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Tag: Speeches

  • Stephen Kerr – 2019 Speech on 25th Anniversary of John Smith’s Death

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Kerr, the Conservative MP for Stirling, in the House of Commons on 9 May 2019.

    Thank you for your very moving words, Madam Deputy Speaker. I pay tribute to the hon. Member for Edinburgh South (Ian Murray) for his magnificent tribute to John Smith.

    I rise as a Scot, indeed a Scottish Conservative, to honour one of our finest countrymen. When John Smith died, this country lost a leader of integrity and a leader of faith. His socialism was strongly rooted in his Christian faith, and he proposed a politics that, in his words, could

    “replace cynicism with faith, despondency with expectation, despair with hope”.

    This uplifting vision of political service—indeed, service to others—is rooted, is it not, in the principle of love, the greatest of all the godly virtues? It speaks to our day, and indeed to all the days we have faced or will face in this House, or wherever we may be.

    The service of the best of our parliamentarians, and John Smith is certainly in that number, reminds us that we serve not to gratify our pride or vain ambition, or to exercise control or dominion, but, in the words of the Speaker’s prayer that we have the privilege of hearing every sitting day:

    “laying aside all private interests and prejudices keep in mind their responsibility to seek to improve the condition of all mankind”.

    John Smith, as the hon. Member for Edinburgh South said at the close of his tribute, sought and asked for the opportunity to serve our country, which is all he wanted. In truth, it should be all we want. He sought to serve, as many hon. and right hon. Members do, and the country is the poorer for his tragic and untimely loss.

    John Major described John Smith from the Dispatch Box as

    “an opponent, not an enemy”—[Official Report, 12 May 1994; Vol. 243, c. 430.]

    —would that our politics reflected that spirit—and he paid tribute to his pragmatism and fair mindedness. John Smith knew that some things were more important than politics. The national interest and the interests of the people of our country always came first for him.

    As has already been said, the legacy of John Smith is celebrated, and should be celebrated, in the establishment of the Scottish Parliament and the devolution settlement. It is 20 years since the establishment of Holyrood, ​which is now a vital part of the daily political life of Scotland. It is accepted by all, including people like me who campaigned and voted against its establishment. I was on the wrong side then, but there is no zeal like that of a convert—and a convert I am.

    As a Scot and a Unionist, I feel that we must work hard to ensure that the Scottish Parliament fulfils its promise of a Scotland at ease with itself, united together and well governed, with a Parliament that makes a real difference to the quality of the lives of its people. But I have to say that I believe there is unfinished business in relation to devolution. In my mind, that is captured in my experience as a newly elected Member of Parliament for a Scottish constituency when I have come up against the culture and mindset of Whitehall.

    The better governance of Scotland, I believe, will also require further change at the heart of the UK governmental system. There are yet missing constitutional pieces that undermine and have the potential to damage fatally the unity of the United Kingdom. I regret to say that, too often in Government Departments, there is a prevailing culture of “devolve and forget”. For the Union to flourish, its influence must continue to be felt as a power for good in the lives of people in all parts of the United Kingdom. John Smith knew that only too well, as a Scot who understood that the United Kingdom is at its best when it pulls together in the same direction and when people work together for everyone’s benefit.

    John Smith’s resting place is on Iona, where the light of Christianity first came to Scotland. It is a fitting place. On his gravestone are engraved these words:

    “An Honest Man’s The Noblest Work of God”.

    That is truly fitting. John Smith’s politics were honourable and honest.

    There is much we can learn from John Smith’s life and legacy—from a man seen as an opponent and not an enemy; a man who could see beyond politics towards a higher goal of a better country and a better world; a man who strove to give a voice in this place and elsewhere to those who are voiceless. I am only too well aware that in this House we stand on the shoulders of giants. Those who came before us are always with us, and always will be.

  • Eleanor Laing – 2019 Speech on 25th Anniversary of John Smith’s Death

    Below is the text of the speech made by Eleanor Laing, the Deputy Speaker, in the House of Commons on 9 May 2019.

    In commending the hon. Gentleman’s excellent speech, may I say for the sake of wider consumption and for those who pay attention to our proceedings here that the lack of hon. Members in the Chamber at this particular moment is absolutely no reflection on the way in which this debate is perceived by hon. Members in general?

    Listening to the hon. Gentleman, I had a tear in my eye. I remember very well exactly where I was when I heard the news about John Smith. I can confirm what the hon. Member for Caithness, Sutherland and Easter ​Ross (Jamie Stone) said about the Scottish Conservative party conference, which was immediately suspended on that day. Perhaps I am somewhat biased as a West of Scotland, Church of Scotland, Scots lawyer, albeit a Conservative, in my absolute respect and liking for John Smith. I had the opportunity to speak to him reasonably often, and I held him in the highest regard.

    What the hon. Member for Edinburgh South (Ian Murray) said about the lessons we can learn, 25 years on, from the way in which John Smith conducted his political life and political relationships is a very strong message indeed. I simply repeat that the fact there is not a very large number of Members here to reiterate that message does not mean it is not held in very great honour. The memory of John Smith in this place will go on and on.

  • Ian Murray – 2019 Speech on 25th Anniversary of John Smith’s Death

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ian Murray, the Labour MP for Edinburgh South, in the House of Commons on 9 May 2019.

    I beg to move,

    That this House has considered the 25th anniversary of the death of John Smith, former leader of the Labour Party.

    I am grateful to the Backbench Business Committee for granting Chamber time for this special debate on a motion in my name and in the names of right hon. and hon. Friends across the House. The 25th anniversary of John Smith’s untimely passing is a fitting occasion to commemorate and remember a man who lit up this place, lit up our politics and lit up the lives of so many. I am sure that many hon. Members across the House will wish to share their stories and memories today.

    This Sunday will mark the 25th anniversary of John Smith’s death. When I suggested this debate to his wife, Baroness Elizabeth Smith, I was not expecting a response from so many colleagues wanting to contribute or merely tell me their own stories about John. Many MPs, from all parties, have come up to me and said, “I can’t be at the debate, but let me tell you about the time—” or “I know where I was the heard the news that John had died.” After 25 years, that is a measure of the man himself: he was admired and respected across the House.

    Clive Efford (Eltham) (Lab)

    I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this debate. Many of us have memories of John Smith. I remember that when I was a London taxi driver, there was a memorial service to him in Methodist Central Hall, just across Parliament Square. I could not finish the day without parking up and going inside to join in. He was a remarkable speaker—a magnificent orator, whom I managed to hear on several occasions. In my opinion, he will go down as one of the parliamentarians who can be described as a great Prime Minister that this country never had.

    Ian Murray

    I hope that when my hon. Friend went into the memorial service, he stopped his meter—I know that John, as a traditional Scot, might not have done so.

    Some of the stories about John can be repeated in public, but—with his wonderful wit and Scottish humour—there are some that are perhaps best not written into Hansard. I do not think that anybody would contradict the assertion that he was the best Prime Minister that this country never had. As a young Andrew Marr wrote:

    “The greatest political tribute to John Smith is the simplest one: had he lived, he would have become Prime Minister.”

    It is no exaggeration to suggest that his passing changed the course of British history. He was referred to as “Labour’s lost leader”, the man who made the Labour party electable again.

