role developed.

    Where the early missionaries were focused on crimes driven by addiction…

    In time, they took responsibility for the management of ever more, and ever more complex, offenders.

    Too often overlooked, with our focus invariably falling on the police or on prisons…

    Probation became an indispensable part of a criminal justice system that keeps us safe.

    It remains so today, now a service that is more than 20,000 strong…

    And probation officers supervise almost a quarter of a million offenders – around three times the number currently serving time in our prisons.

    Each year, they oversee more than 4 million hours of community payback.

    They monitor around 9,000 offenders on a tag at any given moment.

    They provide sentencing advice to hundreds of courts every single day.

    And they also provide a vital link to tens of thousands of victims, through the Victim Contact and the Victim Notification schemes.

    But while there have been bright moments in the service’s past, we must acknowledge the dark days too.

    In 2014 the service was split:

    Part remained in the public sector, managing the highest-risk offenders.

    The rest was hived off, to be run by the private sector, who would supervise those of low and medium risk.

    Community Rehabilitation Companies would bring the ingenuity of the private sector to solve the problem of reoffending.

    The rhetoric was of a revolution in how we manage offenders.

    The reality was far different.

    Workloads increased, as new offenders were brought under supervision for the first time…

    The number of people on probation increased between December 2014 and December 2016, with almost 50,000 offenders newly under its remit.

    Scarce resources were stretched further than ever…

    Morale plummeted.

    And worrying numbers voted with their feet, leaving the service altogether…

    With the Inspector of Probation declaring a “national shortage” of probation professionals in 2019.

    The new companies woefully underperformed.

    Between 2017 and 2018, just 5 of 37 audits carried out by HMPPS demonstrated that expected standards were being met.

    In 2019, 8 out of 10 companies inspected received the lowest possible rating – “inadequate” – for supervising offenders.

    The Chief Inspector called them “irredeemably flawed”.

    And the service was labelled ‘inadequate’.

    In 2021, it was finally, rightly, re-unified and re-nationalised.

    Now, make no mistake…

    Every day, across the country, probation staff make this country safer.

    This was clearly evident in the service’s response to the prison capacity crisis.

    With prisons just days from collapse, this Government was forced to introduce an emergency release programme, which saw some offenders leave prison a few weeks or months early.

    The alternative, as I said at the time, did not bear thinking about:

    We would have been forced to shut the front door of our prisons…

    An act that would have sent dominoes tumbling through our justice system:

    Courts unable to hold trials…

    Police forced to halt arrests…

    And the eventual path to a total breakdown of law and order.

    In making that decision, I knew the probation service would have to carry an even heavier load.

    They would have to put in place plans for the safe release of prisoners in just a few weeks.

    I tried to give them as much time as I possibly could to prepare:

    An eight-week implementation period.

    It wasn’t long to prepare, but the probation service used it with great skill.

    But now is also a moment to be honest about the challenges the service faces.

    And the simple fact is this:

    The service was burdened with a workload that was, quite simply, impossible.

    When we took office, we discovered that orders handed out by courts were not taking place.

    In the 3 years to March 2024 around 13,000 Accredited Programmes, a type of rehabilitative course, did not happen.

    This wasn’t because an offender had failed to do what was expected of them…

    But instead because the Probation Service had been unable to deliver these courses.

    As I have shown already in this job, I believe in confronting problems, not pretending they are not there.

    And so, we will ensure only those offenders who pose a higher risk, and who need to receive these courses, will do so.

    This isn’t a decision I take lightly.

    But it is a decision to confront the reality of the challenges facing the probation service.

    I should be clear:

    For those who will not complete an accredited programme, they remain under the supervision of a probation officer…

    And all the other requirements placed upon them will remain in place.

    Any breach of a community sentence could see them hauled back into court.

    Any breach of a licence condition could see them back behind bars.

    Addressing individual issues like these, however, is no long-term solution to the challenges the probation service faces.

    Today, across the country, probation officers are spread too thin – responsible for caseloads and workloads that exceed what they should be expected to handle.

    Probation officers are drawn to the profession not because it is just another job.

    This job is a vocation, even a calling…

    They are, after all, the inheritors of those missionaries of 150 years ago.

    They are experts in their discipline…

    Who want to know that their work is protecting the public…

    And keeping offenders on the straight and narrow.

    Over-stretched, they can’t work with offenders in the way they need to.

    And the burden placed on probation officers’ shoulders grow heavier and heavier.

    It has driven people away from the job…

    It has made the public less safe…

    And it has to change.

    It is clear we need to bring more people into the probation service.

    In July, I committed to bringing on 1,000 trainee probation officers by March of this year.

    But we must go further.

    Today, I can announce that, next year, we will bring on at least 1,300 new, trainee probation officers.

    New probation officers are the lifeblood of the service, and they will guarantee its future.

    But they are not enough alone.

    It is also clear we must remove the administrative burden that weighs probation officers down…

    And makes them less effective in their roles.

    Today, too many hours of probation officer time are wasted each day.

    They are drowning in paperwork.

    And I don’t mean metaphorical paperwork.

    I mean literal pen and paperwork.

    This takes up valuable time, that would be better spent working with offenders…

    And it also introduces the risk of error – the failure to identify the critical piece of information that might shape a professional’s judgement of the risk that an offender poses.

    Where digital processes do exist in the probation service, they can be difficult to navigate.

    Information is stored in multiple different systems that do not speak to each other.

    And probation officers are forced, laboriously, to type the same information time and again.

    We will soon pilot a digital tool that will put all the information a probation officer needs to know into one place.

    Over time, this will include information from other agencies, like the police as we need to make sure data is more readily shared, so that probation can make better decisions.

    We’re also trialling a new system for risk assessing offenders, to make it more straightforward for probation officers to make robust decisions.

    A group of officers in Brighton started using this in December last year…

    And we estimate it will cut up to 20 percent of the time it takes to do this crucial activity.

    It might sound simple, but the impact could be considerable.

    Every minute saved is more time probation officers can spend working with offenders.

    Less simple, but even more transformational, there’s the potential of artificial intelligence.

    We are currently looking into voice transcription.

    This would automatically record and transcribe supervision conversations by taking notes in real time…

    Allowing probation officers to focus on building relationships, while also removing the need for them to enter handwritten notes into a computer afterwards.

    In time, we believe that AI could play a more active role in supporting staff to supervise offenders – for example, drawing on the data we have on an offender to suggest a supervision plan tailored to them.

    This new technology will ensure probation officers provide what only they can:

    The human factor.

    The ability to work with an offender, one-to-one, to understand the risk they pose…

    To develop a plan for how to manage it…

    Ultimately, to turn them away from a life of crime – and so protect the public.

    That is what remains true about the probation officer’s job now, just as it was 150 years ago.

    The courts didn’t turn to the temperance movement’s missionaries because they were great at paperwork.

    They did so because of how they worked with offenders.

    They knew – in the words of the Government Minister who brought in the 1907 Probation Act – how “to guide and admonish” an offender to make the public safer.

    But while new staff and better technology are necessary to the future of our probation service…

    They are not sufficient.

    With a caseload of nearly a quarter of a million offenders…

    We must also look at the work that probation officers are doing…

    And we must ask:

    Where should their time be spent…

    And, more specifically, who should their time be spent with to have the greatest impact?

    In this, it is clear there are two types of offender.

    On the one hand, we have those who pose a higher risk to society.

    In this group, we have those who are dangerous – posing a real risk of harm to the public.

    We also have those whose offending is prolific – the one in every ten offenders who is guilty of nearly half of all sentenced crime.

    On the other hand, we have offenders who pose a lower risk.

    They are not serial offenders, with a high risk of reoffending.

    Their crimes are instead often fuelled by addiction, homelessness, and joblessness.

    These crimes are not excusable.

    All crimes must be punished.

    But these two groups – the higher and lower risk – are different.

    If we want to reduce reoffending, cut crime and have safer streets, we have to treat them differently.

    And too often today, we don’t.

    We have a one size fits all approach.

    That must change.

    For higher-risk offenders, a probation officer’s time and focus is essential.

    It is no exaggeration to say that effective supervision of this cohort can be the difference between life and death.

    We all know the tragedies:

    I think of Terri Harris, her children John Paul and Lacey Bennett and Lacey’s friend Connie Gent, savagely murdered by Damien Bendall in 2021, when Bendall was serving a community sentence.

