Tag: Speeches

  • Dave Doogan – 2023 Speech on Ukraine

    Dave Doogan – 2023 Speech on Ukraine

    The speech made by Dave Doogan, the SNP Foreign Affairs spokesperson and the MP for Angus, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    I welcome the detail and the substance of the Secretary of State’s statement. Moreover, I believe the timing is very welcome as we close in on the first anniversary of the outrageous attack on Ukraine by Putin and his forces last February.

    All of us, regardless of our political allegiances or differences in other areas, must stand up for the international rules-based system, the right of sovereignty and the value of self-determination where they are under attack, not simply at the outset of conflict, when hackles are raised and outrage piqued, but as we endure almost a year of the conflict’s effects on these shores, in our homes and on our industry and wider resources, and as we continue to witness Russia’s hybrid terror heaped upon the people of Ukraine. Now is the time to double down on the west’s support and commitment to Ukraine in defending itself against this aggression. It is time to leave Putin in no doubt that the west’s resolve, politically and in every other respect, is there for Ukraine to see.

    I would like to know three things. The Secretary of State said on 12 December that he would not pursue sending redundant UK Warrior infantry fighting vehicles to Ukraine because they are tracked vehicles weighing 28 tonnes and because of the logistical tail that comes with them. So what has changed in a month to allow him to now send a squadron of 68-tonne Challenger tanks, with the very much more complex logistics and support burden that go along with them? Can he also set out the duration of the period between this announcement and those Challengers 2s having operational effect within the Ukraine battlespace? And given that European NATO nations must doubtless follow this development with similar donations of Leopard 2 tanks, is he prepared to review not just the number of Challenger 3s, but whether the Challenger 3 will be the right solution for the UK going forward at all? When we see the Challengers and Leopard 2s going toe to toe with the same peer adversary, we will see much more clearly which is the better tank.

    Mr Wallace

    I am always happy to keep under review the number of tanks and what we have. One lesson of Ukraine, however, is that, whether it is a modern or not-so-modern tank, unless it is properly protected and supported, by counter-drone capability, electronic warfare or a proper wrap, it can become incredibly vulnerable, going from being the lion on the savannah to being a very vulnerable thing. When we look at the finite amount of money we all have in government, how much do we commit to make a perfectly formed battle group, or how much do we take a risk? The Russians took a risk on the road to Kyiv and that is where we are.

    The Warrior and the Challenger are obviously different vehicles, but as I referenced earlier the 50 Bradleys—the United States vehicles—are probably in better condition than our Warriors and these Challengers are designed to complement those. Hopefully, we will be training together, with the Challenger and the Bradley interoperating. In addition, there are issues with the Warrior fleet. Obviously, I am happy to constantly look at that and I will not rule it out but, for now, on taking 12 tanks as opposed to what would probably have to be 40-odd Warriors to make it a company-sized level, I would prefer to focus on the AS-90s and the Challenger tanks to make that difference.

  • Tobias Ellwood – 2023 Speech on Ukraine

    Tobias Ellwood – 2023 Speech on Ukraine

    The speech made by Tobias Ellwood, the Chair of the Defence Committee and Conservative MP for Bournemouth East, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    This conflict will not end any time soon. Putin is moving his country to a war footing as he prepares for a spring offensive. Tactically speaking, it is very welcome that we are finally seeing some serious, NATO-standard tracked hardware gifted to Ukraine. It is another example of the UK leading and ever pushing the envelope of international support for Ukraine.

    As other nations follow our lead, maintaining so many NATO variants of vehicles and equipment—tanks, armoured personnel carriers and artillery pieces—will not be practical in the long term. Will the UK consider leading again by establishing a western-funded, Ukrainian-operated weapons factory and assembly line in eastern Poland so that Ukraine can become self-sufficient in procuring and replenishing the military kit and munitions it needs for its long-term security, without fear of the facility being targeted by Russia?

    Mr Wallace

    My right hon. Friend’s suggestion is correct. He is right to say that, unless there is a supply chain or, indeed, a sustainability package behind all this gifting, these vehicles and artillery pieces will become junk on the battlefield when they run out or wear out, so it is important that we think in that way. That is why we will be putting in some recovery vehicles with the Challenger 2 donations. There is a lot of thought going on right now about the sustainability of supply chains, which ties into the international fund, as I am looking for intelligent application of the fund to stimulate just that.

    Ukraine has shown itself to be incredibly successful either at reverse-engineering what it captures from Russia or at designing and developing its own equipment. It recently opened a production line for 155 mm or 152 mm shells, and it is now manufacturing within the country. We will get to where my right hon. Friend wants to be by using the international fund or Kindred to fund supply chains over the border. If Ukraine approaches us with ideas for transferring intellectual property so that we can make equipment for Ukraine, or so that Ukraine can make the equipment here or anywhere else, I would be very open to doing that.

  • John Healey – 2023 Speech on Ukraine

    John Healey – 2023 Speech on Ukraine

    The speech made by John Healey, the Shadow Secretary of State for Defence, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    I welcome the Defence Secretary’s statement, and thank him for advance sight of it. Mr Speaker, 2023 will indeed be the decisive year in this war in Ukraine, and the most decisive moment is now, when Ukraine has the tactical and morale advantage over Russia; now, when Ukraine needs more combined military firepower to break the battlefield deadlock. As the Secretary-General of NATO said yesterday,

    “it is important that we provide Ukraine with the weapons it needs to win”.

    That is why this first package of military assistance for 2023—with tanks, artillery, infantry vehicles, ammunition and missiles—has Labour’s fullest support.

    Challenger 2 is a world-class tank that can help Ukraine retake lost ground and limit the cost in Ukrainian lives. We are now sending 14. How many tanks does Ukraine need for a successful counter-offensive? Are the 14 Challengers currently in active service or in storage? When will they be delivered into the field in Ukraine? What combat engineering vehicles will be delivered to support those tanks? Will any UK forces personnel be deployed into Ukraine with those vehicles?

    The integrated review cut Challenger tanks from 227 to 148. I welcome the Defence Secretary’s review of Challenger 3 numbers. When will he announce the results of the review? Is he reviewing other Army cuts? The Armed Forces Minister told me in a parliamentary answer last week that Challenger 2 training takes 33 days for gunners, 46 days for drivers and 85 days for crew commanders. The Defence Secretary made no mention of Challenger training. Will the UK provide training alongside the tanks? How long will the training be for Ukrainian troops?

    President Zelensky has confirmed the wider importance of this UK military package. At the weekend he said:

    “that will not only strengthen us on the battlefield, but also send the right signal to other partners.”

    The Defence Secretary today said that hopes that this UK military aid will help to unlock more co-ordinated support from other nations. Like him, I welcome similar moves already announced by other NATO nations in recent days, particularly the US and France. How many of the 14 Leopard-using nations may provide those tanks to Ukraine? What more does he expect from allies at the Ramstein meeting on Friday? It has been five months since he announced the international fund. When will allocations be made?

    The Prime Minster talked at the weekend about a surge in global military support for Ukraine. How will the Defence Secretary ensure a continuing surge in UK military support? What more can Ukraine expect from the UK? You know, Mr Speaker, as does the Defence Secretary, that I have argued for months that Ministers must move beyond ad hoc announcements and set out a full 2023 action plan for military, economic and diplomatic support—a case that the Defence Ministry has fully accepted. That will help to give Ukraine confidence for future supplies. It will help to gear up our own industry. It will encourage allies to do more and it will make clear that things will get worse, not better for Russia.

    One of the clear lessons from the last year in Ukraine is that nations need large reserve stocks of certain weapons and ammunition, or the ability to produce them quickly. The UK has neither. We are still moving too slowly to replace the weapons donated to Ukraine or to find new wartime ways of making weapons more rapidly and cheaply. There was no mention in the Secretary of State’s statement about replenishing UK stockpiles or a new industry plan. Can he update the House on the action he is taking?