    As well as being a formidable and committed politician of extreme intellect, transparency, decency and straightforwardness, with a sense of fairness and a willingness to fight for those who were not able to speak up for themselves, John Smith was a committed family man, with his wife Elizabeth, whom he met at Glasgow University, and his three daughters, Sarah, Jane and Catherine. The country may have lost a Prime Minister in waiting, but they suffered the heaviest and most ​heartbreaking loss of all—the loss of a husband, a father and a part of their lives that could never be replaced.

    Jamie Stone (Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross) (LD)

    When I heard of the death of John Smith, I was at the Scottish Tory conference—as a journalist, I should point out, not as a member of the Tory party. I remember that the whole conference came to a grinding halt. Everyone there was stunned and greatly saddened. I thought that that reflected very well on John Smith, and, in fairness, extremely well on the Tory party.

    Ian Murray

    I shall come to that later in my speech. Journalists get all the best gigs, I am sure—such as the Tory party conference.

    I was saying that John Smith’s family had suffered the most heartbreaking loss of all—the loss of a husband, a father and a part of their lives that could never be replaced. I feel that acutely, because I lost my own father at a young age. I am sure that the whole House will want to join me in wishing my own mum, Lena, a happy 70th birthday for yesterday. The Labour Party would have a new leader to replace John and the country would have that Labour Prime Minister whom it so desired, but it is not possible to replace a father and husband.

    I never met John personally, but I feel, as others will surely feel today, that he was always part of my political life. His family still live in my constituency, and constituents often stop me in the street and get on to the topic of John. He was one of theirs, and they are not going to let people forget that any time soon. They all recall his funeral service at Cluny parish church in Morningside. The building sits on a small embankment close to where John lived. The film footage shows the red brick punctuated by the black of mourners moving slowly and sombrely past into the church. The deep national shock was there for all to see.

    My right hon. Friend the Member for Derby South (Margaret Beckett) cannot be here today owing to a long-standing engagement in her constituency. She was John’s deputy, the politician who took over the reins of the Labour party and the person who had the most difficult job in the House, that of leading the tributes to John when he died. She did it brilliantly and with her usual grace, clarity and kindness. She was devastated that she could not be here today, so she asked if I would read out something on her behalf, and I am very proud to do so:

    “25 years ago, the profound shock of John Smith’s untimely death was felt across the country and this House, which only convened for tributes to be paid, led by the then Prime Minister, John Major, before adjourning.

    It was also the Scottish Conservative party’s annual conference”

    —as we have heard—and

    “Ian Lang, the Secretary of State, announced the news and adjourned the conference immediately.

    In the Labour party and wider Labour movement the sorrow was profound. I recall a senior trade unionist telling me that he was listening to the tributes in his car, and found himself crying so much that he had to pull over and stop the car.

    Party leaders, presidents and prime ministers from across Europe demanded to be allowed to come to the funeral and pay their respects. None were officially invited but they all came anyway at what ended up as almost a state funeral. Yet, in the end, ​it was not a sombre occasion—appropriately, because John was not a sombre man. It was his lifelong friend Donald Dewar who said in his address, ‘John could start a party in an empty room—and frequently did.’

    Yet his outstanding characteristic was his determination to, as he put it, ‘speak up for those who can’t speak up for themselves.’”

    I do not really want to do a biography of John, but his character was undoubtedly shaped by his upbringing and early life. John was of radical Presbyterian stock, born on the west coast of Scotland on 13 September 1938. “John Smith”, he once said “is the commonest name in Scotland. A robust character is needed to overcome that.” His grandfather was a herring fisherman, and his father was the schoolmaster at the local village school.

    At 14, John attended the grammar school at Dunoon. He was academically very successful and began to organise on behalf of his beloved Labour party. From school, he went to Glasgow University, where he cut his teeth, sharpened his elbows and honed the skills that would take him to the Bar and then to the Dispatch Box. He remained at university for seven years, reading for degrees first in history and then in law. He became a first-class debater, as many of the Glasgow university alumni at that time did, helping his university side win the Observer mace competition, but his greatest passion lay in politics.

    At just 21, he was adopted Labour candidate for East Fife, which he fought unsuccessfully, and, despite another couple of failed attempts, became the MP for North Lanarkshire in 1970. Legend has it that he won enough money on predicting the results of the 1966 general election in Scotland to be able to quit being a solicitor and train for the Bar; I am not sure whether that is true.

    As a new MP in this House in 1970, it was said that he ruined his chances of early promotion by defying his Whip and voting for entry into the EEC in 1971; I certainly know what defying my party Whip on Europe feels like so can concur with that. He remained a staunch pro-European and internationalist his entire career. Breaking the Whip must have been difficult for John, because he was a party man and believed in discipline, which would prove to be useful in his later political career, but he also believed in the common market and working together, and history repeats itself all too often in this place.

    John had a glittering parliamentary governmental career as a Minister in employment, trade and energy until the long 18 years of Labour in opposition. He was shadow Chancellor from 1987 until he became Leader of the Opposition, following the 1992 general election and the resignation of Lord Kinnock. But despite his glittering parliamentary career, John always put his constituents first. Mike Elrick, who worked for John, said that John always emphasised that he had constituents who needed him to fight their corner and he had no intention of letting them down.

    The people who knew him best were the wonderful people who worked for him, such as David Ward who is here today. I asked David what it was like to work for him and he had story after story of what a pleasure and how much fun it was. As almost every tribute has mentioned and will mention, he was a witty man, with a warmth and kindness. But David tells a story, published in Mark Stuart’s book “John Smith: A Life”, that emphasises John’s devastating humour, which was used to deadly effect in parliamentary debates. John was a ​brilliant debater capable of superb one-line put-downs to Conservative MPs brave enough to intervene on him. When John was on full song, he relished the chance to cut his opponents to size. Such was his fearsome reputation that it became obvious that Tory Whips were discouraging their MPs from interrupting him in debates. In response, Labour Back Benchers used to taunt the Tories to stand up.

    John was spontaneously quick-witted but he also worked very hard at jokes prepared in advance. A great example is the “Neighbours” skewering of Nigel Lawson in this Chamber in June 1989, when Lawson was Chancellor, over the role of Margaret Thatcher’s economic adviser Sir Alan Walters. Lawson and Walters were at loggerheads over Tory policy on Europe—that sounds familiar—and that was causing huge friction between No. 10 and No. 11, which is also hugely familiar. In opening an Opposition debate, John sang a brief section from the theme tune from the television programme “Neighbours”, playing on these tensions; I am not going to sing it this afternoon. This hilarious mocking of the Chancellor culminated in John calling on him to go “before he was pushed”, and 24 hours later the Chancellor resigned.

    David Ward said that they were working on the speech the day before the debate and, while John and David were drafting the text, another member of the team, Ann Barrett, was watching the BBC to make sure John got the lyrics to the theme tune right. After that, they seemingly rehearsed the theme song with everyone singing along late into the evening. David said he was worried that anyone wandering past the leader’s office would have been forgiven for thinking everyone had gone stark raving mad.