    And I think of Zara Aleena, murdered by Jordan McSweeney in 2022, just nine days after he had left prison on licence.

    We will never be able to stop every tragedy.

    But we have to stop more.

    There are improvements that we can and must make to the processes probation officers follow, and the technology they use.

    We have introduced new training, to better identify risk…

    New digital tools, as I have mentioned already, will draw together the critical pieces of information from partner organisations, like the police.

    But the vital ingredient is time:

    The time of a professional probation officer…

    Devoted to identifying the risk an offender poses…

    Creating a plan to manage it…

    And supervising, closely, that offender to ensure they do not deviate from it.

    That is the human factor that only a probation officer can provide.

    If probation officers are to have this valuable time with these offenders, we must be more efficient with the time they devote to lower-risk offenders.

    At the very end of their time in office, my predecessor introduced a policy called Probation Reset.

    This saw supervision of lower-risk offenders end after two-thirds of their licence period.

    This was a step in the right direction.

    The interventions that work best with lower risk offenders are not necessarily those provided by probation officers.

    So that is where we must now direct the attention of their supervision.

    We need to get these offenders off drugs and booze – reoffending rates are 19 points lower when an offender completes a drug treatment programme.

    We need to ensure they have a roof over their heads – reoffending rates double for those released homeless.

    And finally, we need to get them working – reoffending rates are up to 9 points lower when an offender is employed.

    The probation service has a role to play here…

    But their unique value is in referring offenders to the intervention that is required to address the cause of their offending.

    And so today, I can announce that we will build on the work of Reset.

    This Government will focus the probation service on the interventions that have the greater impact.

    For lower risk offenders, we will task probation officers with providing a swifter intervention.

    They will spend more time with an offender immediately after their release:

    First, assessing the root causes of an offender’s crime…

    Then referring them to the services that will address that behaviour:

    Which could be education, training, drug treatment or accommodation…

    Delivered by the probation service, our partners across Government, and through the brilliant work done by the voluntary sector.

    Once offenders are following that direction, as long as the offender stays on the straight and narrow, we must then focus probation officer’s time more effectively:

    That means more time spent with the offenders who pose the greater risk…

    More time with offenders who pose a risk of a serious and violent further offence…

    And more time with offenders whose prolific offending causes so much social and economic damage to local communities.

    That is how we will reduce reoffending…

    That is how we will cut crime…

    And that is how we will make our streets safer.

    These measures are necessary today, but they will be even more important in the months and years to come.

    David Gauke’s independent review of sentencing will report soon.

    He has been asked to ensure we never run out of prison places again.

    There is no doubt that this will increase pressure on probation.

    As I made clear when I announced the review, I have asked David to consider how we make more use of punishment outside of prison.

    In my view, technology is likely to play a key role – taking advantage of advances in the tech that is being used here and in other jurisdictions:

    Like sobriety tags, which can measure the alcohol levels in offenders’ sweat every 30 minutes, and have a 97 percent compliance rate…

    And GPS tags, which can put in place exclusion zones to alert authorities if offenders enter areas we have banned them from.

    There are also likely to be more sentences served in the community…

    And more drug, alcohol and mental health treatment requirements placed on offenders.

    These are the tools that must be at the judiciary’s disposal to deal with criminals…

    And judges must have trust and confidence that the probation service can deliver them.

    The changes I have announced today are about support for the probation service:

    1,300 new trainee probation officers…

    New technology to lighten the administrative burden…

    And a new focus of their time on where it has the greatest impact.

    Today, I have set out what I think the future direction of the probation service must be.

    And I think we must, finally, consider the alternative.

    What would happen if we allowed probation to carry on as it is?

    What would happen if we allowed the service to be stretched so thin, trying to do too much with too many offenders…

    Too much time spent doing the wrong things, and not enough time doing what is right and what works.

    We know what the consequences would be.

    We’ve seen it in the stories of far too many victims…

    And the pain their friends and families have experienced – and continue to experience – every single day.

    When the probation service isn’t able to properly assess the risk of offenders or supervise them…

    Innocent people pay a terrible price.

    The first job of the state is to keep its people safe.

    We are willing to take the difficult decisions, where they must be taken.

    I will support probation officers, both the new recruits we will bring in and the professionals of whom we have asked so much in recent years.

    While they are professionals these days, and experts in their field…

    They are drawn to the profession by the same desire that called to those missionaries a hundred and fifty years ago:

    To encourage offenders to turn their backs on crime…

    And to make our streets and the public safer.

    To fulfil that purpose now, we must do things differently.

    And that begins today.

    Thank you.

  • Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement on the Release of Eli Sharabi

    Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement on the Release of Eli Sharabi

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 8 February 2025.

    I shared the relief of so many at Eli Sharabi’s release earlier today but was dismayed to see his frail condition and the circumstances of his release. Having met his relatives I appreciate the deep pain they have endured and my thoughts are with them.

    We must continue to see all the hostages freed – these people were ripped away from their lives in the most brutal circumstances and held in appalling conditions. The ceasefire must hold and all efforts need to focus on full implementation of the remaining phases. This includes the return of further hostages, the continued increase of aid into Gaza and securing lasting peace in the Middle East.

  • Chris Bryant – 2025 Speech at LEAD Advertising Conference

    Chris Bryant – 2025 Speech at LEAD Advertising Conference

    The speech made by Chris Bryant, the Creative Industries Minister, in London on 6 February 2025.

    My name is Chris Bryant. I’m the Minister for lots of things. And Peter Mandelson, when I was first elected back in 2001 as the Member of Parliament for the Rhondda, I asked him for some advice. And he said he had lots of pieces of advice, but one of them was: “Never go to the same event two years in a row.” Because it means if you don’t go to the third year, everybody will condemn you for being a complete lazy so and so. But this is my second year in a row at this event. So I’ve broken Peter Mandelson’s advice.

    And the second piece of advice he gave me was: “The one word you can never use in advertising and in politics is the word trust.” Because the moment you start talking about trust in politics, people start thinking: “Oh, can I trust you?” And they nearly always come to the conclusion that they can’t.

    But in the end, advertising, I suppose, is fundamentally about trust. It’s about trying to persuade the public that you can trust a particular product or that you can trust a particular brand that is promoting a particular product, or that you can trust the person who is promoting the brand that is promoting the product, or that you can trust the space in which you’re watching or seeing this particular piece of advertising.

    Of course, to enable trust in all and to create great advertising, that requires all sorts of different things. First of all, imagination. And I think sometimes when I speak to some other parts of the creative industries, they think of advertising as the kind of workhorses of the creative industries. But I actually think that in many regards, you’re more imaginative than nearly all the other parts of creative industries put together. And sometimes, of course, you have to bring them all together.

    But the original idea for how to launch a product, or how to sell a product, how to promote it, how to keep it in the public mind, or how to completely change a view of a product or a brand, that’s a phenomenally imaginative process.

    I always think to myself: “How do you come up with a television or a cinema advert for perfume?” How on earth can you give the impression that this is a perfume that somebody would want to wear when you cannot smell it? Which is fundamentally what perfume is all about. And of course, you do that in advertising with so many different products. Sometimes you’re trying to encourage people to try products that they would never have touched before, either because they’re brand new products, or because they’re something that has never come into their way of life before or because their life has changed.

    That requires phenomenal imagination, but it also requires craft, serious craft, whether that’s using statistics and market analysis to be able to determine what is really going to work, how big a particular market is, or it’s that whole ecosystem of the whole of the creative industries, through from writers, actors and technicians, location scouts and everybody else that’s part of making a really good advert.

    That combination of imagination, craft and that whole ecosystem is what I think is so special in the United Kingdom. We’re at the moment working with Shriti Vadera and Peter Bazalgette on putting together our Industrial Strategy for the creative industries. We decided as a government that the creative industries are one of the eight key sectors in the UK that are potential growth sectors we want to build on.

    And putting that together, one of the key elements that we keep on arguing with the Treasury and the Department for Business and Trade and everybody else in government is that this is an ecosystem. You don’t get great British films without great British marketing of films. You don’t get great British films without actors who probably performed on the stage as well as in television and in movies. You don’t get great British actors without a commercial theatre that’s successful in the UK and also without a subsidised theatre in the UK.

    All of these things hang together, and it’s really important that we promote the whole of that sector. And that’s, of course, why we are the second largest exporter of advertising in the world. I remember when I first came across this statistic, I thought: “That can’t be right. It must just be the second largest in Europe.” But we are the second largest in the world and I think we could do a great deal more boasting about that.

