Tag: Speeches

  • Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech on Making Globalisation Work for All

    Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech on Making Globalisation Work for All

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 16 February 2004.

    On behalf of Hilary Benn – our International Development Secretary – and myself I want to welcome all of you – to a special conference:

    • whose inspiration has been the churches and faith groups of our country;
    • whose strength comes from the presence and support here today of such a wide range of people – leaders from NGOs, faith groups, the academic world and ambassadors and members of governments – all with your own record of service to the community and the world

    And I want to welcome all of you to this conference which is a call to action;

    A call to action born out of our shared anger at the plight of many millions of people around the world who live on the knife’s edge of bare existence;

    A call to action which is driven forward:

    • by our shared belief that there is a way to eliminate poverty and despair;
    • by our shared conviction that the barrier is not technology, money or geography but willpower and courage;
    • and by our shared urgency that now is the time to act and that what we can achieve this year and next year working together is far greater than what we can ever achieve acting alone.

    And let me add my special thanks not just to Lord Carey and Lord Griffiths who have organised this event – men whose faith has led them to devote so much of their life’s work to the service of the international community; but to President Lula and Bono who will, from their own perspectives, join our discussions today; to the Archbishop of Tanzania who has joined us from Africa and whose work we all applaud; and let me specially thank on your behalf Jim Wolfensohn – a tower of strength in the international community, a man honoured and respected in not just one continent but every continent, an inspirational presence for all those who seek to build a better world.

    But most of all let me pay tribute to everyone present here today from faith groups and NGOs, not just for what has been achieved but for what you aspire to achieve.

    You form a unique coalition for justice – for the relief of global poverty, for the defeat of agricultural protectionism, for transparency and an end to corruption, for education and health not just as a privilege of some of the world’s citizens but a right for all and most recently together and in unison you successfully raised the standard for debt relief and changed the way world leaders acted.

    And yours is a coalition whose voices rose to a resounding chorus – that echoed outwards to the world from Birmingham, then from Cologne, then from Okinawa – a clarion call to action speaking not for yourselves alone but for the hopes of the whole world.

    This coalition, now with its global reach, that has become living proof that we are not powerless but together have power – part of a network of mutuality bound together, all of us, citizens and nations, rich and poor, in one moral universe strong enough to change the world.

    And I know these achievements do not make you want to relax or rest but make you want to spur each other onwards to deeper and greater effort.

    And the urgency of my remarks to you today is that the next year – as we move to 2005 – will be a test of the might of our resolve to progress towards our goals.

    2005 is a crucial, defining year; a year of challenge but also a year of opportunity.

    Five years before, in an historic declaration – in perhaps the most significant international commitment of recent decades – every world leader, every major international body, almost every single country, signed up to the historic shared task of meeting over fifteen years eight Millennium Development Goals – an extraordinary plan to definitively right some of the great wrongs of our time.  At the heart of which is a clear commitment to ensuring education for every child, the elimination of avoidable infant and maternal deaths, and the halving of poverty.

    Next year, 2005, is the first date that the first target comes due.

    But we know already that the first target to be set and to be met – the 2005 target that ensures for girls the same opportunities in primary and secondary education as boys – is going to be missed. Not only are the vast majority – 60 per cent of developing countries – unlikely to meet the target but most of these are, on present trends, unlikely to achieve this gender equality for girls even by 2015.  This is not good enough – this is not the promise that we made.

    Take education.  Yes, in the past decade, primary enrolments have increased at twice the rate of the 1980s.  But consider the 115 million children – 80 million boys and girls in Africa and south and west Asia – who did not go to school this Monday morning.

    To reach our education goals requires 80 million new primary school places in Africa alone over the coming decade and at the current rate of progress more than 70 countries will fail to achieve universal primary education by our target date, and in sub-Saharan Africa we will not achieve what we committed to by 2015 until at the earliest 2129.  This is not good enough – the promise we made was for 2015 not 2129.

    Take health, Just as the numbers of illiterate have halved in the last 40 years so too life expectancy in developing countries has increased in the last forty years by 20 years.  And to date with nearly 5 billion dollars pledged to the global health fund some poor countries have shown we can stem the spread of HIV/AIDS and half TB deaths.  But because inexpensive cures are not funded, 2 million die unnecessarily each year from tuberculosis, 1 million die painfully from malaria – curable diseases – 40 million are suffering from HIV/AIDS, and, tragically, on current forecasts sub Saharan Africa will achieve our target for reducing child mortality not by 2015 but by 2165.   This is not good enough – the promise we made was for 2015 not 2165.

    And let us be clear: it is not that the knowledge to avoid these infant deaths does not exist; it is not that the drugs to avoid infant deaths do not exist; it is not that the expertise does not exist; it is not that the means to achieve our goals do not exist.  It is that the political will does not exist. In the nineteenth century you could say that it was inadequate science, technology and knowledge that prevented us saving lives. Now, with the science, technology and knowledge available, we must face the truth that the real barrier is indifference.

    So the Millennium target for a two thirds reduction in child deaths – that can most easily be met because there are available medicines and cures – is not being met and will not be met simply because the world doesn’t care enough.  And today and every day 30,000 infant lives are being lost. This is not good enough – the obligation we promised to honour for sub-Saharan Africa was not for 2165 but for 2015.

    And take our Millennium global poverty target. Although the number of people living in extreme poverty has fallen by 10 per cent in the last ten years, there are one billion people still living on less than $1 a day.  And without greatly increased growth, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, North Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean and the transition economies of Europe and Central Asia will all fail to see the halving of their poverty by 2015.  Our best estimate is that it will not be achieved in sub Saharan Africa for more than a hundred years. This is not good enough – the dream we dreamed was not for 2147 but for 2015.

    Too often our world has set targets like our Millennium Development Goals and failed to meet them so that a global target is only a measure of how far we have failed not succeeded.

    Too often we have set goals, reset them, and recalibrated them again so that all we end up doing is mitigating the extent to which we have failed.

    And if we, knowing what we have to do, fail to act now, we will not only fail the poor this time but they will never believe our promises again.

    Let us be clear: the world did not come together in New York in 2000, come together in Doha in 2001 and come together in Johannesburg and Monterrey in 2002 to make promises and then walk by on the other side when we see them broken.

    So when the need is pressing, when it is our generation that has made historic commitments, the simple questions that, to use the words of an American President, we must ask are:

    If not now – when?
    If not us, who?
    If not together, how?

    Not left to some other time and some other people but now and us, working together.

    And there is another imperative – why we are not only challenged to act now but inspired to act now

    2005 is also the 20th anniversary of Live Aid – that extraordinary moment when everyone in the world realised here was an issue that wasn’t just a matter of opinion. And I want to pay tribute to the man with us today who not only led Live Aid but has continued through thick and thin, year in year out for twenty years, campaigning for justice in Africa: Bob Geldof.

    Live Aid was about a self evident truth that we cannot be this rich and see people that poor.

    That we cannot sit and watch people starving to death on TV right in front of our eyes.

    A survey out only last week stated that the majority of young people growing from youth to adulthood in these years agree that Live Aid was the single most memorable moment in their lives.

    Yet twenty years on the great divide between rich and poor countries has grown, is growing and will continue to grow.   And in Ethiopia – which Hilary Benn will talk about in more detail later today – spending on health is still no more than $2 a year per person.

    And if we are to put ourselves on track again to meet the Millennium Development Goals, we have to rouse the conscience of the world anew, each of us playing our part.

    And I propose we all – all of us who believe that globalisation must also mean justice on a global scale – commit ourselves to a specific course of action, and then each of us as partners – government, business, NGOs and faith groups, international institutions – agree to work together to make the radical changes required. And as Tony Blair has said: for the sake of Africa and the poorest countries we will make our 2005 G8 presidency a ‘Development Presidency’.

    Put simply, our proposal is that in return for developing countries developing their own country owned, community owned poverty reduction plans to expand their own development, investment and trade, and eliminate corruption:

    • we, the richest countries, commit the $10 billion needed each year for education for all
    • we, the richest countries, release at least $10 billion for tackling Aids, TB, and malaria
    • we finance sustainable debt relief
    • we finance, for the poorest countries, the building of capacity to trade
    • and that we do so by increasing development aid, on the road to 0.7 per cent of GDP, and by, immediately, creating an International Finance Facility that, by leveraging in an additional $50 billion each year until 2015, brings forward the development aid and investment that is essential to meet the Millennium Goals.

    The richest countries making a commitment to provide long-term, predictable and effective aid as investment to the countries that need it most and promising every developing country that is prepared to make the reforms necessary that they will not be denied the resources for their own country owned, community owned programmes to tackle illiteracy, disease and destitution

    While the scale of the new deal we propose between developed countries and developing countries is massive, the demand we make is not unprecedented.

    Let us remember that to finance the development of a ravaged post war Europe, the richest country in the world – the USA – agreed in the historic Marshall Plan of 1948 to transfer one per cent of their national income each and every year for four years – a transfer in total of the equivalent in today’s money of $75 billion a year

    This Marshall Plan was a transfer of resources in what was more than an act of charity: it was a frank recognition that – as we say today of the relationship between developed and developing countries – prosperity like peace is indivisible and prosperity to be sustained must be shared.

    In setting out his objectives at Harvard University in 1948 Marshall articulated then the greater unifying vision that can inspire us still today of a global fight against, as he said, ‘hunger, poverty, desperation and chaos’ that would secure not merely ‘a working economy throughout the world’ but ‘permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist’.

    And although today’s global new deal would be constructed in new times, it is rooted in the Marshall Plan’s enduring values.

    Like these visionaries we understand that there are global concerns – including terror – to which together we must respond with unified resolution.

    Like our predecessors we see the need for a comprehensive plan that can only succeed if it goes beyond temporary relief to wholesale economic development.

    Like them we see the need for a new global economic and social order grounded in both rights and responsibilities. And so like theirs our proposals ask the poorest countries also to rise to the challenge.

    If anything, however, the scale and the global breadth of the challenge is more urgent and pressing today. Even more so than in Marshall’s era national safety and global reconstruction are inextricably linked. And even more so than in Marshall’s time our interdependence means – as September 11th proved so tragically – that what happens to the poorest citizen in the poorest country can directly affect the richest citizen in the richest country – making the case for visionary action stronger now than it was 50 years ago.

    And our vision of the way forward – akin to Marshall’s challenge to rich and poor countries alike – is that by each meeting their obligations for change all countries can benefit and the Millennium Goals can be achieved.

    For the richest countries: it will mean new responsibilities – to open our markets and to curb protectionism and to transfer resources – but also new opportunities – increased trade and a globalisation that also means both security and justice on a global scale.

    For the poorest countries: new responsibilities – to pursue transparent, corruption-free policies for stability and a properly sequenced opening up of investment, trade and economic growth – and new opportunities – with the capacity for increased growth and trade and a transfer of resources from rich to poor to tackle long standing problems of ill-health, illiteracy, poverty and underdevelopment

    Now it is tempting for each of us with our own special interests to campaign single-mindedly on the causes where, through our expertise or experience, we can make most impact. And I applaud and support those here who have made it their special cause – in many cases life’s work – to be crusaders on AIDS, on schooling, on health, on debt, on trade. For it is only by your single-minded focus and often self-sacrifice that inch-by-inch progress is being made.

    But my purpose in speaking today is to lead a discussion on how each of us, building on the individual causes we cherish, can not only make progress for our direct concerns and causes but also how together we can grow into a global force for change.

    I want to suggest that to rise to the scale of the challenge all of us need something akin to what I regard as the most stable and predictable financing vehicle through which we make possible the funds for – and then the realisation of our goals for – education, health, aids, economic development, debt relief and trade.

    For none of our demands can be seen in isolation from each other.

    • Teachers in dozens of countries are dying of HIV/AIDS faster than they can be trained so if we cannot tackle ill health we cannot solve our problems in education.
    • Just as the biggest reason African teenage girls drop out of school is that there are no sanitation facilities at their schools. Just as 90 per cent of diarrhoeal disease is caused by poor water.  So if we cannot invest in infrastructure and economic development we cannot succeed in public health and education.
    • Every year of additional schooling that a mother has reduces her child’s chances of dying by up to 10 per cent. So if we cannot invest in education we cannot succeed in health.
    • And as everyone here knows every dollar no longer required in repayment to meet the burden of unpayable debt is – and has been – money spent on education and health. So if we cannot continue to secure debt relief we cannot succeed in education and health.

    So if we are to make progress in meeting the Millennium Development Goals, more funding for health cannot be at the expense of education, more funding for education cannot be at the expense of infrastructure. And more money for education and health cannot be at the expense of more writing-off of debt.  And we know also that without economic development – and that means investment and trade – there can be no sustainable exit from poverty.  So if we are to make progress in meeting our Millennium Development Goals we must also make sure that developing countries have not just the access to trade but, by funding investment in infrastructure and skills, the capacity they need to trade.

    In this way we show that when we campaign on education we must also demand healthcare; when we demand aid we must also work for economic development; when we campaign for trade we must argue for aid with the answer on financing these initiatives pointing in one and the same direction: a facility that can raise the level of resources invested in education, health and economic development and do so together. Indeed we will advance towards the Millennium Development Goals together as a global force or not at all.

    So support for the International Finance Facility does not mean subordinating your objectives as crusaders for a cause. Instead support for the IFF is to recognise that each of us can realise our specific objectives only if there is a sustainable financial vehicle to underpin them.

    Let me talk about economic development and in particular trade first.

    Less than 5 per cent of total flows of Foreign Direct Investment go to the least developed countries. Domestically generated savings and investment barely match foreign capital inflows – and the savings that do exist often leave the country in capital flight.  That is why country-owned Poverty Reduction Strategies must focus on creating the right domestic conditions for investment and commerce – with the IMF, World Bank and countries like us providing direct support to help create a stable economic environment, improved infrastructure, and sound legal processes that strengthen property rights and deter corruption.

    All of us here know that no country has moved from poverty to prosperity by cutting itself off from the international economy and without increasing its investment and trade.  We know that by reducing tariffs in both developed and developing countries and achieving the pro-poor agreement promised at Doha, gains for developing countries can rise to $350 billion with 140 million lifted out of poverty.  Twice as many people lifted out of poverty than the whole of the population of the UK.

    Our aim must be to break the trade deadlock, push forward the development objectives of Doha and both open our markets to developing countries now and remove trade-distorting subsidies.

    Because three quarters of the world’s poor live in rural areas, because 96 per cent of the world’s farmers live in developing countries, our agricultural protectionism costs developing countries $20 billion a year directly, up to $100 billion indirectly – twice the amount of development aid they receive.

    And let me say: when 900 million farmers in poor countries struggle to survive each day on less than $1 while rich countries spend $900 million each day subsidising agriculture – more on agricultural subsidies than the total income of sub-Saharan Africa – Margaret Beckett, Patricia Hewitt and I are convinced we must do more – for world trade and for developing countries – to urgently tackle the waste of the Common Agricultural Policy, the scandal of agricultural protectionism around the world.

    The way forward is both for developed countries to commit to tackling this scandal of agricultural protectionism and – because we know from a World Bank study that twenty four of the poorest countries cannot benefit from access to trade without the capacity to trade – also to provide support, including finance, to developing countries so that they can sequence their development – building, with investment in infrastructure, education and development generally, the capacity they need to trade.

    So we, supporters of free trade, agree that we must do more than simply say: “You’re on your own  – simply compete”, we must promise that as we open the door countries will have the strength to walk through it

    And this can work only if we simultaneously tackle debt – and illiteracy, disease and under-development.

    I know that:

    • while 27 countries have been freed from the burden of unpayable debt;
    • while 70 billion dollars is being written off;
    • while debt payments are down from an average of nearly 30 per cent of national income to 11 per cent, with 65 per cent of their income now going to health and education

    We can do more – not least for countries facing sharp falls in the price of key export commodities and higher net debt: export ratios which, amongst other things, prevent an exit from unsustainable debt.   And so, according to the World Bank, for half the HIPC countries there is a risk there will not be a sustainable exit from debt.