    But I wonder what John Smith would have made of today’s greatest issue, Brexit. Today is Europe Day, and he was a great internationalist. For one, he would not have gambled on calling a referendum and he would have challenged the constant downplaying of the importance of the UK as an integral member of the EU. What would John have thought of the Brexit shambles engulfing and paralysing our politics? It is worth examining what he would have done, and David Ward looks at this in an article published in today’s New European. We know that John voted to go into the EU. He fundamentally believed that giving up some national sovereignty to gain some sovereignty back would allow a great degree of control over the international companies and the global issues of the future. Working together was the only way to solve the global problems.

    And here is a greater lesson for Europe now: the way John Smith handled the tricky problem of Europe. Instead of a leader trying to force his opinion on the party—history may be repeating itself in the Labour party today—he asked the party to force its view on the leadership. There are important lessons to learn from his handling of the European issue during his all-too-brief tenure as Labour leader. The party could have been equally as divided as the Conservatives. Dissidents led by former Cabinet Minister Peter Shore—including a notably serial rebellious Back Bencher and challenger to his leadership, my right hon. Friend the Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn), the current Leader of the Opposition—were irreconcilably opposed to Britain’s membership of the European Union, but John minimised ​internal dispute by taking the unprecedented step of allowing the parliamentary Labour Party, rather than the shadow Cabinet, to determine its policy on Maastricht ahead of crucial votes.

    Neil Gray (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)

    I commend the hon. Gentleman for securing this debate and for the way in which he is presenting his arguments in favour of John Smith. I should like to take him back to the way in which John Smith conducted himself in the Chamber. Although he was robust in his parliamentary style, he was always respectful. This reminds me of a conversation I had with Jimmy Gordon—now Lord Gordon—who said that it was because of the respect John Smith had for others that he had not come across one person with a bad word to say about him. Would the hon. Gentleman like to reflect on that?

    Ian Murray

    That was a super intervention. I think that that was the measure of the man himself. I am sure that, if we were all a bit more like John Smith, this place would be more pleasurable and our politics would be more as they should be.

    Mr Barry Sheerman (Huddersfield) (Lab/Co-op)

    My hon. Friend might not know that I used to work for John Smith, and I will be speaking about him in the debate later. John did not suffer fools gladly. If you crossed him in a bad way, if you let him down or if you did not come up to scratch, you got the hard word—and if he gave you the hard word, you deserved it.

    Ian Murray

    I am sure that my hon. Friend has no direct experience of that and that he has just been told about that approach taken by the former leader of the Labour party.

    Alistair Burt (North East Bedfordshire) (Con)

    I think that I am the only one here on the Conservative Benches today who was here on the day that John died. I remember being in the Department of Social Security, where I was a Minister, and I remember how shocked everyone was. We learned quite quickly that he had passed away, before it could be publicly announced. I remember the shock among Labour friends as they began to appreciate what had happened, and I would like the hon. Gentleman to know that Conservative Members who were here felt exactly the same as our colleagues in the Labour party. In that spirit, I would say to him that, while he has painted a picture of a robust and quite partisan politician, I cannot personally remember being on the wrong side of one of John Smith’s tirades. That is probably because I was one of those who took the advice of the Whips and did not intervene on him. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that he was able to combine passion with courtesy, and that if there is anything that we are missing at the moment in the difficult debates we are having, it is the ability to combine our passion—whether for our party beliefs or for Europe—with the courtesy that this House and this country need? John Smith’s example should take us forward into the future.

    Ian Murray

    The right hon. Gentleman’s intervention speaks for itself. If the House will indulge me, I have not yet had the opportunity to say publicly that he was a fantastic Minister in the Foreign Office. I sit on the ​Foreign Affairs Committee, and he was always courteous and straight with us. He was a super Minister, and I hope that he ends up back on the Front Bench as soon as possible.

    John Smith’s self-confident approach won a clear majority among Labour MPs for ratification of the Maastricht treaty. Crucially, that left the Conservatives looking fatally divided and Labour clear in its support of a radical and progressive agenda for a reformed European Union that put jobs and people first. I just wish that we could have that approach today. I am in no doubt that he would be deeply saddened by Brexit, angered by the lies told during the referendum and dismayed by the Prime Minister’s approach. I think that today he would endorse exactly the position taken by his former deputy, my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby South. She unequivocally and persuasively believes that any version of a Brexit deal passed by this place should be put to a confirmatory public vote. We all listened intently to her superbly argued speech in this House during the indicative vote process, and many would conclude that John Smith would have agreed with every word she spoke. That is where our politics is lost today. Smith’s politics were based on persuasion and taking people with him, by force of argument, to do what was in the national interest. I believe that our politics has lost that principle at the moment, as the right hon. Member for North East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt) said.

    Then there is John’s beloved Scotland. What would he make of it all today, as a passionate believer in devolution? It is 20 years this week since devolution was introduced. The Scottish Parliament is his legacy. John firmly believed that devolution was the settled will of the Scottish people, but that independence would be disastrous. He would see it as even more of a folly than leaving the European Union. John made his political name by being fully immersed in his time at the Cabinet Office to do devolution. Many thought that it was a poisoned chalice, but he came out of it incredibly well. In a touching twist of fate, the first sitting of the new Scottish Parliament took place on the fifth anniversary of his death in 1999. I wonder what John would think of what is happening in Scotland today, where his idea of devolution to make Scotland the best place it can be is being used as a tool to by nationalists to rip the UK apart. Scotland lost giants like Smith, Dewar and Cook. We could be doing well with them in Scottish politics today.

    Key to the devolution reform was, John believed, the conscious devolution of power to the nations and regions of the UK, and the first step was the establishment of a Scottish Parliament. He was a convert to devolution in the 1970s, not because he saw it as a means of killing “nationalism stone dead”, but because he saw it as a means of addressing a democratic deficit, bringing politicians closer to the people and making them more accountable for their actions. A Scottish Parliament, he believed, was essential to the democratic governance of “our nation”, by which he meant the United Kingdom, not just Scotland. In John’s view, it was “unfinished business”. Devolution was in the interests of the UK, not just Scotland, and a key part of the democratic renewal of the British constitution and its civil institutions. We maybe need a new Smith approach for the 21st century devolution settlement across the whole United Kingdom.​

    John Smith leaves a lasting legacy despite dying at just 55. Yes, he is the best Prime Minister we never had and an inspiration to us all, but his legacy also includes the Smith Institute, fellowship programmes for leaders of the future, and the John Smith Centre based at his own University of Glasgow. The centre has now established itself as a leading institute for academic rigour, advocacy and opportunity. It is part think-tank and part defender and advocate for the good in public service, and it exists to lead by his values and his example. There is also the annual John Smith memorial walk. It is a legacy he would be proud of.

    Many in the Labour party would refer to themselves as Blairites or Brownites. In fact, many refer to each other in such terms—some positive and some negative. I have never been comfortable identifying with either of those blunt terms, but I am comfortable with being a self-declared Smithite, and on this anniversary we should all be a bit more like John and a bit more Smithite.

    Andrew Marr concluded his obituary to John by saying:

    “He is the lost leader of a lost country. Had he lived, he would have entered our lives, affected our wealth, altered our morale, changed how we thought about our country, influenced the education of our children. His grin would have become a familiar icon, his diction the raw material of satire. At however many removes, and however obscurely, his personality would have glinted through the state and touched us all. For good or ill? The question is now meaningless. That Britain won’t happen.”