    I don’t know whether there’s anybody in advertising who could promote the idea of advertising being a very significant part of our economy, worth £21 billion of GVA in 2023 and on track this year for £43 billion of spending. So in the words of Yazz: the only way is up.

    We are very keen on this being a cooperation between industry and government. So first of all, the single most important thing we know that we can do to enable this industry to grow in the UK is to provide political, fiscal and economic stability in the country, so that people can make long-term investments and know where they’re going.

    [political content redacted]

    And secondly, as I just said, we’re working on our Industrial Strategy for the creative industries. If there’s stuff that you still feel that you have you haven’t heard from us in this world, then please do get in touch.

    Thirdly, obviously, there’s a really important issue around skills. For me, this is a matter of passionate belief that you don’t get a good education unless you also get a good creative education. I want to praise Eton and Winchester and everybody else, because they’ll have a pottery class, they’ll have an art room, they’ll have a well equipped theatre, they’ll have a dance studio, they’ll have musical instruments. I just want that for every single child in this country, and that’s why I think it’s so important that we turn the corner on the curriculum in the UK.

    That’s what Bridget Phillipson as the Secretary of State for Education is very intent on doing. Trying to bring a creative education right back into the heart, so that it’s not just STEM, which is very important, but STEAM, including arts and creative education, is part of it.

    Secondly, we need to reform the Apprenticeship Levy. I know lots of people in the industry have said to me: “It just doesn’t work for us at the moment.” And that’s what we’re very focused on doing.

    The first thing we’ve already done is we’ve announced that from August this year, you won’t have to do a 12-month apprenticeship. You’ll be able to do six months and that’s so important for people who are working on a project base, and we need to provide a greater sense of portability between different employers as well, to be able to make that Apprenticeship Levy work across the creative sector.

    Indeed, there’s a perfectly good argument for saying, because of the ecosystem that I’ve been talking about, that the Apprenticeship Levy should enable you to go from different parts of the ecosystem to be able to perfect your craft.

    Now just a few specific things on the Online Advertising Taskforce. Online has provided new challenges and new opportunities. I’m really glad that the influencer working group has come up with its fourth version of a code of conduct, the first in the world. If anybody knows any influencers who could persuade more influencers to take up the influencers’ code of conduct, I’ll be really grateful.

    But that is a really important campaign, because it goes to this issue of trust. If it becomes a whole world when you simply can’t trust what you’re seeing in front of you as promoting a product, then that undermines the whole of the industry. So I think the more we can do in that field, the better.

    I’m really grateful for the work that’s being done on an AI working group. At the moment we’re engaged in a consultation on this and precisely how it works out in relation to copyright. I am absolutely clear that we as a country sell IP. It’s one of the key things that we sell. So making sure that we have a strong copyright system in the UK, that we maintain that, and maintain the ability of people to be remunerated and to control their rights, is a vital part of anything we do in this field.

    But of course, many of you will use AI in all sorts of different ways already, and my guess is in two or three years’ time, every single person will have an AI assistant of some kind on their laptop or on their phone. We need to make sure that we think that there’s a possibility for a win-win in this. If you haven’t looked at the consultation yet, please do. It closes on February 25.

    On less healthy food, some of you might be interested in this subject. Obviously the previous government legislated in relation to less healthy foods and advertising, and we did too in the statutory instrument that was brought forward just before Christmas. I’ve already had several meetings with the ASA. We are very keen on coming to a sensible solution. I think a bit of common sense in this space would be really, really useful. We discussed the matter. I’m saying to you what I said to the ASA the other day. Our priority is proportionate regulation and clear guidance for businesses operating in the sector. And as you would expect from us, we want to reduce the NHS backlog, and we want to support people to lead healthier lives. We want there to be incentives for brands to offer more healthy products. That only happens if we have a clear set of guidance that is proportionate and sensible. I can’t go any further than that, because I’ve got another meeting with all the organisations concerned next week.

    I want to end with my key point, which is that we are very serious about growing the creative industries in the UK. I heard somebody say: “Well, aren’t the arts and the creative industries a bit frou-frou?” I don’t know what that means, really, but I get the point, I suppose.

    But actually, if the UK had no creative industries, we would be a poorer, weaker, less happy, less stable society than we are. And I think that the creative industries not only have an economic role to play – a vastly significant one, one in 14 people in the UK works in the creative industries today and I guess it will be one in 10 in a few years’ time – but if we’re going to build that, we need you to tell us what are the barriers to growth in your sector.

    We need to make sure that there’s a steady stream of people through into these industries. I asked this question last year, and I’m going to ask it again, and I’m going to keep on asking every single year that I come here, which is: If you came to my constituency and asked a 13 year old: “What are you going to do when you grow up, or what careers are you thinking about?” They would probably know what it is to be a doctor and how they would start trying to be a doctor or a lawyer or a teacher, but they wouldn’t have the faintest idea how they would start the process of going into advertising or any of the other creative industries.

    So in four years’ time, I would like us to be in a place where every single child in the country has the creative industries, including advertising, as one of the possible future careers for them, and that they know how to approach that, so that your seats are taken in 10, 15, 20 years’ time by young people who might just as well come from Wigan, Gateshead, Newcastle, London, the Rhondda, Shetland. People with completely varied backgrounds and different experiences, so that they can bring their imagination and their storytelling to the great industry that is yours.

  • Hilary Benn – 2025 Speech at Ulster University

    Hilary Benn – 2025 Speech at Ulster University

    The speech made by Hilary Benn, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 4 February 2025.

    I am delighted to be speaking here today, in these wonderful surroundings. My thanks to Ulster University; indeed The Times’ UK University of the Year 2024, no less.

    This institution does so much fantastic work and is truly “a force for good in fostering peace, prosperity and cohesion”, as the judges of that illustrious award so eloquently described you. And it has been a privilege for me to meet some of your remarkable students this morning.

    This week, of course, we are marking the one year anniversary of the return of devolved government in Northern Ireland.

    But before I come to that, I just want to say this about Storm Eowyn.

    At its peak, over 280,000 properties were without electricity including acute hospitals and other essential services. But since the winds abated, there has been an extraordinary effort to deal with the damage, to clear fallen trees and to get electricity supplies up and running again.

    And I know that lots of people have worked really hard over long hours to restore services and I’m glad to say that NIE Networks is now very nearly there with the last electricity reconnections, and it has been a long time for some people to wait.

    It’s been a team effort which shows the strength of the United Kingdom in offering practical support. When trouble strikes, we come to the aid of each other.

    The restoration of power-sharing a year ago was a significant moment. It followed yet another unacceptably long time without a functioning government.

    When I was first appointed as shadow Secretary of State in September 2023, I said to Chris Heaton-Harris that my priority was to see the Executive restored.

    I want to pay tribute to Chris for the pivotal role he played in bringing back the institutions, to the leadership of the DUP for deciding to go back into powersharing, and to them and the leadership of Sinn Fein, the Alliance Party and the UUP for the great start tht the Executive has made. We all hope that its restoration is for good – the good of the people of Northern Ireland.

    By its very nature, power-sharing is difficult – very difficult – but just over a quarter of a century ago we saw extraordinary political leadership make it possible.

    Courage and compromise triumphed over bitter stalemate, as political leaders agreed the principles of power-sharing that endure to this day.

    I have great faith in Northern Ireland’s system of government. Indeed, there were long periods of relative Executive stability prior to 2017 in which we saw the devolution of policing and justice, and the establishment of the PSNI – which today enjoys significant cross-community support. Who could have imagined that 26 years ago? It’s a tribute to the work that Naomi Long and her predecessors have done in the role of Justice Minister.

    There was also significant economic growth, helped by Northern Ireland’s success in attracting inward investment. All examples of what can be achieved by sharing power.

    The people of Northern Ireland need and deserve an Executive that works for them all the time, along of course with an Opposition that holds the Executive to account, an important role being undertaken by Matthew O’Toole and the SDLP. And it is vital that all of us do all we can to ensure that the stability of devolved government endures.

    We have to put the days of collapse behind us and move forward.

    Now I say that not because I am worried about a return to instability. On the contrary, I have been so impressed by the leadership shown by Michelle O’Neill and Emma Little-Pengelly as First and deputy First Minister.

    The Executive has worked constructively together to negotiate an Interim Fiscal Framework, publish a Fiscal Sustainability Plan, bring forward a strategy to end violence against women and girls and a childcare and early learning plan, and agree a draft Programme for Government.

