Tag: Rachel Reeves

  • Rachel Reeves – 2022 Commons Speech on the Economy

    Rachel Reeves – 2022 Commons Speech on the Economy

    The speech made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 26 May 2022.

    After today’s announcement, let there be no doubt about who is winning the battle of ideas in Britain—it is the Labour party. Today, it feels as though the Chancellor has finally realised the problems the country is facing. We first called for a windfall tax on oil and gas producers nearly five months ago, to help struggling families and pensioners. Today, he has announced that policy but he dare not say the words; it is a policy that dare not speak its name for this Chancellor. It was also Labour that first highlighted the unfairness of this Government’s buy now, pay later compulsory loan scheme. It should not have taken a rocket scientist to work out that this would not cut it, and we pointed that out at the time, but that is the mark of this Klarna Chancellor: announce now, ditch later. Here he is, once again, the Treasury’s one-man rebuttal unit, the Chancellor himself.

    For months, it has been clear that more was necessary to help people bring their bills down, so what took this Government so long? Every day that they have refused to act, we have had £53 million added to Britain’s household bills during this cost of living crisis. This Government’s dither and delay has cost our country dearly. Labour welcomes the fact that the Government are finally acting on our calls to introduce a windfall tax, and it is good to see the SNP U-turning today and saying that they, too, are in favour of a windfall tax on oil and gas profits—well done to the SNP.

    It was a painful journey to get the Government to this point. First, Conservative Ministers said that oil and gas producers were “struggling”—that was the Education Secretary, I think—but then the BP chief executive said that the energy crisis was a “cash machine” for his business, so the Government moved to the second defence. Ministers claimed that a windfall tax would put off vital investments, but the industry said that it would not even change its plans. Then the Government said that a windfall tax would be “un-Conservative”. It is so un-Conservative that Margaret Thatcher, George Osborne and now this Government are doing exactly that. Finally, the Chancellor said that it would be “silly” to offer help now, given that he did not know the full scale of the challenge. What nonsense! It should not take half a million pounds of publicly funded focus groups for the Chancellor to realise that helping families and pensioners is exactly the right thing to do.

    Every day for five months, the Prime Minister sent Conservative MPs out to attack the windfall tax and yet defend an increase in taxes on working people. He has made them vote against the windfall tax not once, not twice, but three times. For months, he has sent his MPs to defend the litany of rule-breaking in No. 10 Downing Street that was set out in the Sue Gray report yesterday. There is a lesson here for Conservative MPs: you cannot believe a word this Prime Minister says, and as long as he is in office, he will continue making fools out of each and every one of you. If they keep him there, that is their choice. The problem is that you cannot fake fairness—you either believe in it or you don’t.

    Labour called for a windfall tax because it is the right thing to do. The Conservatives are bringing it in because they needed a new headline. We see that, too, from all the other things that the Chancellor did not address today: the non-doms keeping their tax privileges while the Government increase taxes on working people; young working people paying more, but those who earn money buying and selling stocks and shares not paying a penny more; contracts handed out to Conservative friends and donors while British businesses miss out; global tech giants making billions in profits while smaller businesses and the energy-intensive industries struggle with higher bills and higher taxes from the Conservative party; and £11.8 billion lost in fraud because of a total lack of respect for taxpayers’ money. That is why we should have had an emergency Budget today that spikes the hike in national insurance, cuts business rates for high-street and small businesses, provides help for energy-intensive firms and ensures that every pound of taxpayers’ money is spent wisely.

    We will look closely at the detail of today’s announcements. Of course, most of them seem to be written by us, but so far we have seen nothing to suggest that this Conservative Government have the ideas or the energy to tackle the challenges we face as a country. A Labour Government would have addressed the underlying weaknesses in our economy, so that we can stop this spiral of inflation, lift wages and provide greater security for families and for our country. The truth is that the Conservatives are running our economy, and people’s living standards, into the ground. We are forecast to have the slowest growth and the highest inflation in the G7. This Government have weakened the foundations of our economy, leaving us exposed to shocks as we lurch from crisis to crisis, and still they refuse to come forward with a real plan to fix our broken system and provide the security we need to face the future with confidence. That means boosting our energy security too. We need to do much more to reduce our reliance on imported oil and gas. That is why Labour’s energy security plan includes a programme of home insulation, to reduce bills not just for one year, but for years to come and to get us all the way to net zero. It is why we have urged the Government to double onshore wind capacity and to end the delay on nuclear power. [Interruption.] And while we are at it, why did this Tory Government get rid of our gas storage—[Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker

    Order. It is important that we also hear the shadow Chancellor.