    Indeed, debt to export ratios in Ethiopia which should have fallen to 150 per cent could be as high as 220 per cent, in Rwanda 210 per cent, in Gambia 186, in Chad 181, in Niger 175, in Malawi 172 per cent.  What’s more 11 countries have yet to qualify including Liberia, Somalia and Sudan who have debts nearing $20 billion in total.

    So I know that when we receive the results of the World Bank-IMF study on sustainability we will have to provide more – either through topping up generally, or by specific country by country initiatives.  What is also clear is that if debt is to be kept sustainable in the future, we will need to provide more aid in the form of grants. So that both to go further with debt relief and to ensure a sustainable position for the countries most at risk, we need a facility that can both help debt reduction and fund with grants education, health and poverty reduction.

    It is precisely because we know that education is the very best anti-poverty strategy, the best economic development programme, that the UK will, over ten years, spend £1 billion on educational aid — alongside the World Bank’s excellent education Fast Track Initiative.  Yet while all the public spending on sub-Saharan African education taken together is, per pupil, is still less than $40 a year, less than one dollar per week, it is estimated that, overall, education needs, annually, $10 billion – predictable regular financing that no one aid budget, and no one nation, can achieve on its own.

    And even when facing the biggest public health challenge that Bono and others have so eloquently exposed, sub-Saharan Africa devotes only $12 per person per year to public health, in Ethiopia just $2 per person, compared to $2,000 in America.

    Making better use of existing aid – reordering priorities, untying aid and pooling funds internationally to release additional funds for the poorest countries – is essential to achieve both value for money and the improved outcomes we seek, but in addition to these reforms, I ask this conference to recognise that aid to Africa which was $33 per person ten years ago is just $20 per person now, that the scale of the resources to tackle AIDS, illiteracy and poverty is indeed in excess of what traditional funding can offer and I therefore I ask all governments both to  move towards our agreed target of 0.7 per cent  and to, immediately, look seriously at our proposal for the International Finance Facility.

    The IFF is founded upon long-term, binding donor commitments from the richest countries. It builds upon the additional $16 billion already pledged at Monterrey. And it leverages in additional money from the international capital markets to raise the amount of development aid for the years to 2015 from $50 billion a year to $100 billion per year. $50 billion that will allow us to attack the root causes of poverty not just the symptoms, and to meet the Millennium Development Goals

    So the practical benefits of the IFF are:

    • We could write off more debt and because it will enable us to give grants, ensure a sustainable exit from debt;
    • On health, we could meet our global of cutting infant mortality and maternal mortality and eliminating malaria and TB;
    • On the AIDS crisis, which Bono has spoken about far more eloquently than I, we could make available treatments and contribute to the search for a vaccine that might permanently end its scourge;
    • On education, we could make primary schooling for all not just a distant dream but a practical reality;
    • On trade, because we recognise that to benefit from access to our markets, the poorest countries need investments in infrastructure, education, health and economic development, the IFF could provide the support necessary.

    Let us continue to work with you to examine the Tobin Tax; the Soros proposal for Special Drawing Rights; other forms of revenue raising on a worldwide basis. But each one of these proposals will come down to one simple question; is there sufficient will in the richest countries to agree these profound changes?

    I believe that the advantage of the International Finance Facility I have described is not just that is a better means of providing the necessary resources immediately and thus far faster than other initiatives, but also that unlike other measures like taxes – where all countries must impose it or it can work for none – the IFF can proceed even if some fail to participate.

    I thank the growing number of countries who have indicated support for the IFF, in the G7 and elsewhere. Francis Mer the Finance Minister of France and I will hold, in Paris in April, a conference on the IFF, which 60 countries will attend, and the IMF and World Bank will discuss the conclusions of their report on it later this year.

    And let me give an example of what we can do today and now.

    The Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation is working well saving lives by distributing vaccines and treatments for AIDS, TB and malaria and achieving value for money.

    So far – just after 3 years – and with limited resources – GAVI’s immunisation work in developing countries has saved the lives of half a million people.

    I am pleased to say that GAVI is interested in applying the International Finance Facility’s principles to the next stage of its work – donors making long term commitments that can be securitised in order to frontload the funding available to tackle disease.

    The UK and French government have indicated that they stand ready to work with other donors on innovative ways to raise the additional resources needed for GAVI and for tackling HIV/AIDS.

    For our part we are prepared to commit additional long term funding.

    If, by these means, GAVI could increase its current budget from $270 million a year to $400 million a year – or over five years an extra two thirds of a billion dollars – it would be possible that their work could save the lives of an additional 2 million people a year.

    GAVI could purchase new combination vaccines more quickly which would bring down the price and save the lives of an additional 1 million children each year.

    And GAVI could fully fund its measles programme – saving up to half a million lives each year.

    So in one fund, with one initiative, we can glimpse the possibilities open to us if we act together.  If we could do the same for health, for schools, for debt, for the capacity to trade, think of the better world we can achieve.

    2015 is the fixed point on our horizon – seemingly distant but closer than we think.  But it is actually 2005 – as close as can be – that will determine whether we are likely to make the rest of the journey.

    If we let things slip, the Millennium Goals will become just another dream we once had, and we will indeed be sitting back on our sofas and switching on our TVs and – I am afraid – watching people die on our screens for the rest of our lives.  We will be generation that betrayed its own heart.

    Last year – 2003 – the world trade talks stalled and we took a step back from 2002.  Let us make next year different.

    I appeal to business – whom I thank for their attendance today: to engage with the development challenge – participating in a dialogue that I am confident will lead eventually to a richer world

    And I appeal to NGOs and faith groups: to hold us accountable, to be the conscience of the world, to be the voice that guides us at this crucial crossroads, to work together with no one ever subordinating their own objectives but recognising that each of our objectives can be better realised if we can agree the financing to underpin them.

    In 2015 we cannot look back and say:
    “It was not us who acted, it had to be left to the next generation”
    “It was not now, but some other distant time in the future”

    That is not good enough.

    When the need is urgent and our responsibilities clear; and even when the path ahead difficult hard and long, let us not lose hope but have the courage in our shared resolve to find the will to act. And let us say to each other in the words of Isaiah  “though you were wearied by the length of your way, you did not say it was hopeless – you found new life in your strength”.

    The strength together to fight poverty, remove destitution, end illiteracy, cure disease.

    The challenge for our time and for our generation. And let us achieve it together.

  • Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at the National Council for Voluntary Organisations Annual Conference

    Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at the National Council for Voluntary Organisations Annual Conference

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 18 February 2004.

    CIVIC RENEWAL IN BRITAIN

    Let me start by thanking you and the organisations you represent – not just for your kind invitation to speak to you at this annual meeting of the National Council of Voluntary Organisations this morning, but to thank you for the work you do, the service you give, the dedication you show, the energy you bring and the extraordinarily breadth and depth of what you undertake. From mentoring to Sure Start, from preventing teenage suicide to helping a new generation of old people, from rehabilitating offenders to inspiring the New Deal – service which makes you uniquely both a safety net where others fail and a growing third sector of our economy valued for your ingenuity and independence.

    And, as new figures show, with more voluntary organisations at work for our communities today than ever before – more than 150,000 registered charities, 200,000 non-charitable voluntary and community organisations, around 400,000 in total, one for every hundred of the adult population – Britain has an estimated 16 million people who do some kind of voluntary work – and in 2001 39 per cent of adults gave of their time to help others at least once in the year.

    And over the last decade, from a time when you were much smaller, when there was no compact, when your professionalism was not properly recognised as it should be, we have witnessed what I believe – and what I hope the new Charity Bill will reflect – is your transformation as a third sector ready to rival market and state, with a quiet revolution in how voluntary action and charitable work serves the community:

    • New ways of working – using I.T, the internet, digital television and mobile phone technology to gather information and communicate with the people who need help and support the most;
    • New entrepreneurship – earning more money to support what you do from selling goods and services – as highlighted in your report published today;
    • New partnerships – for the first time you have led in the design of a major new government programme – Futurebuilders – working with the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, Paul Boateng, to create a fund that I hope will prove far more challenging, more exciting and more fulfilling.

    And I praise you for your new ways of achieving enduring aims – serving the people of our country.

    And at the heart of all these changes has been the NCVO – and I thank you and your Chief Executive, office-bearers and staff.

    You are a constant in a world of change.  And yet a force at all times for new ideas.

    So my theme today is that of new challenges, new responses – civic renewal flourishing in a changing Britain.

    I know that a recent survey suggested the amount of time spent in Britain on unpaid activities fell from 2.3 billion hours in 1995 to 1.6 billion hours five years later – a drop of more than 30 per cent.  So some suggested we have a caring deficit.

    But in fact when a recent Mori poll showed that 59 per cent of 15 to 24 year olds want to know more about how to get involved in their communities. I believe we have a goodwill mountain just waiting to be tapped.

    I want today to set out why I believe in the independence and strength of a thriving voluntary and community sector in Britain both now and in the future – a strength and independence that we all should and do value. And in setting out my views I want to discuss with you how for the future we can help strengthen that independence and vitality by complementing the measures we are taking and will continue to take to incentivise the giving of money with measures to incentivise the giving of time.

    And I want to consult with you on proposals that both the Home Secretary – David Blunkett – and I feel strongly about:

    • First, how we can do more to make possible the giving of time by volunteers – in particular, by consulting with you on national framework of community service for young people to deliver a step change in the participation of young people in volunteering activity;
    • Second, how we can help young and older people fulfil their potential by expanding and extending the scope of mentoring – where there is both great need because we are a more atomised society and great potential because it is a relatively underdeveloped area – using modern means of communication to provide access to help, advice, information and guidance;
    • And thirdly, we want to suggest how business as well as individuals can be more involved in volunteering and mentoring activity.

    But before I set out these proposals I want to explain why David Blunkett and I place such importance on the existence of a thriving voluntary and community sector.

    Now,  the community I grew up – even though it was one made famous as the birthplace of the theorist of the free market Adam Smith – revolved not around only around the home but the church, the youth club, the rugby team, the local tennis club, the scouts and boys brigades, the Royal National Lifeboat Institution, the St Johns and St Andrews Ambulance Society…community not in any sense as some forced coming together, some sentimental togetherness for the sake of appearances, but out of a largely unquestioned conviction that we could learn from each other and call on each other in times of need, that we owed obligations to each other because our neighbours were part also of what we all were:  the idea of neighbourliness woven into the way we led our lives.

    And while some people say you have only yourself or your family, I saw every day how individuals were encouraged and strengthened, made to feel they belonged and in turn contributed as part of a intricate local network of trust, recognition and obligation encompassing family, friends, school, church, hundreds of local associations and voluntary organisations.

    And while it is easy to romanticise about a Britain now gone, I believe that there is indeed a golden thread which runs through British history not just of the individual standing firm against tyranny but also of common endeavour in villages, towns and cities – men and women with shared needs and common purposes, united by a strong sense of duty and a stronger sense of fair play.

    And their efforts together produced not just a rich tradition of voluntary organisations, local democracy and civic life but also a uniquely British settlement that, from generation to generation, has balanced the rights and responsibilities of individuals, communities and state.

    The British way has always been much more than self interested individualism.  And this was always recognised, even by those philosophers associated with free market ideas like Adam Smith and Samuel Smiles.   They knew that prosperity and improvement must be founded on something more and something greater than harsh organised selfishness: instead a sense of social obligation – often infused with religious values – and a broad moral commitment to civic improvement.

    And while it is true that voluntary organisations have risen and fallen over time, it is also true that, in our own time, new organisations from playgroups and mothers and toddlers groups to pensioners or third age groups and the hospice movement have grown to become vital threads in our national fabric.

    And this is my idea of Britain today ….not the individual on his or her own living in isolation sufficient unto himself but the individual at home and at ease in society. And in this vision of society there is a sense of belonging that expands outwards as we grow from family to friends and neighbourhood; a sense of belonging that then ripples outwards again from work, school, church and community and eventually outwards to far beyond our home town and region to define our nation and country as a society.

    Britain – because there is such a thing as society – as a community of communities. Tens of thousands of local neighbourhood civic associations, unions, charities, voluntary organisations.  Each one unique and each one very special, not inward looking or exclusive. A Britain energised by a million centres of neighbourliness and compassion that together embody that very British idea – civic society.

    It is an idea that best defines a Britain that has always rejected absolutism and crude selfish individualism and always wanted to expand that space between state and markets.

    But it is not a sentimental attempt to hark back to the past nor a rejection of modernity but its practical fulfilment – a Britain where social change redefines community but does not abolish community.

    And it is an idea that Rabbi Jonathan Sacks captures best and most eloquently when he talks of British society, not in terms of a contract between people that defines our rights but a British covenant that sets out the shared values which can inspire us to neighbourliness and service to others.

    And today civic society finds its greatest embodiment in the strength of your voluntary organisations – a genuine third sector established not for self or for profit but for mutual aid and, most often, to provide help and support for those in need.

    We know from the theory and evidence on what is called “social capital” that societies with strong voluntary sectors and civic society institutions have lower crime, greater social cohesion and better performing economies than those without. But we in government should be honest and humble, recognising that even as you play a vital role in delivering services because you are better than anyone at doing so, it is your independence that is the source of your strength. And let me explain why not just you but I, from not just history but every day, on-the-ground experience of living in Britain, believe that to be the case.

    For it is true that the uniqueness of voluntary and community organisations has not always been recognised by government.  In the past let us be honest that some on the left wrongly saw the voluntary sector as a threat to the things that they believed only government should be doing; while others on the right misused the goodwill of a caring voluntary sector as an excuse to relieve government of its proper responsibilities.

    Both, failing to recognise the uniqueness and richness of the third sector, had it completely wrong. And yet unfortunately as the political battle swung back and forth, voluntary organisations were too often caught in the middle.

    I hope the political establishment has learnt from these mistakes, from the conflicts and sterile battles for territory of the past.  The voluntary sector must never be seen as a cut-price alternative to statutory provision, never seen as a way of ducking the responsibilities of families or society.  Nor should it be seen as a second class alternative to state provision.  For it is now recognised that even when the public interest is established it is often better for it not to be guaranteed by a public sector organisation but by those, quite simply, who on the ground can advance the public interest better.  That is why today – with for example Sure Start – local voluntary organisations with their unique local knowledge not only provide the service but run many of the projects.

    And governments should have the humility to recognise that voluntary organisations can provide solutions that governments cannot offer.  That instead of – if I might put it this way – the man from Whitehall always knowing best, it is the woman from the WRVS or sure start or community service volunteers or any of the NCVO organisations that knows better.  And it is because your independence as a voluntary sector is the essence of your existence, the reason you can serve, the explanation of why you can be so innovative, that you can make the difference that others cannot.

    So I believe, with you, that the great strength of voluntary action – and why we should value your independence – is your capacity for the individual and unique rather than the impersonal or standardised approach.  Your emphasis on the individual need, aspiration and potential – and on a one to one, person to person approach, on being at the front line.  As has so often been said, you do not rebuild communities from the top down.  You can only rebuild one family, one street, one neighbourhood at a time.  Or as faith based organisations, who are so important, often put it  – one soul at a time. As one Jewish saying puts it:  “if you have saved one life, you are saving the world”.

    And voluntary action, while often conducted through national organisations is, characteristically, local; volunteers and local community workers, working on the ground, at the coal face, at the heart of local communities, far better positioned than ever a government official could be, both to see a problem and to define effective action.  It is about being there.

    John Dilulio – former head of the White House Office of Faith-based and Community Initiatives – quotes a conversation between Eugene Rivers, a minister in Boston, worried about his hold on a new generation of young people and a local youth who has not only become a drug dealer but has a greater hold now over the young people.  “Why did we lose you?” asks the minister to the drug dealer.  “Why are we losing other kids now?” to which the drug dealer replies:    “I’m there, you’re not.  When the kids go to school, I’m there, you’re not.  When the boy goes for a loaf of bread … Or just someone older to talk to or feel safe and strong around, I’m there, you’re not.  I’m there, you’re not…”

    In the face of drugs, crime, vandalism, social breakdown, voluntary and community organisations – there on the ground, one to one, person to person – really do matter and make the difference that others cannot.

