Tag: Speeches

  • Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at the Joint Association of British Insurers and British Venture Capital

    Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at the Joint Association of British Insurers and British Venture Capital

    The speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Financial Secretary to the Treasury, on 29 February 2000.

    Introduction

    Thank you for inviting me to speak, and for organising this conference, on what is an extremely important issue for our economy.

    Let me just first set this in the context of the government’s wider aims.

    My favourite way to explain what this Government is trying to do is that we are building a new Britain which will be modern and decent – fair and enterprising – both of those things at the same time.

    The first economic priority after the election was to achieve a new stability in the UK economy after decades of boom and bust. That has been achieved in a remarkable way, so our focus now is on locking in that hard won stability, and building on it for the future. It gives us the chance to express a new optimism about the future, and so the Chancellor set out at the Pre-Budget Report in November four new ambitions for Britain in the coming decade which encapsulate what we are trying to do:

    • That we should be closing the gap with our competitors on productivity after years of slipping behind;
    • That we should have a higher proportion of the workforce in employment than in the past, and keep it like that. Actually, we already have more people in work than ever in our history, but we want to achieve the highest proportion and on a durable basis;
    • That for the first time over half of our school leavers should go on to study for a degree;
    • That we should halve the number of children living in poverty, on the way to the Prime Minister’s target of eradicating poverty altogether within 20 years.

    The Chancellor this morning, speaking in my area in East London, set out more of his thinking along those lines as he prepares for the budget in three weeks time.

    Institutional investors have a key role to play in making all this happen, providing the finance so that our high-growth businesses can become world-class businesses.

    I want to speak briefly about the key building blocks we are putting in place, building on this new foundation of stability, to create a new culture of enterprise and entrepreneurship; where institutional investors can flourish and contribute – with private equity and in other ways – to the changes we are working to achieve.

    Competition

    The first building block is the most pro-competition policy in the world. Greater competition at home is the key to greater competitiveness abroad. So we are asking in every area what we can do to enhance competition and opportunity. We are building on the decision to create a new independent competition authority with our new Competition Act which contains new powers to prohibit anti-competitive practices.

    For cartels and anti-competitive behaviour, the Office of Fair Trading will be given new investigative resources and trust-busting weapons, including the power to impose fines of up to 30 per cent of turnover.

    For banking and financial services, the Financial Services Authority will now, for the first time, be required to facilitate competition – with a new scrutiny role for the competition authorities.

    For the regulatory system, the government will consider how to scrutinise regulatory bodies and review existing and proposed regulations to ensure that they are promoting – not impeding – new entrants and new investment, and the joint work by BVCA, ABI and NAPF will feed into this process.

    In sum, Britain is open to competition, and at the leading edge of change. And nothing should stand in the way of greater competition in every sector of every industry.

    A more favourable tax environment

    A higher degree of enterprise calls for higher levels of investment and entrepreneurship. So our second building block is the best tax environment for investors in start-ups and high tech businesses, with improved rewards from enterprise and wealth creation. On tax a great deal is being done:

    • On business tax, we have already cut small business tax from 23p to 20p and introduced a new starting rate of tax for small companies of 10p in the pound. Every company making profits of up to 50,000 pounds will benefit.
    • Corporation tax has been cut from 33 to 30 per cent. To encourage and reward new business investment, we have cut the long-term rate of capital gains tax from 40p to 10p. We have proposed a cut in the taper so that those investing for five years will pay only 10p and for three years only 22p. Final decisions – following our public consultation – will be announced in the Budget.
    • A new R&D tax credit will, from this April, also mean that nearly a quarter of new investment in small and medium-sized business research and development is under-written even before a penny profit is made.
    • The Budget will introduce a new tax incentive to promote corporate venturing too. Large companies investing in growing companies for a specified period will receive a tax relief of 20 per cent, underwriting one fifth of their investment. This 100 million pounds incentive can bring Britain additional investment of 500 million pounds every year.
    • We need to encourage those who already have a successful track record to play a key role in building up small high-risk companies. We recognise the significant role stock-options have to play here and we are currently looking at the role of employer NICs charges which we know is causing concern particularly in the entrepreneurial community.
    • We are introducing a new targeted tax cut for people with skills and talent who are prepared to move from safe, secure jobs to risk time, effort and savings to create wealth in a more challenging environment. From next year, a third approved option scheme, the Enterprise Management Incentive, will enable growing enterprises to offer their key employees tax-advantaged options over shares up to £100,000.

    That measure reflects our recognition that nearly a quarter of all UK business failures are thought to be directly attributable to poor management practice. For Britain to succeed in the knowledge driven economy we need to raise our game. We want to take steps to ensure that our smaller firms can recruit and nurture the best talent, rewarding the real risk takers who are creating wealth and jobs.

    Venture Capital

    Turning to private equity and venture capital – the particular interest of this conference – we want new encouragement from the venture capital industry and from institutional investors for investment in start up and early stage ventures. The problem here is not so much access to finance but finance on the right terms.

    We have already the best developed venture capital market in the Europe, and we are the focal point for US investors looking for access to Europe’s growth companies.

    Our venture-backed growth companies are proven job-creators. Between 1993 and 1997, employment in VC-backed companies rose by 24 per cent compared with one per cent for the economy as a whole.

    BVCA’s own survey of the economic impact of venture capital showed that VC-backed companies now account for 2 million jobs in the UK, or 10 per cent of the private sector workforce.

    Venture-backed growth companies are also proven sound investments, as the record of overseas investment demonstrates. The last speaker (Anne Glover) also showed that returns to early-stage investments are increasing.

    In 1998, overseas sources provide three times as much finance for VC-backed companies as UK sources. Overseas pension funds are now the largest single source of funding for our VC-backed firms, and overseas banks are the second largest source. I was in Cambridge a few weeks ago and the venture capital specialists I met there made the point that there was a very high level of interest from elsewhere in Europe in venture investment in start up firms there.

    UK pension funds invest less than one percent of their money in venture capital. In the US, the comparable figure is closer to six per cent. And in 1998, UK insurance companies represented only 3 per cent – £152 million – of money raised by the UK venture capital industry.

    We cannot – neither would we want to – make UK insurance funds invest more, but I would encourage them to look very carefully at all their options and make sure they are alive to the opportunities around.

    Last year, following a speech by the Prime Minister, three leading consulting actuaries and benefits consultants (Bacon and Woodrow, William M Mercer and Watson Wyatt Partners) welcomed the Government’s call for a more enterprising approach to the investment of institutional assets. They considered that the time had come for some institutional investors to put more emphasis on other opportunities, particularly unquoted securities. We will shortly be discussing with the actuaries concerned what the response has been.

    To help institutional investors take the leap to invest in early-stage venture capital, we are taking forward a UK High-Technology Fund and nine Regional Venture Capital Funds to invest in early-stage high growth businesses which have historically found it difficult to raise finance. The funds will be run by experienced fund managers and will complement existing market provision, using public resources in partnership with private sector funds to address recognised gaps in the market. And all the funds will invest on a wholly commercial basis, expecting robust commercial returns.

    Making Britain the knowledge capital of the world

    The third building block for our enterprise Britain open to all is to make Britain the knowledge capital of the world.

    Knowledge is the key to future business success. Our future competitiveness and prosperity will be directly related to our creativity, our imagination and our knowledge base. That puts a great premium on education and skills. I have visited a number of our universities in recent weeks ­ Cambridge, Oxford, Warwick, Newcastle, Durham, Sheffield ­ to have a look at what they are doing to commercialise the superb research which is being undertaken by them and I have been heartened by what I have seen.

    That premium on education and skills in the modern economy is exactly why we are pushing through huge educational reform, investing an extra 19 billion pounds in education – so that everyone has the opportunity to master the skills and technologies of the new information age.

    In 1997, barely one in ten schools was connected to the Internet. Now, two thirds are – the most in any G7 country. The number of primary schools connected has gone up four fold in the last year. By 2002, every school will be connected.

    And this year, we are working to raise education levels amongst adults: a whole network of adult learning centres is being created; incentives are being provided to upgrade skills; and a new University for Industry which uses internet and digital TV technology will be bringing education into the home and workplace.

    These reforms will help in the next stage of the technological revolution which we are determined to lead.

    Our target is that within three years we want to become the world’s best environment for e-commerce. This is a huge challenge for everyone: Government needs to put in place the right framework and lead by example; individuals need to get skilled; and business needs to be confident and sufficiently ambitious to grasp the new opportunities.

    Conclusion

    There is a great deal at stake in getting all of this right. But we are optimistic.

    We have started with a foundation of a new stability which we are determined to lock in. The building blocks we are putting in place now for an enterprise Britain open for all – in competition, in investment and enterprise and in the knowledge economy – those building blocks will help British investors and entrepreneurs make the most of the challenges ahead.

    Thank you for the contribution you are making, and let’s work together to make this a success for all our people.

  • Gordon Brown – 2000 Pre-Budget Speech in Sunderland

    Gordon Brown – 2000 Pre-Budget Speech in Sunderland

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of Exchequer, on 6 March 2000.

    It is a pleasure to be in Sunderland today, where over one and half thousand people have moved into work under the new deal, and where the new regional development agency, one north east,  and the economic development team are creating an environment in which job opportunities are rising, more investment being generated, and new businesses created.

    With me today are Lord Trotman, former chairman of Ford, who has been looking at our measures to promote enterprise and innovation. And David Irwin, the new head of the small business service – and most important of all local businessmen and women who are the bedrock of the economy.

    This month’s budget will set new goals to build a stronger more prosperous more productive Britain.

    My theme today is that we not only want to re-establish the work ethic in every community of Britain, but establish a dynamic business culture which opens enterprise not just to the few but to all.

    Indeed I believe that in the global marketplace, Britain will best succeed in creating an economy with employment opportunity for all when we create an economy with enterprise open to all.

    So in the budget we will promote, support, and encourage the development of that culture through our support for small businesses:

    • first, by entrenching stability;
    • second, by promoting competition;
    • third, by a favourable tax environment and encouraging e-commerce;
    • fourth, by encouraging new investment and being on small businesses side as they invest, export, and expand;
    • fifth, by special measures in areas of need.

    Creating the best environment for new business

    There are now 1.3 million small businesses in Britain employing one or more people – around an extra 100 thousand since we came to power.

    And the number of high growth start-ups has increased by more than 10 per cent since 1997.

    But we want to do better.

    Just as we are increasing jobs, we want to increase businesses.

    Our policy of enterprise open to all seeks a larger number of small businesses.

    Our aim must be to increase the number of growing, new businesses – businesses that will survive and expand rapidly to create new jobs and new opportunities throughout Britain.

    I say to the small business community and to those people who want to start a new business, with the measures I am going to announce today, this government will be on your side if you’re starting up, growing, hiring, investing, innovating, exporting, going public.

    At every stage, in every way, on your side as you move up the ladder of opportunity.Let me set out the measures we are taking.

    First, stability

    First, by our toughness, discipline and prudence, we can create the most favourable environment for long term capital investment and business development this country has seen.

    Indeed, I want to create the most favourable environment of any of our competitor countries, including not only Europe and Japan, but America.

    So our first priority is stability and steady growth.

    One of our first steps after the election was to make the Bank of England independent, ensuring that interest rate decisions are taken in the best long-term interests of the economy, not for short-term political considerations.

    As important as the creation of a new framework for monetary policy, has been the creation of a new fiscal policy framework, with our two strict fiscal rules to ensure sustainable public finances.

    Already we are seeing the rewards of creating a British framework for monetary and fiscal stability. Over the last year and a half inflation has remained within 0.5 percentage points of the government’s target. Underlying inflation is 2.1 per cent – around its lowest level for over five years. And stability has brought the cost of borrowing down to half the levels of the early 1990s.

    Second, competition

    Second, the whole competitive environment needs to modernise for the new challenges of the economy.

    Equality of opportunity does not exist in practice if small businesses or enterprising individuals are denied access to the marketplace and pushed aside by vested interests.

    So in future we will be the champion of opening up competition and enterprise to all.

    We are asking in every area what we can do to enhance competition and opportunity.

    It is time to build on this government’s decision to create a new independent competition authority.

    Our new competition act contains new powers to prohibit anti-competitive practices. New businesses and new entrants to markets will benefit from our reforms of the regulatory system.

    The government will consider how to scrutinise regulatory bodies and review existing and proposed regulations to ensure that they are promoting – not impeding – new entrants and competitive forces.

    For banking and financial services, the financial services authority will now, for the first time, be required to facilitate competition – with a new scrutiny role for the competition authorities – so helping small businesses get a better deal from financial services.

    For the planning system, we are introducing a series of changes in planning guidelines that will, for the first time, facilitate the formation of hi-tech clusters – helping to foster dynamic new businesses.

    For high tech businesses that need key skills, we will reform the rules on work permits and open them up to essential workers in information technologies and to entrepreneurs.

    In sum, Britain open to competition, and at the leading edge of change. Nothing should stand in the way of greater competitiveness in every sector of every industry. There can be no return to the British disease of complacency or clinging to old fashioned attitudes – no protectionism, no misplaced sentimentality towards out-dated restrictive practices – that for too long have held back small businesses.

    Third, tax and encouraging e-commerce

    Third we seek not only to create the best environment with stability and competition, but the best tax environment for small businesses.

    Let me say what we have already done on business tax. We have cut small business tax from 23p to 20p and introduced a new starting rate of tax for small companies of 10p in the pound. Every company making profits of up to 50,000 pounds will benefit.

    As a result 270 thousand businesses will benefit from the 10 pence rate.

    We have the lowest ever start up tax-rates for business.

    And now we have a capital gains tax regime that is more generous to new investors. When we came to office we said we would cut long term capital gains tax to 20 pence after 5 years and to 10 pence after ten years.

    In the forthcoming budget we intend to go even further to create the most favourable environment for long term capital investment Britain has seen. I said last November, we would look at cutting the long-term rate of capital gains tax – for example that it could be cut to 22 pence after the first three years, and 10 pence after the first five. Following our public consultation, final decisions will be announced in the budget.

    Britain is now the place to start up, invest, grow and expand. By next year, the government will already have cut the average tax bill for these companies by more than 20 per cent, compared to the tax regime when the government came into office. This works out at a cut of 850 million pound in total.

    And we are determined that Britain will lead in the next stage of the internet revolution. Our target is that within three years we want to become the world’s best environment for electronic commerce.

    Today the internet is revolutionising our access to information – the way we communicate, educate, buy and sell – and from the acquisition and servicing of people to the management of stocks and supplies the internet is transforming the way we do business.

    We are not only offering new incentives to high technology companies to lead the internet revolution, but helping existing companies move faster in going on-line.

    I want internet costs in the UK to be as low as in the US. By 2002 and with companies now announcing new initiatives this will help us meet our aim of getting 1.5 million small and medium sized enterprises connected – with 1 million trading on-line. This will be backed up by a network of 100 advice centres – “one-stop-IT-shops” for small and medium-sized businesses which offer individually tailored consultancy and advice to help businesses get on-line.

    And we are offering discounts for the electronic filing of tax returns:

    • in April 2001-02, 50 pounds for either PAYE or VAT returns filed by small businesses over the internet -100 pounds for both PAYE and VAT;
    • in April 2000-2001, 10 pounds for each income tax self assessment return filed by taxpayers over the internet.

    Fourth, encouraging investment and being on small businesses’ side as they invest, export and expand.

    We are creating for Britain an environment for new businesses, high tech business, start up businesses in which our government is on the side of the inventor, the innovator and the risk taker and prepared to share the risk.

    We will shortly publish the report of Lord Trotman, former chairman of Ford on measures to encourage enterprise and innovation.

    From all corners of the world I want Britain to be seen as the place to start up, invest, grow and expand.

    In America the venture capital industry is highly developed. In Britain, I want new encouragement from the venture capital industry for the start up and early stage ventures, where equity will often be more appropriate than bank loans, but where the problem is not so much access to finance but finance on the right terms. And where there is as yet insufficient encouragement to invest.

    In advance of the Budget we will examine how we can build on the new network of government- backed regionally based venture capital funds, nine in total, that are designed to encourage investment in early-stage, high technology companies, especially for amounts up to 500,000 pounds.

    We are taking forward not only regional venture capital funds but also a auk high technology fund to help early-stage high-technology businesses – who have historically found it difficult to raise money for development. It will provide finance for investment in existing venture capital funds that specialise in the provision of equity-based finance for early stage high-technology firms.

    And to foster the innovation on which future success depends, a new r&d tax credit will, from this April, mean that nearly a quarter of new investment in small and medium-sized business research and development is under-written even before a penny profit is made.

    We have also been learning from the success of corporate venturing in the USA. Corporate venturing has been vital in silicon valley and elsewhere – providing small high tech firms with a strong capital base, better skills in marketing and management, and a greater market reach.

    To promote corporate venturing, we are introducing a new tax incentive. To help the large companies sponsor the development of the small, large companies that invest in growing companies for a specified period will receive a tax relief of 20 per cent, underwriting one fifth of their investment. This 100 million pounds incentive can bring Britain additional investment of 500 million pounds every year.

    But Britain needs a culture even more favourable to small business creation and development.

    That is why we are setting up the new small business service. It will have three main tasks:

    • acting as a voice for small business at the heart of government;
    • simplifying and improving government support for small businesses;
    • helping small businesses deal with regulation and ensuring small businesses’ interests are properly considered.

    The government is determined that the small business service can offer a single electronic point of entry, for all small businesses – providing advice and information, backed up by new call centres.

    To ensure this is possible, we are investing 10m from the invest to save budget and considering a further bid under the capital modernisation fund to help provide a single point of contact – putting small business support on-line.

    In addition, we want to make it easier for businesses to register with Customs and Excise and the Inland Revenue. I am extremely pleased that David Irwin, the new chief executive of the small business service, can be with us here in Sunderland. He brings his experience as a businessman and entrepreneur here in the north east to the task of ensuring government is on the side of small businesses – not holding businesses back, but helping businesses go forward, grow, expand.

    Fifth, special measures in areas of need.

    Enterprise matters and we want to expand enterprise to peoples and places too often forgotten.

    Inner cities and established industrial areas should be seen as new markets with competitive advantages – their strategic locations, their often untapped retail markets, and the potential of their workforce.

    And so we want to put in place the right incentive structure to stimulate business-led growth in our inner cities and estates and encourage much bigger flows of private investment.

    Our new Phoenix Fund will be a catalyst for harnessing the enterprise that is present – but often hidden – in our poorest communities:

    • it will fund a new network of 1000 volunteer business mentors, to be up and running by April 2001.
    • It will also fund the development of more ‘incubators’ – workspace where small businesses get accommodation and practical help from experienced managers.