    In his final conference speech in 1993, John concluded with this:

    “For I tell you this: there is no other force, no other power, no other party, that can turn this country round. It is up to us, all of us, together. This is our time of opportunity: the time to summon up all our commitment; the time to gather round us all our strength. And, united in our common purpose, it is the time to lead our country forward to the great tasks that lie ahead.”

    As we commemorate the 25th anniversary of John Smith’s death, let us remember the words that have become his epitaph. The night before he died, he spoke at a European gala dinner in London. When he spoke these now immortal words, he did it from the heart and with his usual passion. They are something that I have always used to guide me in politics, and perhaps we should remind ourselves of them every day as we navigate our own paths in this place. These were the last words he said in public and some of the last words that many of his closest friends ever heard him say. As all our thoughts this weekend will be with Elizabeth, Sarah, Jane, Catherine, the wider family and his friends, we simply say:

    “The opportunity to serve our country—that is all we ask.”

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2019 Statement on Montenegro

    Below is the text of the statement made by Jeremy Hunt, the Foreign Secretary, on 9 May 2019.

    The failed coup attempt against Montenegro in 2016 was one of the most outrageous examples of Russia’s attempts to undermine European democracy. The GRU’s brazen attempt to interfere with Montenegro’s national elections and undermine Montenegro’s application to join NATO is yet another example of destabilising and aggressive Russian behaviour over the last decade.

    The guilty verdicts announced today against the 2 Russian intelligence officers responsible for plotting this coup were the conclusion of Montenegrin legal proceedings of unprecedented transparency. In the face of such overwhelming evidence, Russia’s claims that the 2 men were researching an article about the Russian military in the region during the First World War were proven to be absurd.

    Russia is a great country and central to European civilisation. Moscow must desist from any attacks that undermine the territorial integrity and democratic processes of its neighbours or other sovereign states. The UK calls on Russia to choose a different path – to uphold the security of Europe, respect the rules based international system that keeps our societies safe, and to work together with us to fulfil our common responsibilities as permanent members of the UN Security Council.

  • John Swinney – 2019 Speech to SNP Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by John Swinney at the SNP conference held in Edinburgh on 27 April 2019.

    The events of the last six months at Westminster have proven beyond any reasonable doubt; the United Kingdom political system has failed – and it has failed Scotland utterly.

    Week after week of an internal battle within the Tory Party has been played out in front of us all where – for the U.K. Government – the survival of the Tory Party has been more important than protecting the jobs, livelihoods and opportunities of the people of our country.

    Scotland’s vote to Remain in the EU has been ignored.

    The overwhelming majority demand of the Scottish Parliament for a different course has been rejected.

    The reasoned compromises suggested by the Scottish Government have been cast aside.

    The powers of the Scottish Parliament have been threatened by the U.K. power grab.

    Conference, as the Tory Party tried to save itself, the warm reassuring words of the 2014 No campaign about Scotland’s place in the United Kingdom counted for absolutely nothing.

    And people wonder why the First Minister has asked every one of our fellow citizens to think again about what kind of country we want to live in.

    This week the First Minister set out the steps our country needs to consider, to address the Brexit crisis. Just as she has done throughout the Brexit saga, Nicola Sturgeon spoke first, foremost and always in the national interest of Scotland.

    If the Brexit fiasco has told us anything, it has demonstrated we need to have a better dialogue about how we change our country. A discussion that includes everyone. A reasoned debate about the choices we face. A discussion that confronts the challenges ahead but lifts the hopes and the aspirations of our people.

    We all believe that Scotland’s future will be assured with independence. Our task now is to listen to views that are not ours, to find common ground and to put in place a message of hope and reassurance to our people. That is the opportunity the First Minister has created for us and we should seize that opportunity with both hands.

    And the first opportunity we have is in the debate that is about to come. The Growth Commission led by Andrew Wilson has spent time, and taken care, to explore some of the real, challenging, unavoidable issues that we face in the independence debate.

    They have given their thinking to us and Members around the country have engaged in a truly democratic, participative process.

    And the debate comes here – where it should – to the floor of our Party Conference for our delegates to decide.

    That is honest, open, respectful debate in action.

    That is the way it should always be and this Party can be rightly proud of it.

    While Westminster has been paralysed by Brexit, while the Tories have inflicted their damaging civil war on the rest of us, we have been building the new Scotland.

    We have delivered record health funding.

    We have a record number of Scots going to university and record numbers from the poorest backgrounds getting a place too.

    We have some of the highest levels of inward investment in the UK and the lowest unemployment on record.

    I’ll say that again…the lowest unemployment on record.

    That’s not just the SNP getting on with our day job.

    That’s the SNP making sure thousands of Scots have a day job to get on with in the first place.

    In just the last few months, while Westminster imploded, we have enacted world leading measures to protect the victims of domestic violence.

    We have established an Advanced Payment Scheme for the elderly and terminally ill victims of childhood abuse.

    We have committed to funding the tuition of EU students starting their studies in Scotland in 2020 just as any good, progressive European nation should do.

    And we have rolled out the new Best Start Grants and we are establishing a Scottish National Investment Bank.

    Friends, I could go on and on… and I will.

    More teachers.

    More nurses.

    Lower crime.

    And for the majority… lower taxes.

    Friends, many of these things are policies the old parties always said were impossible.

    You cannot ask the better off to pay more so that the less well-off can pay less. That’s what they said… but we did it anyway.

    Fairer taxation paying for fairer public services. Not impossible with the SNP.

    But then we are the party that does the impossible.

    You will never win a Holyrood election they said. We did that. Three times.

    You’ll never win in the Labour heartlands. We’ve done that too. And there are no Labour heartlands now.

    Then of course, they now say you cannot have another independence referendum and won’t win it if you do.

    My message is simple… we’ll soon see about that!

    We have secured all of these amazing achievements because our actions focus on the needs of our people, first, last and always.

    And along with all of this good work for our people, in a Parliament where the Government does not have a majority, Derek Mackay has secured the agreement – with the support of the Greens – to the Scottish Government Budget for this coming year.

    And Conference don’t underestimate the scale of the challenge in getting that Budget through.

    The Liberals came off the fence and made a decisive intervention. They decided to take absolutely no part in the process.

    The Labour Party were up for a deal according to Alex Rowley, but not up for a deal according to Richard Leonard. So the Labour Party in Scotland – coherent and united in the usual fashion.

    And the Tories. Well, the Tories were the real hypocrites of the process.

    They demanded that we cut taxes for the rich, strip £500 million from the public finances, and then called week by week for increased spending on an eye watering number of projects.

    Combined with the farce that is Brexit, with a one trick pony message that has run out of puff and an inability to convince anyone they are a serious Opposition let alone an alternative government, is it any wonder the Tory Party is now back in third place in Scottish politics.

    Twelve years into Government, the SNP continues to lead in the polls and we continue to lead the change that Scotland requires.

    Our agenda on education is designed to transform the lives of young people in Scotland by closing the poverty related attainment gap once and for all.

    Every step of the way in the lives of our children and young people, your SNP Government is taking the action to transform lives.