    It’s been a successful start, and I believe the conditions are now in place for the Executive to grasp the opportunities that beckon for Northern Ireland.

    The largest budget settlement since devolution with a funding formula that now reflects Northern Ireland’s level of need.

    Certainty, after the uncertainty that immediately followed the EU referendum in 2016, about Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market.

    Advantageous trading arrangements through the Windsor Framework, which can help draw in foreign direct investment.

    And finally – after too many years in which Northern Ireland was too often treated by the previous government as an afterthought – this Executive has a partner in this UK Government that is committed to working together to generate investment and economic growth and to help improve the delivery of public services.

    We all understand the scale of the challenge and the unique circumstances of Northern Ireland, where poverty, paramilitarism and the past are entwined. And where the pain and trauma wrought by the terrible violence that shook this place continue – for many – to be deeply felt.

    And all our thoughts this week, and in the weeks to come, are with those family members taking part in the commemorative hearings in the Inquiry into the Omagh Bombing – a monstrous and despicable act of terrorist violence.

    We now must all play our part in building a more inclusive society which is at peace with itself as it looks to the future.

    And this is the moment for Northern Ireland’s devolved government to address the concerns that citizens have about their lives and their wish to see public services improve.

    My first six months or so in office as Secretary of State has reminded me about what Mo Mowlam once said:

    “People working together can overcome many obstacles, often within themselves, and by doing so can make the world a better place.”

    We are all aware of the acute challenges which we are grappling with right across the United Kingdom.

    Today I want to talk about three of these.

    First, reform and delivery of public services.

    Second, how to ensure the smooth flow of goods across the UK, while seeking to deepen our trade ties with Europe.

    And third, the need for sustained and sustainable economic growth, which is essential if we are to see raised living standards, and more money in people’s pockets on which subject, today the UK Government has announced a 6.7% increase in the National Living Wage from 1 April, which will benefit millions of people across the UK, including in Northern Ireland.

    The challenge for public services is particularly acute in Northern Ireland, and nowhere is this more urgent or obvious than in health.

    The facts are frankly shocking.

    Waiting time performance against cancer care targets continues to deteriorate, corridor care is becoming more frequent and it is striking how many people in Northern Ireland are now going private.

    More than a quarter of people in Northern Ireland are on a waiting list. That is more than double the figure in England.

    53% of people waiting for a first appointment with a consultant are waiting for more than a year in Northern Ireland.

    In England, that figure is 4%. That’s right, 53% compared to just 4%.

    That’s why the First Minister recently described the state of the health service as “dire and diabolical”.

    I agree. And this is despite UK Treasury data showing that spending per head on health is nearly £300 a year higher in Northern Ireland than it is in England.

    It is absolutely not that health and social care staff are somehow not doing all they can. On the contrary, they are working really, really hard to treat patients, but they are doing so in a system that clearly isn’t working.

    And why isn’t it working? Because – over many years – the decisions necessary for systemic and not piecemeal reform to the health and social care system in Northern Ireland simply haven’t been taken.

    Now the Health Minister Mike Nesbitt is developing a long term plan to stabilise, reconfigure and reform the health service. This is really encouraging and I sincerely wish him well.

    And the challenge now for the Executive is to take the difficult collective decisions that are required to enable this change to succeed.

    Doing so is now unavoidable.

    The task of transforming public services won’t be without cost. I get that. And I know that talk of transformation of public services inevitably leads to the issue of funding.

    So, allow me to say this.

    The Autumn Budget provided £18.2 billion for the Executive in 2025/2026 – the largest settlement in real terms in the history of devolution.

    This includes a £1.5 billion increase through the Barnett formula, with £1.2 billion for day-to-day spending and £270 million for capital investment.

    The independent Northern Ireland Fiscal Council has calculated that the relative need in Northern Ireland is 24% more per head than in England for equivalent spending. This rightly reflects the greater needs that there are in Northern Ireland.

    That is why, as part of the restoration agreement last year, a structural change was made to funding by adding a 24% needs-based factor to the Barnett formula, so as to ensure the Executive gets the level of funding it needs, now and in the future.

    This financial year and next financial year, funding for Northern Ireland will actually exceed this level.

    I frequently hear it said, however, that more funding is required from the UK Government and that that is the reason why public services are in such a state. But given the needs-based formula that is now in place, and given the increase in funding that the government has given, a lack of funding is not the impediment to public service transformation.

    The real impediment has been the failure to reform the system. The many missed opportunities to take decisions, or to apply lessons, from other parts of the UK where reform has happened.

    Of course, this has at times been down to there being no Executive in place to take those decisions, which is why it’s essential that the institutions do their job every day of the year.

    At other times, there has simply been a lack of agreement among Executive Ministers on the steps that need to be taken, or on the allocation of resources, or on the revenue that needs to be raised.

    I believe strongly in devolution in Northern Ireland – where decisions are made as close to the people they affect as possible, by the representatives the people have chosen.

    It is only right that the Executive makes decisions about its own spending and revenue raising priorities.

    However, it must take responsibility for balancing its budget and living within its means. Just as all other governments must.

    Now, the Executive has nine priorities set out in its draft Programme for Government, and the work of this UK Government is guided by our five Missions and our Plan for Change. These objectives are in many ways complementary, and I firmly believe the two need to work together.

    Since Fleur Anderson and I took office, we’ve been clear that we want to help ensure that the Executive has the support it needs.

    We want the UK Government to be an active partner and to encourage greater collaboration and sharing of expertise, so helping Northern Ireland to make progress for itself.

    And it is in this spirit that the Public Sector Transformation Board was conceived of, as part of the restoration deal, to bring together experts from across different sectors, and to enable the sharing of best practice from across the UK to support change.

    We have also made available £235m of funding for projects proposed by the Executive departments to transform the delivery of public services.

    I look forward to seeing the first tranche of this funding being allocated soon, followed, I hope, by the Executive -and I want to say that Caoimhe Archibald has done a great job as Finance Minister – bringing forward plans in the Budget for how the Executive will deploy its resources to deliver the wider transformation that is so urgently required in the health service.

    Let me now turn to the second matter I want to address.

    This UK Government will always uphold – in good faith – the Good Friday Agreement and the principle of consent on which it rests. And for as long as the people of Northern Ireland wish it to be so, Northern Ireland’s place in the Union is secure.

    The task now for us as politicians is to ensure that the Union continues to improve the lives of all communities, regardless of their constitutional ambition.

    Now, of course, I couldn’t come here today and speak about the restoration of the Northern Ireland institutions without recognising the issues that led to them not functioning in the first place, and the arrangements that enabled them to get back up and running.

    The concerns that people in Northern Ireland – particularly but not exclusively those from a Unionist background – had about the old Northern Ireland protocol were genuine. I shared many of them. It proved to be unworkable and damaging, and I supported the Windsor Framework that replaced it.

    The Framework brought significant improvements in the arrangements in Northern Ireland, thanks to the pragmatic approach the EU took in the negotiations.

    It recognised that goods staying within the UK’s internal market should not be subject to the full panoply of EU rules and checks.

    It ensured that medicines continue to be available on a UK-wide basis, and it enshrined an important new democratic safeguard in the form of the Stormont Brake.

    The Brake has received quite a bit of attention of late. There are some who have said that because the outcome recently was not as they wished, it doesn’t have any value.

    That isn’t true.

    The main criterion for use of the Brake – namely, that the proposed new EU rule would have a significant and lasting impact on communities in Northern Ireland – and that is quite a high bar – is clearly set out in law. The fact that this bar was not met on this occasion, does not have any bearing on whether it might be met on any future occasion. Why? Because each case must be considered on its merits. That’s the responsibility on me in law.

    But the Brake notification by MLAs – which reflected genuine concerns – did lead to a clear commitment by the UK Government to take the steps necessary to avoid new regulatory barriers in respect of chemicals. Which was the issue that had given rise to the application.

    I think this was a positive outcome, and precisely what the Brake was designed to do.

    More generally, I am not going to rehash old debates about Brexit. My views during the referendum and subsequently are fairly well known.

    But I hope that the experience of what has happened since the referendum taught us all something important. And that is that we should beware those offering simplistic soundbites rather than grappling with difficult and complex questions, like the one which lies at the heart of this debate. How do you deal with trade between two countries with different rules but an open border between them?