    Rachel Reeves

    While we are at it, why did this Tory Government get rid of our gas storage, which would have left us better protected from wild fluctuations in prices? When will this Government provide the strong leadership that this country needs?

    There are a number of questions for the Chancellor about his announcement today. How many people are still waiting for the support they were promised in March? A third of his constituents are still waiting for their council tax discounts. Are households still being asked to pay the supplier of last resort costs for those energy suppliers that have gone bust as a result of a decade of failed energy market regulation? How is this package being funded, outside of the proceeds of a windfall tax? If someone has more than one home, do they get multiple discounts on their energy bills? I know that the Chancellor has adopted two of our ideas today, but may I ask why he has not adopted a third: a cut in VAT on energy bills? It was once touted as the big Brexit bonus, but he has ditched that too. This is a discredited, chaotic and rudderless Conservative Government, whose policies rarely last more than a few months. We pushed for a windfall tax and they adopted it. We said the buy now, pay later scheme was wrong and now they have ditched it. This Government are out of ideas, out of touch and out of time. When it comes to the big issues facing this country, the position is now clear: we lead, they follow. [Hon. Members: “More!”]

  • Rachel Reeves – 2022 Speech on Achieving Economic Growth

    Rachel Reeves – 2022 Speech on Achieving Economic Growth

    The speech made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 18 May 2022.

    I beg to move amendment (w), at the end of the Question to add:

    “but respectfully regret that the Gracious Speech fails to bring forward immediately an emergency budget to tackle the cost of living crisis or to set out a new approach to the economy that will end 12 years of slow growth and high taxation under successive Conservative Governments.”

    We meet today when inflation has hit its highest level for 40 years. Every pound that people had last year can purchase only 91p-worth of goods today; that is what inflation of 9% means. Our country has a cost of living crisis and a growth crisis, with prices rising, growth downgraded and no plan for the future. None of this, though, is inevitable. It is a consequence of Conservative decisions and the direction they have taken our economy in over the past 12 years.

    The Government are increasingly a rudderless ship, heading to the rocks, while they are willing to watch people financially drown in the process. Where is the urgency and the action? The time to change course is now. We need an emergency Budget to deal with the inadequacy of the Chancellor’s spring statement, with a windfall tax to help to get bills down and to help families and pensioners to weather the storm. On the day that inflation has reached a 40-year high, the Chancellor is missing in action. As energy bills and anxiety levels soar, the response from the Government diminishes in comparison.

    Harriett Baldwin (West Worcestershire) (Con)

    The hon. Lady asks where the action is. Will she accept that today £150 is going into the bank accounts of people in council tax bands A to D from councils across this country?

    Rachel Reeves

    The action that Labour proposes is a windfall tax to take up to £600 off people’s bills. As the hon. Lady knows, energy bills have gone up 54%, by an average of £693. With all respect, £150 just does not cut it.

    Labour first proposed a windfall tax on 9 January, more than four months ago, and what was the first response from a Conservative Minister? It was to insist that a windfall tax would be unfair because Shell and BP were “struggling”. North sea oil and gas producers are making £32 million a day in unexpected profits. Meanwhile, parents trying to pay their bills are going without food so that their children do not miss meals—that is struggling. We now know that each and every day the Conservatives delay introducing a windfall tax, families and pensioners are forking out £53 million more in their energy bills.

    Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

    Last night, my party supported the amendment relating to oil and gas that was moved by the right hon. Member for Doncaster North (Edward Miliband). The hon. Lady is right: there is a real need to protect our pensioners. This morning, a constituent told me that his brother, a pensioner, sleeps in a sleeping bag to keep warm; another pensioner tells me that she can turn the heating on in her house for only one hour a day. One way of helping our pensioners would be through the proposal that the hon. Lady refers to: a windfall tax on those who are making exorbitant profits.

    Rachel Reeves

    I thank the hon. Member for speaking so powerfully about his constituents. After years of work and contribution to this country, a pensioner is sleeping in a sleeping bag to keep warm.