    Finally and importantly, he said that today’s military package means that Ukraine can go from resisting to expelling Russian forces from Ukrainian soil. Will he confirm that this is the UK’s strategic aim for Ukraine?

    Mr Wallace

    If you would indulge me, Mr Speaker, there were lots of questions and I will do my best to answer them all. I am grateful to the right hon. Member for Wentworth and Dearne (John Healey) and his party for their support, which, as he said, has been ongoing and enduring throughout this process. That is what allows the UK to be prominent in standing tall for international human rights and defending Ukraine.

    The right hon. Gentleman asked what scale of support Ukraine will need; I cannot be too specific, as I do not want to set out to the Russian Government the exact inadequacies or strengths of the Ukrainian armed forces. However, it is safe to say that the Ukrainians will require an ongoing commitment that grows to the size of divisions in its armed forces. Also, in the last year we have seen Ukraine grow its own army, to hundreds of thousands of men and women under arms, who are now equipped not only with western equipment but with captured or refurbished former Soviet or Russian equipment. The Polish Government have donated more than 200 T-72 tanks, for example.

    The key for all of us in the next phase is to help Ukraine to train and to combine all those weapons systems in a way that can deliver a combined arms effect in a mobile manner to deliver the offensives required to achieve the goal of expelling, which the right hon. Gentleman also asked about. It is the UK Government’s position that Putin’s invasion fails and Ukraine restores its sovereign territory, and we will do all we can to help achieve that. This package is part of that. The Challengers should be viewed alongside the 50 Bradleys from the United States. Those are effectively the ingredients for a battlegroup with divisional level fires of either AS-90s or other 155 howitzers. The 14 tanks represent a squadron, and the 50 Bradleys would roughly form an armoured infantry battlegroup.

    We are trying to take the Ukrainian military, with its history of Soviet methods, and provide it not only with western equipment but with western know-how. In answer to the right hon. Gentleman’s question, the training will be delivered almost immediately, starting with Ukrainians training in the UK and in the field, so to speak, either in neighbouring countries or in countries such as Germany, where we saw the artillery train with the Dutch, I think, at the beginning of this process. The training of these Ukrainian forces will be administered and supported in the UK and elsewhere in Europe, with the US being in the lead for much of that formation training. It is incredibly important and supportive of the United States to do that.

    There will be no UK forces deployed in Ukraine in this process. As I have said, that is because our job is to help Ukraine to defend itself and we can do that from neighbouring or other countries. Yes, I know the training cycle. I was a trooper in the Scots Dragoon Guards in 1988 and I started my time in a Chieftain tank, which you would be lucky to see in a museum these days. The Ukrainians have shown us, in their basic and specialist training, that they are determined to go back and fight for their country, and their work ethos and the hours they put in are quite extraordinary. I am confident that, on one level, they will soon be showing us the way to fight with this equipment.

    The right hon. Gentleman referenced the Army cuts. I have come to this Dispatch Box on numerous occasions and admitted how woeful our Army’s equipment programmes have been in the past and how behind and out of date they have been. That is why we have committed investment of more than £24 billion in Army equipment alone over the next 10 years. As I have said, I am bringing forward Deep Fire and Recce and getting Ajax back on track, as well as our intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capability, the Challenger 3 tanks, the Boxer fleet, plus many other investments in the Army. This is incredibly important. I take it seriously and I know that the right hon. Gentleman does too. We have to deliver an Army that can stand shoulder to shoulder with its peers, never mind its enemy, and it is important to say so.

    On the Leopard coalition, as it is calling itself, it is being reported that Poland is keen to donate some Leopard tanks, as is Finland. All of this currently relies on the German Government’s decisions, not only on whether they will supply their own Leopards but whether they will give permissions for others to do so. I would urge my German colleagues to do that. These tanks are not offensive when they are used for defensive methods. There is a debate in Germany about whether a tank is an offensive or defensive weapon. It depends what people are using it for. I would wager that if they are using it to defend their country, it is a defensive weapon.

    Also, we are not on our own. This is a joint international coalition. I know that there have been concerns in the German political body that it does not want to go it alone. Well, it is not alone, and I think that the conference in Ramstein will show that. I pay tribute to the commitment by the French to put in the tanks at Christmas time, and we are obviously joining alongside them. They are the key to unlocking the Leopard, and we will do all we can to help that.

    The answer to the right hon. Gentleman’s question on the international fund is imminently: I will announce it in the next couple of weeks. We had $27 billion-worth of bids to a fund that has reached $500 million. I am very grateful for the recent Swedish donation to the fund, which we intend to keep growing, but I want to make sure that the fund is spent sustainably. It is not a petty cash or slush fund though which people can just go and buy something. I want it to be invested in things such as production and supply chains. Whether it is maintaining tanks or artillery supplies, an active production line is needed.

    That goes to the right hon. Gentleman’s last point about being too slow to place orders. One of the reasons it has taken time to place orders, as he knows, is that there is sometimes no supply chain and we have to wait for a supply chain to be reinvested in, redeveloped or re-founded with new suppliers before we can get a price for the taxpayer or a contract delivered. That is what happened with NLAW. As much as we would have loved to have placed that order on the next day, some of the supply chain was 15 years old and we had to find new suppliers. Then we got a price and some partners. By placing an order with Sweden, we reinvigorated the supply chain and, hopefully, more jobs with it.

  • Ben Wallace – 2023 Statement on Ukraine

    Ben Wallace – 2023 Statement on Ukraine

    The statement made by Ben Wallace, the Secretary of State for Defence, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    Mr Speaker, may I start by apologising for the way the information contained in the statement has come out in the media? It does not do me any favours and nor does it make my job any easier. I apologise to Mr Speaker and to the House. It is certainly not my doing and it does not help us in furthering the policy.

    It has been a month since I last updated the House on the situation in Ukraine. Over the last four weeks, extremely heavy and attritional fighting has continued, especially around the Donetsk oblast town of Bakhmut and in the less reported on sector of Kreminna in Luhansk. Over Christmas, Russia continued its assault on Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure, but no matter how cruel, or how much loss of life accompanies it, Russia has singularly failed to break the will of the Ukrainian people or change the policy of its leaders.

    We continue to closely monitor how Russia’s long-range strike campaign will evolve as it eats deeper into the strategic reserves of its own modern missiles. It is notable that Russia is now using the forced labour of convicts to manufacture weaponry. Ukraine, however, continues to use its internationally provided long-range artillery to successful effect.

    Throughout the war, Russia has managed to lose significant numbers of generals and commanding officers, but last week’s announcement that its commander in Ukraine, General Sergey Surovikin, had been unceremoniously bypassed, with the chief of the general staff, General Gerasimov, personally taking over field command, is certainly significant. It is the visible tip of an iceberg of factionalism within the Russian command. Putin apparently remains bullish, and with Gerasimov’s deference to the President never in doubt, we would now expect a trend back towards a Russian offensive, no matter how much loss of life accompanies it.

    In 2023, there is no loss of momentum from the international community—quite the opposite. President Putin believed that the west would get tired, get bored and fragment. Ukraine is continuing to fight, and far from fragmenting, the west is accelerating its efforts. The United States has invested approximately $24.2 billion in support for Ukraine since the beginning of Russia’s invasion on 24 February last year. It has delivered thousands of anti-aircraft and anti-armour systems and has recently stepped up that support, delivering Patriot air defence battery and munitions and 45 refurbished T-72 Bravo tanks, as well as donating 50 Bradley infantry fighting vehicles to assist with the counter-offensive. We also welcome the decision of the French Government to provide Ukraine with the AMX-10 light, highly mobile tank, which has been used very recently in reconnaissance missions by the French army and was deployed as recently as the Barkhane mission in west Africa.