    Serious leadership and the questions it has to deal with – such as that provided by those sitting around the Executive table, or operating in constructive opposition in the Assembly, or by the UK Government – requires serious answers.

    And when it became clear that the Windsor Framework was not the final word, through painstaking months, the Democratic Unionist Party worked through the remaining issues to secure some important new commitments in the Safeguarding the Union Command Paper.

    They engaged in the detail and achieved changes for their constituents when it might have been politically safer or easier to demand the impossible from the sidelines.

    Some others did take that latter path – I would say with absolutely no benefit to anyone that they represented.

    So, I commend the role that the leader of the DUP, Gavin Robinson, and the now deputy First Minister, played in that process – and for the courage and commitment to Northern Ireland that they demonstrated in leading their party back into the Executive.

    And for my part, let me say that I am committed to continuing to work in good faith to implement the basis on which devolution was restored.

    We have clearly made good progress:

    • an Independent Monitoring Panel is in place to report on how it’s going on meeting the new Internal Market Guarantee
    • every public authority implementing the Windsor Framework must now look to statutory guidance on the importance of Northern Ireland’s place in the Union in discharging their duties
    • every Government department must set out the impact of major regulatory changes on the functioning of the UK’s internal market, including Northern Ireland.
    • an Independent Review has been established recognising that the democratic vote to continue the Framework’s application was not supported by Unionist MLAs
    • we have new working groups on Veterinary Medicines and horticulture up and running – acknowledging that there is still important work to be done
    • we will shortly establish Intertrade UK.

    But most important of all, goods are flowing back and forth between Northern Ireland and Great Britain.

    This is a process, it is not a destination.

    And my commitment, as we continue to take forward Safeguarding the Union, is to continue working with all parts of the community and with all the political parties, to address concerns and problems.

    It certainly won’t always be smooth, but I am really grateful to all those who are willing to engage in the hard slog each day to improve things further for the people of Northern Ireland.

    And as we honour the commitments we have made in the Windsor Framework, as we must, this Government is also working to secure a stronger and better relationship with the European Union.

    An SPS and veterinary agreement just to take that example would produce tangible benefits for businesses and traders in Northern Ireland and indeed across the UK by helping animal and plant products to flow freely across the Irish Sea. So there is light at the end of this tunnel.

    Beyond strengthening Northern Ireland’s place in the Internal Market, investments being made by this UK Government will help to strengthen Northern Ireland’s economy.

    We all know the particular challenges facing the economy in Northern Ireland, not least on productivity, but Northern Ireland’s economic output is now 9.7% above its pre-pandemic level, which is significantly higher than the rest of the UK.

    In the last decade the total number of employee jobs is up 15%. And as we know Northern Ireland now has the lowest level of unemployment in the UK.

    I am determined to ensure that Northern Ireland benefits from UK Government initiatives designed to generate economic growth and power the green transition.

    Central to this will be our new modern industrial strategy – Invest 2035 – and our commitment to make the whole of the UK a clean energy superpower with GB Energy, a publicly owned company, at its heart.

    We will work closely with the Executive and the other devolved governments on our 10-year Infrastructure Strategy and the National Wealth Fund to ensure the benefits are felt UK-wide.

    Alongside the Industrial Strategy, we will mobilise billions of pounds of investment in the UK’s world-leading industries, including Northern Ireland’s strengths in areas like fin-tech and the creative industries.

    I was delighted that last month, Lisa Nandy, the Culture Secretary, announced that Belfast is one of this Government’s priority regions for the Creative Industries, and this Spring will see the full opening of Studio Ulster – a truly unique facility that will not just support the growing creative industry in Northern Ireland, but will also take it into the next era of screen innovation, making it a global player in performance technology. Fleur and I had a sneak preview before we came into this hall today, and I’m looking forward to visiting the new Studio Ulster itself.

    And of course, the Belfast City Deal has helped to fund Studio Ulster.

    And as we move full steam ahead with the City and Growth Deals right across Northern Ireland, these will demonstrate the significant impact of a partnership that has been developed between the Executive, the UK Government, local councils and businesses to make things happen.

    It is also fantastic that shipbuilding is returning to Belfast. As announced in December, a commercial deal has been reached that will see Navantia UK – a specialist in shipbuilding – purchase Harland and Wolff, thus ensuring the delivery of the Ministry of Defence’s three Fleet Solid Support Ships.

    This deal, which will protect around 500 jobs in Belfast, demonstrates the Government’s unwavering commitment to UK shipbuilding, and to Harland and Wolff.

    Throughout the process, the Government worked with devolved governments, local MPs and the relevant trade unions, on the commitments on jobs that are part of the deal.

    And let’s not forget all of the other strengths of Northern Ireland. Farming, its fantastic universities, including this wonderful institution we’re meeting in today, the voluntary and community sector, advanced manufacturing, thriving life sciences, and a world-leading cybersecurity industry which, with UK Government investment here in Northern Ireland, is so important for UK-wide national resilience.

    Investment is vital for Northern Ireland, but to maximise potential it needs to get its infrastructure right. To take just one example, last year NI Water confirmed that there are 19,000 applications for development that cannot go ahead due to the outdated and at capacity sewage network.

    And, of course, political stability is crucial to encourage investors to put their money into Northern Ireland.

    As I look at all of this, what strikes me most forcefully about Northern Ireland is the energy, the enterprise, the imagination and the innovation of the people and businesses and the local authorities and the politicians that I have met.

    To take just one example of a firm I visited in October – I could tell you of many others – Edge Innovate designs, manufactures and exports its material handling and recycling equipment – and you have to see the size of it, some of those bits of kit are enormous- from their factory in Dungannon all over the world.

    It was so impressive, so let us all tell their and other stories of Northern Ireland’s success.

    Because measured by what went before, the last 26 years really have been a success. Your success. Northern Ireland has been transformed.

    So, as we look towards the 30th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement in 2028, I am so encouraged that a majority of people here continue to view power-sharing as the best form of government.

    Of course, there is a debate about reform of the institutions – it would be surprising if there were not – but my view is this.

    Just as it took agreement between the parties to establish power-sharing in the first place, so it will require agreement between the parties to reform the current arrangements. And the task for now for today is to make them work for the people of Northern Ireland.

    So in doing so, let us take inspiration from the words of the great George Mitchell, I had the privilege of meeting him a couple of months ago, who – on the eve of the 25th anniversary of the Agreement – said:

    “The answer is not perfection, or permanence. It is now, as it was then, for the current and future leaders of Northern Ireland to act with courage and vision, as their predecessors did 25 years ago. To find workable answers to the daily problems of the present.”

    That is the responsibility that each of us takes on when we stand for elected office, whoever we are, and when the people say they want us to get on with the task.

    Let me assure you. The Executive will be in the lead but it will not be alone.

    And at this moment in history and at this time, I believe that Northern Ireland has all it needs to be a success and to be a beacon of hope to the world by showing that peace is truly the foundation on which progress is built.

  • Nick Thomas-Symonds – 2025 Speech at the EU-UK Forum

    Nick Thomas-Symonds – 2025 Speech at the EU-UK Forum

    The speech made by Nick Thomas-Symonds, the Minister for European Union Relations, on 4 February 2025.

    Many thanks, Paul, and many thanks to the EU-UK Forum for organising this conference.

    And, of course, for the invitation for me to come along to speak.

    I suppose I should also say a big thank you to the Prime Minister for the warm-up act last night.

    It’s a real pleasure to share a stage with my EU counterpart Maros Sefcovic.

    Even though, of course, Maros joined us virtually, our mutual goal of reaching a better UK EU relationship is very real.

    And today, I want to explain why that is so important…

    …what it could mean for the UK and for Europe…

    …and what I believe the defining structure of that relationship could look like.

    It is obvious to me – as I am sure it is to all of you – that at a time of such intense global change, the UK and the EU have many mutually aligned interests and challenges.

    We want increased prosperity…

    … we want to strengthen our security…

    …and we want our citizens to be safe.

    Those joint challenges that we face were powerfully set out by our UK Chancellor, Rachel Reeves…

    …and, indeed, the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen just last week.

    In her growth speech, my Friend the Chancellor didn’t shy away from the economic challenges that we are confronting. She said:

    “Growth will not come without a fight. Without a government willing to take the right decisions now to change our country’s future for the better.

    “But for too long, that potential has been held back.”

    On the same day, the President von der Leyen presented the ‘Competitiveness Compass’ saying that, and I quote:

    “Europe has everything it needs to succeed. But, at the same time, we must fix our weaknesses to regain competitiveness.”