    The Government got rid of the triple lock, and now they are refusing to implement a windfall tax. Every day, the case for Labour’s windfall tax gets stronger, while the Tory defence for refusing to act gets weaker and weaker, yet last night every single Conservative MP voted against a windfall tax for the third time. People can no longer afford to pay for the Government’s mistakes. The Government should put the national interest first and follow Labour’s advice. It is time to do the right thing; it is time to put the needs of people first; it is time to introduce a windfall tax to get bills down.

    Chris Grayling (Epsom and Ewell) (Con)

    Will the hon. Lady clarify one thing? There is a bit of dispute about how much a windfall tax would raise per household. There are about 25 million households in the UK. Will the hon. Lady confirm how much money per household a windfall tax would actually raise?

    Rachel Reeves

    A windfall tax would raise about £3 billion. That, combined with the extra VAT that the Government are receiving because prices have gone up so much, could go directly towards taking money off people’s bills. It would make a real impact now. Every single day, the energy companies are making £32 million in unexpected profits. This Government increase taxes on working people; a Labour Government would increase taxes on the big oil and gas companies.

    The cost of living crisis is being made worse by a wage crisis, as years of Conservative Governments have failed to stand up for working people. At the Conservative party conference last year, the Prime Minister bragged of plans for a high-wage economy. How is that going? Let me update the House. In the six months since then, average real-terms pay has not risen, but fallen. Behind the headline figures, data released yesterday by the Institute for Fiscal Studies shows not only that workers are experiencing a fall in their real pay, but that the gap between those earning most and those earning least is widening. For the hospital porters, the supermarket assistants, the delivery drivers—the very people who worked tirelessly through the pandemic to keep this country going—wages are in no way keeping up with the rising cost of living.

    Anthony Browne (South Cambridgeshire) (Con)

    I just want clarification of the figures, because they are very important. The hon. Lady said that a windfall tax would raise £3 billion; among 25 million households, that is just over £100 each, which is less than the Government are giving. She then said that there would be £600 for each household, but that would cost about £18 billion, which is £15 billion more than the windfall tax would raise. Where would that extra £15 billion come from? Would it come from an increase in Government borrowing?

    Rachel Reeves

    Our scheme is very clear. We would introduce a windfall tax, use that money to reduce VAT on gas and electricity bills from 5% to zero, and expand the warm home discount from the measly £140 that people get today to £400. We would fund that through the windfall tax, through the additional VAT receipts that the Government are getting in at the moment because prices are so high, and through receipts from the additional corporation tax that the oil and gas companies are paying. The Government will end up doing this. The only question is when they will get on and deliver for their constituents. Oil and gas companies are making record profits and people are paying record bills. It is a question of whose side you are on. The Government are very clear that they are on the side of the oil and gas companies; the Opposition are very clear that we are on the side of ordinary families and pensioners.

    The Government have failed to introduce not only the windfall tax, but the employment Bill that has been repeatedly promised. There is a real-world price: allowing scandalous threats of fire and rehire to continue to drive down conditions at work, not just in the appalling P&O case, but in other sectors. Fire and rehire should have been outlawed, but thanks to this Government’s actions it is being encouraged. Employment rights for the modern world of work will not just protect workers, but boost growth and financial security. That makes for a stronger economy with firm foundations, rather than allowing a race to the bottom that takes away dignity as well as eroding family finances.

    Kevin Hollinrake (Thirsk and Malton) (Con) rose—

    Ellie Reeves (Lewisham West and Penge) (Lab) rose—

    Rachel Reeves

    I give way to my hon. Friend the Member for Lewisham West and Penge (Ellie Reeves).

    Ellie Reeves

    As well as struggling with rising fuel bills and food prices, many of my constituents are worried about their precarious work, about not knowing from one week to the next what hours they will get, and about being fired by unscrupulous employers. Does my hon. Friend agree that the Queen’s Speech was a missed opportunity to introduce the long-awaited employment Bill, which would ensure that workers get the dignity and security that they desperately need?

    Rachel Reeves

    The sad truth is that the Government used to agree. Introducing an employment Bill was in their manifesto; in fact, they have been promising it for five or six years. Let us have that employment Bill to protect people at work, so that working people do not have to resort to food banks, and so that they have the security and dignity that work should provide.

    April’s International Monetary Fund data show that families in Britain are more exposed to the cost of living crisis than countries such as Germany, France and the US because of depleted savings. Savings are declining and household debt is on the rise, not because millions of people can no longer manage a budget, but because millions of people cannot afford a Conservative Government. Working families are increasingly struggling with their budgets because the Chancellor has failed to act in his Budgets. The Food Foundation believes that since January, 2 million people have not eaten food for at least a whole day, because they could not afford to.