    We know that there are other gaps in the finance markets for the poorest communities. So new loan funds will help businesses get the finance they need. And help that will be linked to the training and support, that is often as important as the finance. Our new Phoenix Fund will start supporting these new loan funds from the Spring.

    And we will work with the social investment task force, reporting in the autumn, to look at the next steps in this agenda.

    This will include considering:

    • tax incentives for investing in community development projects, like incubators, loan funds, and social enterprises;
    • for the long term, constituting a permanent investment fund with a continuing remit to help fund a regular wave of new projects.

    I want to see more resources in venture capital funds targeted at our high unemployment areas. The new social investment task force we have just set up will look into this.

    We plan to learn from our experience with these initiatives – and from experience in the us – and to build on what we learn.

    But if we are to encourage more inner city entrepreneurs, we also need to get better help to unemployed people wanting to start their own business.

    So I can say that Tessa Jowell our employment minister plans that the new deal will offer help for long term unemployed to become self-employed and to start a business – for the over-50s, up to 3,000 pounds during the first year in business and in work.

    And we are introducing measures to boost enterprise skills from school to adulthood.

    Let me tell you how this and many other areas will benefit:

    • we aim to double to 200,000 the number of pupils benefiting from enterprise courses in our schools;
    • we are improving the national network which introduces schools to businesses and has them working together. We will link all 30,000 schools to the world of business;
    • and we are trying to ensure pupils and teachers are given the opportunity for work experience and placements. Already six hundred thousand 14 to 16 year olds are benefiting from work experience and thirty thousand teachers are in work placements. And we are now working with business and the world of education to build on this, improving the quality of placements and experience;
    • in addition, we are launching this spring a national campaign with the message that enterprise is open to all. Our business leaders – including Alan Sugar and Richard Branson – will run a series of enterprise events in schools and colleges.

    Conclusion

    In the new Britain we want more enterprise, more investment, better education and preparation for the future in every community. I want Britain to be a world leader in enterprise – and the opportunities and benefits of enterprise to be shared by all regions and all people.

    I believe we can work together – government, business leaders, and local communities – to create the best environment for new business, creating new jobs and new opportunities open to all.

  • Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at First Tuesday

    Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at First Tuesday

    The speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Financial Secretary to the Treasury, on 7 March 2000.

    Introduction

    Thank you for inviting me to join you this evening.

    Let me just say at the outset that I’m excited about First Tuesday. I was in Silicon Valley last September and visited the MIT/Stanford Venture Lab which is also a public forum where entrepreneurs, managers and investors come to swap ideas and learn from each other. I impressed upon them on that occasion the opportunities for investment in the UK today, but the creative energy in that forum was unmistakable and I asked my officials what was happening here in the UK. They told me: First Tuesday. So I am delighted finally to be here.

    Just yesterday I visited Cambridge University Entrepreneurs, run by students, which has just announced the winners of its business plan competition. They had four times as many entries as they allowed for. The winners have already had individual mentoring from top industry figures, and now they are going to receive start up funding. There is a real sea change with a new enthusiasm for entrepreneurship, and tonight, I want to talk about our hopes for the knowledge economy. But first, let me put that in the context of our wider aims.

    A good way to explain what this Government is trying to do is that we want to build a new Britain which will be modern and decent – both of those things at the same time. A dynamic and enterprising economy, but one where every person has the chance to play their full part and nobody is left out.

    The first economic priority after the election was to achieve stability in the UK economy after decades of boom and bust. That has been achieved in a remarkable way, so our focus now is on locking in that hard won stability, and building on it for the future. New stability gives us the chance to express a new optimism about our future, and so Gordon Brown set out at the Pre-Budget Report in November four new ambitions for Britain in this coming decade which encapsulate our commitment to a modern and decent Britain:

    1. That we should be closing the gap with our competitors on productivity after years of slipping behind;

    2. That we should have a higher proportion of the workforce in employment, and keep it like that. Actually, we already have more people in work than ever in our history, but we want to achieve the highest proportion and do so on a durable basis;

    3. That for the first time over half of our school leavers should go on to study for a degree; and

    4. That we should halve the number of children living in poverty, on the way to the Prime Minister’s target of eradicating child poverty altogether within 20 years.

    Four ambitions for a modern and decent Britain. And, as the Chancellor spellt out in his speech about the Internet a couple of weeks ago, this industry has a vital role to play.

    Some say we have become obsessed with the knowledge economy and the Internet. But the truth is that immense strategic opportunities lie ahead of us in Britain. For example, we are leading the mobile Internet revolution. We are at the forefront of 3rd Generation Wireless development, as the current auction is demonstrating. It would be utter folly to let these opportunities pass us by and we are not going to do that.

    So this year we are focusing on putting in place three building blocks to create the most competitive, enterprising and fair knowledge economy in the world.

    Competition

    The first building block is the most pro-competition policy in the world because that is the sharpest spur to innovation, efficiency and improvement. We are reviewing every barrier to competition in the emerging e-commerce market and seeking to remove them:

    We are building on the decision to create a new independent competition authority with the Competition Act which came into force last week with its new powers to prohibit anti-competitive practices;

    For banking and financial services, the Financial Services Authority will now, for the first time, be required to facilitate competition – with a new scrutiny role for the competition authorities;

    And for the telecommunications industry, we are squarely behind OFTEL in its promotion of competition, to ensure the price of telephone calls is not a barrier to greater Internet use or to the future growth of UK e-commerce. Last month the Chancellor challenged the industry to get the cost of using the net down to US levels by end-2002. It is good to see the industry already taking up that challenge, in the recent announcements by Alta Vista and NTL.

    Finally, we are promoting a competitive environment for broadband access. BT is rolling out ADSL from the Spring, and OFTEL is ensuring that other operators can provide their own broadband services over BT’s local loop by July 2001 at the latest. In 1987, working for a start up company, I wrote a book about commercial broadband applications and its great to see these things starting to happen.
    Finally, we are looking to roll out rapidly fixed wireless technology, with the first licence available this summer.

    A more favourable tax environment

    For a higher degree of enterprise we need higher levels of investment and entrepreneurship. So our second building block is the best tax environment for investors in start-ups and high tech businesses, with improved rewards from enterprise and wealth creation.

    Corporation tax has been cut from 33 to 30 per cent. And to encourage and reward new business investment, we have cut the long-term rate of capital gains tax from 40p to 10p. We have proposed a cut in the taper so that those investing for five years will pay only 10p and for three years only 22p. Final decisions will be announced in the Budget in two weeks time;

    For the people with the skills and talent who are prepared to move from safe jobs to risk time, effort and savings to create wealth in a more challenging environment, we are also introducing a new targeted tax cut from next year. The Enterprise Management Incentive will enable growing enterprises to offer their key employees tax-advantaged options over shares up to £100,000. I know a number of start-ups have been thinking about using this scheme and I would encourage others to do so;

    We also recognise the significant role stock-options have to play here and we are currently looking at the role of employer NICs charges which we know is causing concern particularly in the entrepreneurial community.

    We want new encouragement for the venture capital industry and especially for the start up and early stage ventures, where equity is more appropriate than bank loans, but where there is insufficient encouragement to invest. Our new network of nine Government-backed regional venture capital funds, and our UK High Technology Fund which is a fund-of-funds, will both help early stage high-technology businesses.

    Making Britain the knowledge capital of the world

    The third building block for our knowledge economy open to all is to make Britain the knowledge capital of the world.

    Knowledge is the key to future business success and productivity. That puts a great premium on education and skills. I have visited a number of our universities in recent weeks – Cambridge, Oxford, Warwick, Newcastle, Durham, Sheffield – to have a look at what they are doing to commercialise the superb research which is being undertaken by them and I have been heartened by what I have seen.

    That premium on education and skills in the knowledge economy is exactly why we are pushing through huge educational reform, investing an extra £19 billion in education – so that everyone from our school children to the unemployed and low paid have the opportunity to master the skills and technologies of the new information age.

    That way we can make sure the opportunities of the new technologies are open to all, and that Britain has the size and sophistication of markets – and the quality of skills base – needed to succeed.

    Conclusion

    Our target is that within three years we want to become the world’s best environment for e-commerce. This is a huge challenge for everyone – government, business and individuals. But we are optimistic.

    We have started with a foundation of a new stability which we are determined to lock in. The building blocks we are putting in place now for a knowledge economy open for all – in competition, in investment and enterprise and in skills – those are the building blocks to help us make the most of the challenges ahead.

    Thank you for the contribution you are making and good luck for the future. Let’s work together to make this a success for all our people.

  • Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at the Economist’s Electronic Business Conference

    Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at the Economist’s Electronic Business Conference

    The speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Financial Secretary to the Treasury, on 4 April 2000.

    “The benefits and challenges of e-commerce”

    Introduction

    Thank you for inviting me to join you this morning.

    We are on the threshold of a new era for business. Across the country people are talking of the impact of Business to Consumer – or ‘B2C’ – e-commerce. But the growth of Business to Business – or B2B – e-commerce has the potential to be even more explosive and pervasive. I have seen US estimates suggesting B2B turnover on the net could amount to 4 trillion dollars in America alone by 2003, compared with less than 400 billion dollars of online sales to customers.

    That is a staggering amount of trade – with potentially staggering implications for our economies and our consumers, as well as business itself.

    So I am delighted to be able to join many of the world’s B2B experts here this morning.

    Budget aims

    Let me begin by putting our hopes for electronic commerce and the knowledge economy in the context of the Government’s wider aims.

    After the UK election in 1997, our first economic objective was stability. The Budget two weeks ago confirmed that in a remarkable way that has now been achieved. We are delivering a platform of stability and steady growth, with inflation low and the public finances under control.

    More people are now in work than ever before: unemployment is at its lowest for 20 years; youth unemployment is at its lowest for 25 years and there are one million vacancies on offer across all the regions of the UK.

    Inflation in Britain has also now been lower for longer than at any time for over 30 years. And today British inflation is lower than in any of our major competitors in the European Union.

    And we are also investing now a bigger share of our national wealth than our largest competitor countries in the European Union, and a bigger share even than in the US.

    The state of the public finances is sound as well.

    So things are in good shape as a consequence of the prudent measures the Chancellor has taken.

    But we have always said that our prudence is for a purpose.

    And the Budget took the next steps towards that purpose, of building a modern and decent Britain, towards the four ambitions that we set ourselves last November:

    • our prosperity ambition: that we should be bridging the productivity gap with our competitors;
    • the full employment ambition: that we should achieve employment opportunity for all, and a higher proportion of people actually in jobs than we have had before;
    • the education ambition: that for the first time at least half of our school leavers should go on to university by the end of the decade;
    • our antipoverty ambition: that we should halve the number of children living in poverty by 2010, on the way to the Prime Minister’s ambition of eradicating child poverty altogether within 20 years.

    Four ambitions which I think are now attainable and which encapsulate our commitment to a modern and decent Britain. Our best route for achieving this modern and decent Britain – for an enterprising society which is also a fair society – is success in the knowledge economy.

    First Tuesday report

    A few weeks ago, John Browning, a cofounder of First Tuesday – the global B2B start- up market and meeting place for entrepreneurs – gave an intriguing evidence to the House of Lords e-commerce sub-committee on the future of e-commerce in Europe. This evidence he gave was based on an e-mail survey of their members on what they wanted national and European governments to do.

    The overwhelming view was that government has a very limited role – that it does most good where it treads lightest. Well, that is our view too.

    The Internet and e-commerce world is moving at speeds difficult for anyone to keep up with. As Tony Blair says, the wind of economic change has never blown through our economies with such force as it is doing today.

    We know the market sets the pace of that change. And it always will do.

    But our role as a Government is an important one still. Not to dictate. Not to attempt to control. But to help to enable and to empower every business and individual to win from the changes, and to extend the new opportunities to all.

    That is why we have set ourselves two parallel targets to these challenges.

    First, to make the UK the best place in the world to trade electronically by 2002.

    And second, to aim for universal access by 2005.

    Those two goals are complementary. Making sure everyone has access to the Internet will both improve our competitiveness and reduce social exclusion. A very clear example of enterprise and fairness working together.

    And we are working very hard indeed in a number of areas to achieve these goals.

    Back to John Browning’s evidence to the Lords Committee: his statement consisted of a number of lessons First Tuesday had learnt in the course of their rapid growth. I want to spend a little time examining these lessons and what they mean for governments and for e-businesses as well.

    Lesson 1: Europeans are passionate entrepreneurs

    The first lesson learned by First Tuesday was that Europeans are passionate entrepreneurs. And, to quote him, ‘contrary to conventional pessimism, they are neither defeatist nor risk averse.’

    That, I think, is clear enough from the number of European companies we have here today.

    It is also clear from the signs that the technology gap between Europe and the US is narrowing. In some areas, of course, Europe already leads.

    The first wave of the Internet came through PCs. But the next wave will come through broadband mobile and digital television.

    In both, the United Kingdom in particular ­ and Europe more generally ­ have a pretty impressive lead.

    Last month we launched the world’s first auction for third generation mobile telephone spectrum. Thirteen bidders from all round the world have been taking part and all have put in significant bids to play a role in the future market.

    Third generation mobile will give businesses the Internet on the move. Everything we now get from our PCs, digital cameras and good old voice telephones – all on our mobile phones, our PDAs, our laptops and palmtops, and a host of new devices now emerging from the research labs.

    Digital TV – interactive TV ­ is also taking off. It’s only just begun. But some forecasters suggest that as much as 75 per cent of UK households will have DTV by 2008.

    Both of these – digital TV and third generation mobile – are technologies where the UK is a world leader.

    And both are creating extraordinary opportunities for new businesses in both B2C and B2B e-commerce, new applications, new services and new jobs.

    That is why we’re seeing venture capitalists, technology and telecoms companies, and individual entrepreneurs so active today in the UK, confirming our position as the single most popular destination for inward investment into Europe.

    European enthusiasm for the new economy was out for all to see as well at the Lisbon Summit on European economic reform two weeks ago. There, the Heads of Government of our European States set a new strategic goal for the next decade – to become the most competitive and dynamic knowledge based economy in the world.

    That is a huge change. And it is the beginning of a process with tremendous implications and opportunities for our economies and our workforces.

    Lesson 2: Scale is critical to entrepreneurial success

    The second lesson First Tuesday drew was that scale is critical to entrepreneurial success.

    As they said, only by expanding quickly can companies grasp the available opportunities.

    But companies can only expand to the extent that there is the sufficient size and sophistication of markets and the quality of skills base needed to be successful.

    You cannot build a knowledge driven economy without a knowledge driven society.

    So we have to make sure that the opportunities of the new technologies are shared by every business and every worker.

    That is why the Budget two weeks ago introduced a special tax reduction to encourage a million small companies to get on line. For the next three years any small business buying computers, or investing in e-commerce and new information technology, will be able immediately to write off against tax the full 100 per cent of the cost in the year of purchase.

    We are also legislating for other tax cuts – a 100 pounds tax cut for electronic filing of tax and vat returns, and a further 50 pounds tax cut for electronic filing for those paying the working families tax credit.

    And side by side with these incentives, the new Small Business Service – opening its doors this month – will offer consultancy, advice and planning to help small businesses get on line and become e-companies.

    Of course, while getting United Kingdom on line is vital, the big prize will come when we create a single European market for electronic commerce – a single market of 375 million people and potentially 100 million more.

    Lesson 3: Speed is just as critical

    That brings me to the third lesson from First Tuesday’s evidence that speed is just as critical as scale. ‘…because the Internet is evolving so fast, and because first-mover advantage is so powerful, Internet companies have to move very, very fast.’

    A key priority for governments must be to ensure the right dynamic market framework is in place to cope with this speed of change.

    At the Lisbon Summit, European Heads of Government recognised that the speed of technological change requires new and more flexible regulatory approaches in the future.

    That is why they called on the European Council along with the European Parliament, where appropriate, to adopt as rapidly as possible, this year, pending legislation on the legal framework for ecommerce, on copyright and related rights, on e-money, on distance selling of financial services, on jurisdiction and on the dualuse export control regime.

    We have already agreed a directive on electronic signatures that introduces their legal recognition throughout the EU and sets voluntary standards for certificate providers.

    These further steps will take Europe quickly into the new digital age, boosting consumer confidence and making it far easier for a business based in one country to sell on-line in the fourteen others.

    In the UK, we are currently also reviewing every barrier to competition in the emerging e-commerce market and seeking to remove them.

    In every area we are asking what we can do to enhance competition and opportunity:

    The new Competition Act makes our competition authority independent and for the first time prohibits all anti-competitive practices.

    We are driving competition further and faster into the leadingedge communication markets, to bring prices down and give consumers more choice.

    In the last few weeks we’ve seen four different companies offering new, unmetered Internet packages.

    As the new tariffs come into effect, it will almost certainly mean that for the average Internet user at home and in business, the UK will be cheaper than anywhere else in Europe.

    We are working as well on the legal framework.

    Our electronic communications bill will allow us to update decades, indeed centuries, of legislation that refer to paper and post.

    And we are helping employees in UK high growth Internet companies by tackling the issue of employer’s National Insurance Contributions on share options. I have been asked by the Chancellor to conduct a consultation on a technical solution to the tax treatment of share options in unapproved schemes, and I’m moving quickly to fulfil his request, and, I hope, to resolve quickly the serious technical problem that currently exists.

    Lesson 4: Governments themselves are slow in using the technology

    The fourth lesson First Tuesday learned from its European survey was that governments themselves generally are slow in using the technology.

    Businesses represented here and individuals are responding to the new technologies and the new challenges. And Government has to do the same.

    Last week, Tony Blair proposed a challenging target for Government – to offer all services online by 2005.

    We need to transform relationships between government and citizen by delivering services on-line. And we need to do it quickly.

    We also need to transform policy-making by managing government online.

    The first step is to develop a clear strategy. So Andrew Smith, my colleague as Chief Secretary to the Treasury, and Patricia Hewitt, as our e-minister, are heading a crosscutting spending review to look at all aspects of Government and e-commerce.

    Our strategy for e-government will be shaped by our view of the new technologies. Yesterday, Ian McCartney, the Minister responsible for e-government, launched our Government’s e-government strategy.

    We want businesses and people to be able to access government anywhere and anytime.

    From a computer. A mobile device. A TV. A kiosk in a post office or a shopping centre.

    So the challenge to us is to make government-content, and government services, available across all our networks – wired and wireless – to all the devices.