    The ‘Competitive Compass’ sets out the importance of “trade openness”, “not only for sustaining Europe’s prosperity, but also for enhancing its resilience”.

    We know that low growth is not the destiny for our economies.

    Research and innovation…

    …reducing red tape…

    …a new skills agenda…

    …boosting productivity…

    …a more resilient economy…

    …all these elements found in the Compass are also crucial parts of the Prime Minister’s Plan for Change.

    These are areas of mutual interest to both of our economies

    It is also clear about the vital interconnection between security and prosperity…

    …that is why the work we are all engaged in – that Maroš and I are driving forward – is so vital.

    In the UK and indeed in Brussels – we are clear-eyed about the scale of challenges that we face – and the opportunities for growth and innovation.

    The European Union is the UK’s biggest trading partner, with trade totalling – in 2023 – over £800bn.

    Many of our best education and science facilities have lifelong links…

    …and our collaboration on research and development has been the springboard for hugely successful innovations that have driven growth and jobs.

    And in a more uncertain world, we are regularly reminded that allies are more secure together than they are apart.

    This Government’s position is simple: the UK and the EU are linked through trade and international organisations like NATO…

    …and even though we voted to leave the EU, our role as key allies and trade partner remains.

    We know that for these relationships to flourish, trust is a vital ingredient.

    This Government recognises that the UK’s signature means something.

    So, we are committed to implementing the Trade and Co-operation Agreement and the Windsor Framework and building on that structure to address emerging challenges and opportunities.

    Now, I want to say – straightforwardly – that we see real opportunities to improve the status quo.

    As ‘Businesseurope’ set out in their report this Autumn:

    “There remain many unnecessary barriers to trade and investment. Following the elections of new governments in the EU and UK, there is a clear opportunity to upgrade the relationship to deliver for businesses and citizens.”

    I agree with them.

    A study published last year showed that between 2021 and 2023, the goods EU businesses export to the UK were down by 32%…

    …while UK goods exports to the EU were down by 27%.

    That is not good for British business or European businesses…

    …especially at a time when our economies need a kickstart.

    Reducing trade barriers is of mutual benefit to the UK and the EU.

    [redacted political content]

    It was vital that we re-joined Horizon…

    …we should never have left in the first place…

    …but the gap in continuity and other challenges means we haven’t together achieved as much as we could have done.

    It’s especially bad when global competition for innovation has never been fiercer.

    When the UK should have been working more closely with international law enforcement on security…

    …we frankly wasted years undermining the role of the ECHR, in pursuit of a doomed Rwanda deportation scheme.

    We cannot continue in this way with one of our largest, most important partners…

    …that is why this Government will always work in the UK’s national interest…

    …and for me, that means being a ruthlessly pragmatic negotiator.

    That means making the case for closer working with our allies in the EU, to make people across the UK and the EU safer, more secure and more prosperous…

    …that means making sure that we are working to strengthen cooperation, moving away from a zero sum, win, lose dynamic we have seen in recent years…

    …and that is the spirit I take into discussions with the EU.

    The UK and the EU have many mutually beneficial interests…

    …I want to build on these as we work to reset our relationship…

    …to help construct a more secure, a safer and a more prosperous UK and EU.

    Now this British Government was elected on a mandate…

    …to strengthen national security by reconnecting with our allies…

    …to increase people’s safety through strong borders…

    …and increase prosperity through growth.

    Our European friends are a part of every single one of those priorities…

    …and I believe it’s these priorities that form the three pillars of a reset in our relationship.

    On security – you saw yesterday how seriously we’re taking this.

    Our Prime Minister met with all 27 of the EU leaders and the Secretary General of NATO…

    …discussing the common threats we face…

    …and the value that closer EU-UK cooperation on defence could bring…

    …whether it’s securing undersea cables or working together on research and development.

    On safety – I am clear that if we want to protect our respective borders and keep our citizens safe, then we need to work together.

    That is the only way we’re going to break up the vile global trade in human trafficking…

    …that’s the only way to tackle organised crime and terrorism, which plagues us all.

    And on prosperity – if we want to grow our economies…

    …and boost our living standards…

    …then we need to reduce barriers to UK and EU trade.

    And I am pleased to say that – that on all three of these issues – we are making progress.

    On security, the Prime Minister and the President of the European Council have made clear they wanted closer cooperation on security and defence…

    …and the EU High Representative and the Foreign Secretary have already agreed to new six-monthly Foreign Policy dialogues

    On safety, we have already increased the UK’s presence at Europol…

    …but I want us to go further.

    We need to find to find ways to better coordinate law enforcement so that we can smash the gangs behind the small boats.

    To make people safer, we must do all we can to strengthen our collective ability to tackle organised crime and work together on illegal migration.

    Afterall, these are shared challenges.

    And on prosperity, we have said we will seek to negotiate a Sanitary and Phytosanitary agreement to remove barriers to trade…

    …and find ways to resolve issues like the Mutual Recognition of Professional Qualifications.

    We can go much further on energy and the green transition.

    Our Government’s commitment is to Make Britain a Clean Energy superpower by 2030…

    …and together, we need to deliver energy security so that we are never again left exposed as we were when Russia – illegally – invaded Ukraine.

    These challenges all span borders and we must work together to seize opportunities that lie ahead.

    All of this work is supported by much greater cooperation between the UK Government and the EU.

    Right from the very top – with the Prime Minister meeting with President von der Leyen and Council President Costa…

    …agreeing to a leader-level summit that will be held in May, where we hope we can deliver a balanced, yet ambitious outcome to benefit all of our citizens.

    Just before Christmas, our Chancellor attended a meeting of the EU finance ministers…

    …the first time a British Chancellor has been invited to the Eurogroup since Brexit.

    These meetings form only some of the nearly 70 direct engagements…

    …between UK Ministers and our EU counterparts since coming into Government…

    …and I look forward to many more ahead.

    And I say to you all: I look forward to working with you throughout this year and into the future.

    But ladies and gentlemen – the time for ideologically-driven division is over…

    …the time for ruthless pragmatism is now.

    It is through a new partnership between the UK and the EU that we will deliver for the people of the United Kingdom, and for people across the continent.

    The future of the EU and the UK lies beyond the status quo…

    …reaching forward to deliver benefits for all our people to share.

    So, let us rise to our shared challenges and grasp this opportunity.

    Because together we will create a stronger UK and we will create a stronger Europe.

    Thank you very much.

  • Keir Starmer – 2025 Comments in Brussels

    Keir Starmer – 2025 Comments in Brussels

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in Brussels on 3 February 2025.

    Thank you, Mark – it’s very good to be here.

    I should say it’s very good to be back here.

    And as you know, the UK’s commitment to NATO is stronger than ever –

    Because the need for NATO is clearer than ever.

    We’ve had a very good and productive discussion today…

    On how we can meet the rising threats that Russia poses across our continent…

    Including the situation, of course, in Ukraine.

    A couple of weeks ago, as you know, I was in Kyiv…

    I saw residential buildings, destroyed just days before.

    I met soldiers in the ICU…

    Recovering from really terrible burns.

    And I met children, whose parents are out there now…

    On the frontline.

    And, it’s yet another reminder…

    That this is a not a war not just in Ukraine…

    It’s a war on Ukraine…

    Against those children and their future.

    That’s why – together –

    We stand with them.

    We are all working to end this war…

    But let’s be absolutely clear –

    Peace will come through strength.

    And we must do all we can now to support Ukraine’s defence…

    And that means stabilising the front line…

    Providing the kit and the training they need.

    And that’s why, this year…

    The UK will give more military support to Ukraine than ever before.

    We need to see all allies stepping up – particularly in Europe.

    President Trump has threatened more sanctions on Russia…

    And it’s clear that that’s got Putin rattled.

    We know that he’s worried about the state of the Russian economy.

    So I’m here to work with our European partners on keeping up the pressure…

    Targeting the energy revenues and the companies supplying his missile factories…

    To crush Putin’s war machine.

    Because ultimately –

    Alongside our military support…

    That is what will bring peace closer.

    And we must keep working together to bolster NATO.

    And as you say, things that would have provoked utter outrage, just a few years ago…

    Have now become almost commonplace:

    Russian spy ships loitering off the British coast…

    A campaign of sabotage across Europe…

    Cyber-attacks, election interference, and attempted assassinations.