    And so too does the second great strength of voluntary action – and why David Blunkett and I are putting forward the proposals we do today – your freedom to innovate. Long before government took notice, voluntary organisations saw wrongs that had to be righted. Indeed, it is because you innovate that societies most often change. And – often more so than the state – voluntary organisations can be flexible, can pilot, can experiment, can try things out, and can more easily move on.

    And just as you did in the past with, for example, the settlement movement or the new campaigning organisations which sprung up in the 1960s, today you are pioneering in new directions:  from the hospice movement to anti-AIDS campaigns, from environmental groups to the Playgroup movement, from advocates for disabled people to the global coalition against the debt burden of developing countries.

    Volunteering

    Now, since 1997 – and working with David Blunkett and others – I have tried to encourage the giving of money:

    • The more simplified Gift Aid scheme which makes it easier to give;
    • Improving Payroll Giving by removing the limit on donations, introducing and then extending the ten per cent Government supplement and promoting the scheme to employers – which has led to a near trebling of Payroll Giving in the last four years;
    • Putting in place new tax incentives to encourage charitable foundations, which are common in the USA, to establish themselves here;
    • And with the changes in what qualifies for tax relief for individual and corporate giving, incentives are now worth £2.2 billion a year — and I encourage any charity here today who does not ask its members to “Gift Aid” their donations to do so to get the additional benefits.

    I will not ignore your representations on incentives for giving money – and indeed I know you will continue to make them to me – but now is the moment also to do more to encourage the giving of time – for we all know that we need, in this generation, to encourage young volunteers, new volunteers, new kinds of volunteers and in doing so to create new volunteering opportunities, and together encourage networks that match those who can give help to those who need help.

    Again we have tried to work with you on key initiatives, not trying to set the direction but enabling you, often with seed-corn finance, to build the infrastructure of caring you need:

    • The internet-based database – www.do-it.org.uk – providing individuals with free and direct access to volunteering opportunities throughout Britain;
    • Timebank – which since its launch in 2000 has matched over 50,000 people to volunteering opportunities in their local communities;
    • Community service volunteers – with more than 40 years experience in providing high quality volunteering opportunities;
    • And Millennium Volunteers – which to date has signed up 120,000 young people.

    So a lot has been done.

    But we also know that many still don’t know how to volunteer, where to go, who to ask for help.

    Many don’t understand that you can give some of your time without giving all of your time.

    And many – particularly young people – find formal volunteering complicated and confusing.

    And so I believe we must look at new and innovative ways of helping. In the US some firms give their employees a week off for voluntary work. In other places, the expenses of volunteers are paid, and in some places the tax system works to make things easier.  But often it is not about financial incentives to volunteer, but about making the connections so that those who need help can link up with those who want to help.

    And I can tell you today that the Home Secretary, the Culture Secretary, the Education Secretary and I will report in the Budget on what more we can do to help all those prepared to undertake some sort of voluntary activity.

    And we want to examine with you – as the Scottish Executive has been doing – how we can do more to encourage a call to service among young people.

    In the 1960s in America, President Kennedy instigated the Peace Corps – asking young American men and women to volunteer overseas to, in the President’s words, further the cause of “world peace and human progress”.  And President Clinton and then President Bush have fostered sister programmes – Americorps and Freedom Corps – to enable young people to serve their country at home.   And I can tell you that such is the success of Americorps that more young people have joined it in just ten years than have joined the Peace Corps in its full 40-year history.

    And, with Home Office Minister Fiona McTaggart, I met with the heads of Freedom Corps and young people involved in Americorps last week to hear how young people engaged in national community service in America are working across racial and regional lines to build a stronger national community: and they have constructed tens of thousands of homes, immunised hundreds of thousands of children against disease, and taught millions to read – finding the skills and experience they gain from their service invaluable for themselves and their future employability.

    And I was struck not only by the enthusiasm shown by the young people for the whole range of volunteering opportunities they were involved in but by their belief that if it is to become the norm rather than the exception for all young people to give up their time to help in their communities or abroad. We have to make the volunteering opportunities on offer both interesting and exciting – and we need to make access to them easier.

    David Blunkett and I believe that the same call to service should be issued to all young people in Britain.

    In the Budget last year David Blunkett, Charles Clarke and I announced a pilot for England where, for school-leavers who cannot afford to do so from their own funds, we sponsor a Gap Year – a year of service in their own communities.   And the first 60 volunteers started on the programme in September.

    Now we want to examine with you and with young people themselves whether we can, through making it a national priority, engage a new generation of young people in serving their communities – and provide nationally and locally the means by which they find it easy to participate. And I would like to invite all the organisations represented here today – individually and through the NCVO – to work with government on how best we can do more.

    The advantages for young people are clear – to develop their personal skills, discover new communities, become more active citizens.  The benefits to our country are clear too: to expand volunteering, to create a culture of service and to support worthwhile community activity. And as in America there could be help with basic living expenses and help for university, college or business start ups to follow.

    We know that the best way to do this is by working with the organisations – many of you here today – that are already doing this sort of work successfully and by listening to young people.  And building on our pilots – and learning from experiences in the us and elsewhere – the Government wants to explore, in direct partnership with the you, the voluntary and community sector and with young people themselves – how we can do more.

    Mentoring

    Second, I turn to initiatives to encourage mentoring.

    The central element of mentoring is a long-term, personal, one-to-one relationship in which, over time, the experience and knowledge of one person helps another to learn and to grow.

    It is an approach that is being adopted everywhere from schools to the career service to the workplace, and for everyone from looked-after children, to new entrepreneurs, to the long-term unemployed, and from gifted children to under-achievers.

    You might say mentoring is about befriending; about people helping people and people needing people to make the most of themselves and be all they can be – bridging the gap between what they are and what they have it in themselves to become.  Giving advice and help on everything from school courses to careers in music or businesses to very personal advice on growing up. And while adult mentors are most common, a young person will often benefit from having another young person as a mentor, especially one who shares similar life experiences. And that young person often will go on to mentor someone else.  It is a rare form of volunteering – one that generates its own recruits.

    In one programme for young people at risk in the United States, those befriended or mentored were 46 per cent less likely than others to use drugs and 27 per cent less likely to use alcohol.  They were also less likely to get into fights or to be truant from school. On a smaller scale, we are seeing similar encouraging results in Britain:  “chance UK” a child mentoring scheme, has found that three quarters of mothers interviewed saw positive changes in their child’s behaviour; four out of five regarded their child’s mentor as a good influence; and over two thirds reported benefits for their own relationship with their child.

    For the one third of schools still with no mentoring, new programmes are being sponsored by both the Home Office and the Department for Education.

    We have introduced mentoring fund grants to help mentoring organisations expand their activities into communities that are not yet being reached.

    And mentoring is also an important component in the Connexions service – the new careers and guidance service for 13 to 19 year olds – with young people acting as peer mentors and role models for other young people.

    But there is much room for growth, much more to be done.

    I wonder, for instance, whether – whilst taking consideration of child safety issues – we could not explore more innovative ways of recruiting people to be mentors and of course helping people in need of help.

    Just look at the success, for example, of the big websites such as ebay, Friends Reunited (with 8.5 million members alone), u.date – using the power of IT to create social networks, connections and affiliations.  Or the superb site www.mentoring.org in the US – a modern and accessible national infrastructure for local mentoring organisations.

    With the voluntary sector’s well-deserved reputation for creative thinking and for innovation, I believe there are opportunities

    – through involving business
    – though better local organisation
    – through national appeals including through TV and the Internet

    to recruit and train mentors and to link those who need help and advice to those who can help and advise.

    We as a Government stand ready to provide seed corn funds to do more to help build both a national and local infrastructure that offers mentoring opportunities and help in every area of the country. And i can tell you that David Blunkett and I will be calling a summit of organisations and businesses involved in mentoring to discuss how we can do this.

    Business engagement

    And this leads to the third area where I want to make new suggestions – how we work together to translate the widespread social concern that exists among employers and employees alike into effective action for the common good.

    While there are already good examples here in the UK – Business in the Community, Pro-help, Business Action on Homelessness, Business Broker pilots, Right to Read, Business Bridge, Streetwatch, Business Cares – generally people in the UK think business does more than providing the 7 percent of volunteers and 5 percent of income to charities that it does. And we know that corporate giving of money and time has reached new heights in the US – and in new ways through organisations like ‘Business Strengthening America’.

    There is indeed a goodwill mountain waiting to be tapped.  So building on the new Corporate Challenge that you have been involved in – where more than 60 companies have already nominated champions – David and I want to work with you and them to develop a national campaign to promote involvement by companies and employees in mentoring.  And I hope you will work with us in a group David and I propose to bring together to explore options and recommend next steps.

    Public Service Delivery

    I am conscious that when we talk of public service delivery we have a further responsibility – not just to ensure voluntary organisations can help – as they have done successfully with sure start – to shape the services they run, but to build upon what I felt was a ground breaking 2002 Cross Cutting Review on the role of the voluntary and community sector in service delivery – which, I can say, helped us in government – right across departments – understand much better the issues which voluntary sector organisations face in public service delivery.

    And when you identified a fundamental problem – basic capacity needs in it, sustainable funding, financial management and skills, and the need for an ‘infrastructure map’, as Stewart puts it, we tried to respond.  And from this summer, grants and loans will be available through the Futurebuilders fund to help build capability and I can tell you that recognising that there are skill shortages in management and business planning, David Blunkett is also finalising work with you on a new capacity and infrastructure framework including funding to help improve skills, use of it, performance management and governance in the sector.  And I hope that as we discuss all the new challenges ahead, the same spirit and practice of partnership will flourish to the benefit of all.

    Conclusion

    My late father always said that each of us could make a difference.  We could all leave in his words, “our mark for good or for ill”.

    He said that it was not IQ or intelligence or, for that matter, money that defined whether you made the best mark in your society.

    He believed in Martin Luther King’s words, that everybody could be great because everyone can serve.

    So I certainly grew up influenced by the idea that one individual, however young, small, poor or weak, could make a difference.

    Robert Kennedy put it best: “Let no one be discouraged by the belief there is nothing one man, one woman can do against the enormous army of the world’s ills…against misery and ignorance, injustice and violence” he said.  “Few will have the greatness to bend history itself but each of us can work to change a small portion of events and in the total of all these acts will be written the history of this generation”.

    Together, your organisations are ensuring not only that service remains an honourable tradition in Britain but that as

    old person helps young person;
    young helps old;
    neighbour helps neighbour;
    mentor helps mentored;
    business helps community;
    And voluntary organisations help, enable and empower individuals;
    Service can make us a stronger, more caring, more resilient society.

    A Britain with a strong and independent and forward looking voluntary and community sector…a Britain true to its values… a Britain ready to face the future.

  • Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at the British Chambers of Commerce Annual Conference

    Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at the British Chambers of Commerce Annual Conference

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 21 April 2004.

    Can I say what a pleasure it is to be at this annual meeting of the Chambers of Commerce:

    • to have the opportunity to thank all of you – representatives of, and speaking for, more than 135,000 businesses from every city, every town, every region of our country – for the work you do and the service you give championing the cause of business – and for what you achieve for British enterprise and for Britain;
    • and to congratulate your President Isabella Moore and your Chief Executive and staff for the work you do regionally, nationally and internationally to make the voice of the British Chambers of Commerce count for Britain.

    And let me say what I firmly believe: that the whole country owes you a debt of gratitude for the way, particularly throughout the world downturn of the last few years, you have been meeting the new challenges – demonstrating your resilience, your fresh thinking, your courage to respond and change – with Britain today, through your efforts and that of the British people, seeing 3,000 new businesses starting up each week and 25,000 men and women finding new jobs every day, with an additional 10,000 new vacancies being advertised.

    Modern Britain was built by men and women of commerce and business; by men and women demonstrating entrepreneurial flair; men and women of commerce showing the best of practical skills committed to a vision of British manufacturing and commercial strength; men and women who were not cynics, who never talked our country down but were – and are – confident, forward looking optimists dedicated to the future well-being and economic destiny of Great Britain.

    The nations that will succeed amidst ever more intensive global competition not least from a rising China and India, will be those that are sufficiently confident and forward looking to entrench stability, to celebrate enterprise, to make long term investments in science and skills and be outward looking rather than protectionist. And I want to suggest to you today that at this moment of opportunity when the world economy starts to grow again, Britain’s great strengths – as the country with traditions of stability deeper than almost any other industrial economy, with traditions of scientific inventiveness longer than any other, and with a global reach than has been wider than almost any other – make us well equipped, as long as we make the right long term decisions on stability, science, skills and enterprise, to be one of the great success stories of the global age.

    Now Madam President: of all the economic duties of government the greatest and pre-eminent challenge is the creation and entrenchment of economic stability and taking the hard decisions to lock stability in, even in difficult times in the world economy.

    Let us remind each other of Britain’s chronic post war history of stop-go, inflation, short-termism, under-investment and higher unemployment and the damage it did to good hard working businessmen and women. And only recently in the last world downturn in the early 1990s when – as a result of allowing the economy to run out of control – the British people and British business suffered 10 per cent inflation, 15 per cent interest rates, 1.5 million people in negative equity, 250,000 homes repossessed and 1 million more out of work

    This was the old stop-go Britain: an instability that meant with 10 per cent interest rates or more for a whole four year period, businesses like yours could not invest with confidence; with interest rates charges so high and prospects so uncertain many with talent and initiative found it too costly and risky to start up businesses; even the most successful businesses could not make long term plans as everyone expected inflation to recur – and we must never repeat those mistakes again.

    Now, by working together, we can see a Britain that has a new found and hard won stability with: the lowest inflation for thirty years; and the lowest interest rates for forty years; the lowest unemployment for a generation; and a Britain that is seen today as the most stable of all the major economies.

    And it is important we understand how and why it is Britain – once the most stop go of economies – which has avoided the recessions that hit America, Germany, Japan, Italy and most other industrial economies during the world downturn of the last few years and has enjoyed sustained and sustainable growth.

    So let me just explain the long term difficult decisions that had to be made and what I know we must also do to entrench that stability for the future.

    When we came into power – and having understood the damage that stop go instability had done to your businesses and having talked widely with people like Alan Greenspan and others whom I respected round the world – I decided to break decisively with the old short termism that had brought stop go and so in our first day in office we removed the politicians’ power to make interest rate decisions.

    But the changes we made were not just the right one – opposed by other parties – of making Bank of England independent.
    Even more important we put in place a wholly new long term fiscal and monetary discipline and framework which some now refer to as the ‘British Model’ for monetary and fiscal stability:

    • a symmetrical inflation target – now just 2 per cent – which is – important to how we responded to the world downturn – as worried about deflation as inflation;
    • fiscal rules set not just for one year but for the whole economic cycle;
    • and a new fiscal discipline founded on a radical reduction of the national debt;
    • and having tightened fiscal policy radically by over 4 per cent of GDP and sold off assets including spectrum – paying off more debt in one year than all the debt paid off in the whole of the last fifty years taken together – we cut debt from 44 per cent of GDP to one third;
    • and having cut debt dramatically, we reduced our debt interest payments – which with social security had taken up half of all additional public spending ten years before – to less than 2 per cent of GDP, lower than at any time since the first world war.

    And in contrast with the experience of other economies hit by recession, the credibility that has come from independence for the Bank of England, the symmetric target, the reduction of debt and debt interest and the new fiscal rules – the British Model we have created – has enabled the Monetary Policy Committee to respond early and decisively – raising interest rates in 1997, cutting them sharply in 1998 and again with nine interest rate cuts during the global downturn, and now in the last six months acting pre-emptively with interest rate changes on two occasions – with the result that, even when more exposed than many other European economies to the IT shock, growth has continued and continues at a sustainable level.  And each year since 1997 low inflation – barely achieved by previous governments – has been achieved and our inflation target met each year and every year.