    The Baby Box, now in its second year with over 80,000 boxes issued, the take-up rate has reached 96% – that’s solid investment to give every child the best start in life.

    Early learning and childcare is now being doubled with our 2, 3 and 4 year old children having access to quality support to start their lives in an environment of play for learning.

    Pupil Equity Funding – sending £120 million directly from the Scottish Government to schools – has fuelled the empowerment of the teaching profession and helped young people overcome the burden of poverty.

    An expansion of Modern Apprenticeships – along with Foundation and Graduate Apprenticeships – has created a broader range of opportunities for young people to make the right choices about their future.

    Our Universities and Colleges are benefiting from over £1.5 billion of investment to deliver their vital contribution to higher and further education.

    And what difference have our interventions been making?

    Let’s look at level 5 qualifications – that used to be the old credit level standard grade but of course the system has changed since then.

    When we took office, 71% of pupils got a level 5 qualification or better.

    That figure is now 86%.

    At level 6 or better – that’s Highers – when we took office, just 41% achieved the qualification.

    Last year that figure reached 62.2%.

    Despite all this achievement by our young people, all the unionist parties can do is run Scotland’s education system down. We’re proud of what our young people achieve.

    We set ourselves two tasks for school education.

    Raise standards for all and close the attainment gap.

    Well here’s the progress report.

    Attainment overall is up. Last year, for the first time ever, more than 30% of pupils got at least five passes at Higher or better – up from 22.2% in 2009/10.

    And the poverty related attainment gap is narrowing.

    The gap between those from the most and least deprived areas achieving a Higher or better has reduced for the 8th successive year and is now at a record low.

    Standards up.

    The attainment gap closing.

    That’s the SNP record on education.

    Friends, in one way the success of our schools is seen best in what happens after school.

    Do pupils get that job, that place in college or university, or that apprenticeship they want?

    Do they get on in life?

    Overall, this year, a record 94.4% of pupils were in work, training or study within three months of leaving school.

    And, the gap between those from the most and least deprived communities has halved – halved – since 2009/10.

    Your SNP Government is delivering new opportunities for the young people of our nation.

    The unionists may not like it but it is what we will go on doing day and daily until the job is done.

    Running through all of our policy interventions is a determination to Get it Right for Every Child.

    The GIRFEC agenda has encouraged our public services to take a preventative approach, to support early intervention that will improve the life chances of children.

    One of the key elements in that process is how we support families.

    Working with Scotland’s dynamic charity and the third sectors we can help children grow up healthy, happy and safe.

    And to do so, I am today announcing a new fund of up to £16 million running over three years to partner with charities and the third sector.

    Whether it is schemes aimed at supporting children who are also carers or projects that focus on adult learning, we want to break the intergenerational cycles that blight too many lives.

    Across a wide range of challenges from early learning to child protection and Adverse Childhood Experiences, early intervention is key.

    Your SNP government will always do all we can to get it right for every child.

    Conference, the last three years since the Brexit Referendum have made one thing very clear to the people of Scotland. The voice of our country has been ignored by the Westminster Government.

    The call for us to ‘lead not leave’ the United Kingdom has been exposed as the worthless, empty commitment we knew it to be in 2014.

    So the question that people in Scotland have to face is what are we going to do about it?

    Will we be passive as our country is ignored and economic damage is inflicted upon us?

    Or – at the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Scottish Parliament – are we going to set our own agenda.

    That is the choice our country faces.

    For us, our role is to do what the National Party is good at.

    It is to engage.

    It is to listen carefully to our people.

    It is to persuade and to convince.

    And above all else, it is to provide the people of Scotland with an ambitious vision – brimming with hope – of what our country can be.

    Let us use the unique opportunity that we have to persuade our country that her future is best independent. And do everything we possibly can to make that happen.

  • Ian Blackford – 2019 Speech to SNP Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ian Blackford, the SNP Leader in the House of Commons, at the SNP Conference held in Edinburgh on 28 April 2019.

    Good morning Conference, it’s fantastic to be here at home with you in our vibrant capital Edinburgh.

    Friends, make no mistake – these are no ordinary times and this is no ordinary conference.

    We are here to make history.

    We are here to begin our campaign to make Scotland an independent, prosperous country in the European Union.

    Politics in London is consumed by the Tory Brexit.

    Parties in Westminster are distracted and divided by infighting between the Remainers and the Brexiteers.

    But not us – not the Scottish National Party.

    We are united, focused and determined.

    We know that Scotland deserves better than the shambles of Westminster. Britain is broken and Scotland is ignored by Westminster. This cannot go on.

    Our message here today must be simple. It must be about what we know is the truth. That the future of our nation will only be enhanced when we break free of the dangerous, nasty and failing politics of Westminster.

    For three years now the Tory Party – and the Labour Party – have focused on themselves.

    Battling internally on the issue of Brexit – and with no focus on delivering for the people of Scotland.

    We now have a UK Government that has effectively ceased to function with the UK poised over a cliff-edge.

    A cliff-edge that will destroy jobs and make people poorer.

    Conference, Theresa May is in office but she is not in power.

    Within months we could face Boris Johnson becoming Prime Minister.

    A real nightmare scenario.

    Brexit has been forced on us by law-breakers who don’t give a damn about ordinary working people.

    It has to be stopped.

    We cannot, and we will not, allow Scotland to follow Theresa May or Boris Johnson off the cliff-edge.

    The Tories have ignored the will of the Scottish people.

    They have ignored the decisions of our sovereign Scottish Parliament.

    And time and time again, they have blatantly ignored the efforts for compromise from the Scottish Government.

    We need to remind the Tories that they have lost every general election in Scotland since the 1950s.

    The Tories are out of touch with the people of Scotland.

    Conference, the Prime Minister has no mandate from Scotland.

    On Tuesday 12th March 2019, the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly voted on a historic joint motion rejecting the Prime Minister’s deal and rejecting no deal.

    And let me remind Theresa May and those Scottish Tories propping up her benches, on June 2016, an overwhelming majority, 62% of Scots voted remain.

    Scotland’s voice must be heard and it must be respected. Scotland will not be dragged out of the EU against our will.

    It will be the right of the people of Scotland to determined our future not the Prime Minister.

    The Tories and Labour need to wake up to reality. They face terminal decline in Scotland if they continue to ignore our wishes and interests.

    The YouGov poll for the Times should be a reality check. The SNP has secured a massive 23-point lead at Westminster – with the Tories and Labour falling way behind.

    Brexit has created the context of change – significant change where the choice before us is between Brexit and Scotland as an independent European nation. It is for all of us to decide our future.

    A Scotland locked indefinitely into Brexit Britain or a Scotland free to decide its own future.

    Conference – we have a choice to make.

    Enough is enough.

    The choice is no longer about how to mitigate Brexit it is about how we stop it. And how Scotland gets out of it.

    The lifeline thrown to Westminster by the EU to stop a no deal Brexit has been crucial to protect our economy and our interests. But the clock is once again ticking down.

    Our position is clear.

    SNP MPs will fight to stop Brexit.

    Scotland has been completely ignored throughout the Brexit process. Westminster is dragging us down the path to economic disaster. The people of Scotland deserve the choice of a better future than Brexit Britain.

    A choice of Scotland a destination in Europe – or being sidelined within an inward looking UK.