    Geraint Davies (Swansea West) (Lab/Co-op) rose—

    Kevin Hollinrake rose—

    Rachel Reeves

    I give way to my hon. Friend the Member for Swansea West (Geraint Davies).

    Geraint Davies

    My hon. Friend knows that food banks were used by something like 26,000 people in 2010 and are now used by 2.6 million people—100 times as many. Does she agree that the economy’s growth now contrasts dismally with its 40% growth in the 10 years to 2008 under Labour? The Institute for Fiscal Studies has said that if we were on the same growth trend, the average person would be £11,000 better off and could therefore weather the storms that we are suffering because of the Tory Government.

    Rachel Reeves

    My hon. Friend is absolutely right. That is the Tory growth penalty—the effect of the lack of growth in the economy. Average earnings are £11,000 less than if growth had stayed at the same rate as under the last Labour Government.

    My hon. Friend mentioned a hundredfold increase in food bank use. This is not normal; it is the consequence of Conservative Governments’ choices. Meanwhile, what have we heard in recent weeks? We have heard suggestions from Ministers about what people can do in their own lives to deal with the cost of living crisis. The Prime Minister thinks that a 77-year-old pensioner who rides on the bus all day to keep warm should be grateful for her discounted fares; the Environment Secretary has lectured people struggling with the cost of food, telling them to “buy own brands”; and the Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities has treated the need for an emergency Budget as if it were an audition for a comedy club. Another out-of-touch Minister has told people, just this week, that if they are struggling financially they should simply work more hours or get another job—as if it were as easy as that. The Chancellor continues to insult the public’s intelligence by suggesting that a compulsory £200 loan—a loan that must be repaid—is somehow not a loan, and now blames a computer system for his decision not to help the least well-off. What planet are they on?

    Nadia Whittome (Nottingham East) (Lab)

    Does my hon. Friend agree that given that wages have been falling for the last 14 years and inflation is now at 9%, or 11% for the poorest families, there is an alternative to people’s wages being squeezed—that the Government could squeeze profits instead? Shell and BP raked in more than £12 billion in the first three months of this year alone, and it is shameful that every Conservative Member voted against a windfall tax yesterday when they had the chance to support it.

    Rachel Reeves

    Conservative Members voted against the windfall tax not for the first time, not for the second time, but for the third time. Every single Conservative MP opposed what they know is the right thing to do. A Labour Government would tackle the cost of living crisis head-on. We would introduce a windfall tax on oil and gas producer profits to cut household bills by up to £600, a home insulation policy that would save millions of households up to £400 a year, and a discount on business rates for high street firms funded by a tax on the online giants. Perhaps the Chief Secretary can tell us in his speech why the Government will not abolish the unfair, outdated and unjustifiable non-dom tax status, and use that money to keep taxes on working people down.

    Finally, Labour would put a stop to the Chancellor’s fraud failures, which allowed £11.8 billion of taxpayer funds to go criminal gangs, drug dealers and worse. We would claw back every penny of taxpayers’ money that we could, because the public are sick of being ripped off and they want their money back.

    We are now in the worst of all possible worlds, with inflation high and rising, and growth low and falling—in other words, there is stagflation. This Conservative Government must address the underlying weaknesses in our economy, which are the result of years of Tory failure. Growth has stagnated, not just this year but over the last 12 years, falling from 2% on average under the last Labour Government to just 1.5% a year in the decade leading up to the pandemic.

    The Conservatives have failed to work with British industries—employers and trade unions—to create the economic growth that would benefit everyone, and for 12 years that approach has sown chaos and uncertainty, making it impossible for businesses to invest with confidence. Now the UK economy has the worst growth projections of any G20 economy but one: Russia.

    Kevin Hollinrake

    Will the hon. Lady give way?

    Rachel Reeves

    The Bank of England has issued a stark warning of a downturn next year, with GDP projected to fall, and it is not set to get much better after that. [Interruption.] The Chief Secretary says, from a sedentary position, that it is set to get better. Oh, yes—growth in the following year is expected to be 0.25%, almost 10 times lower than what the Office for Budget Responsibility predicted in March. Well, done, Tory Government!