    It’s exactly the same challenge that content-providers in the private sector are facing. Financial services information providers, for example, now integrating content, and delivering it real-time to market analysts and retail investors alike on the trading screen, the television screen and the mobile phone.

    But we also have to re-engineer government on the inside. Like every major global company, we have to move from vertical silos to horizontal processes. We have to move from inputs to outcomes. And we have to use ICT to enable all that to happen.

    Like everybody else, we have to contend with legacy systems. E-mail systems that don’t talk to each other. Different data standards.

    In the next few weeks, however, we will be publishing a single set of standards for inter-operability across government. We’re following the lead of business by adopting open, I/P based standards for all government systems. Making the browser the key interface for access and manipulation of all information. Adopting XML as the cornerstone for government data inter-operability and integration. And working with the global Govtalk consortium to create the infrastructure we need for implementation.

    Conclusion

    We are optimistic our British knowledge economy can match the best:

    With individuals alive to the opportunities, and businesses sufficiently ambitious, we can rise to the challenge – making Britain and Europe the best place in the world for e-commerce.

    Thank you for the contribution you are making ­ let’s work together to make this a success for all our people.

  • Andrew Smith – 2000 Speech to the IPPR New Economy Launch Event

    Andrew Smith – 2000 Speech to the IPPR New Economy Launch Event

    The speech made by Andrew Smith, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, in London on 4 April 2000.

    THE FUTURE FOR PUBLIC SERVICE AGREEMENTS

    Introduction

    Thank you for that kind introduction, and to Matthew Taylor and the IPPR for inviting me to speak today. I want first to set out our ideas about setting PSAs , and then I want to briefly cover how all this fits in with our ambition of modern, high-performing public services combining innovation and excellence.

    As many of you know, PSAs are a unique innovation. Colleagues from other countries in Europe and across the world are intrigued and, sometimes, frightened by our radical approach. Never before has a British Government set out so clearly the aim, objectives, resources, performance targets, and operations targets for every major government Department in one public document. Neither has any government publically committed itself to reporting annually against those targets.

    The 1998 Comprehensive Spending Review PSAs were a revolution in this respect. And for our departments, I think they were something of a revelation too. PSAs challenged them for the first time to think about what were the outcomes they really wanted in each policy area. They also challenged departments to think about how their success might best be measured. But most importantly they challenged them to commit publically to delivering the improvements we have targeted within the resources allocated to them in the CSR. Through the PSAs, the Government made clear that it was investing for reform. Reform for better public services and a step change in the way they were delivered.

    Not everyone sees it that way of course. PSAs have come in for their fair share of suspicion and criticism. According to Simon Jenkins in the Times, Gordon Brown and I sit at the heart of a “vast cobweb” of targets. In fact, according to Mr Jenkins, I am building a structure like Stalin’s Gosplan! Mr Jenkins even accuses my officials of being “music-loving, theatre-going liberals”. Those of you who have dealings with the Treasury will judge whether that’s and accurate description.

    The radical nature of PSAs, and their immediate impact on Departments inevitably led to some shortcomings in the new system the first time round. As John Garrett pointed out in the Guardian, our emphasis on the serious issue of sickness absence in the public sector looks unbalanced when we didn’t have comparable measures in other areas of people management. And some of our targets are simply not very good, because we were new to the business: setting targets to achieve 100% prompt payment of invoices looks good, but will often be unachievable for very sound reasons, if an invoice needs to be investigated.

    So the current spending review, is a big opportunity to improve the PSAs and learn from experience – both positive and negative – as we take them forward.

    Setting the SR2000 PSAs

    We are doing that in a number of ways.

    First we are focussing even harder on the things that really matter. PSAs are all about priorities. Openness and accountability about priorities should not be allowed to be fudged by too great a mass of targets.

    Second, we are making sure part of this focussing process involves separating out the key overall goals (the “what”), from targets for Departmental processes and operations (the “how”).

    Third, we are working harder than ever before on ensuring we target the right measures of success. Determining what it is you want to achieve is the first crucial step. But picking the right measure to avoid unwanted distortions in the system, is as important.

    Finally, we are sharpening up our targets, making them as transparent as possible. We should be clear in every case about what the terms of the targets mean, when we are committing to deliver the target, and how it will be measured.

    The way we are conducting the review means that we are tackling all of these issues head on.

    In the past few months, I have had a series of meetings with Ministerial colleagues to nail down their highest priorities. Everyone is determined to show Parliament and the public the things that really matter to us. Whereas some Departments had more than thirty policy targets after the CSR, most Whitehall Departments will have no more than ten high level PSA targets after SR2000.

    I am also making PSAs even clearer by ensuring they are short and sharp, containing only the aim, objectives, and top few political priority targets. New supporting documents, Service Delivery Agreements, will describe how these priorities will be delivered, and the management and operational changes Departments will be introducing to facilitate this.

    On measures, departments have been working together with the Treasury to ensure the measures to support the next round of targets are the best possible in the light of evidence. And in another first, the Treasury is leading work with other Departments, the National Audit Office, and the Audit Commission, to agree the basics about what makes for good performance measurement in Government.

    Delivering the new PSAs So that’s how we’re ensuring the targets are the most specific, measurable, outcome-focussed targets they could possibly be.

    We also want to make sure the right support and structures are in place to allow Departments to deliver public services fit for the 21st Century. I want to briefly examine three reforms here.

    First, we are determined to break down artificial barriers in policy-making and delivery, using the PSA process to make Departments jointly responsible for delivering some key policy objectives. It is important to get this right as government increasingly has to organise horizontally, with joint work across departments to deal with challenges which don’t organise themselves conveniently in line with the traditional vertical departmental silos. For this Spending Review we have launched fifteen cross-cutting studies of problems that cross Departmental boundaries.

    With subjects as diverse as crime reduction, new gateways to care for the elderly and conflict prevention in sub-Saharan Africa the studies have pulled together expertise from outside and inside Government to propose targets for cross-Departmental working. In some cases they will result in further full cross-cutting PSAs.

    Second, Departments are now more than ever drawing on outside expertise to raise their productivity and to produce the step change in our public services that we all want to see. This Government wants to listen and learn from the best practice available. The mantra is “what matters is what works”.

    This is why I am committed to the work of the Public Services Productivity Panel, which I chair. The Panel brings together high level experience of the public sector and the outside perspective of the private sector. It brings together people with deep knowledge of the public sector, such as Andrew Foster of the Audit Commission, and Sheila Masters with her NHS experience, and leaders from business like John Makinson from Pearson’s and John Dowdy from McKinsey.

    The Panel is an excellent resource for all Departments to draw upon. Each Panel member is assigned to detailed projects, supported by Departmental and Treasury staff. And some Panel members are also supported by their own company staff. This openness and joint working encourages innovative approaches, and puts an emphasis on the practical steps that will help us do things better.

    Already good examples of the fruits of this approach have been published. John Makinson wrote an excellent report with the big Government office networks on incentivising good team performance. Andrew Foster has highlighted both good practice and bad in customer service in the big DETR driving agencies, so that we challenge poor performance as well as praising the good.

    The reports are only a means to an end. And that end is delivering real changes in the effectiveness and customer focus of our public services. John Makinson’s report represents a bold and radical new approach to pay in the public sector. His proposals have the potential to lever up productivity in the Inland Revenue, Customs and Excise, Benefits Agency and Employment Service. Work is underway to implement new pay systems based on team incentives from 2001. These will deliver real improvements to taxpayers and users of services as well allowing staff to share in the benefits of better performance.

    The Makinson report is only one element of the Government’s strategy to empower public servants. For too long, public services have been allowed to stagnate because public servants have been undervalued, and have not been listened to. So the Government third reform is to turn this around, encouraging innovation by front-line staff and by local managers, and celebrating the success of our most outstanding managers and teams, as beacons to others in their sector.

    The reforms to the Civil Service inspired by the Prime Minister and being led by Sir Richard Wilson, offer the prospect of transforming our Civil Service – retaining the elements so prized abroad, such as its probity and professionalism, but encouraging more adventurous thinking, greater diversity, and a stronger sense of good management.

    Local autonomy versus central direction

    I want to touch on the important issue raised by Matthew [Taylor] an issue all major programmes of reform in any institution must face and tackle: that is, to what extent should the centre direct and impose change, and to what extent should local agents be allowed the flexibility to find their own strategies for delivery, shaped to local context and taking advantage of the available expertise.

    Some criticism of the Government’s modernisation programme has centred on the perception that it inevitably involves highly inflexible directives from the centre. I do not accept this, and would argue instead that Public Service Agreements and our programme of reform offer an important opportunity to local service deliverers to shape their own strategies within the framework we have set.

    We believe that local government and local services are a crucial source of good ideas about improving service delivery, and the vast majority of public servants take pride in the standard of service they deliver. We are determined to learn from good practice at local level, and to tackle unacceptable variations in performance where they exist.

    Only last week, I hosted a seminar at the Treasury bringing together experts from inside and outside Government to see how we might best raise the performance of the less good units to that of the best.

    The real challenge for the Government is not debating an artificial tension between local autonomy and central direction but in making sure that good practice from some of our most outstanding public services is successfully shared.

    This is not to say however, that there are not issues of balance which we need to work on. But I see this as a dynamic process. Different combinations of direction and autonomy will be appropriate for different services and between different units within services. This is a matter which I will be discussing with colleagues, particularly as we make progress on their Service Delivery Agreements, which will state clearly for the first time how they intend to cascade their high level commitment to local agents.

    Conclusion

    To conclude, I believe PSAs have been something of a revolution. Departments have recognised the real benefits for their own management of clear priorities and targets, and we will see further steps forward in the quality and clarity of the PSAs which come out of this spending review.

    But like the Productivity Panel, PSAs should not be about elegantly drafted glossy documents: they must be about driving change on the ground that the public can see. The Government has set out its vision. In PSAs we have published a ground-breaking set of commitments. In our modernisation and investment programme, we are giving public sector employees the tools to do the job. That has raised public expectations. So now they have to see the change we have promised.

    Thank you.

  • Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech to the British Chamber of Commerce National Conference

    Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech to the British Chamber of Commerce National Conference

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 5 April 2000.

    I am delighted to join you today at the National Conference of the British Chambers of Commerce. Let me start by paying tribute to the work you do, the contribution you make, and the service you as local and regional Chambers of Commerce give in every part of the country.

    Local Chambers of Commerce are not only voices for business and industry in every one of our country’s regions but you also represent the best of British values- our shared belief in hard work, in enterprise, in looking outwards to the world, and you speak up in particular for the hundreds of thousands of medium and small businesses of Britain that are the backbone of our economy.

    And it is because I share your ambition, a theme of this conference, that Britain has the best competitive environment for business in the years ahead, that I want to discuss with you today the challenges ahead – how we equip ourselves to meet and master ever more fierce global competition and ever faster change – and the prize for our country – a Britain which with opportunity open to all is enterprising and fair, a Britain where – with higher productivity from all – there is prosperity for all.

    Now our first two years as a government demanded that we establish the only sound platform for an enterprise culture in a global economy – economic stability.

    In a global marketplace with its increased insecurities and indeed often volatility and instability national economic stability is at a premium, the precondition for all we can achieve, and no nation can secure the high levels of sustainable investment it needs without both monetary and fiscal stability together.

    And it was to avoid the historic British problem – the violence of the repeated boom and bust cycles of the past – that we established the new monetary framework based on consistent rules – the symmetrical inflation target; settled well understood procedures – Bank independence; and openness and transparency. And side by side with it and as important, a new fiscal discipline with, again, clear and consistent rules – the golden rule for public spending; well understood procedures – our fiscal responsibility legislation; and a new openness and transparency.

    I saw – as you saw – what damage inconsistent and ever changing rules, short- termist and politicised decision making procedures and a lack of openness did most recently in the late eighties and early nineties – the one million jobs lost in manufacturing, the one million businesses that went under, the two million jobs in total that disappeared.

    I saw how difficult it was for businesses to plan ahead and make investments for the long term.

    And I never want to return to those days when interest rates were above 10 per cent for four years nor do you or I want ever to rerun that day in 1992 when interest rates were 10 per cent when we started work, 12 per cent by 11 am, and by 3pm set to be 15 per cent.

    So stability matters to me as it does to you. High inflation and instability hurts businesses as it hurts savers, those like the elderly on fixed and low incomes, and I understand what you understand, that a disciplined and prudent framework of stability is the indispensable foundation for economic success.

    Already we are seeing the rewards of creating Bank of England independence and tough fiscal rules.

    For the third year running inflation is in line with our target and inflation is at historically low levels. I can tell you that our target of 2.5 per cent will be met this year, next year and the year after that and our forecast is that the economy will grow steadily – by between 2.75 and 3.25 per cent this year, with growth forecast to be 2.25 – 2.75 per cent next year and the year after.

    Long term interest rates – once 2 per cent or more above Germany’s – are now at the level of Germany’s, showing that people have confidence in a low inflation future for Britain, a platform from which businesses can now plan for the longer term with greater confidence.

    But everybody knows it is not simply monetary stability that matters, but also fiscal stability.

    And having imposed new fiscal disciplines we have cut borrowing by £40 billion in our first three years. And we are on course to meet our two strict fiscal rules.

    It is because we sought to learn from the political mistakes of the last forty years that this government will maintain its prudent and tough approach. The figures I announced in the Budget mean that we will meet our fiscal rules over the cycle. Indeed that we will meet our fiscal rules even in the most cautious case, on the most cautious assumptions, including the most cautious view of trend growth at 2.25 per cent.

    And as I announced in the Budget, I have decided to lock in a greater fiscal tightening next year and the year after than we promised in last year’s Budget and Pre-Budget Report.

    We are therefore able to repay debt – last year 3 billion pounds, this year 12 billion pounds, next year 6 billion pounds, and the year after that 5 billion pounds.

    And it is from this platform of monetary and fiscal discipline that you have been able to create 100,000 more small businesses employing people, from 1.2 million to 1.3 million, and create in total 800,000 more jobs, with last year 6 billion pounds more in business investment and 13 billion pounds more inward investment into the United Kingdom.

    I can say that as a government we are determined to continue to back your efforts by maintaining our disciplined approach: in particular we must all be determined not to make the old British mistake of paying ourselves too much today at the cost of higher interest rates and fewer jobs tomorrow.

    Now I understand your worries about the Euro – Sterling exchange rate and the pound’s strength in relation to the weak euro and I welcome the positive response of manufacturing which has increased productivity by more than 5 per cent over the past year.

    By making investment allowances for business permanent, by introducing new allowances for any small and medium company adapting to new information technology by inaugurating this month a new R&D tax credit worth 150 million pounds, and by creating a one billion pound regional venture capital investment fund, this month’s Budget has sought to build upon Britain’s stability and Britain’s low corporation tax rates to support manufacturers and exporters. But the policies which I am sometimes asked by some to follow to bring the exchange rate down would risk the very outcome all of you want to avoid – a return to boom and bust.

    Indeed I can tell you I am determined to avoid a repeat of the economic instability caused by the succession of ever-changing money targets as we saw in the early 1980s and the dual exchange rate and inflation targets of the late 1980s and early 1990s – when the then government chose in succession £M3, M1, then M0, then when this failed shadowing the Deutschmark, then the Exchange Rate Mechanism, as the economy moved from boom to bust.

    The objective of British monetary policy today is clear and unambiguous – to meet a symmetric inflation target with inflation outcomes below target viewed just as seriously as outcomes above target. And it is this consistent long-term approach which is the foundation for stability and steady growth.

    There are some who criticise the Bank of England and say inflation can only be controlled at the cost of growth and jobs. And there are of course those who say we should grow by ignoring inflation. But far from choking off recovery, pre-emptive action has allowed us both to meet our inflation target and sustain growth. And because this is what I want us to continue to do, we will support our monetary authorities in the difficult decisions they have to take to ensure that we meet the inflation target and sustain high and stable levels of growth and employment.

    Employment opportunity for all

    So building on this platform, I believe Britain can now set a new economic ambition, indeed an economic mission, for the next decade: a faster rise in productivity than our main competitors, as we close the productivity gap.

    And for that to happen there is a second precondition – reinvigorating the work ethic in every community of our country.

    For too long too many people had become accustomed to not working and to a benefits system that failed to make work pay and led to the ‘why work’ syndrome at a cost to the work ethic. For too long historic British virtues – hard work and self improvement – had been drowned out. For too long opportunities in our economy had become detached from responsibilities to take them up.

    Now, because we expect everyone who can work to go to work and not sit at home on benefits, we are matching opportunity with responsibility. And with the help of your members who are signed up to the New Deal, youth unemployment is down 70 per cent and long term unemployment down 50 per cent. In the mid eighties as many as 500,000 young people were out of work. In 1997 the figure was 200,000. Now that we have reduced that figure to 50,000 we have a long way to go but already there are more people in work than ever before and unemployment is at its lowest for 20 years.

    As I said in the Budget, we will extend the opportunities and the obligations of the New Deal to the long term adult unemployed. And with one million vacancies in every region of the economy our agenda demanding responsibility in return for the extension of opportunity will intensify in the years to come.

    As we implement the report of Lord Grabiner QC, create new opportunities for the long term unemployed to work, take action to visit, telephone and coach long term unemployed men and women back into the jobs on offer and introduce tougher sanctions and penalties .

    Productivity

    And with stability, the renewed importance we attach to work is the precondition for the next stage of our agenda – to bridge the productivity gap with our competitors by opening enterprise to all.

    We have some of the greatest companies, some world class sectors, some global champions in whom we do and should take pride. But let us face facts. We have not enough of them and over the last 50 years, productivity growth in Britain has been just over two and a half per cent a year, compared to between three and a half per cent and four per cent among our main European competitors.

    I believe that when we look at changes in Britain’s relative economic position over the last century, one of the causes is that there has not been enough competition, dynamism and entrepreneurship in many areas of our economy – and over decades politicians and governments must take our share of the blame. We have to set aside the old sterile battles that posed enterprise against fairness, public against private, management against workforces and deprived us of the national economic purpose we need.

    Today we know that in a global economy greater competition at home is the key to greater competitiveness abroad. We know that it is the openness of the economy not its closed nature that is the driving force in productivity growth. And we know that it is the global reach of business, not protectionism, that is the key to dynamism and growth.

    Global competition challenges us to innovate, to be better managers, to perform more competitively on the world stage.

    So today I want to set out the next stage of our productivity push for the British economy -encouraging more competition, more innovation, more flexibility and more long term investment, sometimes by government getting out of the way.