    So instead of being – as in the old days – first in, worst hit and last out of any world downturn, Britain has not only avoided recession but has continued to grow in quarter after quarter, year after year, in all seven years of our government since 1997.

    Indeed, Britain has now enjoyed the longest period of growth for over 200 years.

    And now that the world economy is strengthening, growth is also becoming more balanced with business investment, manufacturing output and exports rising now – and expected to continue to rise this year and next.  And as a result and because the New Deal has, at your suggestion, insisted on the obligations of the unemployed as well as on the opportunities, the numbers of people in work have risen by 1.8 million since 1997. Indeed, this year there are for the first time actually more than 30 million workforce jobs – 30.3 million in December 2003 – a rise of 2.42 million since 1997.  And while – as you know – jobs have risen and fallen in a number of areas, you will be interested to know that jobs in construction are up by 345,000; jobs in finance and business services up by 965,000; transport and communications up by 187,000; and distribution and hotels up by 540,000.

    So let me be clear: but for the new British Model which other countries are now examining, Britain would have run the same old recessionary risks.

    And I can tell you that such is my determination to lock in that stability that looking forward, vigilant to the global economic cycle, we can and will take nothing for granted.

    And it will be the same forward looking monetary action – backed by our sound fiscal policy – that can, if we continue to make the right decisions and stick to our resolve, lock in greater stability not just for a year, or for an economic cycle, but in this generation —– a prize of greater stability that has eluded successive governments of all parties in the post war era; a prize that – with resolve and prudence – is now within our grasp.

    While we will always be vigilant to the risks, growth in 2004 which is expected to be – even after three years of flat growth – just over 1.5 per cent in France, Germany and the euro area, will be between three and three and a half per cent in Britain with, of the G7 countries, Britain and America again growing fastest.  And I am pleased that forecasting organisations which doubted us last year and then doubted us again this year are now accepting – as the IMF has done today –  that growth will be higher than last year, one of the highest of the main economies, and above 3 per cent this year.

    And I can assure you that having had the strength to make the difficult long term decisions after 1997 we will continue to have the strength to take the long term decisions that put stability first now and in the future, supporting our monetary authorities in the difficult choices they have to make. And I can say categorically to investors everywhere that while no-one can ignore the reality of the economic cycle and the potential of global events to impact on the economy, we will entrench not relax our fiscal discipline.

    For let us recall that at this stage in the economic and political cycle, past governments have resorted to short-termism in fiscal policy and gone on to raise the rate of spending in a pre election spree.  But I can tell you this morning that in exactly the same way that we had the strength since 1997 to take long term decisions on fiscal as well as monetary policy, we are equally resolved today to avoid at all times the short-termism and mistaken fiscal as well as monetary policies of the past.

    So, as I have announced, we will, while meeting all our commitments and our fiscal rules, lower not raise the rate of spending growth in the next spending round.  I can tell you that while it was right – because we are tackling decades of under investment – that current spending rose in real terms by an average of 4 per cent between 2000 and 2004, it will grow by an average of 2.5 per cent in real terms between 2006 to 2008.

    And I tell you we will not be tempted into making the mistakes of the past. And I would caution against policies – bad for Britain’s long term future – that would complacently assume that our stability is a given that any government could maintain without risking the return of the old stop go; and against policies that would:

    • tamper with our fiscal rules vital to that stability, abolish the New Deal with its obligations on the unemployed, cut investments each of us know are vital for our local economies in infrastructure and in science and skills, as well as in security and law and order, the importance of which you have highlighted this morning;
    • and retreat from our long term fiscal disciplines – from fiscal rules set over the cycle – to the old annual inflexibilities which would repeat in Britain the same mistakes of the stop go years of the early nineties and indeed repeat in Britain exactly the same rigidities seen in the Stability and Growth Pact in the euro area.

    And let us also recall that in the past Britain usually fell into recession after two inflationary bursts – an initial burst of inflation when demand got out of control and then a second burst of inflation when wage negotiators sought to catch up with expected high inflation in their pay claims.

    But I can tell everyone who depends on a wage or salary that under our new model of Bank of England independence, inflation – as we saw yesterday – is now less than 2 per cent, is likely to be less than 2 per cent this year and it is set to be just 2 per cent in the next and subsequent years.   And in this upturn when Britain must seize the opportunities by being fully competitive it is vital we complement this anti inflation discipline by both private sector and public sectors showing pay responsibility.

    Our message on pay is clear: there must be no return to the bad old days of pay irresponsibility in the private sector and we will tolerate no irresponsibility in the public sector. Civil service unions should also know that not only will we proceed with the 40,500 job reductions in the Department for Work and Pensions and the Inland Revenue and Customs – reducing administration costs across Whitehall from the 4.6 per cent we inherited to 3.7 per cent by 2008 – but there will be no going back to the old days of inflationary pay deals that would put hard won economic gains in jobs, prosperity and stability at risk.

    So once a stop-go economy, Britain is now one of the more stable.  And we are determined not to be diverted from keeping it that way. And it is time for us, facing new global economic challenges, to combine this new stability with a new resolve to make the right long term choices and reforms to achieve excellence in enterprise, in science and innovation, and in skills.

    So in the same way that a British consensus has been forged across the country – across management and workforces, and across all parties – for low inflation and our British framework for stability, we can, I believe, aim higher to forge – again across all parties, all groups – a deeper British consensus for enterprise — an entrepreneurial renaissance that celebrates and develops the entrepreneurial spirit that made us the first industrial power of the world and opens up the opportunities of enterprise to all with the talent and drive.

    Think back to the old days not just of stop go but of a sterile self-defeating corporatism that stifled enterprise and creativity and was Britain’s response to our nation’s relative economic decline

    Hence what we called:
    ‘The productivity problem’
    ‘The short termism problem’
    ‘The union problem’
    ‘The management problem’
    ‘The investment problem’
    The ‘What’s wrong with Britain problem’.

    I am pleased to report that because of your efforts there are today 100,000 more businesses than in 1997.

    Because for us a key priority was to send a message not just about stability but also about enterprise, a Labour Government, even with other priorities including investing in the NHS, education and transport and law and order, made the decision to cut capital gains tax for long term business assets dramatically – from 40 pence where it had been for years down to 10 pence.

    And I can tell you that while in every country health care cures and technologies have meant rising costs – in America most dramatically to 15 per cent of national income – hence our decision which I explained to you last year that national insurance pay for new investment matched to managerial reform in the NHS – we have since 1997 cut corporation tax from 33 pence to 30 pence, cut small business corporation tax from 23 pence to 19 pence and we are determined to keep our tax rates low and competitive, one of the reasons why  Britain is the most attractive place to invest and do business.

    You asked us to consider capital allowances and in particular special help for start up businesses, and support for venture capital. And not only have we made first year capital allowances permanent and in 2000 enterprise areas we have abolished stamp duty altogether but for this year as the economy moves forward we increased allowances for small firms to 50 pence and gave new support in the budget for the venture capital industry in all regions and nations of our country.

    Now regulation, red tape and bureaucracy are challenges in every industrial country of the world and whenever I go to the USA businessmen and women there raise about the very same things about the USA economy –  red tape, bureaucracy and regulation.

    You asked if together we could look at VAT. Instead of having to account for every transaction an automatic flat rate VAT calculation for small businesses which lifts the burden of VAT red tape off the shoulders of hundreds of thousand of companies. And we have more small companies taken out of VAT from a more generous threshold than any country in Europe.

    You asked us if working together we could look at red tape in auditing and we have exempted more small businesses from the requirement to submit an independent audit.

    You asked us if working together we could look at the system of inspections and enforcement and its costs – and we have set up a review – to which I know you are contributing – to minimise and reduce duplication in the inspection system and enforcement regimes.

    You asked us if working together we could look at the administration of the working tax credit – and having accepted the case for the Inland Revenue paying the credit directly to employees, we are now consulting with you on detailed implementation.

    You asked us if working together we could look at the cost of submitting statistical returns and the National Statistician is working with you through the Business Forum to look at what more can be done to minimise the burden on small business.

    You asked us if working together we could look at the Information Commissioner’s requirements and we produced shortened and simplified guidance for companies about the Employment Practices Data Protection Code.

    You asked us if working together we could look at the way new regulations were examined and from now on, the Regulatory Impact Unit will prevent the implementation of new policies if no proper assessment of the regulatory impact on business has been done.  For the chemicals, construction and retail industries we have established industry forums to give business early warning of new regulations and allow you to express your views on them.  And just as legislation can only be is only approved after a Cabinet process chaired by the Prime Minister so too from now on new regulations with a major impact on business will only be allowed to go ahead after being submitted to a cabinet route, with a strengthened Panel for Regulatory Accountability.

    And because 40 per cent of new regulation comes from Europe we have resisted inflexible barriers being added into European Directives like the Working Time Directive and Agency Workers Directive, the Investment Services Directive and the Transparency Directive – showing that the best contribution we pro Europeans can make to Europe’s future is to lead the reforms that will make it more competitive. And Britain has agreed with Ireland, the Netherlands and Luxembourg to put regulatory reform at the heart of our four EU Presidencies through to 2005, ensuring that any proposed regulation and every costly and wasteful existing regulation is put to a competitiveness test.

    We also know that working together we can do more to enhance Britain’s great entrepreneurial culture.

    And we have been considering what might be done to recognise that outstanding success.  So it is right to tell this conference which has been so prominent in promoting entrepreneurial talent in every region and every locality that building on the Queen’s Award for Enterprise the Government is in discussions with the Palace about new ways of recognising outstanding individual contributions to the development and promotion of enterprise nationally, regionally and locally.

    We will hold the first ever national Enterprise Week – focused on inspiring the young to be enterprising – in November.

    There will be an annual British competition for the British town or city of enterprise and just as we compete for a European City of Culture we propose a competition for the European City of Enterprise too.

    All pupils before they leave school will have the opportunity to enjoy not just work experience but enterprise education too.

    And we are launching a new national council for graduate entrepreneurship – and I’d like to thank you, and in particular your Director General David Frost, for your commitment to this initiative.

    And we will devolve Small Business Services to where they should be – run locally, sensitive to the needs of local businesses.

    And in budget after budget I want to do more making the right long term choices for Britain to encourage the risk takers and those with ambition to turn their ideas into reality and make the most of their talents.

    And facing up to the global economic challenge – within 20 years potentially half the worlds manufactured exports produced in the developing economies, with up to 5 million jobs outsourced from Europe and America –  this government must also have the strength to make the hard long term choices in favour of free trade and an outward looking internationalism.

    That is why our commitment as a Government is that we will make the case for our membership of the European Union – which accounts for 50 per cent of our trade – for the advantages it brings to Britain, and for being a leader in the enlarged Europe, the biggest single market in the world.

    And we must also make the hard long term choices to build on Britain’s scientific and creative genius and make investment in science and skills a priority:

    • offering the long term incentives that encourage new as well as established firms to invest in R and D;
    • setting out a long term plan for science funding – all to encourage investment in the new technologies of the future

    And as your report proposes this morning every one of you who runs a company knows that you must draw on the potential of everyone in your company to be successful – and its no different for a country.

    Through Learn Direct, employer training pilots, union learning funds and then the return of apprenticeships, over 1 million more adults are gaining practical new skills than six years ago.  But I want us to be the best educated and best trained workforce and so I also commit us to taking, in this coming public spending round, the tough decisions necessary:

    • demanding, in return for investment, the highest standards in our schools and further education colleges;
    • reforming university finance to secure for Britain world class universities now and in the future;
    • and because university financial reforms will help fund universities, a chance also to invest in consultation with you in the area you have highlighted today and to which I am committed to do far more in our review – the all too often neglected area of vocational education and the improvement of the numbers and quality of modern apprenticeships – once dying, now covering 250,000 young people and soon one third – giving young people the practical skills they and the economy needs.  Our aim, the aim you share – that Britain becomes the best educated, most skilled, most technically proficient workforce; all the time encouraging and incentivising a great historic British quality – a work-your-way-up ethos of self improvement and self reliance.
    • So, in conclusion, no return ever to the old boom-bust policies of the past and no relaxation of our disciplines but a Britain – once the stop go economy of the world – that succeeds in the new global competition because as the country of great political stability it now also it maintains and entrenches its economic stability.

    A Britain that succeeds in the new global competition because working together we reject the old rigidities of the past and win as a flexible, reforming, and ever more enterprising economy.

    A Britain that succeeds globally because working together we build on our scientific genius and are outward looking, internationalist and European.

    Government effective where it has to be effective – in economic stability, science, skills; businesses are able to be the wealth creators they are, and encouraged where it matters – with incentives and rewards to invest and grow.

    And a Britain that succeeds globally because we share a long term economic purpose – that long term commitment not ever to take the easy way out or the short term course but resolute to get things right for the long term.

    Making Britain a better place to do business – and, if we make the long term changes needed, better still years from now.

  • Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at the Institute of Directors Annual Convention

    Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at the Institute of Directors Annual Convention

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, at the Royal Albert Hall in London on 28 April 2004.

    Can I say what a pleasure it is to be able to address you – Britain’s top business leaders – at this, the annual conference of the Institute of Directors, today.

    And to be able, on my return from the IMF and World Bank meetings in America in the last few days:

    • to share with you my discussions with Alan Greenspan, Central Bank Governors and fellow Finance Ministers on the strengthening world economy;
    • to discuss with you how, building on the foundation of greater stability, we can as a nation seize the opportunities the world upturn offers us, now and into the future – the theme of your conference today;
    • and because it is British industry, British jobs and British prosperity that is our interest – and because it is by government and business working constructively and creatively together that Britain achieves its full potential – to discuss with you how out of our dialogue we can advance a shared economic purpose for Britain that starts with our commitment to stability; an economic purpose that recognises that wealth creation is even more important to the society we want to build; an economic purpose that encourages – as I will propose with specific measures today – a wider and deeper entrepreneurial culture; and an economic purpose that is driven forward by the shared view that if we, the people and businesses of Britain, have the strength to make the hard long term choices, Britain – the country that pioneered free trade, the Britain that has a history of scientific invention greater than almost any other, the Britain that now has an economic stability rivalled by few others – is uniquely well placed to become one of the strongest, most successful enterprise centres of the world.

    It is indeed true that of all government’s economic responsibilities – to create a competitive environment, to ensure investment in infrastructure, science and skills – the first and most fundamental duty is economic stability. And it has been the objective of Tony Blair and I that Britain have the strength to take the long term decisions to ensure stability — yesterday, today and tomorrow.

    That is why in Washington in the last few days, while confident about a strengthening world economy, I have insisted that – even as trade, investment and output grows – fellow Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors also be vigilant to global risks: current account imbalances, rising oil and commodity prices, the risks to emerging markets in the transition to higher interest rates, and the long term fiscal pressures of ageing and healthcare.

    And at this time in the economic and political cycle, Britain has had its own special problems when past governments, of whatever political colour, have allowed either inflation to get out of control or spending to get out of control – or both as happened most recently in the early 90s with 10 per cent inflation, 15 per cent interest rates, an 8 per cent deficit and a doubling of the national debt.  And I do not need to remind you that our first duty in 1997 was to address Britain’s chronic post war history of stop-go, inflation, short-termism, under-investment and higher unemployment: the old stop-go Britain. An instability that meant many with talent and initiative found it too risky to start up businesses and even the most successful British businesses could not invest with confidence for the long term or make ambitious plans.

    And it is because we recognised that – even more so in the global economy of the future – investment would move only to the countries that could demonstrate a long standing commitment to, and record of, monetary and fiscal stability, that in our first act in Government we broke from the old short-termism and removed from politicians the power to make interest rate decisions.

    And the changes we made were not just making the Bank of England independent – but by:

    • freezing spending, selling off assets and cutting the national debt dramatically;
    • imposing new fiscal policies over the economic cycle which allowed us to invest through a world recession;
    • and introducing a symmetrical inflation target that targeted deflation as much as inflation;

    the Government under Tony Blair’s leadership also put in place a wholly new long term fiscal and monetary discipline and framework.