    Russia is seeking to destabilise our continent – target our values.

    So we should still be outraged.

    And we must harden European’s defence.

    In the UK we are proud to be a leading NATO ally…

    Part of the Forward Land Forces…

    Helping to police our skies and patrol our seas.

    Our defence spending is of course 2.3% of GDP now…

    And we are working hard work to set the path to 2.5%…

    And NATO plans and requirements…

    As well as the principle of “NATO First”…

    Will be at the heart of our Strategic Defence Review this year.

    Across Europe, we must shoulder more of the burden now –

    Because it is our burden to carry.

    Now that’s what I’ll be discussing at the EU Council this evening.

    We want to deliver an ambitious UK-EU Security partnership…

    To bolster NATO…

    Covering military technology and R&D…

    Improving the mobility of forces across Europe…

    Protecting our critical infrastructure…

    And deepening our industrial collaboration to increase defence production.

    We can’t be commentators when it comes to matters of peace on our continent.

    We must lead.

    And that is what I’m determined to do.

    Thank you so much Mark.

  • Bridget Phillipson – 2025 Speech on a New Era of School Standards

    Bridget Phillipson – 2025 Speech on a New Era of School Standards

    The speech made by Bridget Phillipson, the Secretary of State for Education, at the Centre for Social Justice on 3 February 2025. This is the copy of the speech issued by the Government which has political content removed.

    Good morning, everyone.

    Thanks so much for being here. And thanks to the Centre for Social Justice for hosting us. And thanks to Andy.

    It’s great to be back here, this time as Education Secretary, six months into delivering our Plan for Change.

    I know CSJ shares this government’s commitment to ensuring that, whoever you are, wherever you come from, ours should be a country where hard work means you don’t just get by but you get on.

    Some of you were here last year, when I started my speech with a story. And today I want to start with a story too:

    A story about how and why the change I am bringing to the education system matters to me.

    It’s my story.

    I grew up in the late ’80s and early ’90s, a shy little girl, from a tough street in the northeast of England, [political content removed]

    I never met my dad. It was just me and my mum – and my grandparents who lived nearby.

    We didn’t have much. One winter, a neighbour, who himself, he didn’t have very much, found out my mum was struggling with the cost of starting school.

    He put money through the letterbox in an envelope marked “for Bridget’s coat”.

    Now, not everyone turned to kindness. Crime was a big problem. Our house was burgled time and again.

    And when my mum reported it to the police, our windows were put out, a man turned up with a baseball bat.

    It didn’t seem like that big a deal at the time. These were just things that happened, and frankly not just to us.

    I think often of the children I knew then, held back by who they were, by where they were born.

    So many on my street were denied the opportunity to get on and to succeed.

    Not because they were lazy, they weren’t.

    They were no less talented than I was, no less ambitious, no less deserving of success.

    But I was given the opportunities that they were denied. I went to great schools, I was taught by wonderful teachers, I had a family that prized learning.

    I was in the very first full cohort to sit SATs tests at Key Stage 1, 2 and 3. I benefited from the national curriculum brought in by a [political content removed] government.

    My school took up that challenge to push kids like me to achieve.

    I worked hard, of course I did.

    But I had the good luck to go to a great school, to have a family who cared deeply about education, a grandfather who read to me week in, week out.

    And like so many stories, this one has a moral lesson at its core.

    I am proof that the system can work, that a great education can be a transformational force, that background doesn’t have to be destiny.

    That belief formed then, is the core of my politics now.

    That the promise our children deserve, that hard work is what counts, no matter your background.

    I believe in that promise, in making that dream real.

    But I saw so many of my friends from my area let down, let down by a system that lacked a restless ambition for their futures, content, too often, to deliver a mediocre education, middling, in schools that drifted, an education that was seen as ‘just fine’ for ‘these kids’.

    For kids like me.

    Michael Gove used to call this ‘the soft bigotry of low expectations’ and with good reason: he was right.

    But I don’t need to be told about that. I grew up with it all around me, in my community, holding back my friends.

    I don’t forget. Not now. Not ever.

    It’s these memories of those injustices, the doors closed, the dreams stifled, the futures denied, that’s what drives me forward in this job.

    I get up every morning to right those wrongs.

    To break down the barriers to opportunity for each and every child.

    Background wasn’t my destiny.

    And I won’t rest until that is true for all children.

    That is my vision for education.

    Opportunity, for those children, for all children. That is our mission, driven by the Prime Minister’s Plan for Change.

    An excellent teacher for every child, a high-quality curriculum for every school, a core offer of excellence for every parent.

    Raising a floor of high standards, below which schools must not slip, above which schools can and must innovate, with no ceiling.

    Now, those memories are from a long time ago. And in the decades since, standards in England’s schools have risen, and millions of children have benefited.

    Our system now has many strengths, to build into that core. The greater use of evidence in classrooms across the country.

    No more flying blind, guided only by tradition.

    Now, what matters is what works [political content removed] reformed exams – more rigour, more challenge.

    Our national curriculum, a national strength, one from which we will build.

    Raising the floor, removing the ceiling.

    Take one example, one that matters immensely.

    Every child learns about the Holocaust, thanks to the national curriculum. That’s the floor we need.

    But teachers can then innovate in how they teach it.

    Stories from newspaper archives of troops finding concentration camps or hearing the testimonies of Holocaust survivors who have been immortalised using recordings and virtual reality technology.

    And now the Curriculum and Assessment Review will take us onward, delivering a core curriculum for all children that is deep and rigorous, knowledge-rich down to its bones.

    And that matters so much, knowledge is foundational, the building blocks of learning.

    It’s no use developing skills if children lack the knowledge to back it up and that curriculum must be taught by the very best teachers.

    As a profession as well as a calling, teaching has come on leaps and bounds, far ahead of when I was at school.

    The use of phonics is just one example where this has delivered for millions of children. Over 100,000 more children every year are securing the phonic foundations of reading since 2012.

    And we will continue down this proud path, for future generations.

    But now, right now, we need more teachers.

    That’s why we are committed to recruiting an additional six and a half thousand new expert teachers over the course of this parliament, ensuring we have more teachers where they are most needed across our colleges and our secondary schools, both mainstream and specialist.

    Because more teachers in our classrooms means more attention for our children. And that attention makes it easier to learn, and drives better attainment.

    More teaching, better learning.

    But more alone is not enough.

    I want to drive up the quality of teaching too.

    Building on the advances in teaching as a profession, and in teacher training.

    That’s why we are requiring all teachers to work towards qualified teacher status – and doubling down on evidence-based training.

    We’ll back our teachers with the very best AI, part of an exciting new wave of technology to modernise our education system.

    These changes are critical for all of our children. But nowhere are they more important than for our children with SEND.

    It’s hard to say about a system that today is failing so many, that there has been progress. The recognition of additional needs, the debate around how we support children with SEND is a sign of progress.

    But there is much, much more to do.

    We must set high expectations for all, spread pockets of excellence right throughout the system.

    Focus on need and not diagnosis. With children able to access the right support more often in mainstream so that they can learn and thrive.

    Empower schools to intervene earlier, equipping them not just to support, but to excel for children with a range of different needs. Advances in the use of evidence, in the curriculum, in teaching.

    We’ll take that forward, delivering a new for generations of children.

    But perhaps the key driver of rising standards across our schools has been strong multi academy trusts.

    Take an example. Tanfield is a school that sits on the edge of Stanley, just ten miles west of where I grew up.

    Over the decades, tens of thousands of kids with backgrounds just like mine have walked through those school gates.

    And for a long time, the school meandered along, performing poorly, requiring improvement that never quite appeared, delivering outcomes never quite what they could be.

    A reality that year after year, kids were being denied the opportunity to achieve.

    Until Tanfield joined Eden Learning Trust in May 2020. And with a strong head teacher at the helm. That’s when the spark of progress finally arrived.

    The school is now rated as good on some measures, outstanding on others.

    Exam performance rising, above the national average.

    That story fills me with hope, because I know the difference a great school makes to so many children with backgrounds like mine, to severing the tie between background and destiny.

    Academy schools were a part of a great age of reform, from the mid-90s to 2015, a wave of changes that lifted standards for schools and life chances for children.

    Driven forward by a succession of great education reformers – from David Blunkett to Michael Gove, and a generation of dedicated and determined teachers.

    I recognise the focus on tackling low standards in inadequate schools, which previous governments of all parties shared.