    Sometimes by government positively improving the competitive environment.

    And meeting the productivity challenge – bridging the gap with our competitors – must be the priority over the next few years.

    Only with rising productivity can we meet people’s long-term expectations for rising standards of living without causing inflation or unemployment.

    There are of course those urging us to slow the pace of change or even to pause or turn back. But we cannot and must not slow the pace of economic reform.

    Increasingly every good and every service will be exposed to ever more fierce and relentless global competition.

    So we must work to remove all barriers to productivity in the economy – with a shared national effort to raise our game.

    I want us not only to give more people the chance to turn their ideas into profitable businesses but to be able to say to business in every part of the country this government will be on your side if you’re starting up, growing, hiring, investing, innovating, exporting, going public. At every stage, in every way, on your side as you move up the ladder of opportunity.

    In the last year we consulted widely with business and we set out in the Pre-Budget Report measures for radical reform in our capital labour and product markets to expand investment and productivity.

    Your views have helped shape policy to raise investment and productivity across the UK.

    The British Chamber of Commerce:

    • asked for permanent capital allowances – that give greater certainty to businesses wanting to plan ahead and invest;
    • proposed capital gains tax reform – removing the barriers to long term investment;
    • suggested improvements in corporate venturing tax incentive – helping the large companies that invest in the development of the small;
    • called for special help for small businesses as they invested for the future.

    The CBI joined you in calling for new permanent capital allowances, reform of capital gains tax and welcomed the introduction of our new R&D tax credit. They also proposed new incentives for employee share ownership – to help small firms recruit and retain the best people.

    The Federation of Small Business proposed new incentives to help small firms seize the opportunities of e-commerce and the Internet.

    And in the Budget we took positive action in every one of these areas.

    And we took action too on transport. Immediate new investment of 280 million pounds in transport, 250 million of it to a ring fenced fund for improving roads and public transport. And more important our 10 year plan to be published this summer which will set out our strategy for modernising transport infrastructure – building on our understanding that instead of the public sector fighting the private sector, public and private sectors can work together in the national interest.

    Let me explain my pro-business reforms – first capital gains tax reform. When we came into government and cut the long term rate of capital gains tax for business assets held for ten years or more, capital gains had been fixed at 40 per cent for almost ten years.

    Indeed the last government aligned the rate of capital gains tax with the top rate of tax.

    You could have excused me for leaving capital gains tax rates as they were. But I decided that an enterprise economy needed new and better rewards for enterprise.

    And so in the face of many other priorities – including the public services – I decided to devote substantial funds to radically cutting capital gains tax.

    From tomorrow the new capital gains rates for business assets are being cut from 40 per cent to 35 per cent after one year; to 30 per cent after two years; to 20 per cent after three years; and so while for a decade capital gains have been taxed at 40 per cent or above, for investments of four years or more they will now be taxed at 10 per cent.

    Having made these decisions I also looked at what I could do to recognize the importance of investors in small and medium sized businesses, and help business angels and I have redefined the help we will give to reward risk.

    Today business investors who own between 5 per cent and 25 per cent of a new and growing business do not benefit from the 10p rate. From tomorrow their rate will be 10 per cent for all investments above 5 per cent held for four or more years.

    I also wanted to recognize the importance we attach to the growing numbers of Britain’s unquoted companies. So for them all investments held for four years will benefit from the 10 per cent rate.

    So stage by stage we are removing the tax barriers to enterprise and creating in Britain the best tax environment for business investment.

    To encourage long term investment, the main rate of corporation tax cut has been cut from 33p to 30p, the lowest rate in the history of UK corporation tax, the lowest of all major industrialised countries.

    We have cut small business corporation tax from 23p to 20p and introduced a new starting rate of tax for small companies of 10p in the pound. Every company making profits of up to 50,000 pounds will benefit.

    Our new Enterprise Management Incentive scheme is tailor made for the new hi-tech companies. To motivate, recruit and reward Britain’s real risk takers, high tech firms recruiting essential personnel will be able to offer share option incentives of 100,000 pounds for up to 15 employees.

    We are consulting on a set of proposals to resolve the treatment of employer national insurance in share options.

    All of us recognised that innovation is the key to the future success of the new enterprise economy.

    Because it is well understood that two thirds of growth is the result of innovation we decided on special new incentives to encourage and reward the inventor and the innovator.

    Not only therefore have we allocated 150 million pounds to our new research and development tax credit, supporting nearly a quarter of new investment in small and medium-sized business research and development, but we are honouring the spirit of British invention, facilitating the exploitation of invention and encouraging the commercialisation of invention:

    • an extra £1.4 billion in basic scientific research;
    • from our University Challenge Fund seedcorn finance to commercialise inventions;
    • to transfer technology from the science lab to the marketplace, new Institutes of Enterprise in every region;
    • a new tax incentive to help the large companies sponsor the development of the small.

    I want to make Britain the best environment for e-commerce and catch up with America as swiftly as possible. You asked us to help e-commerce develop in small and medium sized businesses.

    We are introducing 100 per cent allowances for the next three years for any small business buying computers, or investing in e-commerce and new information technology.

    And to promote the use of the Internet we will legislate for other tax cuts – a 100 pounds tax cut for electronic filing of tax and VAT returns, and a further 50 pounds tax cut for electronic filing for those paying the Working Families Tax Credit.

    And of course the new Small Business Service – acting as a voice for small business at the heart of government; simplifying and improving government support for small businesses; and helping small businesses deal with regulation and ensuring small businesses’ interests are properly considered.

    So we are introducing measures to promote investment, enterprise, and innovation.

    The challenge for business is to take advantage of the new platform of stability and use these incentives to innovate, grow and expand – which will be particularly helpful to manufacturing and the regions.

    The challenge for government is to build on these reforms.

    Our productivity push will be stepped up in the coming year. So we will build on the measures we have already introduced with further reforms and incentives for the modernisation of our capital, product and labour markets, measures we will pursue in our constructive approach to Europe as well as in Britain. These will be set out in detail in this November’s Pre-Budget Report.

    First competition policy.

    Having made the Competition Authority independent and having accepted the main Cruickshank recommendations on banking we will now examine how we can further promote the best competitive environment.

    For the professions, the Office of Fair Trading has now set out a detailed remit to examine how best to ensure that the rules of professional bodies do not unnecessarily restrict or distort competition.

    I can report today that the remit is to look at:

    • rules which restrict entry to certain professions and legal restrictions on the ability of individuals who do not have specified qualifications from offering certain services;
    • rules on the conduct of regulated professionals such as restrictions or prohibitions on advertising or price competition;
    • and legal requirements which require third parties to use qualified professionals for certain transactions.

    For the regulatory system, the government will now consider how to scrutinize regulatory bodies and review existing and proposed regulations to ensure that they are promoting – not impeding – new entrants and competitive forces.

    For the planning system, we are not only introducing a series of changes in planning guidelines that will, for the first time, facilitate the formation of hi-tech clusters – helping to foster dynamic new businesses – but we are now ready to examine further necessary improvements.

    For the utilities, we will for the first time explicitly require the regulators to promote competition, so that we can continue to get the best deal for domestic and business consumers.

    And so we can ensure new entrants get the best deal and that small business is not pushed around by vested interests, the Office of Fair Trading is being given new investigative resources and trust-busting weapons, including the power to impose fines of up to 30 per cent of turnover.

    Second greater flexibility and adaptability in the labour market.

    Because we recognise that people will have to change jobs more often, that skills are at a premium, that reform has been needed from the 1980s onwards to create more flexibility, we will introduce further reforms to make our labour markets more dynamic and raise standards in education.

    Having put new grants for books equipment and staff directly in the hands of head teachers, David Blunkett has indicated that there will be new tests and targets for 12-14 year olds, and new measures to deal with failing schools.

    And to back up our extension of Educational Maintenance Allowances we now will encourage more young people from 14 to gain work experience and launch a staying on campaign.

    We are investing in new opportunities for small business employees to benefit from learning direct.

    Work permits will allow key workers in it areas to be employed in our country.

    And to make labour markets work better by giving employees more share in success, the all employee shareholding scheme -coming in this week – will offer the best incentives for employee shareholding we have seen.

    While our capital markets are among the best in the world. We must ensure there are no barriers to competition and innovation, that there are no closed circles, that there are no unnecessary constraints restricting investment decisions, and that investors have every opportunity and encouragement to back dynamic small and growing companies.

    Our proposed regional venture capital investment funds were unveiled this week by the head of the Small Business Service.

    Institutional investors have a vital role to play, controlling around 45 per cent of quoted equity investments. That is why I have asked Mr Paul Myners to head a review of institutional investment.

    I can report today that he will look at:

    • whether regulatory provisions have unintended effects on investment decision-making;
    • how pension funds make their investment decisions, and the role of professional advisers;
    • how institutional investors’ results and charges are reported;
    • and the incentive effects of the methods used to assess fund performance.

    He will report back to me in time for the next Budget.

    In sum, making for a Britain open to competition, and at the leading edge of change.

    Finally, we must work together in the months ahead to tackle the cultural barriers to enterprise.

    I want young people in every area of the country to see that enterprise is genuinely open to all.

    And I feel strongly that all of us have a role to play in building this new enterprise culture in every community.

    I am very pleased to see the British Chambers of Commerce forming a unique partnership with the CBI and Institute of Directors for the National Enterprise Campaign to be launched on 11 May.

    The business ambassadors ready to go into our schools, colleges and communities – 250 ambassadors initially and a target of 1000 by the end of 2001 – will become role models for a new generation of entrepreneurs.

    And the new nationwide campaign will build on the steps business and government are already taking to boost enterprise skills from school to adulthood:

    Let me tell you that we aim to double the number of pupils benefiting from enterprise courses in our schools;

    by improving the national network which introduces schools to businesses we will link all 30,000 schools to the world of business;

    and by ensuring pupils and teachers are given the opportunity for work experience and placements – with already six hundred thousand 14 to 16 year olds benefiting from work experience and thirty thousand teachers in work placement – we are now working with business and the world of education to build on this, improving the quality of placements and experience.

    New businesses need advice and mentoring. So working with the Prince’s Trust and others, we are building a national network of mentors to help businesses starting in the poorest areas. And we are offering new management scholarships – aimed specifically at entrepreneurs from high unemployment areas.

    And Stephen Byers and I will host a major UK-US conference later this year which will bring together leading US and UK entrepreneurs and representatives of leading companies and capital providers to look at further ways we can develop a more entrepreneurial and enterprise focussed economy in the UK.

    Stage by stage we are moving from the Britain where enterprise was often seen as a closed circle for the few, to a Britain where enterprise will be open to all.

    Opening enterprise to all means locking in the economic stability we are building and creating the most aggressively pro-competition policy in the world.

    Opening enterprise to all means being on the side of business as you grow, invest, and seek equity and it means – from school lessons in commerce to new encouragement for the over 50s – opening up every area in the country to enterprise, in some areas replacing the old dependency culture with a new enterprise culture.

    Conclusion

    So let me conclude.

    Now with the lowest corporate tax rates for businesses ever, the lowest ever capital gains tax rates for long term investors, the lowest basic income tax rate – at 22 pence – for 70 years, I believe we are making Britain the place for companies to start, to invest, to grow and to expand.

    But only with higher productivity, more enterprise and greater innovation can we meet all the challenges ahead.

    My vision is of a Britain where there is not stop go and boom bust but economic stability; a Britain which is business-friendly, and where there is enterprise, opportunity for all; a Britain which rewards the innovator and risk-taker and encourages a new generation of entrepreneurs, a Britain which because opportunity is open to all is enterprising and fair.

    And I believe we can achieve most by working not in isolation from each other but government, business leaders, and local communities working together, setting aside the old conflict, mobilising the great British qualities, our belief in hard work, enterprise creativity and fair play, and being open and outward looking to Europe and the world….the best and surest route to prosperity for all.

  • Andrew Smith – 2000 Speech to the IPPR Seminar

    Andrew Smith – 2000 Speech to the IPPR Seminar

    The speech made by Andrew Smith, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, on 5 April 2000.

    Introduction

    John has illustrated how PPPs are the cornerstone of our modernisation programme, and with some key examples shown how PPPs can make real difference to Britain’s public services. I want to demonstrate the scale of the benefits that PPPs are bringing, and how these benefits flow from the reforms we have made since the election. And I want to set out our vision to build on this success, extending and deepening the partnership concept to embrace new areas and different ways of doing business.

    The scale of the PPP programme

    Already public private partnerships are present in every area of the public sector and across the country.

    Since May 1997, at our last estimate we had signed contracts for over 200 projects, leveraging in capital investment of over 12 billion pounds.

    Compare this with less than 4 billion pounds of contracts signed during the whole of the last Parliament.

    Our frontline services have been the main beneficiaries.

    In the NHS, since we reformed PFI, three waves of major projects totalling 35 major hospitals have been agreed – that’s over £3 billion of extra investment. This represents the largest investment in new hospital facilities since the NHS was established.

    In the schools sector, eighteen individual schools projects and twenty three grouped projects, covering 520 schools, are underway.

    But this is just the start. Over the next three years we expect to sign contracts for projects with an estimated capital value of over £20 billion. This will include £8 billion to modernise the tube; more than 60 new education projects, 25 new health projects and 12 other new transport projects.

    Getting better value for money

    Central to our approach is to use PPPs only where they provide better value compared to public sector investment. Partnerships enable the public sector to benefit from commercial dynamism, innovation and project management and planning skills, harnessed through the introduction of private sector investors who contribute their own capital, skills and experience. In short, getting the private sector in to do what they usually do best, using the disciplines, incentives and expertise they have developed in the course of their normal everyday business. This allows Government to concentrate on what we usually do best – enforcing standards and protecting the public interest.

    Better value for money means that, within the resources available, we can deliver more essential services and to a higher standard than would otherwise have been the case. As John says, on average privately-financed projects are delivering savings of 17% compared to public sector alternatives – this represents savings of £2 billion on a £12 billion programme, equivalent to 25 new hospitals or 130 new schools.

    The Government’s reforms

    What makes a PPP programme of this scale possible, delivering the benefits I have described, are the reforms that we have made since the election. These reforms are designed to:

    • deliver significantly improved public services, and
    • to share the benefits of PPPs fairly between all stakeholders – this includes customers, taxpayers and employees at every level of the organisation.

    We started by reforming the Private Finance Initiative.

    To improve the flow of PFI deals, and provide better value for taxpayers we:

    • ended the previous Government’s insistence on universal testing which had caused only frustration and delay;
    • we took the decision to prioritise PFI schemes;
    • and we introduced standardised contracts into PFI deals.
    • we have also ensured that ownership of PFI assets will revert to the public sector at the end of the contract.
    • and unlike the last Government, we use PFI where it offers best value for money – not to move public sector investment off balance sheet.

    To ensure a fair deal for staff, we have provided for better consultation on PPP proposals, announced plans to protect staff pension entitlements, and have ended the requirement for staff providing services such as cleaning, caretaking and catering to have to transfer automatically to the private sector. We do this, because unlike the last Government we recognise that staff are partners in PPPs, and that the future success of the partnership relies on their dedication and commitment.

    And to ensure that PFI projects do bring demonstrable benefits to customers and those who rely on the services provided, we have designed contracts with the focus on outputs and performance. Private sector partners are clearer about what is expected of them and the implications if they fail to deliver.

    What is particularly encouraging is the way that private sector parties have responded to these reforms we have put in place. Construction companies are prepared to take on new risks – becoming investors in infrastructure, as well as merely providers of the asset. And a new industry in facilities management – providing the long term maintenance of assets – has been created to manage more effectively risks which fell to the public sector under conventional procurement. Increasingly, private sector providers are able to supply whole life costing for new assets, giving Government greater assurance that it is securing value for money.

    And the public sector has responded positively too. Privately-financed projects are acting as value benchmarks against which wholly public sector providers can be compared. As a result, the public sector is having to raise its game, both in the way it contracts for, and in the way it organises and manages capital projects.

    The Way Forward

    These changes in just the last few years point to the further potential of PPPs, as both the public and private sectors deepen and widen our experience of partnerships, to improve standards across the board and deliver the quality of public services that Britain deserves.

    On 15 March, I launched a document which for the first time set out the Government’s approach to the full range of partnerships between public and private sectors and which in the last chapter points to new forms of partnership which we need to develop. The same principles and themes underpin them all.

    But to make these partnerships work requires public and private sectors to continue develop new forms of relationships and work together in new and innovative ways.

    It requires Government to identify the opportunities for harnessing private sector disciplines. And private sector to adapt and organise to make its contribution as effectively as possible.

    One example, is the Wider Markets initiative which is helping to release the latent potential of public sector assets. This includes physical assets – land, premises and equipment, and intangibles such as intellectual property.

    Examples of PPPs in this area include the Defence Evaluation and Research Agency – transferring technology developed for the military into the civil sector, such as technology for producing flat loudspeakers and speech recognition.

    Another example is the increasing use of private sector individuals and parties in the development and implementation of policy.

    This can introduce new thinking and relevant experience into resolving policy problems and the modernisation of Government.

    But it requires public sector to be open to new ideas and new ways of working; and the private sector to be prepared to challenge traditional assumptions and also widen its horizons.

    Partnerships UK, which we expect to launch shortly to help Government develop and implement PPPs, could itself be seen as an example of this type of partnership.

    Conclusion

    Our vision is see the partnership concept extended. We have already seen what partnerships can achieve through the private finance initiative, as public and private sectors are finding new ways of working together to deliver better public services – for the benefit of customers, local communities, employees and taxpayers. The challenge John and I are setting today, to both public and private sectors, is to build on this success. To develop new and innovative forms of partnerships, so that together public and private sectors can be partners in the modernisation of Britain.

  • Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech at the James Meade Memorial Lecture

    Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech at the James Meade Memorial Lecture

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, at the London School of Economics on 8 May 2000.

    Tonight I want to set out our economic and social goals for our country, to detail the long-term strategy we are pursuing to implement them and – as we complete our third year in Government – to review the progress we are making and the next steps – in the coming spending review and beyond – that we intend to take.

    To achieve our objectives in a new economy that simultaneously offers greater opportunity and yet threatens greater insecurity, we require a fresh understanding of the rights and responsibilities of the citizen and the reach and role of Government.

    For only with a credible and radical view of citizenship as responsible citizenship, and a new view of the state as the enabling state can we fulfill our historic mission as a Government: building a Britain where there is security and opportunity, not just for the privileged few but for all.