    And I believe that it is because Britain imposed these rules, this ‘British Model’ for stability – which allowed the Bank to cut interest rates aggressively during the world downturn and allows the Bank to act proactively and pre-emptively in the upturn too – that while the USA, Germany, Italy and Japan suffered recessions, Britain for the first time in 50 years did not suffer a recession during the world downturn and instead has grown in quarter after quarter, year after year, in all seven years of our Government since 1997.  The number of people in work has grown by 1.8 million.  And Britain has now enjoyed the longest sustained period of growth for over 200 years.

    And while we will always be vigilant to the risks, I am confident that monetary and fiscal policy will ensure that growth in 2004 – which is forecast to be just over 1.5 per cent in France, Germany and the euro area – will in Britain, be between three and three and a half per cent with, of the G7 countries, Britain and America again this year growing fastest.

    And, looking forward, I can assure you that Tony Blair and I will put stability first, now and in the future — supporting our monetary authorities in the difficult choices they have to make and entrenching not relaxing our fiscal discipline.

    Because in the past Britain usually fell into recession after two inflationary bursts – an initial burst of inflation when demand got out of control and then a second burst of inflation when wage negotiators sought to catch up with expected high inflation in their pay claims – I have made it clear to wage bargainers that it is vital we maintain our anti-inflation discipline and be fully competitive by both private sector and public sectors showing pay responsibility.

    And in the public sector we will combine this anti inflation discipline with moving forward our plans for the relocation of 20,000 civil service jobs from the south east to the regions and the reduction of 40,500 civil service posts.

    And I can also tell you this afternoon that – in contrast to past governments who have resorted to short-termism in fiscal policy and gone on to raise the rate of spending in a pre election spree – we are committed to holding current spending at or below the level of revenues over the cycle and investing only where debt remains at a prudent level.  The Japanese deficit is now 7 per cent of national income, the US deficit is 5 per cent, and the French and German 4 per cent.  Our deficit is and will remain lowest of all these.  And while debt is 55 per cent in Germany, 50 per cent in the USA, 45 per cent in France and 86 per cent in Japan, it is around just one third of GDP in Britain.
    So our debt and deficits are – and this year will remain – the lowest of our major competitors and not only are our public spending plans fully financed and affordable but we will also continue to meet, as we have done for these last seven years, our fiscal rules and disciplines.

    So once the stop go economy of the world, Britain is now one of the most stable. And because we will not fall for easy options or short term quick fixes, we will not be diverted from locking in that stability.

    Britain must never complacently assume that our stability can be taken for granted and would be maintained by any government.  As I have said, it is not by accident but by the specific actions we have taken together that we have the lowest inflation for thirty years, the lowest interest rates for forty years and the lowest unemployment for a generation.  And policies that would tamper with our fiscal rules and fail to take long term stability and investment seriously would be bad for Britain and take us back to the old short termism and stop go.

    And I can assure this conference that we will not ever make the mistakes either of the late eighties and earlier nineties when monetary disciplines were forgotten.  Nor will we make the mistake of applying a rigid interpretation of the European Stability and Growth Pact – or a British version of that – where – as again happened in the late 1980s and early 1990s – insufficient attention is paid to the long term, to the economic cycle as a whole, to the needs of investment and to the long term sustainability of debt as well as deficits.

    And I now hope that in the same way that business and Government agree on the importance of our new won and hard won stability, we can now move forward to build an even deeper and more lasting consensus about the importance we all attach to a wider and deeper entrepreneurial culture in our country – a culture which rewards and values business and wealth creation; a culture which encourages the risk taker, the innovator and the investor; a culture which says to the young person with the will to succeed that enterprise is genuinely open to all who make the effort.

    Let me explain what I have said not just to business but to the Labour Party and to the trade unions about why it is so important to build that stronger and deeper enterprise culture in all areas of Britain.

    We all know that the new global economy means not just speed in innovation but also a shift in global production so great that while in 1980 less than a tenth of manufacturing exports came from developing countries, today it’s 25 per cent; in twenty years time 50 per cent. That’s not just cars and computers but half of all the world’s manufacturing goods produced for export in the developing countries.

    Already China and India are becoming technological powers – China with 750,000 researchers and 750,000 graduates a year, India with nearly 700,000 graduates a year. And China’s significance to the global economy is that this year it is consuming more than twice the amount of steel than the USA, nearly half of the world’s cement and is adding as much output as the whole of the G7 put together.  So for Britain, as for Europe, there is no escape from uncompetitiveness by resorting to the old loss making subsidies, artificial barriers or protectionist shelters.

    And while there are huge challenges, the opportunity for us is that as low cost, low value production comes under increasing pressure, we are well placed to meet and master the challenge of finding and exploiting the high valued added, high tech, high skilled, science-driven products and services that are the key to our wealth creation in the future.

    The Britain that fails will be the Britain that relapses into the old short-termism and stop go, failing to take long term stability seriously; and fails to invest in science, technology, infrastructure, skills and enterprise.

    But the Britain that succeeds will be the British economy that builds upon its foundation of stability; thrives on robust competition and on free trade not protectionism; and insists on making the long term investments needed in science, skills and enterprise – backing enterprising and knowledgeable people from the entrepreneur and cutting edge research scientist to the trained apprentice and skilled worker.

    British inventiveness is not just a feature of our industrial revolution past.  I am proud to say that today we lead the world in areas from aerospace, pharmaceuticals and financial services to telecommunications, broadcast technologies and digital electronics.

    And while it would always be easier to take the short term route – and fail to continue to make the necessary investments for the future – we propose to take the longer term view, to choose science and technology above many other spending priorities and building on the widely acclaimed one and a quarter billion pound renewal of Britain’s university and science base – and on the new research and development tax credits you have already welcomed – we propose to set out this summer a long term investment framework for British science, technology and innovation over the next decade. And I can tell you today that, as the next step toward our long term ambitions, we will raise the level of science funding as a share of national income in the next spending review period.

    But there is something even more ambitious we propose for Britain.

    Our aim must be to remove all the old barriers holding the enterprising back and create an environment in which businesses – whether companies starting up, investing, hiring, training, seeking equity, exporting – can grow and thrive.

    Let me give a few examples.

    Planning: Britain must make our planning laws quicker, more flexible and more responsive – and I can tell you that we will.

    Pay: Britain must do more to encourage local and regional pay flexibility – and we will.

    Transport: we must work with you – private and public sectors together – to tackle the massive backlog in infrastructure investment.  And with £180 billion of investment over ten years we will.

    Company regulation: we have exempted 69,000 more small businesses – over 200,000 now in total – from the requirement to submit an independent audit. And we will do more.

    Inspections: with our new review, we will seek to minimise and reduce duplication in the inspection system and enforcement regimes.

    Small business regulation: we have introduced a simple flat rate VAT calculation for small businesses which lifts the burden of VAT red tape off the shoulders of hundreds of thousand of firms.  And we will do more.

    Tax: just as we have cut long term capital gains tax from 40 pence to 10 pence, small business tax from 23 pence to 19 pence and corporation tax from 33 pence to 30 pence, I promise we will continue to look with you at the business tax regime so that we make and keep the UK as the most competitive place for international business.

    As I was reminded when I heard business this weekend express their concerns about regulation in the USA, red tape, regulation and bureaucracy are challenges in every industrial country of the world.

    In total over the last 2 years, 650 regulations have been identified in Britain for reform or removal and we now propose sector by sector, working with you, to look at how we can remove more wasteful regulations starting with the chemicals, construction and retail industries.

    Because 40 per cent of new regulation comes from Europe we have resisted inflexible barriers being added into European directives like the Working Time Directive and Agency Workers Directive, the Investment Services Directive and the Transparency Directive. And I am pleased to report that Britain has agreed with Ireland, the Netherlands and Luxembourg to put regulatory reform at the heart of our four EU presidencies through to 2005, ensuring that any proposed regulation and every costly and wasteful existing regulation is put to a competitiveness test.

    And just as we remove regulation that is wasteful we must also encourage competition, enterprise and trade that is job creating.

    In the new global economy a competitive environment abroad is as important as the one at home so we must also have the strength to make the hard long term choices in favour of free trade and an outward looking internationalism.  That is why our commitment as a Government is that we will not only lead calls for a resumption of world trade talks but will make the case for our membership of the European Union – which accounts for 50 per cent of our trade – for the advantages it brings to Britain – and for being a leader in the enlarged Europe, the biggest single market in the world.   And I believe that the best contribution pro-Europeans committed to Britain leading in Europe make to the cause of Europe is by ensuring that in Europe we face up to rather than duck the difficult decisions about economic reform.

    But Europe and America should also do more to work together.

    Having just returned from meetings in the United States with John Snow, the Treasury Secretary, and Alan Greenspan, the Head of The Federal Reserve, I want to announce a joint initiative of the US Administration and the US Government — the first USA-UK Enterprise and Productivity Forum which will be held in Philadelphia on 24 May. The purpose is to bring together businessmen and women from both countries to discuss how best we can advance enterprise and equip ourselves for the next challenges of the global economy. And not only is your Director General but young entrepreneurs from across the UK being invited.

    In June, in a second enterprise initiative jointly with the United States, we will examine how together we can improve enterprise education in our schools.  And as we learn from America’s “can do”, “get up and go”, dynamic entrepreneurial culture, we will be asking why a third fewer people in the UK say they are considering starting up a business compared to the US.

    These are just two of a number of initiatives, working with business, that we are taking this year to strengthen and deepen the enterprise culture in Britain and to learn from the USA’s stronger and deeper enterprise culture – remembering that if Britain had the same rate of entrepreneurial activity as the United States, we would have 1.8 million more people starting up or running new businesses every year.

    I want also to inform you that to further USA and European cooperation, the Transatlantic Business Dialogue – which has just been relaunched – will, with our support, meet at the forthcoming EU-US Summit on 26 June and will focus on the regulatory, competition and other barriers which deny us the full benefits in jobs, growth, business activity, employment and prosperity from the interaction of the world’s two most successful economies.

    And let me tell you something that matters for this Institute which has done so much to foster and encourage enterprise: that building on the Queen’s Award for Enterprise the Government is in discussions with the Palace about new ways of recognising outstanding individual contributions to the development and promotion of enterprise nationally, regionally and locally – and thus recognising the importance of the dynamic entrepreneur as a role model in our community.

    Let me also tell you that in June we will be announcing the detailed plans for Britain’s first ever National Enterprise Week to be held in November 2004 and to be led by your Director General – whose sterling work in this area has rightly won wide acclaim.

    Out of our Enterprise Week – focused on inspiring the young to be enterprising with events, competitions, master classes and other initiatives in every part of the country – I want to see literally thousands of young men and women in Britain challenged by the excitement of business and fired with the enthusiasm to start a business or to work in business….yet another example of a sea change in attitudes to enterprise I want to encourage for Britain.

    I can tell you that we have set aside resources, starting in September next year, to give each school pupil at least 5 days of enterprise education and from today, enterprise advisers will be working in one thousand schools in our most deprived areas – together ensuring that before they leave school all pupils will have the opportunity to enjoy not just work experience but top quality enterprise education too.

    More than in the past, our colleges and universities ought to be a training ground for businessmen and women of the future.  And this is the thinking behind the new National Council for Graduate Entrepreneurship – to be launched shortly – which will provide advice and support for college and university students considering a career in business and will be championed by Karan Billimoria, the prominent graduate entrepreneur behind Cobra Beer.

    I have always thought it right that if we have towns and cities recognised for their culture or environment or sports we should have towns and cities recognised for their contribution to enterprise and I will soon be announcing further details with the Deputy Prime Minister of an annual British competition for the British town or city of enterprise.

    And just as European countries compete for a European City of Culture we have persuaded our fellow European partners that there should be a competition to identify the European city of enterprise too.

    In the past, areas of high unemployment seemed to be no go areas for enterprise.  But in an era when enterprise is open to all no community should be left behind so I can tell you that the 2000 new enterprise areas – new zones for new business opportunities in areas traditionally associated with high unemployment, should enjoy a stamp duty holiday for property purchases, a special community investment tax relief, fast tracking planning for new business development and the prospect of enhanced capital allowances for renovating business premises.

    In the past the work of science seemed remote from the work of business but I can inform you also today that – following Richard Lambert’s recommendations – we will make it one of our spending priorities to encourage business to draw on innovative work from our colleges, universities and research institutes, and to encourage universities to think of the needs of business — through funding grants for collaborative R&D; helping universities translate research effectively into commercial benefits; and encouraging more university-business link ups not just within the UK but between the UK and other countries.

    Every one of you here who runs a company knows that you must draw upon, encourage and incentivise the potential of everyone in your company to be successful. And it’s no different for a country.   But each year too many 16 year olds leave school with no qualifications.  There are nearly 5 million adults still without basic skills. And only 300,000 of them are in training.

    I believe this is a responsibility of all of us – employers, employees and governments – and not only do I want a partnership that raises the level of skills available to you in businesses but Charles Clarke and I have committed ourselves to making the tough resource decisions necessary to help make Britain the best educated, most skilled, most technically proficient workforce:

    • demanding, in return for investment, the highest standards where training must start – in our schools and further education colleges;
    • reforming university finance to secure for Britain world class universities now and in the future;
    • focusing resources on the all too often neglected area of vocational education for young people and adults – including improving the quality of modern apprenticeships, once dying and now taken up by a quarter of a million young people;
    • entrenching and expanding the rights and responsibilities of the New Deal – which has helped over 1 million people into jobs since 1997.

    But it will only work if we work together:

    • you taking an interest in schools, colleges and universities to ensure they are not remote from the needs of business;
    • and, because it is a national priority where urgency is required, the Government ready to do more to be of assistance.  And I can say today that we are ready to do more, working with you, to expand the highly successful Employer Training Pilots that are now offering over 80,000 employees paid time off to train towards relevant skills.

    So the modern role of government in the global era is to entrench stability, build a competitive environment, and to ensure the public investments necessary, in partnership with business, for a knowledge based economy — investments in science and technology, in enterprise and in skills.

    Government doing what it needs to but only what it needs to do:

    • determined to maintain stability and create a competitive environment in which businesses can thrive;
    • resolved to invest in those areas where government can make a real difference – science, skills and infrastructure;
    • committed to entrenching a wider and deeper enterprise culture;
    • and building what is increasingly vital: a shared British economic purpose – hopefully a national consensus that stretches right across all parties and all sections of the community – that Britain, the first industrial nation, has the strength and the will to avoid the old short termism and mistakes of the past and think, act and work together for the long term.

    Britain not only well placed to be the success story of the new global economy but determined that nothing will stand in the way of that achievement.

    It is a global challenge we can meet by working together.

    And a British achievement we can – in our generation together – celebrate.

  • Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech to the Social Market Foundation

    Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech to the Social Market Foundation

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 18 May 2004.

    I am grateful to the Social Market Foundation not just for its contribution in forum after forum and publication after publication to a vibrant debate about the future of our country but for giving me the opportunity to speak on markets and social reform last year, now being so kind as to publish in pamphlet from the speech I made.

    In the speech I argued for a new clarity on one of the oldest and most important issues in political economy: the role and limits of the state and markets.

    I argued that markets are in the public interest, while not to be automatically equated with it, and that we should be advancing market disciplines across the economy – promoting greater competition, open trade, entrepreneurship and flexibility in labour and capital markets.

    I said that where there are market failures we should work to make markets perform better – as in skills and training, in science and research and development, in financial markets, in regional policy and to tackle environmental damage.

    And I suggested that where there are systemic problems with the operation of markets that cannot easily be corrected, such as in healthcare and other public services, the challenge is develop efficient and equitable but non centralist means of public provision.

    Since that speech – and with your general support – we have already announced major changes in policy that were prefigured or anticipated by the arguments of the speech.

    We have removed the last permanent industrial subsidies in coal, steel and shipbuilding.