    Important as those contributions are in and of themselves, what matters more is that they represent part of an international effort that collectively conveys a force multiplier effect. None of this is happening unilaterally; no one is doing this on their own. I shall soon be announcing the first round of bids to the jointly Danish and UK-chaired international fund for Ukraine. I am grateful to Sweden for adding, over the festive period, to the pot of money donated. Those who have donated to the fund now include Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Iceland and others.

    Meanwhile, Russia, isolated and without such support, has now lost more than 1,600 main battle tanks in Ukraine since the start of the invasion. However, if we are to continue helping Ukraine to seize the upper hand in the next phase of the conflict, we must accelerate our collective efforts diplomatically, economically and militarily to keep the pressure on Putin.

    In December, I told the House that I was

    “developing options to respond”

    to Russia’s continued aggression

    “in a calibrated and determined manner”.—[Official Report, 20 December 2022; Vol. 725, c. 157.]

    Today, I can announce the most significant package of combat power to date, to accelerate Ukrainian success. It includes a squadron of Challenger 2 tanks, with armoured recovery and repair vehicles. We will donate AS-90 guns to Ukraine; this donation, which comprises a battery of eight guns at high readiness and two further batteries at varying states of readiness, will not impact on our existing AS-90 commitment in Estonia. Hundreds more armoured and protected vehicles will also be sent, including Bulldog. There will be a manoeuvre support package, including minefield breaching and bridging capabilities worth £28 million; dozens more uncrewed aerial systems worth £20 million to support Ukrainian artillery; another 100,000 artillery rounds, on top of the 100,000 rounds already delivered; hundreds more sophisticated missiles, including guided multiple-launch rocket system rockets, Starstreak air defence and medium-range air defence missiles; and an equipment support package of spares to refurbish up to 100 Ukrainian tanks and infantry fighting vehicles. While the tanks and the AS-90s will come from our stocks, along with their associated ammunition, a significant number of the other donations are being purchased on the open market or from supportive third-party countries.

    Today’s package is an important increase to Ukraine’s capabilities. It means that it can go from resisting to expelling Russian forces from Ukrainian soil. President Putin cannot win, but he is equally certain that he can continue inflicting this wanton violence and human suffering until his forces are ejected from their defensive positions and expelled from the country. That requires a new level of support: the combat power only achieved by combinations of main battle tank squadrons, operating alongside divisional artillery groups, and further deep precision fires enabling the targeting of Russian logistics and command nodes at greater distance. We will be the first country to donate western main battle tanks, and we will be bringing a further squadron of our own Challenger tanks to higher readiness in place of the squadron sent. Even as we gift Challenger 2 tanks, I shall at the same time be reviewing the number of Challenger 3 conversions, to consider whether the lessons of Ukraine suggest that we need a larger tank fleet.

    We will also build apace on the Army’s modernisation programme. Specifically on artillery, I am accelerating the mobile fires programme so that, instead of delivering in the 2030s, it will do so during the current decade. I have also directed that, subject to commercial negotiation, an interim artillery capability is to be delivered. After discussion with the United States and our European allies, it is hoped that the example set by the French and us will allow the countries holding Leopard tanks to donate as well, and I know that a number of countries want to do the same. As I have said, no one is going it alone.

    It is worth reiterating why we are doing this. In 2023, the international community will not let Russia wait us out while inflicting terrible suffering on Ukrainian civilians. The international community recognises that equipping Ukraine to push Russia out of its territory is as important as equipping it to defend what it already has. This week dozens of nations will meet in Ramstein, Germany, to progress further donations and international co-ordination. The Kremlin will be in no doubt that we are resolved to stand by Ukraine in her fight.

    Doubling down on the success of our basic training of Ukrainian military personnel in the United Kingdom in 2022, we are increasing the number this year to a further 20,000. Canada, Denmark, Finland, Sweden, Lithuania, New Zealand and the Netherlands have already joined this effort, and I am pleased to say that we are to be joined by a group of Australian military to train in the UK as well—leaving their summer to join our winter, brave souls.

    Our decision today is a calibrated response to Russia’s growing aggression and indiscriminate bombing. The Kremlin must recognise that it is Russia’s behaviour that is solidifying the international resolve, and that despite the propaganda, Ukraine and her partners are focused on the defence of Ukraine. None of the international support is an attack on Russia, or NATO-orchestrated aggression, let alone a proxy war. At its heart, it is about helping Ukraine to defend itself, upholding international law and restoring its own sovereignty. We believe that in 2023, increased supplies, improved training and strengthening diplomatic resolve will enable Ukraine to be successful against Russia’s poorly led and now badly equipped armed forces.

    From the outset, President Putin believed that his forces would be welcomed with open arms, that Ukrainians would not fight, and that western support would crumble. He has been proved wrong on all counts. Today’s package will help to accelerate the conclusion of Putin’s occupation and all its brutality, and ensure that in 2023, and beyond if necessary, Ukraine will maintain its momentum, supported by an international community that is more than ever determined that Putin’s illegal and unprovoked invasion will fail.

  • Drew Hendry – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    Drew Hendry – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    The speech made by Drew Hendry, the SNP spokesperson on Foreign Affairs, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    May I also thank the Foreign Secretary for advance sight of his statement? The SNP utterly condemns the execution of Alireza Akbari in the strongest possible terms, and we extend our heartfelt condolences to his family. Once again, this execution highlights the serious injustice and failings of the Iranian judicial system. The Foreign Secretary’s decision to sanction Iran’s prosecutor is welcome, but as we have been calling for many times, I urge the Foreign Secretary again to go further and to take forward the formal proscription of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organisation. I ask him again: will he commit to that?

    We remain deeply concerned about the safety of other arbitrarily detained UK-Iranian nationals. Morad Tahbaz has been held for five years. Mehran Raoof has been held since 2020. Their families just want to see them come home safely. What are the Government doing to make that a reality? Does the Secretary of State know just how many dual UK-Iranian nationals are detained in Iran, and can he tell us that number?

    The Foreign Office cannot make the same mistakes it has made in the past with other dual nationals, such as Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, Anoosheh Ashoori and other UK-Iranian nationals detained and, as we have heard, sometimes tortured. This shameful execution should serve as an urgent wake-up call. These people and their families deserve better. What lessons have this Government learned, and what are they going to do differently in future to support these people?

    James Cleverly

    I can assure the hon. Gentleman that we work tirelessly to support the release of British dual nationals held in detention in Iran. Our consular team supports their families. The work that we, our ambassador and his team do in Tehran is incredibly important. Their presence is to ensure that British dual nationals, whether they have been in incarceration or not, are supported, and we will continue to work with our international friends and allies to secure the release of those individuals. In regard to proscription, he raises an important point. He will have heard the answers I have given to other colleagues—we do not limit ourselves to the responses we have already announced.

  • Alicia Kearns – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    Alicia Kearns – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    The speech made by Alicia Kearns, the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    Thank you, Mr Speaker. The thoughts of the entire Committee are with Mr Akbari’s family.

    From hostage taking to terrorist plots, assassinations, nuclear extortion and destabilisation of the middle east and Europe, Iran is a terrorist state and it has weaponised human life. This is the first murder of a dual national since the 1980s. It is a clear escalation.

    I make four asks. First, the House is clear that we need to proscribe the IRGC. Can the Foreign Secretary confirm that he recognises that that is a policy decision, not a legal one? Secondly, we need to close down the IRGC’s operating centres within the UK, such as the one in Maida Vale. These are centres for spreading hostile influence within the UK. Can the Secretary of State also confirm that he will consider reactive sanctions to help the ordinary Iranians for whom no one else will stand up? After every state murder, we should impose sanctions to show we will give their voice some support. Finally, can he reassure me that he is confident of the safety of our staff in Tehran? I remember the stories of my colleagues who were under siege by the Iranian state in the past, and I am gravely concerned about their safety at this time.