    Such objectives were, in my view, at the centre of James Meade’s work which we honour with this lecture this evening . His life’s work was to show that in a modern economy efficiency and equality, far from being incompatible, were necessary allies. To achieve these, he sought a modern and fair relationship between individuals, markets and Government. Like us, he wanted to achieve high growth without inflation; he led the way in seeing full employment as efficient and fair; and he saw the best – not just the most basic – public services especially in health and education as the key to security and equal opportunity for all .

    The precondition – of high employment, higher living standards and strong public services – is economic stability. And it is by building on a platform of stability and by meeting our national economic goals that we can realise security and equal opportunity not just for those born to privilege but for all:

    our prosperity goal – in place of our historic under-performance against other countries, a faster rise in productivity than our competitors, as we close the productivity gap;

    our full employment goal – in contrast to years of high unemployment, that we have employment opportunity for all, a higher percentage of people in work than ever before;

    our education goal – instead of lagging behind other countries and suffering huge disparities in our educational attainments, we ensure educational opportunity for all. Aiming for 50 per cent of people going into higher education for the first time in our history, and as close as possible to 100 per cent of young people with computer skills;

    our anti-poverty goal – in contrast to the rise in inequality and poverty seen over recent decades, that we ensure every child has the best start in life as we halve child poverty in ten years and end it within twenty;

    and in addition, the public services goal. Instead of our inheritance, inadequate public services which failed to guarantee opportunity or security for all, we invest for the future in strong public services there when people need them.

    Not only the scale of our ambitions for the coming decade but Britain’s legacy of economic under-performance, social division and rising inequality required us in 1997 to reject the short-term, quick fix in favour of a consistent, long-term strategy. So we have never pretended that Britain’s problems could be solved overnight, or that they could be resolved without the need for tough decisions.

    Indeed, we will not waiver and must remain single-minded in focussing on our long-term challenges: whether it is reforming labour, capital and product markets to bridge the productivity gap or modernising delivery of public services to achieve our health, education, and anti-poverty gaols

    The last few decades teach us to reject the short-termism of flawed quick fixes – policy lurches in face of short-term difficulties – rather than taking the tough decisions to achieve our long-term economic and social aims. It is not by populist quick fixes or gesture politics but by maintaining stability and seeing through long-term modernisation and principled reforms that we will achieve our goals for full employment, prosperity and social justice.

    And we recognise most of all – and this is my theme tonight – that our goals cannot be achieved by the old methods of old left or old right.

    Indeed, fundamentally, they require a new, modern understanding of the duties of citizenship and the role and limits of Government.

    We reject the old left command and control view of Government which mistakenly equated public ownership and a public bureaucracy with the public interest, argued that full employment could be achieved simply by old-style demand management, and suggests that the only answer to poverty is compensating the poor for their situation rather than tackling the underlying causes.

    This old and misguided view of the state – irrelevant for a global economy – was accompanied by a failure to place sufficient emphasis on personal responsibility. I believe instead that our determination to combat social and economic injustice should be matched, not by insisting on rights without responsibilities, but by asserting the responsibility of the individual.

    So an out-of-date view of the relationship between individual and state led in the 80’s to the right-wing attack on collective provision: their exclusive reliance on markets , their rejection as evil of any kind of state intervention, and the crude dogma of a self-interested individualism which denied there was such a thing as a society.

    For the right, the best Government is the least Government. Yet abandoning established responsibilities of Government – saying that there is nothing Government can do – did not improve our productivity performance, but instead led to more people out of work and a cycle of poor skills, worklessness and deprivation.

    That has been the legacy of absentee Government and it was to, step by step, tackle these problems of economic inefficiency and social injustice that a new Government was needed and given a mandate in 1997.

    That was – and remains – our task, a strong economy and a fairer society, but to do so we require a better understanding of the duties of citizenship and the role and limits of Government.

    I believe that as advocates of economic and social renewal, we should reclaim both the ethic of personal responsibility as we stress obligations as well as opportunities, and affirm the ethic of fairness, as we root out economic injustice.

    Take our goal of full employment. We know it cannot be achieved by the old right ways – of leaving it wholly to market forces – nor by the old left methods – simply by pulling the macroeconomic levers without tackling underlying structural weaknesses, not least the need for rights and responsibilities in the labour market

    And just as we support, in the New Deal, new opportunities for employment but new obligations to seize them, so too elsewhere we support responsibilities accompanying rights:

    new opportunities for already an extra 100,000 higher education students, but in our new system of student finance new obligations to contribute when earnings are higher;
    new help for mothers – a £300 pound maternity grant in the year their babies are born, but a new responsibility that health checks for the baby are met;
    new help for teenagers – with educational maintenance allowances available in return for staying on at school and seeking higher qualifications;
    new help for adult learning, a break from the old system of levies or simply doing nothing, with an Individual Learning Account for initially I million adults to which Government contributes but the individual contributes too.
    And with the growth of personal responsibility, we seek the growth of corporate responsibility too:

    new opportunities in the financial service industries but in return a new requirement from financial services companies for openness and transparency;
    for the environment, new incentives for heavy energy users matched by a responsibility, in the climate change levy, to deliver environmental improvements;
    and in the global economy, a new responsibility on Governments to be transparent, to be accountable and to agree a dialogue and partnership with the private sector – and in return greater responsibilities on the private sector to contribute to crisis prevention and crisis resolution.

    So whether it be individual or corporate responsibility, our call is for a responsible citizenship.

    And we understand what the right fails to acknowledge, that there is a public interest in growth, employment, fairness and the best public services, but understand too that this public interest can best be advanced not by allowing the public sector to become a vested interest, but often by the public sector ceasing to be controller or owner and becoming partner, catalyst, sponsor, coordinator. Action that empowers rather than directs.

    So our call is not for big Government but better Government, what we might call an enabling state.

    And underlying all this is our understanding of the changed world in which we live – a period of great technological advance and opportunity, but also a period of unprecedented restructuring and insecurity – and the reform this necessitates in the relationships between individuals, markets, and Government.

    More than ever, we need to help equip people to cope with the insecurities that ever faster change brings.

    More than ever, we need to remove the old barriers and let everyone move ahead.

    In the new economy where capital and companies are mobile, we must ensure that we offer the right environment and help for business to succeed in every part of Britain, and ensure that we have the right competitive environment, the key to competitiveness abroad.

    So in the new economy, the role for Government is neither to obstruct change nor to passively abdicate responsibility for managing the consequences of change that affect working people, but instead equip people and companies to meet and master change.

    So it is on this basis – an enabling Government encouraging responsible citizenship in pursuit of opportunity and security for all – that we will continue to take the tough long term decisions on the side of Britain’s hard-working majority – in the spending review, in drawing up the next election manifesto and beyond.

    First, stability

    The first objective national Governments must have, in a global marketplace, is to maximise economic stability. We have learnt that monetary and fiscal stability is a necessary pre-condition for national economic success. For in a global economy, funds will flow to those countries whose policies inspire confidence. And investors punish mistakes more quickly and more severely than in the past.

    Both the old Keynesian fine-tuning, and the rigid application of fixed monetary targets, were policies designed for sheltered national economies and based on apparently stable and predictable relationships which have now broken down in our modern, liberalised and global capital markets.

    So our policy has been to set for a global economy a new long-term framework for monetary and fiscal policy that can command new confidence. Its essence is that long-term, open and transparent decision-making procedures which command credibility provide a better route to stability than fixed monetary or exchange rate rules.

    That is why, when we came into power in Britain in May 1997, we put in place a radically different monetary framework based on imposing consistent rules – the symmetrical inflation target; settled and well understood procedures – with Bank of England independence; and openness and transparency.

    Side by side with this and as important, a radically improved fiscal discipline with, again, clear and consistent rules – the golden rule for public spending; well understood procedures – our fiscal responsibility legislation; and here, too, a new openness and transparency.

    Already we are seeing the rewards of creating Bank of England independence and new fiscal rules.

    And it is because we sought to learn from the political mistakes of the last forty years that this Government will maintain its prudent and tough approach. So we must all be determined not to make the old British mistake of paying ourselves too much today at the cost of higher interest rates and fewer jobs tomorrow.

    I understand the great difficulties that the current fall in the euro is causing for British industry, particularly in manufacturing.

    Such a euro-sterling exchange rate cannot be justified by any view of long-term economic fundamentals. But manufacturers who have suffered from the old boom and bust – and the short-term policy lurches which all too often went wrong – would also reject a return to the short- term quick fix which would put at risk the long-term stability which is the foundation for steady growth, investment and job creation.

    Raising our productivity

    Stability is a necessary pre-condition to deliver our objectives for growth and employment, but it is not sufficient. An economy cannot fly on only one wing. Supply side or microeconomic reform is also essential to raising our productivity.

    Some people argue that Governments working with business cannot improve the productivity levels of the economy. I reject this pessimistic view. Of course it is businesses that create wealth, and managers and workforces that create jobs and higher output, but Governments must ensure that the environment within which wealth is created is one that favours competition, not monopoly or vested interests, and that the economy has properly functioning labour, capital and product markets.

    And fifty years of economic history from 1945 – marred by a succession of sterile and self-defeating conflicts between state and market, managements and workforces, public and private sectors – taught us the need for national economic purpose , for an end to short-termism and the need for all – industry, the financial community, and Government – to take a long term view:

    industry, by investing for the long term;
    the financial community, by refusing to resort to the short-termism and stop-go attitudes which have bedevilled us since the war;
    and Government, by not only ensuring lasting stability but taking seriously its responsibilities to remove the barriers to productivity and growth.

    So while 30 years ago, Governments responded to the productivity challenge with top-down plans, and tax incentives and grants primarily for physical investment, today it is a more complex role for Government – the encouragement of competition, the modernisation of capital and labour markets, and the encouragement of innovation and an enterprise culture open to all, so that British industry-manufacturing and services can close our productivity gap and deliver higher profits, investment employment and growth

    First, we are removing the tax barriers to enterprise and creating in Britain the best tax environment for business investment – we have cut small companies? tax from 23p to 20p, introduced a new 10p rate of corporation tax for small companies, and radical reforms to capital gains tax. While for a decade capital gains have been taxed at 40 per cent or above, they will now be taxed at 10 per cent for investments of four years or more .

    Second, new incentives to encourage and reward the inventor and the innovator – we are investing an extra £1.4 billion in basic scientific research, and have put in place a new R&D tax credit; our University Challenge Fund is providing finance to commercialise inventions; and to transfer technology from the science lab to the marketplace, we have new Institutes of Enterprise.

    And these measures are of special importance to manufacturing, which will secure the biggest benefit from permanent capital allowances, the new R&D tax credit, the 100 per cent allowance for introducing new technology; and the regional funds and the doubling of modern apprenticeships.

    Third, because we recognise the sharpest spur to innovation, efficiency and improvement is competition, we are removing the barriers to competition. We have rewritten this country’s out-dated framework of competition law. We have given the Office of Fair Trading new powers and new money to police anti-competitive practices which damage businesses and consumers alike. And now we will be consulting on the next stage, withdrawing ministers from the decision process on merger cases.

    Our productivity push will be stepped up in the coming year. We will build on the measures we have already introduced with further reforms and incentives for the modernisation of our capital markets, product markets and labour markets. These will be set out in detail in this November’s Pre-Budget Report.

    We are examining how we can further promote the best competitive environment for industry and consumers alike.

    For the professions, the Office of Fair Trading is now working through a detailed remit to examine how best to ensure that the rules of professional bodies do not unnecessarily restrict or distort competition.

    For banking, having accepted the main Cruickshank recommendations, we will legislate to ensure the UK payments system is open to new competition.

    In our capital markets, we must ensure there are no barriers to competition and innovation, that there are no unnecessary constraints restricting investment decisions, and that investors have every opportunity and encouragement to back dynamic small and growing companies in manufacturing and services in all our regions.

    Not city and industry working against each other, nor the old battles between private and public sector but city industry and Government together playing their part in promoting industrial growth.

    That is why, following the Cruickshank Report, I have asked Mr Paul Myners to head a review of institutional investment to cover all these issues. Institutional investors have a vital role to play, controlling around 45 per cent of quoted equity investments and Mr Myners will report back to me in time for action in the next budget.

    In this way we are removing the old barriers of under-investment and neglect that for too long have held our regions back. Working with the new Regional Development Agencies and the Small Business Service, our aim is balanced economic development across all the regions and nations of the United Kingdom – a modern regional policy supporting local innovation, more investment and improved infrastructure.

    Having launched a network of regional venture capital investment funds – with a target of one billion pounds – John Prescott and I will, in the Comprehensive Spending Review, announce further measures to strengthen the work of the Regional Development Agencies.

    I want Britain to be a world leader in enterprise – and by moving from a Britain where enterprise was confined to a closed circle of the few to a Britain where enterprise is open to all, I want, as this week we launch the National Enterprise Campaign, the opportunities and benefits of enterprise to be shared by all regions and all people. I believe Government, business leaders, and local communities can now work together to achieve this aim.

    Employment

    When the Government came to power in 1997, we put the restoration of the work ethic at the centre of our social and economic policy, our aim, for the next decade, employment opportunity for all with a higher proportion of people in employment than ever before.

    To help achieve this, we are building a new and modernised welfare state, one that in addition to its traditional and necessary function of giving security to those who cannot work, promotes work, makes work pay and gives people the skills they need to get better jobs.

    In the last 20 years, unemployment has been the primary cause of poverty in Britain today.

    Simply compensating people for their poverty through benefits is not enough, the task must be to deal with the causes of poverty. And the best form of welfare is work. So we have put in place a long-term strategy to help those sections of the population excluded for too long:

    the young unemployed;
    the long term unemployed;
    lone parents;
    and the disabled who can work.

    Already over 400,000 young people have joined the New Deal and almost 200,000 have found jobs – the vast majority sustained jobs. A further 120,000 have gained valuable experience on New Deal options. And over 70,000 employers have signed up to the New Deal. Since the election, long-term youth unemployment has halved.

    And because we have succeeded in this Parliament in removing the old barriers to employing the young, from April next year we will extend the opportunities and the obligations of the New Deal to the long-term adult unemployed – with four options of work, work-based training, work experience including in the voluntary sector, and self-employment. But no fifth option, no staying at home on benefit doing nothing.

    The relationship we are forging between rights and responsibilities is firmly rooted in both economic opportunity and individual responsibility.

    Instead of being left to draw benefit at a Social Security office, the unemployed who are able to work will sign up to seek work, with the long -term unemployed offered the help of a personal employment adviser.

    In Britain, unlike any other comparable countries, unemployment among lone parents is over 50 per cent. Starting nationally from next April, lone parents with children over five will attend work-focused interviews to find out about the new choices on offer: the choice to train for work with a new cash payment of £15 a week on top of benefits for training; the choice of a few hours work a week, with the first £20 of earnings allowed with no reduction in benefit; the choice of part-time work with a guaranteed £155 for 16 hours of work, or the choice of full-time work on a guaranteed £214 a week; and on every rung of this ladder of opportunity there will be help with child care.

    Our aim is to create a ladder of opportunity with Government on the side of working people as they seek and find jobs, and in many cases consider self employment and starting a business. And to sustain our goal of full employment, Government needs to ensure work pays.

    When this Government came to power, with no minimum wage in place and the tax and benefits system unreformed, many of those without work faced an unemployment trap, where work paid less than benefits, and the low-paid in work faced a poverty trap which meant that they faced marginal tax and benefit rates of 80, 90 or even over 100 per cent.

    To tackle this, we needed to combine a sensible and prudent minimum wage with a generous and fair system of in-work support.

    And all the measures we have introduced – the 10p tax rate, the 22p basic rate, reform of National Insurance, the children’s tax credit and the most important innovation, the Working Families Tax Credit, are the building blocks of this strategy.

    Already, over 1 million people are receiving the Working Families Tax Credit which means that every working family with someone working full-time is guaranteed a minimum income of over 200 pounds a week today, and £214 a week from April next year.

    And as a result of all these measures, the family on half average earnings will be £2,600 a year better off in real terms in 2001 compared to 1997 – a rise in living standards of 20 per cent this year alone – the biggest improvement in living standards for a generation.

    So while the old tax system simply set a personal allowance that failed to ensure that work paid, and also made thousands pay tax even as they claimed benefits, we are putting in place a new more progressive system that encourages and rewards work.

    Instead of a tax system that has rates from 40 per cent to 0 per cent, we now have a tax and benefits system with rates from 40 per cent to 10 per cent and then to as low as -200 per cent at earnings of around £60 a week – for every £ people earn, up to £2 paid in WFTC.

    Our next step is to extend the principle of the WFTC. Of course, barriers to work across the workforce are different for different groups- for families with children, those without children, older workers and single people.

    From 2003, we will introduce an employment tax credit, paid through the wage packet, available to households without children as well as households with children.

    As a first step, we began this April with an employment credit with a minimum income guarantee for over 50’s returning to work.

    Full employment is not just about the right to work, but, where there are jobs, the responsibility and the requirement to work. So, as we extend opportunities to those who are out of work, we will extend the responsibility to take up the work on offer. The informal or hidden economy is now draining billions of pounds in fraudulent benefit claims and unpaid taxes.

    This loss of revenues, this incidence of fraud, this waste of resources, cannot be allowed to continue and especially when there are jobs that benefit claimants could take. That is why we are implementing the report of Lord Grabiner QC. I can confirm we will legislate to tackle benefit fraud and we will take powers in the Finance Bill for a new statutory offence of fraudulent tax evasion. This will enable the Inland Revenue to prosecute in the Magistrates? Court those who evade their responsibilities.

    Education

    New opportunities matched by responsibilities are also at the heart of our education policy too. By the end of the coming decade, our goal is not the old 10 per cent of the Sixties, or 20 per cent of the Eighties, but more than 50 per cent of young people entering higher education.

    In addition to the investment in higher standards in schools colleges and universities, let me emphasise that we make equal opportunity count by the creation for lifelong learning of Individual Learning Accounts and the University for Industry and the extension of educational maintenance allowances of up to 40 pounds a week in our highest unemployment communities. Higher rates of staying on in education are our aim and in return for young people pursuing higher qualifications, we provide new cash support. Once again the enabling state. In schools, encouraging and rewarding effort.

    Child poverty

    Our goal is that every child has the best possible start in life – ending child poverty in twenty years and halving it in ten years.

    And it is because the scale of the injustice over the last 20 years was so great that we have already taken action to lift 1.2 million children out of poverty and are investing in a new Sure Start programme to give the youngest children in the poorest areas a far better start in life.