    We have announced the sale of UK Government privatised shareholdings.

    From a platform of an increased national minimum wage and tax credits, we have promoted regional and local pay flexibility.

    We have announced new deregulatory initiatives for the administration of small companies in for example VAT and audit.

    We have agreed a four Presidency deregulation initiative for the EU, with the aim of putting every regulation to the competitiveness test.

    We have proposed a further round of European economic reform – liberalising product, capital and labour markets.

    We have proposed how the European Union can reform its state aid regime – abolishing wasteful state aids but also making sure the rules do not prevent measures which help make markets work better.

    We have implemented our new competition and enterprise regime and the OFT and Competition Commission have a new work programme with investigations into market conditions in areas from pharmacies and doorstep selling to estate agents and the professions.

    And we have invested substantially more in the areas where if Government does not act, voluntary, private or other agencies cannot be relied on to do so – in schools, adult learning, universities, colleges, health and infrastructure.

    And in adult learning we are seeking a new partnership between government, employers and employees.

    In health and the public services the programme of reform is proceeding faster than ever and that reform will go on and on.

    Tony Blair and I are working closely on both our spending round and the five year departmental plans for the future:  radical plans for investment matched by reform which we and the Cabinet are also working through together, reform plans that we will outline in the next few weeks, reforms on the basis of which Tony Blair will map out the road ahead.

    And working with John Reid in the field of health care, we are recognising just how much more progress on the reform agenda we can make.

    Last year I argued for more devolution, more local accountability, more flexibility and more choice – more diversity of supply – in the delivery of services. But advances we are making now allow us to go even further.

    Take information available to the patient. In my speech last year I pointed out that professional and care relationships suffer from information asymmetries — information asymmetries that made the typical market model of service provision difficult to work in every health care system including in America as well as Britain.    Whereas in a market there is always a temptation for the supplier to exploit information asymmetries, in public services we must attempt to face up to them in the interests of patient power.   So increasingly we will empower patients.

    In addition to producing better information for patients through star ratings, putting waiting times and other information on the NHS.uk website, we are piloting expert support for patients in exercising choice over their care.  In our coronary and heart disease choice pilots, for example, specialist nurse ‘patient care advisors’ are being provided to help patients.  And we are now planning to roll out choice at referral, where PCTs and GPs will provide advice and support either directly to patients or with the help of voluntary organisations.  We are also providing more information particularly in primary care and for patients with chronic conditions where patients increasingly have considerable knowledge of their condition.

    Addressing these asymmetries – putting patients and users of other public services at the heart of the delivery of those services – is a crucial aspect of the government’s desire to achieve a wider aim: to make public services more personal to the needs of the user.

    Personalisation means opening up wherever possible a greater range of options to the service user and I believe it will serve us well to consider the future of the public services in this way: making public services responsive to the particular needs of their users so that his or her needs are better met:

    • for the NHS patient, the opportunity to book an appointment time, to see their own electronic records, to choose a hospital
    • for the school pupil, allowing the individual to learn at his or her own pace and style
    • for the elderly or disabled person, the chance to design for themselves and then obtain the right package of care options for them
    • for the young person on the New Deal, access to an adviser who can provide help tailored to the particular circumstances of the individual and the employment conditions of the area
    • for the parent, a range of flexible childcare services and financial support to choose from
    • for the local community, the opportunity to discuss and influence community safety strategies and environmental improvements.

    And in this way the work of the doctor, the nurse, the teacher and the provider focus more on the individual needs of the patient, pupil and user than ever before; public services can be shown to be superior to privately provided services in these areas; and a new model of non centralised non market public service delivery can evolve – devolved, accountable, flexible, with the user in the driving seat.

    For too long in the past chronic under-investment made many resigned to the poor performance of too many public services, standardised and uniform services starved as they were of resources and of long term direction and hope.  But today we can see a new vision ahead of us – where instead of standardised and uniform services, public services meet peoples diverse needs in ways personal to those who depended upon them

    As Amartya Sen has famously argued, equality rooted in an equal respect and concern for our citizens demands not just greater equality of resources but also equal capability to function and develop their potential. Such capability can be developed through a new approach to public services – one that maximises responsiveness and flexibility to provide services that empower the individual to flourish and one that engages individuals themselves to be active partners in achieving these results.

    Because achieving equality of opportunity is a fundamental goal in a progressive society, I believe each person has an equal entitlement not just to high standards of service, but to as equal a chance as another of developing themselves and their potential to the fullest. Because people begin from different starting places, in different circumstances and with different needs, public services need to be personalised in terms of their resources and range of provision.

    Achieving this vision of personalised public services — meeting the individual needs of all our citizens — requires continuing reform in the way we deliver public services.  This is the process on which the government has embarked and on which we continue to push ahead, as we shall show in the spending review in the summer.

    And this vision is not of personalised services just for the few, for those who can afford to buy them in the market.  It is for all.  For personalisation is not opposed to equity; it is at the very core of what equity means.  Achieving the goal of equality of opportunity – enabling each person to achieve their own potential to the fullest – requires a tailored approach that takes into account each person’s unique circumstances.

    When I gave the speech to the SMF last year, some people said that the Government’s three goals for public services

    – greater personalisation, higher efficiency, and increased equity – were mutually incompatible.  They said that we faced a dilemma:
    – that if public services were to be efficient, they had to be inequitable, because only market mechanisms, which depend on ability to pay, can achieve efficiency
    – and that if services are to be equitable and universally available to all, then they cannot be personalised, but must inevitably be uniform, inflexible and standardised

    Yet, in my speech and now pamphlet, I showed how not just equity but efficiency is better served through a publicly-funded and publicly-provided NHS rather than a private market.

    But now I believe we can go further than this. We can show that public funding and largely public provision cannot only be equitable and efficient but can provide personalised services as well.

    I very much hope the SMF, along with other think tanks, will continue to contribute to the debates we are now engaged in on how we develop more personalised, equitable and efficient public services. I hope this pamphlet helps this process. I am very grateful to the SMF for publishing it.  And to all of you for attending this launch.

  • Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at Launch of the Enterprise Insight Campaign

    Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at Launch of the Enterprise Insight Campaign

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 28 June 2004.

    I am delighted to be here today with Britain’s top entrepreneurs, businesses and education organisations to launch a new campaign aimed at inspiring young people to believe in their own entrepreneurial potential and “Make Their Mark”.

    As you know, the campaign will culminate in November with the first ever British ‘National Enterprise Week’ designed to encourage young people to think entrepreneurially, to get them excited about the possibilities of starting up a business, and to mark a step change in the creation of a more dynamic enterprise culture in our country.

    And I want to take this opportunity to thank all of you here who are working tirelessly to make Enterprise Week a success: Kevin Steele and George Cox from Enterprise Insight; and all the individual members of the Enterprise Insight campaign who are bringing together so many events into just one week this autumn.

    During Enterprise Week Britain will showcase our entrepreneurial talent and inspire young people in every region of the country:

    • over 2,000 young people from all over the world will compete in a 24 hour global enterprise challenge;
    • Shell Livewire will showcase their 300 best young business start-ups;
    • Britain’s 100 fastest growing inner city companies will be rewarded for their success;
    • young people will attend mentoring classes, networking events and workshops with established entrepreneurs;
    • there will be competitions for the most innovative business ideas; and
    • there will be enterprise roadshows for school pupils all over Britain.

    And as we launch this Enterprise Week campaign today, I can also tell you that there will be three other competitions to recognise and reward our brightest and best entrepreneurs – and the cities and towns that are doing most to encourage the entrepreneurs of the future.

    The ‘Enterprising Britain’ competition will identify British cities or towns that have championed a culture of enterprise throughout the regions of the UK. Nominations from across the country will be unveiled during Enterprise Week, and Britain’s first national capital of enterprise will be chosen next spring.

    I congratulate the Daily Mail and Enterprise Insight for setting up, in parallel, ‘Enterprising Britons’ – a competition to find the nation’s most outstanding enterprising individuals – with the winners crowned during Enterprise Week this autumn.

    And when in a fortnight’s time the Queen and other members of the Royal family visit the most outstanding examples of enterprise in each region, we will be announcing a new Queen’s award for enterprise.

    As we celebrate entrepreneurship I have set a goal for the Pre-Budget Report, which will be presented to the House of Commons at the same time as National Enterprise Week, to do more to remove all the old barriers holding the enterprising back.

    For too long, in too many areas, for too much of our recent past, enterprise has been seen as something for someone else, for a small elite. People thought the opportunity to start a business, to become self-employed, to make their ideas happen, was, somehow, not for them.

    So we must rebuild a truly enterprising culture in Britain and we must open up enterprise to all.  Encouragement for business start ups must be available in the highest unemployment area as well as the most prosperous areas, to the redundant worker as well as to the tycoon’s son.

    I want us to create a Britain of ambition where what matters is not where you come from but what you aspire to – and where business creation is encouraged.

    That is why in the last seven years we have put in place reforms to help business start up and grow.  We have cut capital gains tax from 40p to 10p. We have introduced the most open competition regime this country has seen. To cut the penalties of failure we have radically reformed the insolvency laws. We have cut small companies corporation tax from 23p to 19p, with a new zero rate for the smallest companies first £10,000 pounds of profit. And perhaps most importantly of all, we have created economic stability in which businesses can plan ahead with confidence.

    As a result more people than ever want to start businesses. There are 100,000 more businesses than in 1997, 3000 new businesses are starting up each week, and last year saw the fastest rate of increase in self-employment for two decades.

    55 per cent of people now believe they have the skills to start up a business, compared to 40 per cent in 2001.  Indeed 39 per cent believe there are good start up opportunities for them, compared to 18 per cent, only a few years ago.

    It takes 24 days to set up a business in the rest of Europe but only 7 days in Britain – and I want that time to be even less.

    So we have made progress but there is still much more to do.

    It is because we want as strong and deep an enterprise culture as the United States, that Britain must now prepare for the next round of enterprise reforms: removing the barriers to enterprise; more devolution of business support to the regions; and enterprise brought into schools and universities –  as well as greater encouragement for entrepreneurs.

    At every stage – whether for companies starting up, investing, hiring, training, seeking equity, exporting – our aim is to be on businesses’ side.  And, learning from flexibilities in the United States, we are working to remove all the old barriers holding the enterprising back:

    • we are simplifying VAT, audit and regulatory regimes;
    • instead of having to account for every transaction there is now a simple flat rate VAT calculation for small businesses which lifts the burden of VAT red tape off the shoulders of hundreds of thousand of companies;
    • we have exempted more small businesses from the requirement to submit an independent audit;
    • we have set up a review to minimise and reduce duplication in the inspection system and enforcement regimes;
    • this year we will launch new funds for enterprise capital, to bridge the funding gap many new businesses face;
    • and because run down inner city areas or derelict industrial estates should not be seen as no go areas for new business but as areas of business opportunity – offering new choices, new recruits, and new markets – we have put in place 2000 new Enterprise Areas with stamp duty exemptions, community investment tax relief, fast track planning, and enhanced capital allowances for the renovation of business premises.  And I want to look at how we can go even further to encourage enterprise in disadvantaged communities in particular.

    And I believe that the announcements we make in the forthcoming Spending Review will reflect these priorities.

    Indeed I have studied the submissions of the Spending Review and what is remarkable is the consensus from unions to management; from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to the regions of England south and north that enterprise, along with science, innovation and skills, must be an investment priority for government.

    And in each case we should commit ourselves to the long term – resisting the old stop-go in spending that has done so much damage in the past.

    To make business support services more responsive to local people and local businesses, we will confirm in the Spending Review that the Business Links service – which helped half a million businesses last year – will be devolved out of Whitehall to the regions and we will do more to give RDAs the freedom and flexibility to be the driving force behind enterprise and business growth in every region of the country.

    Creating an enterprise culture starts not in the boardroom but in the classroom. Yet when I was at school no business ever came near the doors of our classroom.

    I can tell you today that there are funds set aside in the forthcoming Spending Review so that each school will be able to offer every pupil not just work experience but 5 days of enterprise education too.  1000 new enterprise advisors are already working in schools in deprived areas. And a week ago experts from Britain and the US met in Boston to share experience on inspiring young people in schools about enterprise.

    British universities, once slow to respond, are now fixed on working with businesses, expanding university spin offs, licensing technologies and teaching students about enterprise.  The spending round will offer more incentives for university and graduate enterprise.  We will encourage existing firms to use the entrepreneurial skills of Britain’s universities and colleges.  And this autumn we will launch a new National Council for Graduate Entrepreneurship – which, working with the Kauffman foundation, will hold an international conference on how we can do more to put enterprise at the centre of the university curriculum.

    All our proposals on enterprise for this year each add up to something bigger than their individual parts – initiatives that taken together can make a difference, and contribute to a change in culture and attitudes by valuing and celebrating the spirit of enterprise throughout Britain.

    We know how much stronger our economy and our society will be if we see released all the dynamism, creativity and potential of all our people.  But too often, young people do not believe that enterprise is for them.

    That is why this campaign and Enterprise Week are so important – inspiring young people to be enterprising, mobilising people to aim high and to achieve success, and giving those with ideas and ambition the confidence and know-how to start up their own businesses and make a success of their ideas.

    So I urge you all to get involved and play your part in making Enterprise Week a success:

    • setting up and taking part in enterprise events;
    • telling the world about Enterprise Week – helping to get the enterprise message to young people where they spend their time – in  schools, universities, pubs and coffee shops, and online; and
    • sharing your stories about how ideas can become successful businesses.

    Because with business, government and the voluntary sector working together, I believe we can foster a British enterprise renaissance – and begin to tap the immense skill and entrepreneurial talent that exists in Britain to the benefit of the whole community.

  • John Healey – 2003 Speech to the Association of Colleges Conference

    John Healey – 2003 Speech to the Association of Colleges Conference

    The speech made by John Healey, the then Economic Secretary to the Treasury, on 12 November 2003.

    Thank you for inviting me to join you at your conference.

    I know I am the first Treasury Minister to speak to this conference, but then this is the first Association of Colleges conference exploring the theme of the wider economic, not just educational, role of colleges.

    I know some in the sector feared the new skills strategy launched in summer would downplay or diminish the importance of colleges to what the Chancellor has described as the “national effort for skills”.

    The special contribution of colleges

    There are indeed some very significant challenges for FE, particularly in raising and responding to demand, which I will return to.

    But on the contrary, this drive to inspire and develop the workforce of the future – and today – will not succeed unless colleges make more, not less, of a contribution.

    I am also a fan of Further Education. FE is unique, offering a breadth of learning to a range of learners which no other part of the education and training system comes close to matching.

    This year the LSC is funding nearly 6 million learners in post-16 education and training – of which 3.9 million are in FE. You offer special opportunity and support for many who may not find a place elsewhere in the education system – only half of 16 year-olds going into FE have good GCSEs, compared to more than three quarters entering school sixth forms; 2 in every 5 students entering higher education do so via FE colleges; and over 27% of your FE learners are drawn from the 15% most disadvantaged areas in our country. In the area I represent as a Member of Parliament in South Yorkshire, 45% of all our FE learners are from the 15% most disadvantaged areas.

    This is one reason why general further education is so important to a Labour government.

    Skills are a government spending priority

    But I’ve always argued that learning and skills are much more than a matter just of education.

    When one fifth of Britain’s productivity gap with Germany is due to our skills deficit – then skills are a central economic concern.

    When people with poor literacy and numeracy are up to five times more likely to be unemployed or out of the labour market altogether – then skills are a mainstream employment challenge.

    When failures and barriers in the training market discourage employers from developing their workforce – then skills are a major enterprise policy.

    And when those who are part time, poorly paid or already poorly qualified are less likely to get training at work – then skills are a serious equality issue as well.

    Starkly put, the UK economy will not maximise its long-term growth or jobs potential – and UK society cannot be inclusive – if over a third of the workforce have few or no skills and qualifications.