    James Cleverly

    My hon. Friend the Chair of the Select Committee raises incredibly important points. She knows the long-standing convention about speculating about sanctions and proscriptions, but I absolutely take the points that she has made about ensuring that the response we take here in the UK and, indeed, in conjunction with our international partners sends an incredibly clear message to the regime that these actions are unacceptable and will be responded to each and every time they take place. With regard to the actions that we take domestically here in the UK, I can assure her that we work closely with our Home Office colleagues on our collective response, and I agree with her that the safety of our team in Tehran is incredibly important. I pay tribute to them for the work that they do in incredibly challenging circumstances, and I also pay tribute to the demonstrations of international solidarity that we regularly receive from other platforms in Tehran.

  • Bambos Charalambous – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    Bambos Charalambous – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    The speech made by Bambos Charalambous, the Shadow Foreign Minister, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    I thank the Foreign Secretary for advance sight of his statement. I am responding on behalf of the Opposition as my right hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Mr Lammy) is on a visit to Northern Ireland and so is unable to be here.

    The execution of Alireza Akbari is the most horrendous human rights abuse—a barbaric act of politically motivated murder at the hands of the Iranian regime. The whole House’s condolences and solidarity are with his family at this time of unimaginable grief.

    That the Iranian regime chose to take Mr Akbari’s life to make a political point to the British Government is a disgrace. The death penalty should never be used for any crime, but we must call these executions in Iran what they are: a gross attempt to silence a protest movement by striking fear into the hearts of ordinary Iranian people. In Mr Akbari’s case, his execution is a direct message to the British Government. Such executions are, in the words of Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, state-sanctioned killings.

    Mr Akbari returned to Iran after a successful career in business in the UK to advise the Government on the nuclear deal between the west and Iran. He wanted to see a successful deal to end the western sanctions on the country.

    We have discussed many times in this House the importance of a strong response to this brutal regime. The Government must now proscribe the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, either through the existing process or by amending the National Security Bill to create a new process of proscription for hostile state actors. The playbook of the regime is to use brutality and violence for its own political ends and its own survival. In his most recent threat update, MI5 director Ken McCallum referred to 10 kidnap and death plots by the Iranian regime on British soil. When an organisation threatens the lives of British journalists and British Iranian activists in the UK, that organisation is a terrorist organisation.

    When will the Foreign Secretary proscribe this heinous organisation, and what action will he take to protect the lives of British Iranians in the UK and in Iran? I heard what he said about the condemnation internationally, but what further conversations has he had with international partners to ensure a co-ordinated response to condemn and curtail the regime’s appalling attack on the lives and human rights of its own people?

    James Cleverly

    I thank the hon. Gentleman for his comments on the solidarity that the whole House sends to the family of Mr Akbari. He will know that the future proscription or sanctions designation of individuals or entities is not something that we speculate about or discuss at the Dispatch Box. However, he should know that we share the revulsion that he expressed.

    As I said, we do not limit ourselves to the actions that we have already announced. I have spoken with His Majesty’s ambassador to Tehran and I will of course be speaking with other parts of Government about what further action we can take in response to the vile behaviour of the regime. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that we speak regularly with our international friends on our collective response to Iran, both in the region and beyond, and we will continue to do so.

  • James Cleverly – 2023 Statement on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    James Cleverly – 2023 Statement on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    The statement made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a statement on the execution of a British national in Iran.

    On Saturday morning, Iran’s regime announced that it had executed Alireza Akbari, a British-Iranian dual national. I know that the thoughts of the whole House will be with his wife and two daughters at the time of their loss. They have shared his ordeal—an ordeal that began just over three years ago when he was lured back to Iran. He was detained and then subjected to the notorious and arbitrary legal process of the regime. Before his death, Mr Akbari described what was done to him and how torture had been used. Let there be no doubt: he fell victim to the political vendettas of a vicious regime. His execution was the cowardly and shameful act of a leadership that thinks nothing of using the death penalty as a political tool to silence dissent and settle internal scores.

    In February last year, Mr Akbari’s family asked the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office for our support, and we have worked closely with them ever since. I want to pay tribute to them for their courage and fortitude throughout this terrible period. In line with their wishes, the Minister of State, my noble Friend Lord Ahmad, lobbied Iran’s most senior diplomat in the UK as soon as we learned that Mr Akbari’s execution was imminent. We maintained the pressure right up until the point of his execution, but, sadly, to no avail.

    When we heard the tragic news on Saturday morning, we acted immediately to demonstrate our revulsion. I ordered the summoning of Iran’s chargé d’affaires to the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to make clear our strength of feeling. Our ambassador in Tehran delivered the same message to a senior Foreign Ministry official. Ten other countries have publicly condemned the execution, including France, Germany and the United States, and the European Union has done the same. I am grateful for their support at this time.

    We then imposed sanctions on Iran’s Prosecutor General, Mohammad Jafar Montazeri, who bears heavy responsibility for the use of the death penalty for political ends. His designation is the latest of more than 40 sanctions imposed by the UK on the Iranian regime since October, including on six individuals linked to the revolutionary courts, which have passed egregious sentences against protesters, including the death penalty. In addition, I have temporarily recalled from Tehran His Majesty’s ambassador, Simon Shercliff, for consultations, and we met and discussed this earlier today. Now we shall consider what further steps we take alongside our allies to counter the escalating threat from Iran. We do not limit ourselves to the steps that I have already announced.

    Mr Akbari’s execution follows decades of pitiless repression by a ruthless regime. Britain stands with the brave and dignified people of Iran as they demand their rights and freedoms. Just how much courage that takes is shown by the appalling fact that more than 500 people have been killed and 18,000 arrested during the recent wave of protests. Instead of listening to the calls for change from within Iran, the regime has resorted to its usual tactic of blaming outsiders and lashing out against its supposed enemies, including by detaining a growing number of foreign nationals for political gain. Today, many European nationals are being held in Iranian prisons on spurious charges, including British dual nationals, and I pay tribute to our staff—both in Tehran and here in the UK—who continue to work tirelessly on their behalf.

    Beyond its borders, the regime has supplied Russia with hundreds of armed drones used to kill civilians in Ukraine. Across the middle east, Iran continues to inflict bloodshed and destruction by supporting extremist militias. And all the while, the steady expansion of the Iranian nuclear programme is threatening international peace and security and the entire system of global non-proliferation. In the last three months alone, Britain has imposed five separate packages of sanctions on Iran, and today we enforce designations against more than 300 Iranian individuals and entities. We have condemned the regime in every possible international forum, securing Iran’s removal from the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women and, alongside our partners, creating a new UN mechanism to investigate the regime’s human rights violations during the recent protests.

    The House should be in no doubt that we are witnessing the vengeful actions of a weakened and isolated regime obsessed with suppressing its own people, debilitated by its fear of losing power, and wrecking its international reputation. Our message to that regime is clear: the world is watching you and you will be held to account, particularly by the brave Iranian people, so many of whom you are oppressing and killing. I commend this statement to the House.

  • Lucy Neville-Rolfe – 2023 Speech at Deloitte Digital Conference (Baroness Neville-Rolfe)

    Lucy Neville-Rolfe – 2023 Speech at Deloitte Digital Conference (Baroness Neville-Rolfe)

    The speech made by Lucy Neville-Rolfe, Baroness Neville-Rolfe, on 17 January 2023.