    In the Child Poverty Action Group lecture next week, I will set out new measures to fight the war against child poverty, showing how we plan to tackle social injustice and extend opportunity in new ways.

    First, we recognise the war against child poverty cannot be won by Government and parents alone. It depends on engaging the voluntary community and charitable sector and in both our Sure Start programmes and the Children’s Fund we will devolve power from the national and local Government to community-based organisations

    And second, we match new opportunities with new responsibilities – new help for mothers when their babies are born, but a new responsibility that vital health checks for children are undertaken.

    Pensioners

    Just as we have a long-term strategy to tackle child poverty and have made a start, so too pensioner poverty. As a result of the measures introduced since 1997, we will be spending £6.5 billion more over the Parliament supporting pensioners. We are spending more than we would have spent if we had simply restored the earnings link. And we are spending it in a fairer way – helping the poorest most.

    As I said in the Budget, based on forecast rates of inflation, we expect the basic state pension rise in April 2001 to be over 2 pounds for single pensioners and over 3 pounds for couples.

    All pensioners benefit from the new winter fuel allowance – raised to £150 for the coming winter – and measures like free TV licenses for the over 75’s and the new minimum income guarantee have helped the poorest pensioners the most.

    So our first priority was to tackle pensioner poverty. And, taking these measures together, I million pensioners will be up to £20 a week better off since 1997.

    The next stage is to ensure that pensioners are not penalised for their thrift, and therefore to do more for pensioners with modest occupational pensions and small savings.

    And later in the year, Alistair Darling will be consulting on a measure for the next Parliament – the new pensioners credit. This will do more for those with modest occupational pensions and savings who should not be penalised for having worked hard all their lives and saved for their retirement.

    Spending review

    In all these initiatives to meet our productivity, employment, education and anti-poverty goals, our approach is driven by a desire to match opportunity and security and it is underpinned by reform

    This approach is at the heart of this year’s spending review as we build public services that make people more secure, something that is even more important in today’s world of rapid economic uncertainty and change.

    In the last spending review, we recognised that to achieve these objectives both the role of Government and the management of spending and investment has to change, as we broke from the annual cycle that was short-termist and wasteful. In this review we extend these reforms, further matching new investment with further modernisation.

    With our focus on results, we are breaking down the old incrementalism that concentrated on inputs and not results.

    With our commitment to cross cutting reviews and decisions to target public spending on our priority policy areas, we are breaking down the crude departmentalism that led to duplication and waste.

    With the doubling of public investment, we are breaking from the old focus on consumption alone, as instead we seek to equip Britain for the future.

    And with our public private partnerships extended, we are ending the old public private split.

    This prudent approach is for a purpose to ensure that department by department, we implement our commitment to extending opportunity for all, investing in our future and creating a fairer Britain.

    Already we have shown our commitment to the NHS with the largest ever sustained increase in NHS funding and the intensive review of the NHS which the Prime Minister is leading .

    I am convinced that with tough decisions, we can also meet our priorities not just in health but in our other key priorities including additional money for education, criminal justice, transport and tackling social exclusion, in return for reform.

    Conclusion

    So we are determined to stay the course of reform and modernisation to achieve these ends.

    The way forward is through an enabling Government which encourages responsible citizenship and aims for security and equal opportunities for all – the key to lasting change in our country and a stronger fairer Britain.

  • Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech to the Entrepreneurial Economy Conference

    Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech to the Entrepreneurial Economy Conference

    The speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Financial Secretary to the Treasury, on 9 May 2000.

    Introduction

    Sir Peter and friends, I am delighted to be able to join you at this important conference.

    The global economy is changing at a speed difficult for any of us to keep up with. As the Prime Minister has said, the wind of economic change has never blown through our economies with such force as it is doing today.

    So this afternoon, I want to discuss the Government’s view of how we can equip ourselves to meet the challenges of this ever faster change – and achieve the prize of a modernised economy which, because opportunity and security are open to all, is both enterprising and fair.

    Stability

    After the election, our first economic objective was to achieve a new stability in the British economy. And we are now delivering a platform of stability and steady growth, with inflation low and the public finances under control.

    We can illustrate the scale of what has been achieved with what is now a pretty impressive set of superlatives:

    More people are now in work than ever before in our history. The rate of unemployment is at its lowest for 20 years and still falling and there are one million vacancies on offer across all parts of the UK.

    And what is particularly important I think is the dramatic fall in youth unemployment. Across the country, it’s at its lowest level for 25 years. Everybody sees there are incalculable benefits of having so many young people familiar now with the habits and disciplines of having a job, when so many young people have been robbed of that for so long in the past.

    We are investing now a bigger share of our national wealth than any major competitor in the European Union, and a bigger share even than the US.

    Inflation in Britain has now been lower for longer than at any time in the past 30 years. And British inflation today is the lowest of any member of the European Union.

    The state of the public finances is sound. In contrast to the deficit of £28 billion in 1997, this year we will make a debt repayment of £12 billion. So, the monetary and fiscal foundations we are building on are strong foundations. And we are determined to keep them that way.

    But our prudence is not for its own sake. It’s for a purpose. And that purpose is well summed up by the four ambitions that Gordon Brown first set out last November for Britain to achieve in the coming decade:

    our prosperity ambition: that we should be bridging the productivity gap with our competitors, after decades of lagging behind;

    the full employment ambition: that we should achieve employment opportunity for all, and that we should have a higher proportion of people actually in jobs than we have ever managed before, and do so on a durable basis;

    the education ambition: that for the first time, at least half of our school leavers should go on to study for a degree by the end of the decade;

    and finally our antipoverty ambition: that we should halve the number of children living in poverty by 2010, on the way to the Prime Minister’s ambition of eradicating child poverty altogether within 20 years.

    Four ambitions which I think are now attainable and which encapsulate our commitment to a modern and decent Britain where opportunity and security are not just for a few but for everybody.

    In the past, enterprise was open to some but all too often it was a closed circle which excluded too many.

    In the Britain we want – a Britain where there is opportunity for all, fairness to all, and responsibility accepted by all – we must have enterprise open to all as well.

    Our economy will be so much stronger – and our society too – if we can release the dynamism, the creativity and the potential of all of our people.

    The pace of reform has to match the pace of change. The societies which will prosper will be those that are open, flexible, and able to distinguish between fundamental values they must keep and policies they must adapt. Those that move too slowly, or are in hock to vested interests, reacting negatively to change, will quickly fall behind.

    I want to outline today the three fundamental areas of reform we need to push through for success in our aims:

    First, competition – creating the right competitive environment for business;

    Second, by tackling the cultural barriers to enterprise; and

    Third, by transforming the relationship between Government, business and our citizens.

    First, creating the right competitive business environment.

    We won’t achieve our aims if small businesses or enterprising individuals are denied access to the marketplace and pushed aside by vested interests. In future we need to be the champion of opening up competition, and so opening up enterprise to all. We have already rewritten our outdated framework of competition law.

    We have given the Office of Fair Trading new powers and new money to police anti-competitive practices which damage businesses and consumers alike. And now we will be consulting on the next stage, withdrawing Ministers from the decision process on merger cases.

    For banking, having accepted Don Cruickshank’s main recommendations, we will legislate to ensure the UK payments system is open to new competition.

    In our capital markets to, we must ensure there are no barriers to competition and innovation, that there are no unnecessary constraints restricting investment decisions, and that investors have every opportunity and encouragement to back dynamic small and growing companies.

    For the professions, the Office of Fair Trading has now set out a detailed remit to examine how best to ensure that the rules of professional bodies do not unnecessarily restrict or distort competition.

    Tax

    But more competition is not enough on its own. Almost by definition, an enterprise economy needs high levels of entrepreneurship and investment.

    But at the moment, too few businesses in the UK realise their potential because there is not enough investment to capitalise on our entrepreneurial talent and to enable firms to seize the new growth opportunities.

    That is why when we came into government we cut the long term rate of capital gains tax for business assets held for ten years or more.

    This year, we very greatly extended the numbers who benefit from lower capital gains rates, shortening the business assets taper from 10 right back down to 4 years. That is a step change in the incentives for investment and a huge boost in particular for many small and medium sized businesses – and an equally huge boost to the incentives to set up new ones.

    Two days after the Budget, I attended a breakfast meeting hosted by one of the larger accountancy firms. A senior tax partner there said the Budget had put him out of his old job because so many tax loopholes had been closed. But thanks to capital gains tax reform, he expects to have a new job – encouraging clients to invest more in enterprise and in their own future. I hope the accountants here today will feel the same. It’s the start of a new, proinvestment era and you have a key role to play in making a success of it. We have also radically widened the definition of business assets to include all shareholdings in unquoted companies and all employee shareholdings, encouraging more of those who are involved in the success of a business to invest in its future and to secure the rewards from their investments.

    The Budget also recognised the important role share options can play, particularly for young, growing businesses which often don’t have enough cashflow to reward their employees fully in cash.

    Now, Enterprise Management Incentives will enable companies with gross assets less than 15 million pounds to recruit and retain their 15 key employees, with tax advantaged shares options worth up to 100,000 pounds, normally without any Income Tax or National Insurance charge.

    And I have been asked by the Chancellor to conduct a consultation on a technical solution to the tax treatment of share options in unapproved schemes, and I?m moving quickly to fulfil his request, and, I hope, to resolve quickly the serious technical problem that currently exists.

    Taken together, our measures are the biggest boost for employee shareholding our country has ever seen, a boost for enterprise and a boost for security and fairness as well.

    And now – with the lowest corporate tax rates for businesses ever; the lowest ever capital gains tax rates for long term investors; and – at 22 pence – the lowest basic income tax rate for 70 years – bit by bit we are making Britain the place for companies to start, to invest, to grow and to expand.

    Cultural barriers to enterprise

    The second key area of reform is to break down all the entrenched cultural barriers to enterprise.

    Not only must the work ethic be reinvigorated in every community of Britain but there needs to be a dynamic business culture which encourages enterprise open to all.

    When we were elected in 1997, we put the restoration of the work ethic at the centre of our social and economic policy.

    The role for government today is to remove the barriers to work and let everyone move ahead. To ensure that we give everyone the chance to contribute to the enterprise economy, if they can.

    So we are building a new and modernised welfare state – one that in addition to its traditional and necessary function of giving security to those who cannot work, promotes work, makes work pay and give people the skills they needed to get better jobs – matching new opportunities with new responsibilities for the unemployed to take up the opportunities.

    And already, over 400,000 young people have joined our New Deal programme and almost 200,000 have found jobs- the vast majority sustained jobs. Now we are extending the opportunities and obligations to the long term adult unemployed as well.

    The rewards of work are being raised for working families as well. Already over one million people are receiving the Working Families Tax Credit, guaranteeing every working family with some one working full time a minimum weekly income of over 200 pounds today, and 214 pounds from next April.

    And we want to see this new culture of enterprise extend to every part of the country, so that in places where in the past it was assumed that you would never get a job, in the future people will be starting their own enterprises and making a success of them for their own benefit and for the benefit of their communities.

    Education

    Rights and responsibilities are at the heart of our education programme too.

    In an economy where there is an increasing premium on skills and where people need to be properly equipped to cope with change, we will devote more resources to education, including IT, so that everyone – at all ages – can move ahead.

    So we have extended nursery education, reoriented our primary school system around numeracy and literacy, with startlingly good results, doubled the annual capital spending on schools, and committed resources for an extra 800,000 people in further and higher education by 2002.

    And to close the digital divide we are investing 1.7 billion pounds in our national IT strategy. Connecting all schools and libraries through the National Grid for Learning and providing. money for teacher and librarian training. Offering cheap PCs to low-income families. And creating up to 1000 IT Learning Centres to enable disadvantaged communities across the country to acquire basic ICT skills.

    Our £1.7 billion investment will deliver a new network of computer learning with a single purpose: that the whole of Britain is equipped for the information age. So that the opportunities of the new technologies are shared by everyone.

    For people in work, our proposals for a million Individual Learning Accounts and a University for Industry recognise that people should not only upgrade their skills throughout life but they should be encouraged to take responsibility for doing so.

    Our University for Industry will use the latest technology, including the Internet, to do in this decade for lifelong learning what in the 1970s the Open University did for university learning.

    Enterprise Insight

    Finally, we want young people in every area of the country to see that enterprise really is open to them.

    Every one of us here has a role to play in building this new enterprise culture.

    In two days time, on the 11th of May, the Prime Minister will be launching a business led national enterprise campaign, together with the British Chambers of Commerce, the CBI and the Institute of Directors.

    The campaign, under the name Enterprise Insight, will raise awareness about the role and value of business and enterprise, with a national network of businesses ambassadors – including Reuben Singh, Alan Sugar, Richard Branson and others – who will take part in young people’s forums, roadshows, seminars and media events throughout the country.

    Please get involved in what ever way you can.

    The new campaign will build on the steps business and government are already taking to boost enterprise skills nationwide, from school to adulthood.

    Government

    The third and final area for reform is Government itself.

    Some say in these heady times of change that government is a defunct piece of machinery which no longer has any relevance to the way a modern economy is run.

    Certainly the winds of change challenge government to reform as much as any business or individual.

    That’s why, last month, the Prime Minister proposed a challenging target for Government – to offer all services online by 2005.

    We need to transform relationships between government and citizen by delivering services on-line. And we need to do it quickly.

    We also need to transform policy-making by managing government online.

    The first step is to develop a clear strategy. So Andrew Smith, my colleague as Chief Secretary to the Treasury, and Patricia Hewitt, as our eminister, are heading a crosscutting spending review to look at all aspects of Government and e-commerce.

    We want businesses and people to be able to access government anywhere and anytime.

    From a computer. A mobile device. A TV. A kiosk in a post office or in a shopping centre.

    The Small Business Service, headed by David Irwin who is next on the programme, will offer a single electronic point of entry, for all small businesses – providing advice and information, backed up by new call centres.

    The challenge to us is to make government content, and government services, available across all our networks – wired and wireless – to all the devices.

    But as well as reforming the ways of government, perhaps even more importantly, government must articulate the case for reform by allying it to a purpose for the reform; to a vision of the future; to the values that underpin it. That’s how political direction and leadership can exert their own beneficial modernising influence.

    Conclusion

    So we have begun with a new platform of stability and we are determined to maintain it. And with these three key areas of reform – for a more competitive business environment, for a modern enterprise culture and for a transformed Government – we are optimistic our new enterprise economy can rise to the challenges ahead – delivering opportunity and security to everybody.

    Our objectives are two-fold – to build an enterprise economy and a fair society. The two go together. They are not alternatives. Doing well and doing good go hand in hand. An enterprise economy is the route to jobs and prosperity. And a fair society where there are opportunities for all will have an economy which is more competitive and more productive.

    The challenges are enormous but if we work together the prize is an enormous one too – a modern enterprise economy offering optimism for the future, ready to provide opportunity and greater prosperity to all our people in the years ahead.

    Thank you for the contribution you are making – let’s work together to make this a success for all our people.

  • Ministerial Code – 2022 December Update

    Ministerial Code – 2022 December Update

    The text of the Ministerial Code, updated on 22 December 2022.

    Foreword by the Prime Minister

    Our country faces profound challenges at home and abroad. People face rising prices, and families are feeling the squeeze. So it is incumbent on everyone, at every level of this government, to work like never before to deliver for the British people.

    First and foremost, we will ensure economic stability, bringing compassion and fairness to the challenges we face. We will deliver on the promise of the 2019 manifesto: strengthening the NHS, investing in schools, and controlling our borders. We will level up across the entire country. And we will embrace the opportunities of Brexit, building an economy where innovative businesses can invest and create jobs.

    We will work day and night to deliver this. And as we go about our tasks, we will uphold the Principles of Public Life, ensuring integrity, professionalism and accountability at every level. I know Ministers enter government because they believe in public service. They work hard because they want to make a difference to others. They do their jobs knowing it is an incredible privilege to serve. In everything we do, we must keep those thoughts at the forefront of our minds to earn the trust of the British people.

    Together, we have the power to improve lives across the UK. Our country faces a difficult moment, but if we can pull together in the finest tradition of public service, I know we can build a better future for all.

    Rishi Sunak

    1. Ministers of the Crown

    General principle

    1.1 Ministers of the Crown are expected to maintain high standards of behaviour and to behave in a way that upholds the highest standards of propriety.

    1.2 Ministers should be professional in all their dealings and treat all those with whom they come into contact with consideration and respect. Working relationships, including with civil servants, ministerial and parliamentary colleagues and parliamentary staff should be proper and appropriate. Harassing, bullying or other inappropriate or discriminating behaviour wherever it takes place is not consistent with the Ministerial Code and will not be tolerated.

    1.3 The Ministerial Code should be read against the background of the overarching duty on Ministers to comply with the law and to protect the integrity of public life. They are expected to observe the Seven Principles of Public Life , set out at Annex A, and the following principles of Ministerial conduct:

    • a. The principle of collective responsibility applies to all Government Ministers;
    • b. Ministers have a duty to Parliament to account, and be held to account, for the policies, decisions and actions of their departments and agencies;
    • c. It is of paramount importance that Ministers give accurate and truthful information to Parliament, correcting any inadvertent error at the earliest opportunity. Ministers who knowingly mislead Parliament will be expected to offer their resignation to the Prime Minister;
    • d. Ministers should be as open as possible with Parliament and the public, refusing to provide information only when disclosure would not be in the public interest, which should be decided in accordance with the relevant statutes and the Freedom of Information Act 2000 ;
    • e. Ministers should similarly require civil servants who give evidence before Parliamentary Committees on their behalf and under their direction to be as helpful as possible in providing accurate, truthful and full information in accordance with the duties and responsibilities of civil servants as set out in the Civil Service Code ;
    • f. Ministers must ensure that no conflict arises, or appears to arise, between their public duties and their private interests;
    • g. Ministers should not accept any gift or hospitality which might, or might reasonably appear to, compromise their judgement or place them under an improper obligation;
    • h. Ministers in the House of Commons must keep separate their roles as Minister and constituency Member;
    • i. Ministers must not use government resources for party political purposes; and
    • j. Ministers must uphold the political impartiality of the Civil Service and not ask civil servants to act in any way which would conflict with the Civil Service Code as set out in the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010.