    We have heard nothing from this Conservative Government about what they will do to change the situation, and if the Chief Secretary is proud of that record, good luck to him. The Government have no plan to provide the catalytic investment that we need to create new markets, no plan to get trade moving again and tackle the supply chain problems facing businesses, and no plan for a new industrial strategy to make the most of Britain’s potential, bringing good jobs to all parts of Britain. The Conservatives have become the low-growth party, and our country is paying the price.

    Matt Western (Warwick and Leamington) (Lab)

    My hon. Friend is making some powerful points about the fall in growth. I am sure she will be as concerned as I am about the statistics which show the decline in business investment, which I think is down by 9%. We are seeing a 34% fall in automotive production, which is a massive hit for the UK economy. The impact on our foreign competitors is less, because those countries have a strategy. Does my hon. Friend agree that this Government seem not to have an industrial strategy—for gaming semiconductor production, for example? Does she agree that that is what is needed, and that is what a Labour Government would do?

    Rachel Reeves

    The figures from the International Monetary Fund show that investment as a proportion of our economy in the UK is 18%, if we take both public and private investment into account. In other similar economies that the IMF looks at, it is 23%. If we add that up over the next six years—the IMF’s forecast horizon—we see a projection of £1 trillion less investment in the UK than in other countries. These are huge missed opportunities to create the jobs and industries of the future that my hon. Friend wants to see in Warwick and Leamington and all of us want to see in our constituencies.

    The Government’s lack of action is felt by businesses. In April, the price of materials for UK manufacturers increased at its fastest rate since records began, with prices up by nearly a fifth on the previous year. When I speak to businesses, they are worried about falling consumer confidence and a lack of spending power, as well as the costs that they are having to face.

    Kevin Hollinrake

    Will the hon. Lady give way?

    Rachel Reeves

    The British Retail Consortium has explained that the rising cost of living has crushed consumer confidence and put the brakes on consumer spending. So many businesses that worked tirelessly to adapt and survive the pandemic were banking on this year to recover, and it is just not happening.

    Kevin Hollinrake

    Will the hon. Lady give way, on that point?

    Rachel Reeves

    We could be so much better. Our geography, our universities and our industrial heritage offer so much potential, but the Government do not do enough to unlock it. I have seen the brilliant businesses and emerging industries that will power our economy and lead the world: businesses such as Nanopore, a technology and life sciences firm that started as a research team at Oxford University and now employs more than 600 people; Rolls-Royce in Derby—I was there a couple of weeks ago—which is leading pioneering research with world-leading engineers developing carbon-neutral technologies; and Castleton Mills in my own city of Leeds, once a key part of West Yorkshire’s textiles industry but now a creative, collaborative space housing freelancers, remote workers and start-up businesses.

    Kevin Hollinrake

    Will the hon. Lady give way?

    Rachel Reeves

    However, the success that I see all around the country could be strengthened with strong leadership and vision from the Government. Ministers are more concerned about the next headline or photoshoot than about creating credible plans for growth and success. Today, as inflation spirals out of control, where is the £3.4 million PR budget in the Treasury, and what is the Treasury doing?

    Kevin Hollinrake

    Will the hon. Lady give way?

    Rachel Reeves

    I will give way to the hon. Gentleman. [Hon. Members: “Hurray!”]

    Kevin Hollinrake

    I will sit here again next time.

    The hon. Lady mentioned earlier the support for households in the form of the £200 discount on their energy bills. That went to 100% of households. The £150 council tax deduction reached 80% of households. Will the hon. Lady tell us what percentage of households would receive the £600 per household to which she referred?

    Rachel Reeves

    It is great to see Conservative Members taking so much interest in this. It suggests to me that a policy from them on the windfall tax is coming soon, and it will be welcome.

    We have said that the £600 would go to a third of households. We would increase the warm home discount from £140 to £400, and that would go to a third of households. The hon. Member is, like me, an MP in Yorkshire. Across Yorkshire, every day, an extra £4.5 million is spent on energy costs as a result of the Conservative party’s failure. A total of £220 million has been spent in the seven weeks since the energy price cap went up. Constituents in Thirsk and Malton, like my constituents in Leeds West, are looking for answers, and an expansion of the warm home discount, paid for by a windfall tax, would make a massive difference throughout our region in Yorkshire.