    Let’s be clear – continued Westminster rule is the biggest threat to Scotland’s economy and long-term prosperity. The biggest threat to jobs, incomes and living standards. The biggest threat to our NHS, our public services, our society.

    Scotland did not vote to leave the EU, and we must not be dragged out against our will. So I can confirm today that the SNP will not vote for the Withdrawal Agreement Bill when it comes to Westminster.

    We will not, not ever, support this damaging blindfold Brexit deal. Theresa May has failed to protect our economy, our communities and all of our futures. The Prime Minister is frozen in a failure of her own making. Humiliated and hamstrung by the extreme-right Brexiteers in her own Party. Theresa May your time is up.

    And I call on Jeremy Corbyn to join with us in the SNP, and rule out any support for the Withdrawal Bill, which would lead Scotland and the rest of the UK into total economic chaos. The coalition of the opposition need now to come together and do what the people elected us to do – oppose this Tory Government.

    Conference, the Tories don’t care what happens to the economy or to citizen’s livelihoods.

    Their obsession with leaving Europe is driven by an ideological desire to return to the days of the Empire.

    Well I hope the Tories are listening – because those days are over.

    And while they dream of a mythical past, citizens today are struggling to make ends meet, forced to queue at food banks to feed their children. Immigrants have the doors closed in their face. While women who have been victims of rape are forced to prove their child is a victim of such a horrific crime in order to access Universal Credit.

    What a disgrace.

    Conference the UK Government has created a cruel and callous system that punishes people instead of helping them prosper. We will not be dragged down into the gutter with them.

    Our ambition for our people is to grow a fairer, inclusive, welcoming and prosperous country filled to the brim with talent and opportunity.

    Friends, that is our vision for our nation.

    Brexit threatens all of that. It threatens to make our economy smaller, our people poorer and country weaker.

    That’s why we need to send a clear message that we will not accept a Brexit process that silences Scotland, treats our Parliament and Government with contempt and fails to represent the interests of people in Scotland.

    That is why we need to take the opportunity of the European elections to prove that Scotland wants something different from all this chaos – a seat and a voice at Europe’s top table.

    These elections are Scotland’s opportunity to be heard. An opportunity to show to ourselves and the wider world that Scotland wants something better.

    We want to be a decision maker working constructively and on an equal basis with our European partners.

    Voters can send a message that Scotland will no longer be silenced.

    Conference, it is important that we thank Ian Hudghton for his outstanding service for our movement.

    And I pledge today that the Westminster group will be getting out on the streets over the coming weeks so we deliver the biggest number of SNP representatives to Brussels yet.

    Conference – over the past few months in Westminster, the SNP has worked very hard to build a consensus to stop Brexit.

    With our sister party Plaid Cyrmu, the Greens and the Liberal Democrats – we have tried to force the case to put the decision back to the people.

    A second referendum would give citizens across the UK the option to take back control.

    Let’s face facts – Nigel Farage and his cronies lied to the people.

    They put £350m on the back of a bus for the NHS – yet it never materialised.

    The leave campaign was characterised by scaremongering and lies.

    And yet while we in the SNP have successfully gained cross party support to force the need for a second referendum into the heart of Parliament, Jeremy Corbyn has failed to show any courage.

    The truth is this – it is the SNP that is the real opposition to the Tories.

    Jeremy Corbyn can’t control his own party never mind take on the Tories.

    Hamstrung like the Prime Minister – Jeremy Corbyn has cowardly failed to fight in the corner of the people who want a final say.

    Jeremy – if you’re watching – do us all a favour and get off the fence!

    Do the right thing.

    If Labour’s talks with the Prime Minister are to have any purpose then Jeremy Corbyn must press for a second EU referendum in the cross-party talks.

    Failure to do so will be an unforgivable act of cowardice.

    Conference, meanwhile your SNP MPs are getting on with the day job.

    The SNP Westminster group proudly championed the 3 million campaign for scrapping the £65 registration fee charged to EU nationals – a policy the UKG got rid of thanks to SNP pressure.

    Ronnie Cowan’s tireless work on fixed odds betting terminals was finally met by the UK government who conceded and are reducing stakes from this month.

    Deidre Brock has been a consistent champion for Scottish farmers and fisherman. Deidre successfully exposed the fact that the Prime Minister’s Brexit deal would repeat history and sell out the Scottish fishing industry.

    Stuart C McDonald has led the way in opposing the hostile environment embodied by the Tory Government’s Immigration bill. He has been a powerful voice in advocating the truth that freedom of movement is good for Scotland.

    Kirsty Blackman and Alison Thewliss are taking on those who seek to duck tax and cripple our economy. They truly have been outstanding in carving the way for a fairer economy that works for all.

    SNP MPs Stephen Gethins, Joanna Cherry and Peter Grant have taken on the Tories at every turn as they seek to inflict the worst possible hardship on Scotland through Brexit. They have been a formidable team – stopping at nothing to defend the rights and will of the Scottish people.

    And delegates, we all know – one of the most precious times in our lives is the arrival of a new baby. We should all be so proud of the work from our friend and colleague David Linden on paternity rights reform, so that in any time of need, UK law does not stop fathers being there for their families.

    Conference – I could go on. Your team of SNP MPs have been consistent, determined and courageous. While MPs in the Tory and Labour Party are fighting internal ego battles, the SNP MP team is focused only on fighting for you – for Scotland.

    And now our biggest fight is to come and friends we are up for it.

    The Brexit experience has exposed the clear weaknesses in the current devolution settlement.

    What was long in the decay is now broken.

    Brexit has created the context of change – significant change where the choice before us is between Brexit and Scotland as an independent European nation.

    It is for all of us to decide.

    A Scotland locked indefinitely into Brexit Britain or a Scotland free to decide its own future.

    As our First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon set out, the decision on Scotland’s future must be available within the lifetime of this Parliament, in line with our Government’s mandate.

    Friends at the end of this process – Scotland must have the right to decide.

    Now is the time for us, for our movement to prepare that path.

    To persuade the people of Scotland of our vision.

    Nicola has done an incredible job of keeping us on a steady ship. While Westminster is out of control – in Scotland – the SNP is firmly in control. Getting on with the day job, delivering more and more for our citizens every day.

    Friends, we live in a country that we can all be proud of.

    We have a Government that we have pride in.

    A record of standing up for Scotland, our ethos of sustaining access to higher and further education based on ability, not based on an ability to pay.

    And that includes EU students starting courses in 2020/21.

    A record of world leading climate change legislation.

    A proud record of delivering transformation on LGBTI rights.

    Conference, Scotland is leading on the global stage on so many issues – but we are still constrained by the limitations of devolution.

    We have come so far in the past 20 years since devolution – now is time to finish that journey.

    We have the courage, the belief and the dedication to turn the tide for Scotland.

    We have led the journey and the destination is in now in sight.

    Our First Minister has set out our course, we now must put all of our shoulders to the wheel, to stand up for Scotland, to build a better Scotland and to do that together.

    The time is coming. Let’s get ready. Let’s do this.

  • Jeremy Wright – 2019 Speech at Impact19 Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Wright, the Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport, on 9 May 2019.

    Thank you very much and good afternoon.