    1.4 It is not the role of the Cabinet Secretary or other officials to enforce the Code. The Prime Minister’s Independent Adviser has a role, set out in Terms of Reference published by the Prime Minister, in advising the Prime Minister and Ministers about adherence to the Code. Ministers are expected to provide the Independent Adviser with all information reasonably necessary for the discharge of his role. Investigations into adherence to the Ministerial Code may occur:

    • a. If there is an allegation about a breach of the Code, and the Prime Minister, having consulted the Cabinet Secretary, feels that it warrants further investigation, the Prime Minister may ask the Cabinet Office to investigate the facts of the case and/or refer the matter to the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ interests.
    • b. Where the Independent Adviser believes that an alleged breach of the Code warrants further investigation and that matter has not already been referred to him, he may initiate an investigation.  Before doing so, the Independent Adviser will consult the Prime Minister who will normally give his consent.  However, where there are public interest reasons for doing so, the Prime Minister may raise concerns about a proposed investigation such that the Independent Adviser does not proceed.  In such an event, the Independent Adviser may still require that the reasons for an investigation not proceeding be made public unless this would undermine the grounds that have led to the investigation not proceeding.

    1.5 The Code provides guidance to Ministers on how they should act and arrange their affairs in order to uphold these standards. It lists the principles which may apply in particular situations. It applies to all members of the Government and covers Parliamentary Private Secretaries in paragraphs 3.7 – 3.12. The Business Appointment Rules (paragraph 7.25) and Radcliffe Rules (paragraph 8.10) continue to apply to former ministers after they leave office.

    1.6 Ministers are personally responsible for deciding how to act and conduct themselves in the light of the Code and for justifying their actions and conduct to Parliament and the public. However, Ministers only remain in office for so long as they retain the confidence of the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister is the ultimate judge of the standards of behaviour expected of a Minister and the appropriate consequences of a breach of those standards.

    1.7 Where the Prime Minister determines that a breach of the expected standards has occurred, he may ask the Independent Adviser for confidential advice on the appropriate sanction. The final decision rests with the Prime Minister. Where the Prime Minister retains his confidence in the Minister, available sanctions include requiring some form of public apology, remedial action, or removal of ministerial salary for a period.

    1.8 Ministers must also comply at all times with the requirements which Parliament itself has laid down in relation to the accountability and responsibility of Ministers. For Ministers in the Commons, these are set by the Resolution carried on 19 March 1997 (Official Report columns 1046-47), the terms of which are repeated at 1.3 b. to e. above. For Ministers in the Lords, the Resolution can be found in the Official Report of 20 March 1997 column 1057. Ministers must also comply with the Codes of Conduct for their respective Houses and also any requirements placed on them by the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority.

    2. Ministers and the government

    General principle

    2.1 The principle of collective responsibility requires that Ministers should be able to express their views frankly in the expectation that they can argue freely in private while maintaining a united front when decisions have been reached. This in turn requires that the privacy of opinions expressed in Cabinet and Ministerial Committees, including in correspondence, should be maintained.

    Cabinet and Ministerial Committee business

    2.2 The business of the Cabinet and Ministerial Committees consists in the main of:

    • a. questions which significantly engage the collective responsibility of the Government because they raise major issues of policy or because they are of critical importance to the public;
    • b. questions on which there is an unresolved argument between departments.

    Collective responsibility

    2.3 The internal process through which a decision has been made, or the level of Committee by which it was taken should not be disclosed. Neither should the individual views of Ministers or advice provided by civil servants as part of that internal process be disclosed. Decisions reached by the Cabinet or Ministerial Committees are binding on all members of the Government. They are, however, normally announced and explained as the decision of the Minister concerned. On occasion, it may be desirable to emphasise the importance of a decision by stating specifically that it is the decision of His Majesty’s Government. This, however, is the exception rather than the rule. Ministers also have an obligation to ensure decisions agreed in Cabinet and Cabinet Committees (and in write-rounds) are implemented. Ministers should take special care in discussing issues which are the responsibility of other Ministers, consulting ministerial colleagues as appropriate.

    2.4 Matters wholly within the responsibility of a single Minister and which do not significantly engage collective responsibility need not be brought to the Cabinet or to a Ministerial Committee unless the Minister wishes to inform his colleagues or to have their advice. No definitive criteria can be given for issues which engage collective responsibility. The Cabinet Secretariats can advise where departments are unsure, however, the final decision rests with the Prime Minister. When there is a difference between departments, it should not be referred to the Cabinet until other means of resolving it have been exhausted. It is the responsibility of the initiating department to ensure that proposals have been discussed with other interested departments and the outcome of these discussions should be reflected in the memorandum or letter submitted to Cabinet or a Cabinet Committee.

    Attendance at Cabinet and Cabinet Committees

    2.5 Cabinet and Cabinet Committee meetings take precedence over all other Ministerial business apart from the Privy Council, although it is understood that Ministers may occasionally have to be absent for reasons of Parliamentary business and international commitments. A Minister may delegate attendance at Cabinet Committees to a junior Ministerial colleague (although there may be exceptions for particular meetings at the discretion of the Chair), but officials cannot attend Cabinet Committee meetings in place of a Minister. There are restrictions on officials attending Cabinet Committees. If exceptionally officials or advisers need to attend, they should inform the secretariat. The Ministerial chair of the Committee must agree attendance of officials and advisers in advance.

    Publication of policy statements and consultation papers

    2.6 Before publishing a policy statement (white paper) or a consultation paper (green paper), departments should consider whether it raises issues which require full collective ministerial consideration through the appropriate Cabinet Committee. The expectation is that most such papers will need collective agreement prior to publication. Any Command Paper containing a major statement of Government policy should be circulated to the Cabinet before publication. This rule applies to Papers containing major statements even when no issue requiring collective consideration is required.

    Cabinet documents

    2.7 Ministers relinquishing office should hand back to their department any Cabinet documents and/or other departmental papers in their possession.

    2.8 On a change of Government, the Cabinet Secretary on behalf of the outgoing Prime Minister, issues special instructions about the disposal of Cabinet papers of the outgoing Administration.

    Access by former Ministers to official papers

    2.9 By convention and at the Government’s discretion, former Ministers are allowed reasonable access to the papers of the period when they were in office. With the exception of former Prime Ministers, access is limited to former Ministers personally. Subject to compliance with the ‘Radcliffe’ Rules (paragraph 8.10), former Ministers may have access in the Cabinet Office to copies of Cabinet or Cabinet Committee papers which were issued to them when in office, and access in the relevant department to other official papers which they are known to have handled at the time. The requirements of paragraph 2.13 below also apply.

    The Law Officers

    2.10 The Law Officers must be consulted in good time before the Government is committed to critical decisions involving legal considerations.
    2.11 By convention, written opinions of the Law Officers, unlike other ministerial papers, are generally made available to succeeding Administrations.

    2.12 When advice from the Law Officers is included in correspondence between Ministers, or in papers for the Cabinet or Ministerial Committees, the conclusions may if necessary be summarised but, if this is done, the complete text of the advice should be attached.

    2.13 The fact that the Law Officers have advised or have not advised and the content of their advice must not be disclosed outside Government without their authority.

    Security of Government Business

    2.14 Ministers have an important role to play in maintaining the security of Government business. They should ensure that they follow the advice about Security of Government Business. If in doubt about any particular arrangements, Ministers should, in the first instance, consult their Permanent Secretary for advice.

    3. Ministers and appointments

    General principle

    3.1 Civil service appointments must be made in accordance with the requirements of the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010. Ministerial involvement in such appointments is set out in the Civil Service Commission’s Recruitment Principles . Public appointments should be made in accordance with the requirements of the law and, where appropriate, the Governance Code issued by the Cabinet Office. Ministers have a duty to ensure that influence over civil service and public appointments is not abused for partisan purposes.

    Special advisers

    3.2 With the exception of the Prime Minister, Cabinet Ministers may each appoint up to two special advisers. The Prime Minister may also authorise the appointment of special advisers for Ministers who regularly attend Cabinet. All appointments, including exceptions to this rule, require the prior written approval of the Prime Minister, and no commitments to make such appointments should be entered into in the absence of such approval. All special advisers will be appointed under terms and conditions set out in the Model Contract for Special Advisers (pdf, 193 KB) and the Code of Conduct for Special Advisers (pdf, 764 KB).

    3.3 All special advisers must uphold their responsibility to the Government as a whole, not just to their appointing Minister. The responsibility for the management and conduct of special advisers, including discipline, rests with the Minister who made the appointment. Individual Ministers will be accountable to the Prime Minister, Parliament and the public for their actions and decisions in respect of their special advisers. It is, of course, also open to the Prime Minister to terminate employment by withdrawing his consent to an individual appointment.

    3.4 The Government will publish an annual statement to Parliament setting out the numbers, names and paybands of special advisers, the appointing Minister and the overall paybill.

    Departmental Boards

    3.5 Secretaries of State should chair their departmental board. Boards should comprise other Ministers, senior officials, a Lead Non-Executive and non-executive board members, (largely drawn from the commercial private sector and appointed by the Secretary of State in accordance with Cabinet Office guidelines). The remit of the board should be performance and delivery, and to provide the strategic leadership of the department.

    Parliamentary Private Secretaries

    3.6 Cabinet Ministers and Ministers of State may appoint Parliamentary Private Secretaries. All appointments require the prior written approval of the Prime Minister. The Chief Whip should also be consulted and no commitments to make such appointments should be entered into until such approval is received.

    3.7 Parliamentary Private Secretaries are not members of the Government. However, they must ensure that no conflict arises, or appears to arise, between their role as a Parliamentary Private Secretary, and their private interests.

    3.8 Official information given to them should generally be limited to what is necessary for the discharge of their Parliamentary and political duties. This need not preclude them from being brought into departmental discussions where appropriate, but any such access should be approved by the relevant appointing Minister. They should not have access to information classified at secret or above. Any proposal to visit a secure government establishment requires the approval of the Head of the establishment.

    3.9 Parliamentary Private Secretaries are expected to support the Government in divisions in the House. No Parliamentary Private Secretary who votes against the Government can retain his or her position.

    3.10 Parliamentary Private Secretaries should not make statements in the House nor put Questions on matters affecting the department with which they are connected. They are not precluded from serving on Select Committees, but they should withdraw from any involvement with inquiries into their appointing Minister’s department, and they should avoid associating themselves with recommendations critical of or embarrassing to the Government. They should also exercise discretion in any statements outside the House.

    3.11 Where it is proposed to take a Parliamentary Private Secretary or other Parliamentarian on an official visit overseas, the Prime Minister’s approval is required. Official overseas travel by a Parliamentary Private Secretary, or other Parliamentarians, should be exceptional.

    3.12 Parliamentary Private Secretaries, particularly those in departments with planning responsibilities, should take special care when making representations to Ministers about planning issues. In particular, they should not discuss planning cases with interested parties or imply that they have any influence over planning decisions. In representing their constituency interests they should abide by the guidance in section 6 of this Code. Permanent Secretaries should be advised of any such interests.

    4. Ministers and their departments

    General principle

    4.1 The Prime Minister is responsible for the overall organisation of the executive and the allocation of functions between Ministers in charge of departments.

    Approval criteria

    4.2 The Prime Minister’s approval must be sought where changes are proposed that affect this allocation and the responsibilities for the discharge of ministerial functions. This applies whether the functions in question are derived from statute or from the exercise of the Royal Prerogative, or are general administrative responsibilities.

    4.3 The Prime Minister’s written approval must be sought where it is proposed to transfer functions:

    • a. between Ministers in charge of departments; and
    • b. between junior Ministers within a department unless the changes are de minimis.

    4.4 In addition, the Prime Minister’s written approval should be sought for proposals to allocate new functions to a particular Minister where the function does not fall wholly within the field of responsibilities of one Minister, or where there is disagreement about who should be responsible.

    4.5 Unresolved disputes concerning the allocation of functions should be referred to the Cabinet Secretary before a submission is made to the Prime Minister.

    Ministers outside the Cabinet

    4.6 The Minister in charge of a department is solely accountable to Parliament for the exercise of the powers on which the administration of that department depends. The Minister’s authority may, however, be delegated to a Minister of State, a Parliamentary Secretary, or to an official. It is desirable that Ministers in charge should devolve to their junior Ministers responsibility for a defined range of departmental work, particularly in connection with Parliament.

    4.7 A Minister’s proposal for the assignment of duties to junior Ministers, together with any proposed “courtesy titles” descriptive of their duties should be agreed in writing with the Prime Minister, copied to the Cabinet Secretary.

    4.8 Ministers of State and Parliamentary Secretaries will be authorised to supervise the day-to-day administration of a defined range of subjects. This arrangement does not relieve the Permanent Secretary of general responsibility for the organisation and discipline of the department or of the duty to advise on matters of policy. Any conflict of view between junior Ministers and the Permanent Secretary should be resolved by reference to the Minister in charge of the department. If the dispute cannot be resolved it should be referred to the Prime Minister and the Cabinet Secretary.

    Arrangements during absence from London

    4.9 Departments should ensure appropriate arrangements are made for Ministerial cover when Ministers are absent from London.

    4.10 The Prime Minister’s prior approval should be sought for the arrangements for superintending the work of a department when the Minister in charge will be absent. Special care must be taken over the exercise of statutory powers. Ministers should seek legal advice in cases of doubt.

    Maternity leave and other extended absence by a Minister

    4.11 Under the provisions of the Ministerial and other Maternity Allowances Act 2021, Ministers may take paid maternity leave (of up to six months) at the Prime Minister’s discretion. While doing so, the Minister will be designated as a “minister on leave”. During this period, the Minister will cease to perform ministerial functions and will not count towards the statutory limits that exist on ministerial numbers and salaries.

    4.12 Ministers may also seek the permission of the Prime Minister for an extended absence in other circumstances, such as ill health, adoption or paternity. Where the Prime Minister agrees to such a request, the Minister must not exercise their functions as a Minister during their period of absence unless this is agreed by the Permanent Secretary and the Minister who is temporarily covering the Ministerial responsibilities.

    Royal Commissions/ Public Inquiries

    4.13 The Prime Minister must be consulted in good time about any proposal to set up:

    • a. Royal Commissions: these can only be set up with the sanction of the Cabinet and after The King’s approval has been sought by the Prime Minister;
    • b. Public inquiries under the Inquiries Act 2005.

    4.14 The Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice should also be consulted where there is a proposal to appoint a judge to the above.

    5. Ministers and civil servants

    General principle

    5.1 Ministers must uphold the political impartiality of the Civil Service, and not ask civil servants to act in any way which would conflict with the Civil Service Code and the requirements of the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010. Ministers should be professional in their working relationships with the Civil Service and treat all those with whom they come into contact with consideration and respect.

    5.2 Ministers have a duty to give fair consideration and due weight to informed and impartial advice from civil servants, as well as to other considerations and advice in reaching policy decisions, and should have regard to the Principles of Scientific Advice to Government.

    The role of the Accounting Officer

    5.3 Heads of departments and the chief executives of executive agencies are appointed as Accounting Officers. This is a personal responsibility for the propriety and regularity of the public finances for which he or she is responsible; for keeping proper accounts; for the avoidance of waste and extravagance; and for the efficient and effective use of resources. Accounting Officers answer personally to the Committee of Public Accounts on these matters, within the framework of Ministerial accountability to Parliament for the policies, actions and conduct of their departments.

    5.4 Accounting Officers have a particular responsibility to see that appropriate advice is tendered to Ministers on all matters of financial propriety and regularity and more broadly as to all considerations of prudent and economical administration, efficiency and effectiveness and value for money. In line with the principles set out in Managing Public Money, if a Minister in charge of a department is contemplating a course of action which would involve a transaction which the Accounting Officer considers would breach the requirements of propriety or regularity, the Accounting Officer will set out in writing his or her objections to the proposal, the reasons for the objection and the duty to inform the Comptroller and Auditor General should the advice be overruled.

    5.5 If the Minister decides nonetheless to proceed, the Accounting Officer will seek a written instruction to take the action in question. The Accounting Officer is obliged to comply with the instructions and send relevant papers to the Comptroller and Auditor General. A similar procedure applies where the Accounting Officer has concerns about whether a proposed course of action offers value for money. This notification process enables the Committee of Public Accounts to see that the Accounting Officer does not bear personal responsibility for the actions concerned.

    Senior Responsible Owners

    5.6 Senior Responsible Owners of the Government’s major projects (as defined in the Government’s Major Project Portfolio) are expected to account to Parliament, for the decisions and actions they have taken to deliver the projects for which they have personal responsibility. This line of accountability relates to implementation (not policy development).

    Former Accounting Officers and Senior Responsible Owners

    5.7 Former Accounting Officers and Senior Responsible Owners may be invited to return to give evidence to departmental Select Committees and the Public Accounts Committee on matters for which they were previously responsible. Where a Committee wishes to take evidence from a former Accounting Officer or Senior Responsible Owner, the request should be agreed where there is a clear rationale for doing so.

    6. Ministers’ constituency and party interests

    General principle

    6.1 Ministers are provided with facilities at Government expense to enable them to carry out their official duties. These facilities should not generally be used for party or constituency activities.

    Use of Government property/ resources

    6.2 Government property should not generally be used for constituency work or party political activities. A particular exception is recognised in the case of official residences. Where Ministers host party or personal events in these residences it should be at their own or party expense with no cost falling to the public purse. (See also paragraph 7.10).

    6.3 Official facilities and resources may not be used for the dissemination of material which is essentially party political. The conventions governing the work of the Government Communication Service are set out in the Government Communication Service’s Propriety Guidance – Guidance on Government Communications. Particular care should be taken to ensure that official social media accounts are not used for party political or constituency purposes.

    Constituency interests

    6.4 Where Ministers have to take decisions within their departments which might have an impact on their own constituencies, they must take particular care to avoid any possible conflict of interest. Within departments, the Minister should advise their Permanent Secretary and, in the case of junior Ministers, their Secretary of State and Permanent Secretary of the interest and responsibilities should be arranged to avoid any conflict of interest.

    6.5 Ministers are free to make their views about constituency matters known to the responsible Minister by correspondence, leading deputations or by personal interview provided they make clear that they are acting as their constituents’ representative and not as a Minister.

    6.6 Ministers are advised to take particular care in cases relating to planning applications in their constituencies or other similar issues. In all such cases, it is important that they make clear that they are representing the views of their constituents, avoid criticism of Government policies and confine themselves to comments which could reasonably be made by those who are not Ministers. Once a decision has been announced, it should normally be accepted without question or criticism.

    6.7 Particular care also needs to be taken over cases in which a Minister may have a personal interest or connection, for example because they concern family, friends or employees. If, exceptionally, a Minister wishes to raise questions about the handling of such a case they should advise their Permanent Secretary and write to the Minister responsible, as with constituency cases, but they should make clear their personal connection or interest. The responsible Minister should ensure that any enquiry is handled without special treatment.