    We need an ambitious plan for the future. That is why Labour will scrap business rates, and the system that replaces them will incentivise investment, promote entrepreneurship and bring life back to our high streets. The race is on for the next generation of jobs, and Labour will make the investment we need with a growth plan to bring opportunities to the whole country, working in partnership with great British industries to get us to net zero and revitalise coastal communities and former industrialised towns. We do not want to be importing all the technologies and products we need; if we can make it here in Britain, we should do so. That is why a Labour Government will buy, make and sell more here at home.

    We will make Brexit work, with a bespoke EU-UK veterinary agreement to cut red tape for the food and agriculture industries and mutual recognition of professional qualifications to help our fantastic business services industries and to make it easier for our creative industries to tour and perform. Unlike the Conservatives, Labour will ensure that our economy grows and prosperity is shared.

    Martin Docherty-Hughes (West Dunbartonshire) (SNP)

    On the matter of making Brexit work, there is a concern that the United Kingdom now mirrors the United States with its labour shortages, rather than mirroring the right to work across the European Union. This is having a drastic effect on the whole of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Can the hon. Member say a wee bit more about how they want to emulate Europe’s labour market situation rather than that of the United States with its labour shortages?

    Rachel Reeves

    The best way to fill those gaps in the labour market is to be training people here in Britain. We have seen the nurses shortage in the papers today. We are having to bring in nurses from all around the world because we are not training nurses here. There are job vacancies here in Britain, and we need to ensure that our young people get the opportunities to train for those high-paid and high-skilled jobs here in Britain. [Interruption.] The Minister says that no one disputes that, so why are the Government not doing it?

    The Tories are out of touch and they are out of ideas. They are the party of high taxes because they are the party of low growth. Their choices have made the cost of living crisis much worse than it needed to be. Their decisions have left those with the least fearing for the future. The Tories cannot be trusted with public money. They have handed billions to their friends, to their donors and to fraudsters. We need an emergency Budget with a windfall tax to keep energy bills down. We need a Government that take growth seriously. We need a new vision for a fairer and more prosperous economy. Labour has a different economic approach: pro-worker and pro-business, with a plan to unleash the potential of both. A Labour Government would steer our country through these difficult times together. I urge Members across the House to do the right thing today and vote for an emergency Budget to get our country and our economy back on track.

  • Rachel Reeves – 2022 Comments on Government Voting Against Windfall Tax

    Rachel Reeves – 2022 Comments on Government Voting Against Windfall Tax

    The comments made by Rachel Reeves on Twitter on 17 May 2022.

    Tonight, every Conservative MP who voted against a windfall tax on oil and gas producer profits, has sent a clear message. They will not put working people first, and they have no answer on the cost of living crisis.

  • Rachel Reeves – 2022 Response to the Spring Statement

    Rachel Reeves – 2022 Response to the Spring Statement

    The speech made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 23 March 2022.

    Thank you, Mr Speaker. Today was the day that the Chancellor could have put a windfall tax on oil and gas producers to provide real help for families, but he did not. Today was the day he could have set out a proper plan to support businesses and create good jobs, but he did not. Today was the day that he could properly have scrapped his national insurance hike, but he did not. Labour said it was the wrong tax at the wrong time, and the wrong choice; and today the Chancellor has finally admitted that he got that one wrong. Inflation is at its highest level for 30 years, and rising. Energy prices are at record highs, and people are worried sick. For all his words, it is clear that the Chancellor does not understand the scale of the challenge. He talks about providing security for working families, but his choices are making the cost of living crisis worse, not better.

    The situation following Putin’s criminal assault on Ukraine remains gravely serious. Just one month after the invasion, so much has changed, and there will be repercussions for years to come. The Chancellor has today failed to explain why he chose to sign off on a reduction in our country’s armed forces last October. Will he confirm whether the Government’s target Army size is still being reduced by 10,000 troops? I say this to the Chancellor: Labour will support whatever is needed on defence and security, in order to keep our country safe.

    The tremors following Putin’s aggression will impact Britain, including economically, but the cost of living crisis predates Putin’s attack on Ukraine. In October, inflation was already forecast to be double the Bank of England’s target, yet the Prime Minister said that fears of inflation were unfounded. Today we learn that inflation has reached 6.2%, and it is expected to go higher in the coming months. People are rightly looking to their Government to help them weather this storm. Labour will support sensible measures to ease the pressure, but what the Chancellor has announced today says everything we need to know about his priorities.