    I am delighted to be here today. I have spent a lot of time with Deloitte over the years and have seen their spectacular growth and success and I have an enduring passion for small business – my father was a farmer who went bust, but he rose from the ashes and founded a successful small consultancy business – in Brussels as it happens trading on his brilliant language skills.

    Before entering politics I spent a long time in business. I was a main board and executive director at Tesco but I also worked at much smaller companies, including Dobbies garden centres and most recently at Crown Agents which provided overseas development services most brilliantly on vaccine delivery and in the Ukraine war. I know the challenges SMEs face every day, and I also know the  opportunities we can unlock by making the right changes in government – particularly to the complex procurement rules that are the bane of the small businesses.

    Happily I am now helping make these changes happen through the Procurement Bill which I have steered through the House of Lords and today is a great chance to discuss how the Bill and the changes I have pioneered will help small businesses get a bigger slice of the public procurement pie, both directly and through the supply chain. It’s good for you and it’s good for the country as a whole. By supporting your enterprise we help to grow the economy  – one of the Prime Minister’s five core pledges to kickstart the New Year.

    I want to start with some good news. Our determination to support small businesses through opening up public sector opportunities has led to record central government spending with SMEs – the £19.3 billion spent in 2021/2022, the latest data available, was the fourth consecutive increase. I’m sorry to say it’s not yet 1 in 3, it’s 27%, but progress has been made and obviously we’re determined to make further progress.

    And it’s been thanks to some fantastic collaborative working with you – the SMEs – and across government. Along the way, we have been holding departmental feet to the fire and challenging our own colleagues. What are they doing to increase their spend with SMEs and start-ups? How are they helping to overcome obstacles involved with bidding for work or contracting with central departments and agencies?

    We have been listening and learning. Working with industry, trade bodies, and the Cabinet Office’s own SME Advisory Panel – which hears first hand from 25 SME owners and entrepreneurs about the challenges and barriers they must overcome.

    And we have been taking practical steps, such as government departments having the power to exclude suppliers from the procurement process if they cannot demonstrate a history of prompt payment to their supply chain, and using the Public Procurement Review Service, based in the Cabinet Office, to unblock overdue payments on cases that are raised with them.

    But there is so much further for us to go together. After all, procurement accounts for around a third of all public expenditure each year: £300 billion, everywhere from huge projects like HS2 to local government, schools and prisons. Our focus is always on delivering the best possible value and outcomes from that investment: it is a major contributor to driving efficiency in public services. We want to see your portion of that public procurement pie chart grow even bigger – by using the Procurement Bill to help you, as well as venture capital and start-ups making a debut in contracting with the public sector.

    I remember when I was at Tesco I was asked if we could help with schools, I looked into it and it was a nightmare of bureaucracy, so I said it wasn’t for us, but we have to change this. Your enterprise and innovation is the hallmark of companies represented here today. It is a sad fact that productivity has largely flatlined ever since the financial crisis and we are determined to change that paradigm. If we could get productivity up we could grow the economy without pain so we do need to work on that and we want to change that paradigm.

    I know how important it is to get the details of the new rules right – and to support the underlying cultural change – so that public sector contracts are properly accessible and attractive for SMEs. We understand the limitations and restrictions of a regime – or rather, regimes: there are no fewer than four,  comprising 350 EU-based rules – designed primarily to support the EU single market rather than what we put first: value for money, efficiency, and doing a lot more to  support British jobs. And that’s why we consulted widely to get a clear sense of what needs to improve. I know we’ve had too many ministers in the Cabinet Office but there has been a thread of constant officials and we’re moving in the right direction. We heard, for example, about:

    • The inflexibility of the procedures, and the inability to negotiate and evolve bids – something that  would be standard practice in the private sector;
    • A cultural reluctance to work with potential suppliers, to test the market and help develop in partnership, before embarking on the procurement;
    • Less obvious barriers to SME participation: seen in some procurers’ practice of insisting that bidders provide three years’ audited accounts when their size means they aren’t required to file any; or that they have insurance to cover the contract even before putting in a bid, in case they win the contract. And possibly most important,
    • The perennial problem of late payment, a particular curse  for indirect suppliers.

    The new consolidated regime we are putting in place – which covers everything from paperclips to hospital buildings – directly addresses these challenges, and more. Even as the Bill moved through the House of Lords, I made a number of amendments to improve it, acting on feedback from the sector and with a surprising degree of cross party support.

    I know that SMEs welcomed the new provision that I instigated which explicitly requires contracting authorities to think about SMEs as routine. It means procurement teams will have to make sure there are no unnecessary barriers that might hinder smaller companies in the contract; and ensure that bidding timelines are realistic.

    It also means there is more consistent and helpful feedback to unsuccessful bidders, showing how their bid compared to the winning bid, and this is something I’ve had complaints from not only SMEs but local government bidding for central government contracts, we always lose and we don’t know why, this is not good practice. And I know many here will welcome the application of 30-day payment terms to public sub-contracts the entire length of the supply chain, regardless of whether they are written into the contract.

    We have also put provisions on the face of the Bill for the new single central online platform that underpins the new system, and will achieve a step change in transparency.  The platform, which will be free for all to access, will make life easier for suppliers in a range of ways. For example, it will let suppliers see forward pipelines. This will allow them to find out more, plan which contracts to go for, where to invest, and when to prepare to bid or work with partners to develop consortia and joint bids. It will establish a single place for suppliers to register and self-authenticate their key bidding information –  a “tell us once” approach that will cut out needless repetitive bureaucracy.

    One point in particular, for this audience, is the greater flexibility coming your way, and the simpler processes you will see, that will support innovation. Commercial teams will have more flexibility to design and run a procedure that suits the market in which they are operating, tailoring a procurement to their exact needs. Contracting authorities will find it easier to contract with partners to research, develop and eventually buy a new product and service in a single process; and they will be able to build in stages to the procurement process such as product demonstrations – something I know the tech sector has been pressing for – so for example a contracting authority would be able to invite bidders to come in, meet the buyer and showcase the new app they’re developing, so that they can get a really thorough appreciation of solutions being offered by suppliers and understand what those solutions do in practice, not just on paper.

    The new rules will also make clear that innovation in procurement does not apply just to buying something brand new: it can be about developing an existing product to meet fresh requirements.

    We recognise, however, that changing the law is only one half of the story. Changing the culture and behaviours of public sector buyers is another. Having the flexibility to work innovatively is not the same thing as working innovatively. That’s why we are investing in what I trust will be clear guidance, but also a significant training programme for contracting authorities ahead of implementation in 2024.

    Businesses have a key role in unlocking value from public contracts –  we look forward to continuing our work with business groups and trade associations, and our regional Growth Hubs, to ensure that the supplier community is also well prepared. I was at our Darlington economic campus last Friday and in York talking about how we can make a real difference from the Cabinet Office.

    This is because I want to see SMEs right across the UK helping the recovery by being more successful and winning much more of that procurement pie.

    There are exciting times ahead, from which we can all benefit.

    Thank you for listening. I look forward to your comments and questions.

  • Amanda Spielman – 2023 Speech to the University of Oxford’s Department of Education

    Amanda Spielman – 2023 Speech to the University of Oxford’s Department of Education

    The speech made by Amanda Spielman, the Chief Inspector of Ofsted, on 18 January 2023.

    So I have been asked to talk today about the use of research evidence in education and I’m going to talk mainly about how Ofsted uses research, but I am also going to be talking about its wider use in the education sector.

    Overall, I think there is a tremendous amount for the sector to be proud of: England is really ahead of many countries in harnessing research effectively in education. And Ofsted has clearly been part of that movement in recent years.

    I must declare at the outset that I am not myself an education researcher. But I have now spent more than 20 years in education, and in all of that time I have been working in different contexts to make good use of available evidence, and to encourage others to do the same, and have made sure that at Ofsted we now have the capacity to do that well.