    When I first got the job of Adult Skills Minister in May 2001, I went into the tea room at the Commons, and another MP came up to me. “I hear you’ve got a Ministerial job” he said, excitedly. “Yes I have.” I replied, just as excitedly. “What is it?” “Minister for Adult Skills.” At that point I saw his eyes glaze over, and he was looking over my shoulder for someone else to talk to.

    We have come a long way since then, and skills, learning and workforce development are more central to much of what government is doing, and what we aim to do for the economy, public services, employment, business support and individual citizens.

    That’s why the preparation of the national skills strategy launched this summer, which was so well led by Ivan Lewis at the Department for Education and Skills, drew heavily also on input from the Department of Trade and Industry, the Department of Work and Pensions, and the Treasury.

    Investment in further education

    You know the total planned investment in FE via the LSC was £4.4 billion last year. You know it is £5.2 billion next year, rising to £5.6 billion in 2005-6.

    So, I hope you see this 19% real terms rise over the current spending review period as a major commitment to, and a mark of confidence in, the further education sector.

    It is confirmation that you have a central part to play in helping us in government achieve economic and social, as well as educational goals.

    Investment priorities

    However, and you might expect me to say this as a Treasury Minister, with powerful competing demands on the public finances, a central issue is not only how much the Government invests, but how we determine what we prioritise for spending, and where we expect a greater contribution from other sources.

    I’ve mentioned that over a third of our workforce – 8.3 million adults – have poor skills and qualifications. This compares with under 20% in Germany, and around 10% in the United States.

    Failures and barriers in learning market

    Now, some of the critical UK skills demands are at higher levels. But the returns from learning beyond level 2 become much clearer and much more direct, both to individuals and employers.

    It is right therefore, I believe, to demand a different balance of investment between individual, employer and state for such learning.

    This economic rationale, if you like, reinforces the basic fairness case that has led Government to target our intervention on basic and level two skills.

    Basic skills for adults are vital – and the fact that between April 2001 and July 2003, nearly half a million adults improved their literacy and numeracy levels – three quarters of them through FE – is a tribute to the colleges and other providers who have responded to the Skills for Life challenge. In my view, our Skills for Life targets are the toughest anywhere in the education field. Since April 2001, more than 3 million learning opportunities have been provided – but we don’t count these against the target. 1.85 million learners have completed literacy, numeracy and language courses – but we don’t count these against the target. We only measure and score a learner who is tested and achieves a qualification above the level they started. And if they go on to achieve level 1 after entry qualification, or level 2 after level 1, we only count them once against this target.

    Now if literacy and numeracy are essential “skills for life”, level 2 is increasingly seen as the base level for successful participation in the labour market. And if the UK is to realise and sustain full employment, and if we are to increase rates of productivity gain, we must achieve the policy goal of fully-funded, flexible opportunities for every adult to learn to level 2.

    Beyond this, the Government is ready to consider extra backing where specific level 3 skills shortages are confirmed, but evidence shows that employers are much more likely to invest in training for staff who already have level 2 skills, and that such staff are also more likely to seek or continue training on their own initiative.

    But we also know that there are other real barriers to the efficient functioning of the learning market.

    For staff, securing the necessary time out from work for learning can be hard. For employers, the cost of allowing their employees time off for training may be prohibitive, particularly for smaller firms.

    This is why we launched the programme of Employer Training Pilots, in 6 English LSC areas, then extended this to 12 in the 2003 Budget. So that, in addition to entirely free level 2 training provision and advice, employers that give staff leave to learn in return receive costs compensation from Government – geared especially to support small companies.

    The results of the first evaluation are due shortly but early indications are very encouraging. At the end of the first 12 months of the six pilots, our first year targets had been hit with around 3,500 employers and 17,000 employees signed up. Moreover, 70% of these firms employed fewer than 50 people, and 40% had never had any contact with public agencies or funding before.

    Importance of demand

    I am glad that Alan Johnson was able to speak to you yesterday and underline the challenges of supply-side reform in further education – raising standards, improving accountability, reducing bureaucracy, developing all staff and also meeting what he called the challenge of college leadership.

    But in our drive to improve skills, the demand-side is equally important. Raising the UK’s performance on skills requires concerted and coordinated effort from all stakeholders – a strong theme throughout the new national skills strategy.

    Government must play its part to deal with market failures, and also to support individuals and employers in their efforts to increase skill levels.

    Employers must take responsibility for the training and development of all their staff to meet the needs of their business or organisation.

    Individuals must take responsibility for their own personal career development, and be prepared to learn and relearn new skills.

    And from all three sources, we must increase levels of demand for, and investment in, learning.

    Further education supply and employer demand

    We must also, of course, ensure that the system of provision responds better to the particular needs of local employers and local economies.

    There are, I know from my time in DfES and my work in the Treasury, some exceptional examples of demand-led provision across the country. But too often the department, learning centre, college or other provider is just that – “exceptional”.

    This was a major reason for the programme of Centres of Vocational Excellence which establish firm links between employers and high quality learning providers to tackle priority skills demands in their area – a programme which has now established 250 COVEs in a little over two years.

    This was also part of the rationale behind our Employer Training Pilots.

    However, the broader drive for closer links between learning providers and employer lies, of course, in the system for planning and funding provision, led by the LSC, but increasingly aligned with RDAs, Business Link and Sector Skills Councils’ strategies.

    As LSCs gain greater funding freedoms and flexibility – and as we devolve 3-year budget planning through the system – there is an important opportunity for colleges to be more active participants in this system, rather than passive recipients of funding decisions made elsewhere.

    Perhaps I caricature colleges as “victims”?

    But when – as the AoC recognises in this conference theme – there is a policy imperative for learning providers to respond to the demands of local labour markets and local economies, it’s reasonable to ask:

    Why have colleges only collected £44m in fees from employers, against a total budget of £4.4 billion last year?

    Why have so few employers chosen colleges to provide learning in the Employer Training Pilots?

    Why are college corporations often the last choice for an employer who wants to serve on a local community body?

    There is certainly more that colleges can do to design courses, develop facilities and deliver learning in ways which meet the demands of local employers and the local economy.

    The AoC’s support – and the substance of this annual conference – are important steps in this direction.

    In Government we look forward to working with you and your members in FE, to tackle this challenge.

  • Gordon Brown – 2003 Speech at the Inner City 100 Awards

    Gordon Brown – 2003 Speech at the Inner City 100 Awards

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 2 December 2003.

    Can I say first of all what a pleasure it is to be present at these awards for Inner City 100 – these “Oscars for Business”; to thank not only the New Economics Foundation, for their work in developing and running IC100, but the lead sponsors, Royal Bank of Scotland and Natwest; to be able to congratulate all of you who are finalists for the contribution you make both to your community and to the British economy; and to say that Inner City 100 is not just a competition between new high growth firms in our inner cities but a celebration of the dynamism of new enterprise in our inner cities.

    This competition – Inner City 100 – which I was proud to be present at the start of two years ago with only a few entries, now has – with over 400 nominations from across the country this year and over a thousand since the awards began – become the premier showcase for the initiative, innovation and renewal that is a feature of so many of our inner cities today.

    From fashion to food, construction to computer software, recruitment to property renovation, Inner City 100 firms are leading the way:

    • providing services like community transport, basic skills training and care services which are benefiting your local area;
    • taking innovative approaches to staff recruitment and training;
    • utilising environmentally friendly products and processes;
    • and developing hi tech solutions to problems.

    And as a result of the work you – and others like you – are doing across the country, small business creation rates remain strong and survival rates continue to improve, despite the global downturn.

    There are 133,000 more VAT registered companies today than in 1997.

    And there are more people starting businesses in our highest unemployment areas; and more people from different backgrounds realising that a career in business can be for them.

    And in thanking all of you for what you have achieved – and will achieve – I want, in the minute or two I have, to show how your achievements, your ingenuity and your creativity are building a new Britain of enterprise and initiative.

    Your successes show that the British economy will do best when enterprise is open not just to a privileged elite but where men and women from all social backgrounds are encouraged to know that with the banks on their side, with local authorities backing their efforts, with community support for them as role models for the young, they can transform their ideas and hopes into business start up and growing firms.

    A Britain where people know what matters is not where you come from but what you do, not where you were born but what you aspire to; a Britain where we break down the old barriers to opportunity and everyone has the chance to move ahead.

    And I can assure you that, on your side, the Government intends to play its part removing the barriers to start ups, to growing businesses, to the development of enterprise in all areas especially the inner cities:

    • building a competitive environment;
    • investing in skills and science;
    • and enthusing young people with the spirit of enterprise.

    And with 5,000 new jobs created across the country as a result of your successes – and average growth in your companies of nearly 600 per cent over the last five years – all of you here today have proved that inner cities and established industrial areas should be seen as new markets with competitive advantages – their strategic locations, their often untapped retail markets, and the potential of their workforce.   But there are still too many areas in Britain where businesses face special problems in obtaining access to support, advice and finance.

    So to stimulate business-led growth in our inner cities and estates, we have created enterprise areas in the 2000 most deprived wards in the country – where with the abolition of stamp duty, fast track planning permission, community investment tax relief, financial incentives to do payroll on line and the possibility of enhance capital allowances for renovating business premises – we will give special help with starting up, employing, training and investment.

    You have sent me your Entrepreneurs’ Manifesto and building on our capital gains, small business and corporation tax cuts, I promise you that the Pre Budget Report will make it easier to start up a business, help bridge the equity gap and cut red tape for small firms by further simplifying VAT administration and reducing your audit burden.

    We know that the key to your success has been getting the best people and the best out of your people, so with

    the return of apprenticeships – once dying now taken up by one quarter of a million young people;
    the new University for Industry – Learn Direct – which has already given nearly 1 million adults the chance to take courses from literacy to language to IT;
    and the employer training pilots that offer paid time off to train towards relevant skill

    we are investing more today in education and workplace skills than at any time in our history.  So that we can continue to do so, and do more, it is right to move ahead with the reforms in the structure and funding of higher education.  It is right that once students become graduates they make a greater contribution.  That is why as Tony Blair has said today it is essential that our reforms proceed through the House of Commons.  In this way we can both get more money into ensuring excellence in our universities and extend opportunities to more young people who would otherwise be denied the higher education chances that would benefit them.

    Later this week the Lambert Review will propose that universities receive greater encouragement to commercialise their research and already we are investing an extra one and a quarter billion pounds a year to expand the science research infrastructure and train more skilled scientists and engineers.

    But if we are to truly have the deeper and wider entrepreneurial culture we need we must start in our schools and colleges. I want every young person to be enthused with the spirit of enterprise; every teacher willing to extol the virtues of a career in commerce.  And we will work more closely with the United States to encourage young entrepreneurs — including giving young business men and women in disadvantaged areas of Britain the chance to spend a semester at an American business school and setting up a forum to bring together some of the brightest young UK and US entrepreneurs to learn from each other.

    Let me conclude by telling you what you are achieving here engages a worldwide interest.

    Last month with winners of past Inner City 100 competitions, the US Treasury Secretary John Snow and I took some of Britain’s foremost business leaders, including Richard Branson and Stellios Haji-Ioannou from Easygroup, to meet successful entrepreneurs from the West Midlands – including some of you here tonight.

    The men and women we met – and indeed all of you here this evening – truly are local heroes, role models for others in your communities.  And I urge each and everyone of you to continue to spread your expertise and experience to others – working in your communities, with young people, with schools and colleges, becoming business mentors – encouraging and nurturing Britain’s next generation of entrepreneurs.

    And working together in this way I believe we can not only change perceptions of the inner city as a business location but build a wider, deeper enterprise culture where from the poorest to the richest community, from left to right of the political spectrum, starting a business or becoming self employed is seen as open to all with the talent, ideas and will to do it.  Building a strong, dynamic, economic culture not just in prosperous areas but right across Britain.

    Congratulations again on your success – and enjoy the rest of your evening.

  • John Battle – 2000 Speech on the Falkland Islands

    John Battle – 2000 Speech on the Falkland Islands

    The speech made by John Battle, the then Minister of State at the Foreign Office, at the Royal Commonwealth Society in London on 12 July 2000.

    Today I want to talk about partnerships fit for the 21st century, partnerships for progress and prosperity. That is the essence of our relationship with the Overseas Territories, as expressed in our March 1999 White Paper on the Overseas Territories. This Forum’s theme, ‘Sustaining a secure future’, reflects this well.

    ELEMENTS OF A MODERN PARTNERSHIP

    First, a modern partnership with the Falklands needs to be founded on the idea that Falklanders can decide their own future. Self-determination was one of the best and most popular ideas of the twentieth century. With the entry into force in 1976 of the International Human Rights Covenants, self-determination gained the force of international law as a fundamental, collective human right. And these notions have been carried forward to this day. So that one of the fundamental principles of the modern partnership with the Overseas Territories is that people living there must experience the greatest possible control over their lives.

    Second, the partnership, like all partnerships creates responsibilities on both sides. For our part the most important of our responsibilities towards the Falklands are defence and foreign affairs. We are unequivocally committed to ensuring the security of the Falkland Islands. We will continue to station a strong garrison there, with resources from three armed services. Our Strategic Defence Review confirmed that the composition of the garrison was about right. It now stands at around 1,650 personnel not including naval crews. Our naval deployments in the South Atlantic include the Falkland Islands Guardship, her accompanying Royal Fleet Auxiliary and a Castle-Class Offshore Patrol Vessel. And the RAF will continue to operate their air-bridge between the UK and the Falklands and to carry civilian passengers and cargo on the route as well. Not an insubstantial presence, I think you will agree, as my colleague Geoff Hoon Secretary of Defence reaffirmed on his recent visit.

    In foreign affairs we represent and promote the interests of the Falklands wherever they are affected around the world. This might be directly with other countries, or in multilateral institutions such as the UN. In particular, negotiations to protect the environment or arrangements for air services or where our sovereignty over the islands is challenged.

    In our relationship with the Overseas Territories, Britain has the right to expect the highest standards of probity, law and order, good government and observance of relevant international commitments entered in to by the UK. As you know the British Government gives priority to the fields of environment and human rights in its foreign policy. In pursuit of our objectives we have signed up to a number of international agreements in these fields. I am delighted, and not surprised, that the Falkland Islands Government have worked hard to ensure that they have complied fully in implementing these, as a place leading the way in understanding the science of the marine environment, with unique natural habitats and far sighted resource conservation strategies.

    A third element of our modern partnership is the exercise of democracy. Falklanders have a proud record in this respect. The Legislative Council, composed of eight Councillors is chosen by Falklanders. They pass local laws, Ordinances. They also elect three of their number to sit on the Executive Council. The Falklands Legislature, with powers set in the constitution, is lively, governs the Islands efficiently and is a beacon of democracy. It reflects well on the political maturity of the Islanders the quality of Councillors and the professionalism of the Falklands Islands Government that the governance of the islands is so effective – it is a model of good governance.

    This is not to say that the situation is perfect. For all of us involved in politics a constitution is never finished. We need to improve, update, adapt and modernise our democratic processes and practices to meet new situations. One of the messages of our White Paper last year was to encourage Overseas Territories to let us have their proposals for democratic renewal and constitutional change. I am delighted that a healthy, open debate is gathering pace with the Falklands. The questions that Islanders have floated are many and diverse, ranging from the number of electoral constituencies, to how best to provide for independent scrutiny of Executive Council decisions. It is important that the debate on constitutional change is as full as possible, involves as many people as possible and be as wide ranging as possible, engaging all the people in democratic participation and renewal.

    The fourth element of our twenty-first century partnership is that Britain will continue to help the Overseas Territories that need it. The Falklanders do not receive any development aid from Britain now, and nor I suspect would they wish to. This is a mark of the economic success of the Islands over the past decade or so. Success which has meant that they now enjoy control, effectively, over their own resources, shaping the economic future.

    I have described to you some of the fundamentals that lie behind our modern partnership with the Falklands: self determination, responsibilities on both sides, freedom to exercise the greatest possible control over their own lives and the availability of help from Britain when needed. These fundamentals underpin any thriving modern market economy. That they are in place in the Falklands means a great deal. It means that the necessary conditions for further economic development are in place.

    ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

    I would like to turn to the economy and to look ahead. First the Falklands, like any modern economy can not operate in isolation. The Falklands are linked to the South American region, and to Europe and hence to the rest of the world. In June last year, at the request of the Falklands Councillors, we entered into groundbreaking talks with the Argentine Government on South Atlantic issues of common interest. The understandings reached were recorded in a joint statement signed by both Foreign Ministers and approved by the Falklands Councillors. Elements of the Joint Statement included strengthening co-operation on the conservation of fisheries, and the restoration of air links between the Falklands and the continent. The ban on visits to the Islands by Argentine passport holders was also lifted. I am sure that the benefits if these arrangements already apparent in the short term will prove to be of lasting value.

    I mentioned fisheries; this has been a vital source of prosperity for the Falklands. The most recent fishing season around the Falkland Islands has again been successful. This is very good news. Fishing lies at the heart of the Falklands economy, it generates much of government income and is a growing activity for the private sector. It is therefore crucial that we secure the long-term viability of the fishery. And that can only be done through a responsible, sustainable use of the resource. In 1986 the Falklands Islands Government and HMG announced the Falklands Islands Interim Conservation and Management Zone (FICZ). Since then the Falklands Islands Government and we have done much to promote the conservation of the fish stocks in the South West Atlantic. This has paid off. We have been able to operate a successful licensing regime and conserved fish stocks. We know the fish are no respecters of political boundaries; as I learnt last night from Jan – whole shoals change their mind on the way down which water to turn to. A particular renegade is the Illex Squid – the most lucrative resource around the Islands – that migrates between Argentina and Falklands waters. Clearly in these circumstances it makes sense to cooperate with Argentina on conservation of that and other key species of interest.

    A major part of the July Joint Statement with the Argentine government related to the long-term sustainable conservation of the fishery. Important here was the recognition that practical measure needed to be put in place to deal with poaching in the South West Atlantic.

    We agreed to these measures last September, when an ad hoc meeting of the South Atlantic Fisheries Commission (SAFC) took place in Madrid. There was a further meeting of the SAFC last month in London. Both sides agreed that the level of co-operation between the scientists is exemplary. Both delegations re-affirmed their commitment to the conservation of fish and squid stocks in the waters of the South West Atlantic and agreed to work even harder to reduce poaching.

    The Falkland Islands Fisheries Protection vessels now have the means at their disposal to be even more robust than previously about tackling illegal fishing within the Falklands fishing zones. I congratulate those involved in combating poaching in the South West Atlantic. They do an arduous job very well. I have to say that it is not only the Falkland Islands which have taken strong action against poachers, the Argentines too have been taking tough action against poachers especially so this season. And we welcome that.

    We have also been discussing with other Governments whose fishing fleets visit Falklands waters how to reduce the risk of poaching in coming years. I hope this dialogue will prove successful, and that the Falklands fishery will go from strength to strength. With all the hard work done by the Falklands Islands Fisheries Department I am confident that it will.

    The future is not just fishing – nor can it be in the need to diversify the economic base. The prospect of oil and gas development in the South Atlantic has been studied for some time. It is exciting, but it is also a long-term prospect. Exploration began to be a serious possibility with the signing of the Joint Declaration by Britain and Argentina in 1995. For the first time Britain and Argentina has a forum to discuss exploration, and to cooperate on its exploitation. The Joint Declaration committed the two governments to set up a Special Co-operation Area that straddles Falklands and Argentine waters. It is here that we plan to launch a joint licensing round. Our twice-yearly meetings with Argentina have brought us a long way towards doing so. We continue to negotiate the detail to get this ambitious project off the ground. The next opportunity is a meeting later this month.

    Meanwhile, could I add that the Falkland Islands Government continues to do an excellent job in promoting Falkland waters to the oil and gas industry, as somewhere worthy of serious exploration with a view to exploiting a potential resource in a world class, environmentally sound and responsible manner. The UK oil and gas industry, with its experience in developing the North Sea, as I know from my two years as Minister for Energy, is ideally placed to take an interest. There has been recent activity in the North Falklands Basin. The information to this date has been encouraging – for example in 1998 five out of six wells drilled showed traces of oil – but commercially viable deposits have still to be found. With the commitment of the islanders – in particular Phyllis Rendell, the Director of Mineral resources, who has done so much – and the industry I am sure that progress will continue to be made.

    More than anything else in the last three years our Government has emphasised the importance of education and skills training in any modern economy. The Islanders deserve to be congratulated on their far-sighted investment in education, having built a splendid secondary school with a first class record of achievement, helping students to attend sixth form and university in the United Kingdom, and recently I understand allocating funds to extend the junior school, all putting the Falklands in a strong position to participate in the new information based knowledge driven economies of the future where geographical isolation will be relatively unimportant.

    There are also cutting-edge agricultural projects under way in the Islands in order to improve the marketing of Falklands products. European demand for organic produce looks set to grow and grow, so the environmentally green agricultural practices used in the Falklands will prove to be a real and significant opportunity.

    Last but not least, the Islands are having considerable success in attracting tourists. They will never be a mass market. And Amen to that, I am sure you will agree. But for those who do visit and are looking for peace and tranquillity, the Islands offer warm hospitality and unbeatable opportunities to see some beautiful wildlife, up close and in its native environment – penguins most famously, but also sea lions, seals and a bio diverse array of species, bird and marine life unique to the Falkland environment.

    On a personal note, Michael Binyon of the Times last night suggested you have to really visit the place to get it into your system to begin to know the Falklands. When one of my staff returned from visiting the islands this year, I asked her to come and discuss her visit and bring her photographs and we poured over a large scale map. I was attracted and captivated and hope to visit soon and not just for the usual Ministerial day in day out visit.

    Tourism is, of course, one of several areas where co-operation and links with neighbouring countries can be crucially important. So I am delighted that the Joint Statement of last July has made such a positive contribution. It has restored and safeguarded regional air links, so tour operators and travel agents can now plan ahead with confidence. Stanley itself has become an ever more attractive port of call for the many cruise ships which tour the South Atlantic and Antarctica.

    Last night Councillor Jan Cheek in her speech described the Falklands as small and complex and uniquely interesting. Today’s forum ‘Sustaining a Secure Future’ I’m sure will not just be about recovery and consolidating from the difficulties of the past, but will be about a practical, implementable vision for the future – a quietly confident twenty-first century Falklands in partnership with a twenty-first century world.

  • Peter Hain – 2000 Speech on Diamonds for Prosperity, Not War

    Peter Hain – 2000 Speech on Diamonds for Prosperity, Not War

    The speech made by Peter Hain, the then Minister of State at the Foreign Office, in Antwerp on 17 July 2000.

    To anyone expecting me to ‘name and shame’ those responsible for using illicit diamonds to fuel wars in Africa, I am sorry to disappoint you. Today I come not to ‘name and shame’ but to ‘name and praise’. To praise the International Diamond Manufacturers Association (IDMA) for the leadership it is giving to the industry to tackle the problem. To praise De Beers for the steps it has already taken to block diamonds from conflict zones.

    To praise Antwerp’s leading diamond banks: ABN-AMRO, the Antwerp Diamond bank and Artesia Bank for deciding to terminate relations with any client dealing in ‘conflict diamonds’. Other banks may have made similar moves: all should do so. To praise recent moves taken by the Belgian, Indian and Israeli trade associations to clamp down on the small minority of rogue traders in conflict diamonds who discredit the vast majority.

    I hope we can all join together to find workable solutions and agree concrete ways forward. Because this will make all the difference in reassuring increasingly worried consumers. Everyone wants to be sure that that diamond ring for the finger of their loved one has helped create prosperity not war.

    It is vital that we take urgent action to stop this. Vital because that will help block the money that finances brutal rebellions in those countries. Vital because we must safeguard the prosperity and jobs of tens of thousands of people world wide dependent upon the legitimate diamond trade.

    BREAKING THE WAR-DIAMONDS LINK

    We can – and we must – work together to break the link between war and diamonds in Africa and deny these ‘conflict diamonds’ access to world markets.

    We have all been shocked by the brutality of the RUF rebels in Sierra Leone. They, like the UNITA rebels in Angola, finance their murder and mayhem with diamonds. Angola is the worst place in the world to be a child, yet it has the mineral and agricultural wealth to be the most prosperous place in Africa. We have a moral obligation to act. We also have a commercial obligation to protect the reputation of the industry.

    Because there is no necessary link between diamonds and war in Africa. Diamonds can, and should, mean prosperity for Africa. Botswana – with one of the highest growth rates in the world last year – is a shining example of the benefits that diamond wealth can bring.

    I was born in Africa and was involved in the anti-apartheid struggle. As Britain’s Minister of State for Africa I am determined that the resolution of the ‘conflict diamonds’ problem must in no way harm post-apartheid South Africa and Namibia.

    What we all want are prosperity diamonds: for Africa’s people to experience the prosperity that diamonds can bring. But to do so, we must first bloc the ‘conflict diamonds’ which fuel the suffering of people whose lives are being decimated by war in Angola, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    I know that many of you feel it is unfair that politicians like me, and NGOs, have been vocal on the issue of ‘conflict diamonds’. And unfair in getting a strong media spotlight on ‘conflict diamonds’. After all it is not the diamonds that cause the wars, but the men who start them; who illicitly mine and trade diamonds in order to buy arms.

    And you are right that it would be unfair, if we focused solely on diamonds. But we are not. The British Government is actively supporting the United Nations in stopping those who break sanctions on the supply of weapons and fuel. And we are very actively involved in international efforts to stop the proliferation of small arms and leverage up standards on arms export controls. We would like the international community to go further and stop the supply of weapons to non-state actors.

    But this issue just cannot be wished away. The African producer countries had the wisdom to see that by launching the Kimberley process, in which Britain is an active member.

    The British Government has done the right thing in galvanising action on ‘conflict diamonds’. With the Americans, we have got the issue high on the agenda of the G8 countries, which represent the bulk of your market.

    We have engaged with the leading producers: Russia, Botswana, South Africa, Namibia, Canada and the war-afflicted states. We have supported the unprecedented activism of Canada’s Ambassador to the United Nations, Robert Fowler, in making sanctions against UNITA bite.

    A few weeks ago we convened a meeting of the importing countries in the British Foreign Office. I was able to welcome representatives of the trade from Antwerp, Tel Aviv, Bombay, Russia, the USA and Canada to discuss how to move forward together. Most recently we have led the way in the UN Security Council to get a ban on all uncertified diamonds from Sierra Leone, with the adoption of Resolution 1306 on July 5.

    The proactive stance which IDMA, and others in the industry, are now taking can only work to the long-term benefit of the legitimate trade. And I wish to pay tribute to the leadership of individuals in this room who have acted as the catalysts for change.

    I am struck by how the mood now contrasts to nine months ago. Then, I was told by some in the industry that the there was little prospect of a new approach, of promoting greater transparency and accountability, of starving the illicit diamond trade of its pickings. But look where we are today.

    The newly agreed UN Security Council resolution 1306 on Sierra Leone requires both governments and the industry world wide to enforce the ban on all uncertified diamonds. I am very keen to explore with representatives of the national associations and companies here how we best work together to enact this.

    How can we learn from the experience of imposing sanctions on UNITA diamonds? What can we do better this time and do more quickly to help deprive the Sierra Leone rebel RUF of the means to wage war?

    What can we do together to address the wider problem of ‘conflict diamonds’? I very much agree with your President, Sean Cohen, that it’s unrealistic to expect your members – the manufacturers down the supply chain – to resolve the problem by themselves. It is clear that you can not. You need action ‘upstream’ and you need governments to be prepared to introduce the necessary controls. I think you are right that we need to strengthen the ‘front line’ of the problem by tackling the trade in ‘roughs’.

    DIAMOND CERTIFICATION

    That is why my government is actively backing attempts to introduce a certification scheme for rough diamonds. I hope the G8 Heads of Government will endorse work on this at their summit later this week.

    We are active in the Kimberley process, where industry, governments of producing and importing states and representatives of civil society are developing proposals to stop the import of all uncertified roughs.

    I am delighted to learn that leaders of the IDMA have formulated their own proposals that closely follow our thinking on the need for controls on the import and export of roughs from the producer countries. I am impressed by what you propose and I hope we can work together to achieve workable and pragmatic controls. And avoid unnecessary bureaucracies, or loading unnecessary burdens on producing countries and industry. Let’s make it simple and effective and get it in place urgently.

    You are right to challenge governments to go beyond stating their concerns to taking action. Just as we are right to say that governments cannot crack this one alone. We need the industry. You need governments. Together we can work to get the best blend of government controls and industry self-regulation.

    Our thinking on how best to take forward a certification scheme is that:

    • Producer countries would agree not to export rough diamonds without a proper certificate of origin;
    • Importing countries would only agree to import roughs with such a document
    • A credible monitoring system – simple, effective, but not overly bureaucratic.

    I believe this is achievable and will ensure consumer confidence in the diamond industry. But we need to move fast. Building on the work done in the Kimberley Working group, we need to get agreement to an inter-governmental process to work out what such a scheme might look like and whether we are all willing to commit to it.

    I can assure that the British Government will be active in putting its best efforts into making this happen. Working with other key actors – IDMA, the African producers (led by South Africa), fellow G8 members: Canada, Russia and the USA and Belgium and other EU partners.

    I am delighted that IDMA is also pointing the way forward on what more the industry itself can do. The proposal that every diamond organisation adopts a binding code of conduct on conflict diamonds, labour practices and good business practices is excellent. Especially the proposal that the codes be given teeth, through the expulsion of any member who fails to comply.

    I very much hope that the diamond bourses are thinking along similar lines and that the World Federation of Diamond Bourses will act in concert with IDMA this week. To make this week’s Antwerp World Diamond Congress an even bigger success story for the diamond industry.

    A CREDIBLE AND EFFECTIVE CODE OF CONDUCT

    Might I suggest some pre-requisites for a credible and effective code of conduct, to build on what has been proposed in the industry?

    Firstly, expulsion from a manufacturing association, or diamond bourse, has little meaning if you can carry on trading regardless. I think the industry needs to decide that only licensed manufacturers and dealers can trade. In that way the threat of expulsion can be given meaning.

    I suggest you also need to benchmark clear minimum standards and encourage best practice. On the latter, I am encouraged by the move of companies, such as De Beers, to make affirmative statements on all sales invoices that they are not dealing in ‘conflict diamonds’. If we can get meaningful controls in place to allow only certified roughs into the leading and bona fide diamond trading centres which you represent, consumers will surely demand that the trade gives them confidence through a voluntary ‘chain of warranties’. I would welcome discussion on how this might best be taken forward, with the onus on the seller to make an affirmative statement to the buyer.

    It makes no sense to disrupt the normal pattern of the trade and the way that companies add value by mixing and selling on between the different marketing centres and traders. So we must go for workable ways forward.

    But the 21st century consumer increasingly demands the right to know. The voice of civil society cannot be ignored. If NGOs are demanding greater transparency and accountability, we should all welcome their wake up call. And, like IDMA, not act defensively, but engage to get the best outcome for the industry and the consumer.

    I believe that NGOs like Global Witness have earned their place at the table. Because they have been prepared to listen and learn. And because they have networked effectively and helped bring the different actors together. The Foreign Office has been happy to contribute funding to their research into identification and certification. But that does not mean we agree with all their conclusions. We do not.

    So, I welcome forward-looking thinking in the IDMA suggesting that if an international diamond council is to be considered, it should be a tripartite body with industry, government and civil society representation. But let us avoid heavy bureaucracies, inter-governmental procrastination and look instead to light and effective models of industry self-regulation backed by both full transparency and the support of government legislation.

    I am pleased to have been able to join you at what I’m sure will prove to be a successful conference for IDMA. I hope it will be an important milestone in our efforts to give a clean bill of health to the industry by eradicating the minority of war diamonds which discredit the overwhelming preponderance of prosperity diamonds.