    The cost of living crisis is hitting people particularly hard because incomes have been squeezed during the past 12 years of Conservative Governments. Ordinary families, disabled people, and pensioners are facing difficult choices. Mums are skipping meals so that their children do not. Families are struggling to buy new school shoes and uniforms for their children. Older people are hesitating to put the heating on, because they are worried about the cost.

    At the weekend, the Chancellor was asked about fuel poverty, and he did not even know the numbers. That is shameful, because when Martin Lewis predicts that 10 million people could be pushed into fuel poverty, the Chancellor should sit up and listen. We know that pensions and social security will not keep up with inflation, and pensioners and those on social security will be getting a real-terms cut to their income. What analysis has the Chancellor done on the impact of benefits being uprated by less than inflation? How many more children and pensioners will drift into poverty because of the choices of this Government?

    Who does the Chancellor’s prioritise?

    He continues to defend the record profits of the oil and gas producers who themselves admit that they now have “more money than they know what to do with.”

    BP describes this crisis as a ‘cash machine’ for them, but it is British people who are paying out.

    And it is deeply regrettable that the SNP have joined the Tories in wanting to shield oil and gas producers from Labour’s progressive measures.

    When I set out Labour’s plans for a windfall tax in January, we estimated that it would have raised £1.2 billion.

    Now, because of the continued rise in global oil and gas prices, it would today raise over £3 billion.

    That’s money that could be used to help families, pensioners and businesses.

    With a cut to VAT – a real Brexit dividend that would help working families and pensioners across our country.

    And a targeted Warm Homes Discount that would see families and pensioners on the lowest and modest incomes being supported by £600.

    Today the Chancellor comes along after 12 years of failure on energy efficiency and announces a VAT cut on building materials.

    This is wholly inadequate.

    A proper energy efficiency scheme like the one we have set out could cut bills by £400 to people from next year.

    And the silence from the Chancellor on our energy intensive manufacturing industries is appalling.

    At this time of national crisis, people and businesses need a government that is on their side.

    Now the Chancellor spoke of difficult choices. And I agree – there are always choices to be made.

    Like who to tax and who to shield.

    Despite the Chancellor’s reluctant measures, the facts are that he is taking money out of people’s purses and wallets with an increase in national insurance contributions.

    The changes he is making today, begs the question why did he embark on these changes in the first place?

    Despite the warnings from the Labour Party and many, many others.

    Now it’s one thing for the Prime Minister and Chancellor to disagree with each other, but the centre piece of the statement that the Chancellor has delivered today is based on a disagreement with himself.

    And for all his tax rising on the millions in the middle, where is the increased tax contribution from the very wealthiest in society?

    A landlord with a large number of properties won’t be paying a penny more in taxes.

    But their tenants will.

    Someone with significant income from buying and selling stocks and shares won’t be paying any more in tax.

    But those people powering our economy will.

    The Chancellor has made the wrong choices.

    Now, the Chancellor says he can’t help everyone. And that’s absolutely true.

    But who has the Chancellor been helping out?

    Those who have been swindling the taxpayer.

    The Chancellor left open the vaults for widespread waste, crony contracts and a frenzy of fraud.

    It was, as his former Tory Treasury minister put it: “happy days if you are a crook”.

    7 billion items of PPE not usable and now being burnt. Taxpayers’ money literally going up in smoke.

    £3.5 billion worth of contracts awarded to friends, donors and pub landlords.

    It gets worse.

    The Chancellor has been signing cheques to fraudsters – including organised criminals and drug dealers.

    Let’s put the Chancellor’s fraud failure in context.

    He has lost a staggering £11.8 billion of public money to fraud.

    This is twice the amount a previous Conservative government lost on Black Wednesday.

    As a result of – let’s face it – this jaw-dropping incompetence, the Conservatives have been funding crime instead of fighting it.

    And now the Chancellor has the audacity to come to British taxpayers asking them to pay more to fill his black hole.

    But there can be no cover-up to hide political embarrassment.

    Let’s call in the National Crime Agency to investigate.

    We need answers.

    People held to account.

    Because let’s be clear: taxpayers want their money back.

    The truth is Mr Speaker, people can no longer afford the Conservatives.

    Working families can’t. Pensioners can’t. Businesses can’t.

    The weak growth forecasts we’ve seen today should be flashing red on the Chancellor’s desk.