    And of course, we have several big stakes in good use of research evidence.

    First, we want to ground our inspection approach as securely as we can in evidence about education itself.

    In this way inspections can encourage schools (and of course nurseries, colleges and the other entities we inspect) to align their models and practices with what is already known about quality. That is a big part of being a force for improvement.

    Secondly, we aim to build and iterate inspection models that achieve the intended purposes with sufficient validity and reliability and minimal unintended consequences. Of course, we don’t have total freedom here: we have to work within our statutory framework and within the policy constraints that are set by government, including funding. So that’s 2 stakes.

    The third stake is the aggregation of the evidence that we collect in doing our work, and the related research work that we carry out, makes us a generator of research evidence for others’ benefit, as well as a user.

    And of course, we are just one part of a wider landscape. Much excellent work has been carried out in universities like this one [the University of Oxford] over many years; the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF) has become part of the national network of What Works centres; and many other institutes and bodies do significant work.

    And that brings me to a fourth strand, which links back to the first. Many bodies act as intermediaries, translating complex maps of academic evidence into reports and summaries that can be more immediately useful to practitioners. And this is not of itself a core Ofsted activity, but we know that it is one of the ways that our products are used.

    Curriculum reviews

    For instance, over the last 2 years, we have drawn up and published a series of curriculum reviews. These offer a researched conception of what we consider to be a high-quality education, by subject and by phase. They help translate our researched framework into subjects and phases. And they provide a platform for inspector training in judging curriculum quality.

    (And of course, if we are to be consistent as an inspectorate, we must have a shared conception of what constitutes quality. If you ask people to judge quality in the absence of a clear corporate statement, they will inevitably bring their own views to bear: and of course, individual views will always vary to some extent.)

    But we also know that schools draw extensively on these reviews to develop their curriculums. They have been downloaded many hundreds of thousand times. I believe this shows a tremendous appetite for engagement with educational research, as well as an understandable desire to gain some insight into Ofsted’s approach.

    But of course, there is no comprehensive and definitive version of educational truth. There is much that is well established, and much that is not. New evidence and insights can cast doubt on or discredit previously accepted wisdom. I’ll come back to the difficulties this creates a bit later.

    But children’s lives cannot be put on hold. So neither schools nor we can down tools, to wait for a pot of fairy gold at the end of an evidential rainbow. We must work with what is available, and what is most relevant to our work, while recognising that we will always have to iterate in the light of new developments.

    How Ofsted works

    I think this is a good moment to explain just a little more about Ofsted.

    In many ways we [Ofsted] operate as you would expect. The principles of good inspection and regulation are straightforward: proportionality, accountability, consistency, transparency and targeting. These are the Hampton principles, and they are deeply embedded in our frameworks and handbooks.

    But how does an inspectorate work?

    I think we operate to a fairly standard model.

    Our frameworks and handbooks are the policy instruments. They are powerful levers on the education sector, and they exert influence long before an inspector comes through the door.

    The inspection process itself is designed around professional dialogue. It is intended to help schools improve – and our post-inspection surveys do find that, in most cases, it does.

    At the end of most inspections, we make judgements, for overall effectiveness and for several component judgements. They give parents, responsible bodies and government a clear statement about the overall performance of the institution.

    We also publish inspection reports, describing what is being done well and what needs to improve.

    We inspect at the level of the individual school and other institutions, but to report only at this level would be a tremendous waste of evidence and insight. So we have a strand that is responsible for drawing out the insights from the aggregation of our evidence, and for additional research where needed to supplement this, and also to run our evaluation programme.

    In fact, there are 3 distinct flows here.

    One is the dissemination programme, that includes the curriculum reviews I just talked about, thematic reviews and other research, such as reports recently commissioned by the DfE on tutoring and on T Levels. These are intended mainly for policymakers and for the education sector.

    One flow is back into our frameworks and handbooks.

    And the final flow is back into our inspection processes, including inspector training and quality assurance.

    And of course, we are informed by the work of institutions in all this – we do not exist in a bubble.

    What inspection is, and is not

    And I want to take a couple of minutes to remind us of a broader question: what are the purposes of inspection?

    I believe there are 3 main purposes for inspection today that are relevant for the area of research. These sit in the context of a long-standing government policy that puts responsibility for diagnosis with Ofsted, but locates responsibility for treatment and support with schools themselves and with the regions group at the Department for Education (DfE). (This policy is often misunderstood by people who would like us to function primarily as a support mechanism.)

    So, what are those purposes?

    First, inspections provide information and assurance to parents. Ofsted was created in the early 90s in the context of the parents charter.

    Secondly, they inform central and local government and other controllers of schools. Given the independence of our judgements, they provide a legitimate basis for action by others when its needed. And they also signal excellence that others can learn from.

    And then, thirdly, they can and should be of value to the people at the receiving end: to teachers and heads. This is true even when inspection is limited to diagnosis. I would be deviating too far from my subject today if I went into the reasons why, but this is a matter of tremendous importance to me.

    Case study: the education inspection framework (EIF)

    So I am going to take as a case study the development of our main education inspection framework, the EIF. It had to meet those purposes: they are largely defined by government. But we do have flexibility in how we go about meeting these purposes.

    And we aim to ground all our work in research evidence and to operate as transparently as possible.

    So we took time and care to develop the framework iteratively over 2 years.

    To prepare, we reviewed a wide range of research, from many universities, from the Education Endowment Foundation, from the Department for Education, and from other sources. We summarised what we drew on in a review that was published to provide transparency, both as to the evidence we used and our interpretation of that evidence. This gave the framework additional credibility showed the thought, attention and range of views that fed into its development.

    And we also did some substantial work on the state of curricula in both primary and secondary schools that, itself, will be informed by research into cognitive psychology. This is an important body of knowledge that wasn’t always being drawn on.

    The first phase of our curriculum research found systemic weaknesses in much of curriculum approach and design.

    In the second phase we studied a sample of schools that had curriculum thinking and development embedded in their approach.

    The third phase, tested a model of inspecting curriculum, based on our findings. This confirmed much of what we found in the first 2 phases and also allowed us to explore some potential curriculum indicators, some evidence collection methods, and also the practical limitations of inspections. And we were also able to test our ability to discern strength from weakness in curriculum development and application.

    All of this evidence gathering, research, consultation, evaluation, iterative development and testing resulted in the most evidenced framework that Ofsted has ever produced. The EIF is built around a strong and well-warranted construct of what good education is. And it is built around the importance of curriculum: the real substance of education.

    And I have talked before about the substance and purpose of education. It does need to prepare young people for life and work, but that is not all. It must also be about broadening their minds and horizons. It should give them the tools to make their communities and the world better places to live in. And it should allow them to contribute to society and the advancement of civilisation, not just the labour market.

    The EIF is broad enough to recognise all of these purposes of education. And it is why it firmly promotes a full and rich conception of knowledge, not a narrow and reductive one.

    The EIF and the sector-specific handbooks now underpin all the education inspections we do. They help us to assess the quality of education a service provides.

    I will add that there has been considerable interest from overseas education ministries and inspectorates in the EIF, and in how we developed it. As far as we know, it really is the first education inspection framework to be developed in this way.

    Area SEND framework development

    To do the EIF, we had a wealth of research and findings to draw on. But that is not always the case. Sometimes, we have to develop iteratively in the light of experience, bringing in such evidence as is available.

    I thought I’d talk briefly about our new framework for special needs inspections for a quick contrast. These inspections review the effectiveness of all the relevant agencies in providing joined up special educational needs and/or disabilities (SEND) services in a local area. There is surprisingly very little research evidence to draw on for this.

    In planning a successor to our first framework, we recognised the important work and lessons from the first set of inspections, but we did also see room for improvement.