    I celebrate the enormous effort by parents and school staff, to haul our entire system into a much better place.

    Strong academy trusts, top teachers, a core curriculum – these are our foundations.

    But sometimes I get the sense that people want to stop there.

    As if we can celebrate progress, but stop pushing for better.

    As if the drive for change, the impatience with failure – that these are the proud tales of yesterday, not the agenda for tomorrow.

    Because I tell you, this government is very clear.

    The journey isn’t over, the mission is never complete.

    It’s almost fifty years since James Callaghan gave a major speech about the purpose of our education system in our country.

    Elements of his challenge, to the established wisdom of his day, are sadly all too familiar.

    He spoke of a system that too often left young people neither ready for work, nor ready for life, the need for more young women to study science, the immense importance of numeracy for the next generation.

    And he spoke of his sympathy with the principle of a national curriculum, a principle that would fall to the next government to deliver.

    But today it is not simply the wisdom of that speech I have in mind.

    Callaghan knew the greatest truth about the determination that governments [political content removed] should have to drive change, for it was he who told us:

    “You never reach the promised land. You can march towards it.”

    So I tell you again, for me, for this government, we know that this march never ends.

    And yet today, the barriers to opportunity have grown only higher, and the stakes for our children are just as high.

    Stuck schools.

    Too many schools coasting.

    Delivering an education that, is just not the standard all children deserve.

    There are more than 600 schools in this country that are stuck, receiving consecutive poor Ofsted judgements.

    More than 300,000 children go to these schools. And what happens to these children?

    They leave primary school with results 14 percentage points worse.

    They leave secondary school with results one grade per subject worse.

    Their life chances, limited by the bad luck of going to a poor school.

    That is our inheritance.  And that is not good enough.

    Stuck schools are the new front in the fight against low expectations.

    I will not accept a system that is content for some to sink, even while others soar.

    These schools must improve, and with the right help, I know they can.

    Our proposals provide a response that is tailored, bespoke, effective – drawing on the insights of new Ofsted report cards.

    Improvement driven by new RISE teams, groups of leading experts who have been there and done it, with a track record of driving up standards.

    Turning around not just schools, but children’s lives.

    The best of the best when it comes to school improvement.

    They will work with schools to get to grips quickly with the problems Ofsted spots, backed with an initial £20m of funding.

    Up to £100,000 per school, dwarfing the basic £6,000 per school that was made available for these very schools by the last government, before being cancelled altogether with structural intervention as a necessary backstop if change does not come quickly enough.

    We now have our first 20 expert advisers in place – and teams are beginning their work with schools up and down the country.

    Trust leaders right at the centre.

    To work with us as partners in the push for better.

    Excellence – for every child.

    High and rising standards – for every child.

    Success – for every child.

    No more stuck schools drifting along.

    Tackling drift by reforming accountability and intervention.

    Now is the time for reform, for renewal, for modernisation.

    To take the whole school system forward.

    The way we hold schools accountable underpins it all.

    How we identify poor performance and drive change,

    To lift the life chances of children.

    We have a strong starting place. The improvements in inspection and accountability starting in the 90s have been instrumental for raising standards in our schools.

    With Ofsted’s role right at its heart.

    And to those who call for the abolition of a strong, independent, effective inspectorate, I have said before and I will say again: never.

    Never will we go back to those dark days of weak accountability.

    Because it was children from disadvantaged backgrounds who suffered the most.

    And because despite those improvements, there is still so far to go.

    So today I am taking us into a new era on school standards.

    Single headline grades were the right innovation at the right time. They brought proper scrutiny to all schools.

    But the time for change has come.

    They had become high stakes for schools but low information for parents.

    And for the challenges we now face, too blunt, too rough, too vague.

    How can it be right that so many critical decisions parents – choices that shape whole lives rest on a single word?

    It simply isn’t enough. Not for schools, not for families, and not for children.

    Our searchlight on poor performance must now become brighter

    to see the problems of today and tomorrow quickly and clearly.

    So a more rigorous system, raising the bar on expectations, on what good really looks like when it comes to the futures of our children.

    Because when we hear that 90% of schools are rated good or outstanding by Ofsted, it’s a reflection of millions of hours of hard work from teachers and leaders.

    But it’s a statistic, I’m afraid, that just no longer paints the full picture.

    Good as a judgement has become too vague to serve its purpose,

    When there are schools rated as “good” in both the top and bottom 1% for attainment.

    So just like we guard against grade inflation, to make sure that results really reflect the achievement of students, we must protect standards here too, because when almost 8 in 10 schools are graded as good, it’s time we bank that progress and take good to another level.

    The imprecision has left too many struggling schools without the support they need to improve.

    If the diagnosis isn’t clear, how can we be confident that the treatment will be right?

    And the change this government brings is one the public know is needed.

    Only 13% of those asked by Ofsted think that the notion that 90% of our schools are Good or Outstanding is truly reflective of the overall quality of schools.

    We need a more diagnostic approach – an approach that is restless and rigorous.

    Our proposals will swap single headline grades for the rich, granular insight of school report cards.

    Raising the bar on what we expect from schools. Shining a light on the areas that matter, each given their own grade.

    Identifying excellence and rooting out performance that falls short of expectations, so that parents have clearer, better information about their local schools.

    And that extra information will underpin changes in how we tackle poor performance.

    The worst performing schools, whether local authority maintained or academies – will be moved to a strong trust.

    That means new leadership brought in to boost the life chances of pupils.

    Children only get one chance: we won’t wait around while schools fail around them.

    And if school report cards identify even one area for improvement for a school, Ofsted will monitor progress, looking out for warning signals, government primed to step in for children, if required.

    The schools and trusts too, able to take swifter action from the more granular school report.

    Because being hands off, for school after school, for year after year, simply cannot be an option when the life chances of our children are at stake.

    And because we know that there is so much brilliance within our schools, so much to learn from and share.

    A new proposed top grade of ‘Exemplary’, for best-in-class practice in a specific area, when Ofsted judge that a school is doing something that is simply too good to be kept inside the school gates.

    Because this is a government that is never content, never complacent, never satisfied, when it comes to standards in schools.

    We want to spread that excellence

    To promote innovation,

    And it’s important we recognise that the best people to do that, the people who so often, will be doing that, are already standing in front of us.

    The best trusts, the best schools, the best leaders.

    Our RISE teams in time providing a universal service, will draw on them, their practice, their knowledge, their experience, helping good schools to become great and the great schools to become even better – spreading their excellence as they go.

    This is a new era in accountability for schools, a new era of relentless improvement. To drive up standards and open up opportunity for all.

    But a new spirit too – including with schools.

    A relationship to improve, not punish, to challenge, not to scold, based on shared aims, not shared hostility.

    An approach that recognises, that when all’s said and done, we all want the same thing.

    Better outcomes for children.

    When I first started in this job, I said I wanted to put education at the forefront of national life.

    So I am delighted to see the debate raging over our reforms – particularly since we introduced our Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill.

    I have to say, I welcome it.

    It is a sign that under this government, once again, education is coming back to the centre of national debate.

    I welcome spirited engagement, I welcome robust challenge, I welcome different views – and I will listen to them.

    That is how we shape the very best education system that our children deserve.

    And that’s why the changes we are making to accountability will draw on the wisdom of the entire sector.

    So I am pleased to announce a public consultation on our proposals for school accountability reform.

    Alongside that, Ofsted are consulting on their proposals for report cards and inspection structures.

    I want – we want – to hear the views of teachers and parents, schools and trusts – all those who care about our children’s futures.

    All parents worry about their children and that’s because they want so much for them.

    There were times when I was small when my mum worried about me.

    People would tell her that I had speech issues, because I talked so little.

    Well, I’m talking now.

    And to the young people, the families, who feel like they don’t have a voice, don’t have a future.

    I say this,

    Under this government, [Political content removed] no longer will where you’re from decide what you go on to do.

    Opportunity, for every child, in every school, in every part of the country.

    Everything I do as Secretary of State, I do for all children.

    The ones who grow up on streets like mine, who don’t – not yet – have a great school to go to, who are weighed down by their background.

    I am asking more of schools, of trusts, of parents, of Ofsted, of myself, and of this government.

    And I make no apologies for that,

    We need change, to turn the drift and delay of today, into the restless progress of tomorrow.

    Because I believe that background shouldn’t be destiny.

    I believe in the power of education to take us to a brighter future.

    And I believe each and every child in our country deserves nothing less.

    Thank you.