    Lottery bids

    6.8 In order to avoid the impression that Ministers are seeking to influence decisions on awards of Lottery money, Ministers should not normally give specific public support for individual applications for Lottery funding. Where a Minister wishes to lend support to a specific project within their constituency they should do so on the very clear understanding that it is in a constituency capacity.

    Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration cases (Parliamentary Ombudsman)

    6.9 Ministers in the Commons who are asked by members of the public to submit cases to the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration should act no differently from other MPs in deciding whether to refer complaints to the Commissioner on the merits of the individual case.

    6.10 Where a complaint from a constituent is against the Minister’s own department the Minister should ask a neighbouring MP to take up the constituent’s case on his or her behalf.

    7. Ministers’ private interests

    General principle

    7.1 Ministers must ensure that no conflict arises, or could reasonably be perceived to arise, between their public duties and their private interests, financial or otherwise.

    Responsibility for avoiding a conflict

    7.2 It is the personal responsibility of each Minister to decide whether and what action is needed to avoid a conflict or the perception of a conflict, taking account of advice received from their Permanent Secretary and the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ interests.

    Procedure

    7.3 On appointment to each new office, Ministers must provide their Permanent Secretary with a full list in writing of all interests which might be thought to give rise to a conflict. The list should also cover interests of the Minister’s spouse or partner and close family which might be thought to give rise to a conflict.

    7.4 Where appropriate, the Minister will meet the Permanent Secretary and the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ interests to agree action on the handling of interests. Ministers must record in writing what action has been taken, and provide the Permanent Secretary and the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ interests with a copy of that record.

    7.5 The personal information which Ministers disclose to those who advise them is treated in confidence. However, a statement covering relevant Ministers’ interests will be published twice yearly.

    7.6 Where it is proper for a Minister to retain a private interest, he or she should declare that interest to Ministerial colleagues if they have to discuss public business which in any way affects it and the Minister should remain entirely detached from the consideration of that business. Similar steps may be necessary in relation to a Minister’s previous interests.

    Financial interests

    7.7 Ministers must scrupulously avoid any danger of an actual or perceived conflict of interest between their Ministerial position and their private financial interests. They should be guided by the general principle that they should either dispose of the interest giving rise to the conflict or take alternative steps to prevent it. In reaching their decision they should be guided by the advice given to them by their Permanent Secretary and the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ interests. Ministers’ decisions should not be influenced by the hope or expectation of future employment with a particular firm or organisation.

    Steps to be taken where financial interests are retained

    7.8 Where exceptionally it is decided that a Minister can retain an interest, the Minister and the department must put processes in place to prohibit access to certain papers and ensure that the Minister is not involved in certain decisions and discussions relating to that interest.

    7.9 In some cases, it may not be possible to devise a mechanism to avoid a conflict of interest. In any such case, the Prime Minister must be consulted and it may be necessary for the Minister to cease to hold the office in question.

    Official residences

    7.10 Where a Minister is allocated an official residence, they must ensure that all personal tax liabilities, including council tax, are properly discharged, and that they personally pay such liabilities. Ministers who occupy an official residence will not be able to claim accommodation expenses from the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority (See also paragraph 6.2).

    Public appointments

    7.11 When they take up office, Ministers should give up any other public appointment they may hold. Where exceptionally it is proposed that such an appointment should be retained, the Minister should seek the advice of their Permanent Secretary and the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ interests.

    Non-Public Bodies

    7.12 Ministers should take care to ensure that they do not become associated with non-public organisations whose objectives may in any degree conflict with Government policy and thus give rise to a conflict of interest.

    7.13 Ministers should not therefore normally accept invitations to act as patrons of, or otherwise offer support to, pressure groups, or organisations dependent in whole or in part on Government funding. There is normally less objection to a Minister associating him or herself with a charity, subject to the points above, but Ministers should take care to ensure that in participating in any fund-raising activity, they do not place, or appear to place, themselves under an obligation as Ministers to those to whom appeals are directed and for this reason they should not approach individuals or companies personally for this purpose. In all such cases, the Minister should consult their Permanent Secretary and where appropriate the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ interests.

    Membership of Select Committees/All Party Parliamentary Groups

    7.14 In order to avoid any conflict of interest, Ministers on taking up office should give up membership or chairmanship of a Select Committee or All Party Parliamentary Group. This is to avoid any risk of criticism that a Minister is seeking to influence the Parliamentary process. It is also to avoid being drawn into a situation whereby their membership of a Committee could result in the belief that ministerial support is being given to a particular policy or funding proposal.

    Trade Unions

    7.15 There is, of course, no objection to a Minister holding trade union membership but care must be taken to avoid any actual or perceived conflict of interest. Accordingly, Ministers should arrange their affairs so as to avoid any suggestion that a union of which they are a member has any undue influence; they should take no active part in the conduct of union affairs, should give up any office they may hold in a union and should receive no remuneration from a union. A nominal payment purely for the purpose of protecting a Minister’s future pension rights is acceptable.

    7.16 Where Ministers become involved in legal proceedings in a personal capacity, there may be implications for them in their official position. Defamation is an example of an area where proceedings will invariably raise issues for the Minister’s official as well as his or her private position. In all such cases, Ministers should consult the Law Officers in good time and before legal proceedings are initiated so that they may offer guidance on the potential implications and handling of the proceedings.

    7.17 Similarly, when a Minister is a defendant or a witness in an action, he or she should notify the Law Officers as soon as possible. Preferably, this should be before he or she has instructed his or her own solicitors in the matter.

    Nomination for prizes and awards

    7.18 From time to time, the personal support of Ministers is requested for nominations being made for international prizes and awards, for example, the annual Nobel prizes. Ministers should not sponsor individual nominations for any awards, since it would be inevitable that some people would assume that the Government was itself thereby giving its sponsorship.

    Foreign decorations

    7.19 The rules governing the acceptance of foreign awards set by the Committee on the Grant of Honours, Decorations and Medals apply. Ministers should not normally, whilst holding office, accept decorations from foreign countries. Where such an award is offered directly to a Minister and it would be difficult or embarrassing to decline, they can receive the award but should inform the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) as soon as possible. Generally, permission to wear will not be granted but the minister will be able to retain the award as a keepsake. Where the FCDO considers the case for restricted permission to wear might merit a national interest case exception, the FCDO will consult the Prime Minister who will make the final decision.

    Acceptance of gifts and hospitality

    7.20 It is a well-established and recognised rule that no Minister should accept gifts, hospitality or services from anyone which would, or might appear to, place him or her under an obligation. The same principle applies if gifts etc are offered to a member of their family.

    7.21 This is primarily a matter which must be left to the good sense of Ministers. But any Minister in doubt or difficulty over this should seek the advice of their Permanent Secretary.

    7.22 Gifts given to Ministers in their Ministerial capacity become the property of the Government and do not need to be declared in the Register of Members’ or Peers’ Interests. Gifts of small value, currently this is set at £140, may be retained by the recipient. Gifts of a higher value should be handed over to the department for disposal unless the recipient wishes to purchase the gift abated by £140. There is usually no customs duty or import VAT payable on the importation of official gifts received overseas. HMRC can advise on any cases of doubt. If a Minister wishes to retain a gift he or she will be liable for any tax it may attract. Departments will publish, on a quarterly basis, details of gifts received and given by Ministers valued at more than £140.

    7.23 Gifts given to Ministers as constituency MPs or members of a political party fall within the rules relating to the Registers of Members’ and Lords’ Interests.

    7.24 Departments will publish, quarterly, details of hospitality received by Ministers in a Ministerial capacity. Hospitality accepted as an MP or Peer should be declared in the Register of Members’ or Lords’ Interests respectively.

    Acceptance of appointments after leaving ministerial office

    7.25 On leaving office, Ministers will be prohibited from lobbying Government for two years. They must also seek advice from the independent Advisory Committee on Business Appointments (ACoBA) about any appointments or employment they wish to take up within two years of leaving office. Former Ministers must ensure that no new appointments are announced, or taken up, before the Committee has been able to provide its advice. To ensure that Ministers are fully aware of their future obligations in respect of outside appointments after leaving office, the Business Appointment Rules are attached at Annex B. Former Ministers must abide by the advice of the Committee which will be published by the Committee when a role is announced or taken up.

    8. Ministers and the presentation of policy

    General principle

    8.1 Official facilities paid for out of public funds should be used for Government publicity and advertising but may not be used for the dissemination of material which is essentially party political. The conventions governing the work of the Government Communication Service are set out in the Government Communication Service’s Propriety Guidance – Guidance on Government Communications.

    Media interviews, speeches etc

    8.2 In order to ensure the effective coordination of Cabinet business, the policy content and timing of all major announcements, speeches, press releases and new policy initiatives should be cleared in draft with the No 10 Press and Private Offices at least 24 hours in advance. All major interviews and media appearances, both print and broadcast, should also be agreed with the No 10 Press Office.

    8.3 In all cases other than those described in paragraph 6.6, the principle of collective responsibility applies (see also paragraph 2.1). Ministers should ensure that their statements are consistent with collective Government policy. Ministers should take special care in referring to subjects which are the responsibility of other Ministers (see also paragraph 2.3).

    8.4 Ministers must only use official machinery, including social media, for distributing texts of speeches relating to Government business. Speeches made in a party political context should not be distributed via official machinery.

    8.5 Ministers invited to broadcast on radio, television and/or webcasts in a political or private capacity should consider if such a broadcast would have a bearing on another department’s responsibilities, in which case they should clear the matter with the ministerial colleague concerned before agreeing to the invitation.

    Press articles

    8.6 Ministers may contribute to a book, journal or newspaper, including a local newspaper in their constituency, provided that publication will not be at variance with their obligations to Parliament and their duty to observe the principle of collective Ministerial responsibility. No payment should be accepted for such articles.

    8.7 Any Minister wishing to practice regular journalism must have the prior approval of the No 10 Press Office.

    Payment for speeches, media articles etc

    8.8 Ministers should not accept payment for speeches or media articles of an official nature or which directly draw on their responsibilities or experience as Ministers or with a view to donating the fee to charity. If the organisation in question insists on making a donation to a charity then it should be a charity of the organisation’s choice. This is to avoid any criticism that a Minister is using his or her official position to influence or take the credit for donations to charity.

    Books

    8.9 Ministers may not, while in office, write and publish a book on their ministerial experience. Nor, while serving as a Minister, may they enter into any agreement to publish their memoirs on leaving their ministerial position.

    8.10 Former Ministers intending to publish their memoirs are required to submit the draft manuscript in good time before publication to the Cabinet Secretary and to conform to the principles set out in the Radcliffe report of 1976 (Cmnd 6386).

    Surveys

    8.11 Ministers are sometimes asked to give interviews to persons engaged in academic research or in market opinion surveys or questionnaires. Ministers should bear in mind the possibility that their views may be reported in a manner incompatible with their responsibilities and duties as members of the Government and such interviews should normally be declined.

    Publication of White and consultation papers

    8.12 Care should be taken to avoid infringing Parliamentary privilege when publicity is being arranged for White Papers and similar documents. A procedure is available whereby Confidential Final Revise proof copies can be made available. In some cases for instance, where commercially sensitive material is involved, no copies should be made available to the media before publication. See also paragraph 2.6 for clearance of the content of White Papers and similar documents.

    Complaints

    8.13 Ministers who wish to make a complaint against a journalist or a particular section of the media to the appropriate regulator, must have the approval of the No 10 Chief Press Secretary. Paragraph 7.16 is also relevant in relation to defamation proceedings.

    Meetings with external organisations

    8.14 Ministers meet many people and organisations and consider a wide range of views as part of the formulation of Government policy. Meetings on official business should normally be arranged through Ministers’ departments. A private secretary or official should be present for all discussions relating to Government business. If a Minister meets an external organisation or individual and finds themselves discussing official business without an official present – for example at a social occasion or on holiday – any significant content should be passed back to the department as soon as possible after the event. Departments will publish quarterly, details of Ministers’ external meetings. Meetings with newspaper and other media proprietors, editors and senior executives will be published on a quarterly basis regardless of the purpose of the meeting.

    Statistics

    8.15 Ministers need to be mindful of the UK Statistics Authority’s Code of Practice (pdf, 577 KB) which defines good practice in relation to official statistics, observance of which is a statutory requirement on all organisations that produce National Statistics in accordance with the provisions of the Statistics and Registration Service Act 2007.

    Pre-release access rules

    8.16 Ministers also need to have regard to the Pre-Release Access to Official Statistics Order, which places strict conditions on access to official statistics in their final form and significantly limits access ahead of publication. The Order requires Ministers to restrict pre-release access to a minimum number of persons and prohibits any statement or comment to the press ahead of release of the statistics.

    9. Ministers and parliament

    General principle

    9.1 When Parliament is in session, the most important announcements of Government policy should be made in the first instance, in Parliament.

    Timing and form of announcement

    9.2 Even when Government announcements are not of major importance their timing may require careful consideration in order to avoid clashes with other Government publications, statements or announcements or with planned Parliamentary business. The Offices of the Leader of the Commons, the Chief Whip and the Prime Minister should be given as long an opportunity as possible to comment on all important announcements.

    9.3 Every effort should be made to avoid leaving significant announcements to the last day before a recess.

    Oral Statements

    9.4 Ministers should not give undertakings, either in or outside the House of Commons, that an oral statement will be made to the House until the agreement has been given by the private secretaries to the Prime Minister, the Leader of the House of Commons and the Chief Whip. The Leader of the House of Lords and Lords Chief Whip should be consulted where a statement is to be made in the House of Lords in the first instance.

    9.5 A copy of the text of an oral statement should usually be shown to the Opposition shortly before it is made. For this purpose, 15 copies of the statement and associated documents should be sent to the Chief Whip’s Office at least 45 minutes before the statement is to be made. At the same time, a copy of the final text of an oral statement should in all cases be sent in advance to the Speaker.

    9.6 Every effort must be made to ensure that where a former Minister or a Ministerial colleague and/or a fellow MP/Peer is mentioned in a statement or report which prompts a Ministerial statement, he or she is given as much notice as is reasonably possible.

    Select Committee Reports

    9.7 Any Minister or Parliamentary Private Secretary who receives a copy of a Select Committee report in advance of publication excluding copies sent to departments at the Confidential Final Revise stage should make no use of them and should return them without delay to the Clerk of the relevant Committee. Civil servants, including special advisers, are also covered by this ruling.

    10. Travel by ministers

    General principle

    10.1 Ministers must ensure that they always make efficient and cost-effective travel arrangements. Official transport should not normally be used for travel arrangements arising from party or private business, except where this is justified on security grounds.

    Overseas visits

    10.2 Ministers should make it their personal responsibility to approve the size and composition of Ministerial delegations for which their department is responsible, including any accompanying special advisers, keeping delegations as small as reasonably possible. Ministers will wish to be satisfied that their arrangements could be defended in public.

    10.3 Departments will publish quarterly, details of all travel overseas by Ministers.

    10.4 When Ministers travel on official business, their travel expenses should be borne by the departmental vote. Offers of free travel should not normally be accepted. The only exception to this is in the case of an offer of transport from an overseas government provided no undue obligation is created.

    10.5 When holding meetings overseas with Ministers and/or officials from overseas governments, or where official business is likely to be discussed, Ministers should always ensure that a private secretary or Embassy official is present. If a Minister meets an external organisation or individual and finds themselves discussing official business without an official present – for example at a social occasion or on holiday – any significant content should be passed back to the department as soon as possible after the event. Ministers should seek guidance in advance from their Permanent Secretary, who should consult the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office in cases of doubt.

    Non-scheduled flights

    10.6 Only members of the Cabinet and Ministers in charge of Departments have discretion to authorise special flights either for themselves or other Ministers within their Departments. Non-scheduled flights may be authorised when a scheduled service is not available, or when it is essential to travel by air, but the requirements of official or Parliamentary business or security considerations preclude the journey being made by a scheduled service. Use of special flights by Parliamentary Secretaries should only be approved in exceptional circumstances.

    10.7 Non-scheduled flights must not be diverted for journeys to or from party business or constituency visits. When the time factor is critical, diversions from direct routes may, however, be authorised to collect or deliver a Minister to an airfield near his or her home provided that the only extra cost results from the extra flying time needed to carry out the additional landing and take-off.

    10.8 In addition, Ministers travelling on business of the defence departments or visiting a Service or Defence Establishment may use Ministry of Defence aircrafts in accordance with rules and procedures approved by the Secretary of State for Defence.

    Ministers recalled from abroad

    10.9 If a Minister is abroad with permission and is called home for ministerial or Parliamentary reasons – including to vote – the cost of the extra journey back and forth may be met by public funds.

    UK visits

    10.10 Ministers intending to make an official visit within the United Kingdom must inform in advance, and in good time, the MPs whose constituencies are to be included within the itinerary.

    10.11 Similar courtesies should be extended when UK Ministers are visiting the constituencies of members of the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales and the Northern Ireland Assembly.

    10.12 Ministers who are planning official visits to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland should inform the Secretary of State concerned.

    Use of official cars

    10.13 Ministers are permitted to use an official car for official business and for home to office journeys on the understanding that they are using the time to work. Where practicable, Ministers are encouraged to use public transport.

    10.14 The number of Ministers with allocated cars and drivers will be kept to a minimum, taking into account security and other relevant considerations. Other Ministers will be entitled to use cars from the Government Car Service Pool as needed.

    Party political occasions

    10.15 Where a visit is a mix of political and official engagements, it is important that the department and the party each meet a proper proportion of the actual cost.

    10.16 The Prime Minister, and any other Minister for whom the security authorities exceptionally consider it essential, may use their official cars for all journeys by road, including those for private or party purposes.

    Air miles

    10.17 Air miles and other benefits earned through travel paid for from public funds, other than where they are de minimis for example, access to special departure lounges or booking arrangements which go with membership of regular flier clubs, should be used only for official purposes or else foregone. If it is impracticable to use the benefits for Government travel, there is no objection to Ministers donating them to charity if this is permissible under the terms of the airline’s scheme and the charity is one chosen by the airline.

    Travelling expenses of spouses/partners

    10.18 The expenses of a Minister’s spouse/partner when accompanying the Minister on the latter’s official duties may occasionally be paid from public funds provided that it is clearly in the public interest that he or she should accompany the Minister. The agreement of the Prime Minister must be obtained on each occasion before travel.

    Annex A

    Read the Seven Principles of Public Life.

    Annex B

    Read the Business Appointment Rules for former ministers.