    We’d already identified recurring weaknesses, flaws and delays in the identification of children’s needs. We had also often found a lack of clarity about who is responsible for what, between the various organisations involved.

    We also listened to a lot of feedback from children, young people and their families, from people working in all kinds of SEND and related services, and from the many organisations that support children and young people with SEND as well as representative bodies.

    We combined the inspection analysis with the feedback from the various strands of engagement. That enabled us to develop and refine our new proposals. These proposals or aspects of them were then tested through discussions and a set of pilot inspections. (Piloting is a very powerful tool for us.)

    All of this led to a new approach with 9 proposals for improvement, which we consulted on last summer. Happily, we found strong support for all proposals, increasing our confidence in the direction, and also provided valuable comments and suggestions that led to some changes and clarifications in the draft framework and handbook.

    In summary, we have started by building on our existing framework and inspection programme. We incorporated our analysis, feedback and engagement. We tested our new proposals. We consulted on them – and all of this going into the framework. We think we have created an approach that will improve outcomes for pupils with SEND, help families navigate a complex and sometimes adversarial system, and strengthen accountability by clarifying where responsibility for improvement lies.

    I think it’s a good example of how to develop a framework in a less evidence-rich environment.

    Evaluation

    The next thing I want to talk about is evaluation.

    These cases studies illustrate how we draw on established research and generate research to design our models, in the light of both well-developed and under-developed bodies of research.

    But we also need to know whether our frameworks and methodologies are being implemented as intended and having the effects we expect. We therefore have a programme of evaluation work. When we do this, we make a contribution to the body of professional knowledge about inspection. But, significantly for us, the evaluation work completes a positive feedback loop. We harness those findings and then use them in refining our process, our handbooks and our frameworks.

    One important example of how we evaluate is by using research methods to establish how reliable inspections are. Our frameworks and handbooks clearly outline what we focus on in inspection, and what we consider to be of high quality. So inspector judgement is, from the very start, focused on a construct that’s transparent to all through our handbooks. Our inspectors are there to apply the framework, not to apply their own individual ideas of what good looks like.

    Beyond our routine quality assurance activities, we have conducted reliability studies on inspector judgement inter-rater reliability. In other words: do 2 inspectors come to the same judgement? We saw high levels of agreement in the results.

    Taken together, our quality assurance work and reliability studies all feed back into the continuing development of our frameworks and handbooks.

    The limits on consistency

    And I want to talk a bit more, actually, about the concept of consistency of inspection judgements. Those of you here who, like Michelle Meadows and Jo-Anne Baird, are experts in educational assessment will immediately recognise the issue of reliability, with all its counter-intuitive complexities.

    School inspection is of course a process of human judgement. It complements various other measurement processes, including exams and testing and also many other kinds of measurement, such as attendance reporting. Judgements of overall effectiveness are composite judgements reflecting many aspects of performance.

    Now the reliability of human judgement processes has been studied in contexts in and beyond education. Michelle’s 2005 review of the literature on marking reliability was something I read early in my time at Ofqual, and gave me really valuable insight into the strengths and limitations of human judgement.

    For me, there are 2 particularly important lessons that come from that literature. First, that ‘perfect’ reliability is unlikely to be achievable. And secondly, that improving reliability often comes at the price of sacrificing some validity. The narrower the construct you choose to assess, the more precisely you can assess it, at least in theory. But the narrower the construct, the less valuable the assessment is likely to be in practice.

    And as you all know, national expectations of schools and other education institutions are broad. There is a democratic consensus that compulsory education should extend far beyond minimum competence in maths and literacy, that it should encompass wider personal development on many fronts as well as academic study, and that schools should have responsibilities for safeguarding children.

    This means that the ‘overall effectiveness’ that we are required to judge is, and is likely to remain, a broad construct. The corollary of this is that so-called ‘perfect’ reliability is not achievable.

    We accept this in many other areas of life, though perhaps without pausing to think a great deal about it. Driving test examiners; judges passing sentence in courts; judges in an Olympic sporting event; I am sure you can think of other examples where we accept that there will be some level of human variation. (The Eurovision Song Contest is an example of where the divergence between markers is so extreme as to suggest that they may not all be assessing the same construct.)

    And in fact one of the reasons that inspection continues to exist is precisely because we all recognise that data measures alone cannot carry the entire weight of measuring quality. And there can be unintended consequences of putting too much weight on data outcomes alone: there can be unhealthy backwash, for children and adults alike. So looking under the bonnet, at how outcomes are being achieved, has real value.

    There will therefore always be a degree of variability than cannot be engineered out of inspection, and where we could do more harm than good if we tried.

    But of course, we take consistency very seriously. We design the framework with great care, to be clear, structured and unambiguous. We design inspection processes with great care. We put a great deal of effort into recruiting and training our inspectors, when they join, in their early months and throughout their time with us. We have many quality assurance processes, covering all aspects of the process and also our reporting. And we have many sources of feedback: post-inspection surveys, complaints, our evaluation work, as well as regular interaction with sector representative bodies. All of this is used to keep on improving our work.

    Proactive research

    But our research isn’t only about developing and improving Ofsted’s regular work. We publish a lot that faces the outside world.

    Some of this is relatively straightforward aggregated information: we produce official statistics, including inspection outcome data, and publications such as our annual children’s social care survey.

    We also aggregate, analyse and disseminate evidence that we collect through our routine work, to produce our annual report and other publications.

    And we do more than just secondary analysis of inspection and regulatory evidence. We also conduct primary research where we need to supplement what we can learn directly from inspection.

    Our body of work on pandemic recovery was a significant recent contribution. We recognised that we were particularly well-placed to report on the continuing challenges schools and children faced as education gradually returned to normal. We do have unparalleled access to thousands of children and professionals.

    We saw the effects of the pandemic and restrictions on children: on their academic progress but also on their physical, social and emotional development. And for a minority of children, being out of the line of teachers’ sight had harmful consequences.

    We saw the efforts that have and are still being made to accelerate children’s learning and wider development and to address those harms. Collating and aggregating and evaluating what we found gave valuable insights.

    We reported on a live, shifting situation, publishing dozens of rapid reports, briefing notes and commentaries from September 2020 onwards. Our reports and the speed of their publication helped everyone understand what was happening. Our insight was crucial in making sure that policymakers understood the continuing challenges and it helped us highlight the good or innovative practice that others could learn from. We also reported on poorer practice and on how we would expect schools and other providers to improve.

    And professionals in all sectors have told us that our research accurately reflected their experience of the pandemic and post-pandemic periods. We know that we were one of the few bodies doing early research on this. And there was international interest in our work – it was picked up in places like Portugal and South Korea, for example, as well as by other European inspectorates. And I think this showed both its importance and the scarcity of credible research on education during the pandemic.

    This work made us very aware of the difficulties in schools, colleges and nurseries, at every level, from those working directly with children, all the way through to their leaders.

    It also gave us a strong basis for our decision to return to inspection, confident that we had the right level of understanding of the continuing challenges. It helped us to frame the right expectations, suitably high but still realistic. We wanted to see high ambition and support to help children make up for lost time. But our judgements needed to be fair in this context.

    And it is worth noting that the flexibility designed into the EIF allowed us to do this within the existing framework. The previous framework would not have been able to adapt in the same way. We would have needed a new temporary framework – something that professionals in the sector clearly told us that they did not want. The sector had spent time contributing to the development of the EIF, and then in understanding and embedding it. Sector feedback was very clearly in favour of sticking with the framework, suitably applied.

    We’re also examining other trends in education and social care, bringing our unique position and reach to bear for the benefit of children and learners. We have researched, for example, how local authorities plan for sufficient accommodation and services for children in carehow alternative provision for primary-age pupils is being used; and how secondary schools are supporting struggling readers.