    This is a very important event to help us explore how business, government and civil society can work together to solve the major challenges faced by our society.

    The fact that we have several Government ministers here, along with William Vereker, the Prime Minister’s Business Envoy, I hope demonstrates the attention and the significance we are giving this subject all across Government.

    As society changes, enabled by the rise of new technologies, the nature of business must change too.

    Businesses are increasingly recognising that they have a contract with society and that to maintain and renew this contract, they must play a part in addressing the major social issues that we all face.

    The idea of social responsibility as a bolt-on option for businesses is long gone.

    We are seeing so many businesses that have a social purpose at their heart.

    But there is scope to do more and get greater numbers of businesses on board.

    And that’s what I wanted to talk about today. How we can channel this momentum and support the scores of businesses that want to live up to the changing expectations of our society.

    Forming partnerships

    First, I would like to talk about partnerships.

    This event is all about partnerships. Because there are some challenges that can’t be solved by Government, by civil society, or by business alone.

    If we are to succeed in creating a truly inclusive economy, we need to combine all of our strengths and create a new model for solving these problems.

    Using the convening power of Government, the dynamism of business and the knowledge and expertise of our civil society.

    And that is what we have aimed to inspire through the Inclusive Economy Partnership.

    This aims to find new ways of working together on societal issues, and to give businesses the right support and the right conditions to make big interventions.

    In its first year, it focused its work on three areas: transition to work for young people, mental health and financial inclusion.

    The IEP ran a Partnership Accelerator, based on these themes, offering financial support for projects that aim to tackle these issues, and brokering partnerships between social innovators and big businesses and civil society organisations.

    My colleague, the Secretary of State for Business will discuss the work of the Accelerator in more detail later today, but early indications have been extremely positive.

    As Oliver said, around 100 partnerships have been confirmed as a result of the programme, with an estimated 50,000 people benefiting as a result. And there is considerable potential to scale these partnerships up even further.

    Looking beyond the Accelerator, highlights of the Inclusive Economy Partnership have included the Launch of Fair4All Finance, which will use funds from dormant assets to support solutions to provide affordable credit to those who need it most.

    And the creation of a new West Midlands taskforce to reduce youth unemployment, inspired by IEP’s transition-to-work pilot in the region.

    This is crucially important work.

    And it has been heartening to me to see so many of the Inclusive Economy Partnership’s projects emerging from our world-leading technology sector.

    Digital businesses

    Our technology and civil society sectors are, at their core, all about shaking up established conventions and solving problems.

    You can see that in the rising number of tech for social good organisations, with the sector growing exponentially in recent years.

    In the Civil Society Strategy, we committed as a Government to exploring what more could be achieved through partnerships between the technology and social sectors.

    And there are many social issues where I see a role for tech firms.

    Not just through meeting their responsibilities around protecting users from harm, like cyberbullying and extremist content.

    But also through striving to make a positive impact on the world we live in.

    One example is financial inclusion and the ‘Open Banking 4 Good’ scheme. Nationwide worked with the Inclusive Economy Partnership to launch a three million pound Challenge Prize for solutions that use open banking technology.

    And then there’s the issue of loneliness, one of the greatest public health challenges of our time.

    Up to a fifth of all UK adults feel lonely most or all of the time. And there is evidence showing loneliness can be as bad for our health as obesity or smoking.

    In January I announced that we are investing a million pounds to drive social tech innovation in civil society, to help develop solutions to tackle loneliness and bring communities together.

    This Tech for Good Challenge Prize will set inspiring targets to focus the efforts of industry, civil society and government.

    Successful participants will be rewarded with a cash incentive and ongoing business support. And we are working hard to create the best possible environment for these businesses to succeed, through innovation friendly regulation, access to capital and ensuring stronger digital skills at every level.

    A few months ago we announced the beneficiaries of our new Digital Inclusion Innovation Fund.

    That 400,000 pound fund focuses on tackling digital exclusion amongst groups that are most excluded from the digital revolution and slowest to adopt basic digital skills.

    This long-term investment is crucial if we are to develop strong foundations for this inclusive economy.

    And create businesses that can make the most of the technological changes ahead, whilst maintaining a strong social purpose.

    Businesses as employers

    And I am pleased that we are seeing more and more employers rising to this challenge.

    Society increasingly expects all businesses to make a positive impact, whether it is within their own business, throughout their supply chain or within the communities they operate in.

    And one way of doing this is through providing opportunities to those who might not otherwise be able to get through the door.

    You cannot have an inclusive economy without an inclusive workforce. A greater diversity of background, and thought, means more perspectives and, as a result, a better quality of decision making.

    So it is good news that so many firms have been looking to see how they can employ under-represented groups and provide alternative entry level routes into their industries.

    Earlier today, I spoke at a conference for the publishing industry, where I commended the Spectator magazine for their commitment to inclusivity.

    They no longer ask for prospective interns to submit CVs, opening the doors to those whose educational background may have previously discouraged them from applying.

    And we have had over 300 signatories to the Tech Talent Charter, which gives organisations tangible actions and principles to adopt to help them change their hiring practices.

    And I know there are many more examples, including some in this room.

    For example, the Inclusive Economy Partnership is backing a growing movement of businesses focused on the mental health of their employees, as well as looking for opportunities to tackle this issue among their customers and the wider community.

    It supported the development of the Government’s voluntary reporting guidelines, launched in November last year.

    And one of the many success stories from our Accelerator has been the “This Is Me” programme, aimed at creating inclusive workplaces through creating more open conversations about mental health.

    They have formed a partnership with Landsec, the UK’s largest commercial property development and investment company.

    Landsec is helping this programme to launch in two new cities and they have also introduced the programme through their supply chain.

    This is a real example of the inclusive economy in action. It’s good for society as a whole while providing benefits for the companies that show leadership in this area.

    And increasingly people want to work for firms that share their values and that are making a positive impact on the communities they live in.

    So please think about what you can do, through the IEP and beyond. It is good for business, recruitment and retention, but it can make a lasting difference to future generations.

    Conclusion

    As a Government we want to showcase to the world that we can be a leader in delivering inclusive growth.

    But if we are to succeed and build a truly national movement, we need to build partnerships. That is what today is all about.

    We need your help and look forward to working with you.

    Thank you for coming today and I hope that you have an inspiring and enjoyable day.

  • Mark Field – 2019 Statement on Iran Nuclear Deal

    Below is the text of the statement made by Mark Field, the Minister for Asia and the Pacific, in the House of Commons on 8 May 2019.

    The UK notes with great concern the statement made by Iran today concerning its commitments under the joint comprehensive plan of action. We are analysing the detail of it and are in close contact with the other parties to the deal. Today’s announcement from Tehran is, I have to say to the House, an unwelcome step. We urge Iran not to take further escalatory steps, and to stand by its commitments. We are not at this stage talking about re-imposing sanctions, but one has to remember that they were lifted in exchange for the nuclear restrictions as part of the JCPOA. Should Iran cease meeting its nuclear commitments, there would of course be consequences, but so long as Iran keeps to its commitments then so too will the United Kingdom. It is critical that we maintain an open dialogue with Iran, and we intend to do so: for example, the Foreign Office’s political director is visiting Tehran this week to discuss this and a range of bilateral issues. I myself hope to visit Iran in the coming months.

    We recall our own firm commitments under the deal, including to lift sanctions for the benefit of the Iranian people. The lifting of nuclear-related sanctions is, of course, an essential part of the JCPOA. It aims to have a positive impact not only on trade and economic relations with Iran but, most importantly, on the lives of the many ordinary Iranian people who have had such a tough time over recent decades. We deeply regret the re-imposition of sanctions by the United States following its withdrawal from the JCPOA.

    Along with the remaining participants of the JCPOA—Germany, France, Russia and China—we are committed to working on sanctions relief for Iran, together with third countries that are interested in supporting the JCPOA. We are determined to pursue efforts with European and other partners to enable the continuation of legitimate trade with Iran. The UK and our European partners met Iranian officials in Brussels only yesterday to discuss the next steps needed to operationalise the special purpose vehicle, INSTEX—instrument in support of trade exchanges—which aims to facilitate legitimate trade with Iran.

    Even at this stage, we encourage all countries, including Russia and China as JCPOA participants, to make their very best efforts to pursue the sanctions relief that the agreement allows for through concrete steps. We take this opportunity to call on all parties that are not party to the JCPOA to refrain from taking any actions that would impede the ability of the remaining parties to fully perform their commitments.

    Finally, it is important to remember that the UK remains very clear-eyed about Iran’s destabilising activity in other parts of the middle east—including its ballistic missile programme, which must now be addressed. However, we see that that can best be done through the JCPOA remaining in place.

  • Karen Bradley – 2019 Statement on Security Arrangements in Northern Ireland

    Below is the text of the statement made by Karen Bradley, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in the House of Commons on 7 May 2019.

    This is a summary of the main findings from the report by His Honour Brian Barker QC, the Independent Reviewer of National Security Arrangements in Northern Ireland, covering the period from 1 January 2017 to 31 December 2018. His Honour Brian Barker concludes:

    Throughout the reporting period I have been briefed periodically on the state of threat in Northern Ireland. I received presentations from PSNI and MI5 on the ​practical effect of their co-operation and mutual reliance. My visits to PSNI establishments and to MI5 left an impression of deep commitment and professionalism, further demonstrated by their openness and willingness to respond to all aspects of my enquiries. Strong cross-border links continue with An Garda Siochana.

    The context in which national security activities are performed in Northern Ireland remains challenging and members of the security forces continue to require vigilance in relation to their personal security. Dissident republicans continue to express political conviction to justify violence and law breaking, while loyalist paramilitaries maintain control in areas by self-justified intimidation and administration of violence. As in recent years there have been successes and considerable effort devoted to containing and disrupting dissident groups. Nevertheless, planning and targeting continues and attacks occur.

    The number of security related incidents for this reporting period are broadly similar to my previous report; in 2017 shooting incidents rose from 49 to 58, whilst the number of security related deaths decreased from 6 to 2. There were 30 bombing incidents, and casualties from paramilitary style assaults (excluding fatalities) increased from 65 to 74; casualties from paramilitary style shootings (excluding fatalities) also increased from 20 to 27. The number of persons arrested and charged under s.41 of the Terrorism Act decreased from 18 to 13.

    This period I have focused on Covert Human Intelligence Sources [CHIS]. There is excellent co-operation between MI5 and PSNI on CHIS operations, including frequent meetings between PSNI and MI5 at a senior level to discuss CHIS policy and operations. In accordance with the St. Andrews principles, PSNI manage the majority of national security CHIS. There is a systematic review procedure for CHIS.

    The political situation is difficult and complex and throughout this reporting period Northern Ireland was without a functioning Executive and Assembly, despite a number of attempts at negotiations between parties; concern about the effect of the political situation was a recurring theme in many of my stakeholder engagements.

    I met a range of stakeholders in this reporting period, including the Northern Ireland Policing Board (NIPB), the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland (PONI), the Attorney General (AG) and the Committee on Administration of Justice (CAJ). NIPB highlighted the effect of not being able to fully operate, due to the lack of a functioning Executive or Assembly, and raised concerns that crucial decisions, such as an inability to retain their independent Human Rights Advisor, could lead to a diminution of trust in their work.

    PONI outlined the challenge of balancing a large volume of troubles-era complaints against a limit to the resources available to investigate.

    The Committee on Administration of Justice (CAJ) raised concerns about the effect of the lack of an NI Executive and the potential impact of EU Exit. They reported that their relationship with PSNI was good and improving. CAJ proposed a framework where the operational boundaries of MI5 and PSNI responsibilities relating to NIRT, paramilitarism and extreme right activity was published. CAJ believe this would have an international benefit and would give accountability and public acceptability.​

    A meeting with the Attorney General (AG), John Larkin QC, was productive. Within the scope of his remit, the AG explained his hope for improvement to certain elements of the criminal justice system, such as more informative defence statements and better monitoring of entrapment accusations and subsequent requests for disclosure.

    Overall, I continue to be impressed with the standards and commitment of the senior members of MI5 and the PSNI and understand the frustration all stakeholders experience due to the lack of a functioning Executive.​
    I have measured performance in this reporting period against the five key principles identified in relation to national security in Annex E to the St Andrews agreement of October 2006. My conclusions are set out in the attachment table.

    Attachments can be viewed online at: http://www.parilament. uk/business/publications/wntten-questions-answers-statements/written-statement/Commons/2019-05-07/HCWS1538/

  • Andrea Leadsom – 2019 Statement on Restoration of the Palace of Westminster

    Andrea Leadsom

    Below is the text of the statement made by Andrea Leadsom, the Leader of the House of Commons, on 7 May 2019.

    Today, the Government publishes its response to the Joint Committee’s report on the draft Parliamentary Buildings (Restoration and Renewal) Bill.

    The Joint Committee published its report on 21 March 2019. This report followed careful consideration by the Committee, taking evidence from a range of interested experts and stakeholders. The report set out a series of helpful recommendations on the content of the Bill and on wider issues related to Restoration and Renewal, including matters for the Shadow Sponsor Body to consider.

    The Joint Committee was appointed by the House of Commons on 26 November 2018 and the House of Lords on 29 November 2018. It scrutinised the draft Parliamentary Buildings (Restoration and Renewal) Bill (“the Bill”) by considering written and oral evidence from a range of contributors, including the Leader of the House of Commons, the right hon. Andrea Leadsom MP and the Leader of the House of Lords, the right hon. Baroness Evans of Bowes Park.

    The Government welcomes the Committee’s report and considered “an evidence-based approach” the Chair and members of the Committee have taken in scrutinising the Bill. The support of the Committee and its endorsement of the overarching aim of the draft Bill is very important in progressing this important and pressing work. The Government are committed to establish in statute the necessary governance arrangements to oversee the Restoration and Renewal of the Palace of Westminster, and in doing so, ensuring it provides value for money for the taxpayer.

    The Government are committed to introducing the Bill as soon as possible. We recognise that this is a significant and urgent task given the current state of disrepair of the Palace. The recent incidents in the Palace of Westminster, including masonry falling from the building have further highlighted the urgency of the works to restore and renew the Palace of Westminster. The tragic fire at Notre Dame has also served as a reminder of the risks to this historic and iconic building.