    Tutoring

    Much of our research work is commissioned by government. One example is our work on tutoring, the first phase of which was published last year. This was based on visits to 63 schools to explore their tuition strategies and how well they had integrated tuition with their core education programmes, to report on the progress and, to the extent possible, the effectiveness of the National Tutoring Programme, on which the government is spending £1 billion.

    We found some good use of tutoring, but also that quality varied greatly depending on the school and the tutoring provider. And we also found limited understanding of the effectiveness of tutoring. Used well and properly integrated, tutoring can be a huge help to pupils who fall behind, but it is a very expensive intervention. It therefore needs to have a big enough impact to justify its cost.

    There are obvious difficulties with assessing impact. Getting a handle on the effectiveness of tutoring at the level of the individual child or the school is always going to be problematic: how do you attribute progress as between classroom teaching and tutoring? It may be possible where tutoring is very targeted at specific topics or areas of the curriculum. But expectations here do need to be realistic.

    Our reviews are already helping the government develop the tuition programme and helping schools and colleges to implement and integrate tutoring better, and the second phase of our research, which is currently in the field, will explore how schools are adapting and applying the programme after a year’s experience.

    Policy evaluation

    Some of our work is characterised as policy evaluation. One recent example was the exemption of outstanding schools from inspection.

    We have now reported on the first year of inspections of previously exempt schools since the exemption was lifted. Most schools inspected were no longer outstanding, and over a fifth dropped to requires improvement or inadequate. These were typically the schools that had gone longest without inspection, typically around 13 years. And we have also set a somewhat higher bar for the outstanding grade in the EIF, so no-one should over-interpret this data. But nonetheless, we can now see that the policy expectation of continuing improvement in the absence of inspection was not realised.

    We will be publishing a further report on this strand of inspection later this spring, including an analysis of the weaknesses that have been found in formerly outstanding schools that have been judged RI or inadequate.

    Research for practitioners

    Our research doesn’t just provide recommendations or suggest improvements for policymakers though. We also publish research reports and reviews for the education sector: for early years, schools and post-16, from the viewpoint of our inspection framework.

    For example, we recently published our ‘Best start in life’ research review, which examines the factors that contribute to a high-quality early education. The review drew on a range of sources, including academic and policy literature.

    That was the first in a series of reports on early education. We identified some of the features that high-quality early years curriculum and pedagogy may have. What were these features? A curriculum that considers what all children should learn, practitioners who choose activities and experiences after they have determined the curriculum, and adults who think carefully about what children already know, teaching them what they need to know, and broadening their interests.

    It was the latest in the series of research reviews we have published since early 2021 – I mentioned the school curriculum reviews earlier.

    I think this might be a good moment to pick up on the issue of challenge and contest in education research. Some of our work is in areas where there is little that is contested. But much of it, like so many domains of knowledge, is in areas that are highly contested. And this is certainly true of much of the curriculum.

    I can remember a previous Ofqual research director, Michelle’s predecessor, a man with a very long memory, telling me that in successive rounds of qualification reform, the 2 subjects that have always been hardest to finalise have been religious studies and mathematics, where the divergence of views among academic subject experts is especially, and perhaps surprisingly to those who aren’t in the mathematics world, particularly wide. I also remember hearing that in the most recent round of reforms, disagreements between members in another subject expert group were so profound that tears were shed in a group meeting.

    It is therefore entirely unsurprising that our work attracts hostility from some quarters. I think this tends to reflect those wider continuing disputes.

    As we said in the principles paper which we published ahead of the curriculum reviews:

    Educational research is contestable and contested, and so are documents such as these research reviews. Therefore, we are sharing our thinking with subject communities so that we can get input from the broader subject community. We hope that publishing our evidence base for how we have developed our understanding of subject quality will provide insight, both on what evidence we have used and on how we have interpreted that evidence when creating research criteria for our subject reports.

    Each curriculum review collates relevant research evidence, but they are not intended to be all-embracing papers covering the entirety of academic thought on a subject. That is not our job, and it would not be a responsible use of our time and resources. Instead, their primary purpose is to lay out the evidence-base for the kind of subject education that our frameworks reward as high quality. They give a broad foundation for the judgements that we make.

    While it is not their primary purpose, we do also hope that they will help subject leaders in their curriculum planning. The reviews are not narrowly prescriptive but offer what appear to be reliable general principles that schools can then apply intelligently. They are also not overly restrictive: each review lays out only the possible feature of high-quality education, without claiming that these are the only features. The enormous popularity with schools, of both the reports and of the related webinars that we offer, is an encouraging indicator that they are indeed helpful.

    And we have also heard how helpful schools have found having reviews across the set of subjects. Schools are really appreciating the exploration of the nature of a high quality curriculum across subjects, including computing, PE, music and so on. These research reviews fill a vacuum because in some subjects, curriculum (as opposed to pedagogical approaches) has not been a significant focus of other work. Subject and senior leaders regularly share their appreciation of our work, which gives them guidance across a range of subjects.

    And of course, this will in turn contribute to improving the quality of education, raising standards for all children.

    How the sector uses research

    In exploring the place and function of research evidence in educational policy and practice, it is also interesting to reflect on how the sectors we inspect themselves use research.

    On the one hand, there is a very positive picture, with much to be optimistic about. We know that many teachers see being reflective practitioners and researching practice as part of their professional identity. Teachers and other practitioners draw on EEF toolkits and summaries, for example, and apply them in their everyday practice. All this is helping to eliminate some of the perhaps fashionable fads and follies of the past.

    Twinned with our focus on subject education in the EIF, there’s also been a renewed interest in subject-based research. This development, in particular, really helpfully bridges academic departments within universities with classroom subject teaching in different phases of education. And teachers write about these things, blog about them, and exchange their knowledge at practitioner conferences such as ResearchEd.

    And the aroma of that interest has drifted upwards – out of the classroom – to school leaders who, because of their leadership of the curriculum, are developing their subject research knowledge about how best to sustain and develop school subjects. In this way, I think we have contributed to an intellectual resurgence in school leadership. And I think this really is a tremendous thing, to awaken intellectual curiosity at all levels of educational institutions.

    But, on the other hand, this brings complexity. As you all know, navigating research is not without its difficulties. The sheer range of research and evidence in a domain as large as education is daunting: some research is not empirical, other kinds of research are empirical, using qualitative and quantitative methods. Discerning strength, weakness, relevance, and applicability in research requires professional judgement. And without this, cargo cults and lethal mutations can emerge.

    What I do think would be helpful now is a clearer overall architecture that recognises and values all the parts of the system that generate educational research and evidence, including the entities that are translating research into usable products for practitioners, and the tools to navigate it. And it would also be helpful to have a clearer medium-term focus on building consensus through research.

    Conclusion

    Now, this evening, I have concentrated mainly on how Ofsted uses research. What I really wanted to make clear is that research isn’t just one part of what we do, it is a part of everything we do.

    It informs our day-to-day work, our frameworks and handbooks, and our overall approach. It helps us strive to be better, and to inspire improvement in the sectors we work in. And it lets us to share what we know with government and with practitioners so that they can make informed decisions.

    And I hope that you will take this talk and our wider approach as showing how much we value the work that happens in this and in many other universities, here and abroad, as well as in smaller specialist institutions. I believe that you and the whole education sector benefit from this renewed intellectual energy, which is being harnessed so constructively in so many places. I’m fortunate to been in positions over the last 20 years where I have been able to promote this healthy development.

    And with that, I’d be happy to take your questions. I have brought along 2 colleagues today: Alex Jones, who is our Director of Insights and Research, and Richard Kueh, acting Deputy director for Research and Evaluation, who was previously the religious education lead in our curriculum unit and author of our RE curriculum review.

    Thank you.