    And the Chancellor, says that ‘the work starts today’.

    Is he serious?

    The Conservatives have been in government now for 12 years, not 12 hours.

    What’s taken them so long?

    Because since his party entered government, the UK has experienced the biggest downgrade in growth of any major economy.

    With the last Labour government economic growth was 2.1% a year.

    12 years of the Conservatives and growth has averaged 1.5%.

    And now we know that growth has been downgraded this year too.

    Growth is essential for funding our public services, keeping taxes under control, and keeping a handle on public finances too.

    That’s why Labour have announced a tough set of fiscal rules to get our debt and deficit down.

    But the truth is that because of this government’s failure to get the economy growing, it’s this Chancellor that has put up taxes on families and businesses a staggering 15 times.

    This Chancellor has raised taxes more in the last two years than any Chancellor in the last 50.

    He says it’s all down to the pandemic.

    But the truth is the Conservatives have become the party of high taxation because they are the party of low growth.

    Now, I understand the Chancellor has a portrait of Nigel Lawson above his desk.

    Well, today we’ve got an energy price crisis.

    Record prices at the pumps.

    Inflation is back.

    And the truth is, he’s not Nigel Lawson, Mr Speaker.

    He’s Ted Heath with an Instagram account.

    Labour would be getting the economy firing on all cylinders. Ensuring we buy, make and sell more in Britain.

    Scrapping business rates and replacing them with a fairer system fit for the 21st Century.

    Something that small businesses and high street businesses are crying out for, and the Chancellor mentioned it not at all in his statement today.

    A Climate Investment Pledge to decarbonise the economy, create good jobs in every part of Britain, and strengthen our energy security too.

    Businesses are seeing unprecedented increases in their costs right now, but all we hear from this Chancellor today is a promise of jam tomorrow rather than the support that is needed now.

    And today’s statement lacks a long term plan for productivity, skills and growth. Where is it Chancellor?

    Mr Speaker I can’t help but feel that in both the Chancellor’s recent Mais Lecture and in his statement today, we are presented with increasingly incredible claims.

    Perhaps the Chancellor has been taking inspiration from the characters in Alice in Wonderland. Or should I say – ‘Alice in Sunakland’.

    Because nothing here is quite as it seems either.

    It’s the sort of place where a Chancellor celebrates giving people £200 to help with spiralling energy bills,

    before explaining that he needs it all back.

    In Sunakland, the Chancellor proclaims “I believe in lower taxes.” While at the same time hiking Alice’s National Insurance contributions.

    Alice asks the Chancellor: when did ‘lower’ taxes mean ‘higher’ taxes? Has ‘down’ really become the new ‘up’?

    The Chancellor follows Humpty Dumpty’s advice and says “when I use a word, it means just what I choose it to mean — neither more nor less.”

    Alice knows that under the Conservatives, taxes are at their highest level in decades – as a result of the policies of this very same Chancellor!

    In fact this Chancellor was the only G7 Finance Minister to raise taxes on working people during this crucial year of recovery.

    Curiouser and curiouser.

    As Alice climbs out of the rabbit hole to leave Sunakland, she recalls the words of the White Rabbit, and concludes that perhaps the Chancellor’s “reality is just different from yours.”

    The actual reality, Mr Speaker, is that this Chancellor’s failure to back a windfall tax and his stubborn desire to pursue a National Insurance tax rise are the wrong choices.

    In eight days’ time, people’s energy bills will be rising by 54%.

    Two weeks today the Chancellor’s latest tax hike will start hitting working people and their employers.

    His National Insurance tax rise was a bad idea last September, and he’s admitted it’s an even worse one today.

    The Chancellor is making an historic mistake.

    Today was the day to scrap the tax rise on jobs.

    Today was the day to bring forward a windfall tax.

    Today was the day for the Chancellor to set out a plan to support British businesses.

    But on the basis of the statement today – and the misguided choices of this Chancellor – families and businesses will from now on endure significant hardship as a result.

    The Chancellor has failed to appreciate the scale of the challenge that we face.

    And he is yet again making the wrong choices for our country.

  • David Lammy and Rachel Reeves – 2022 Joint Letter on Ukraine

    David Lammy and Rachel Reeves – 2022 Joint Letter on Ukraine

    The joint letter send by David Lammy, the Shadow Foreign Secretary, and Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, to Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary and Rishi Sunak, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 7 February 2022.

    Dear Foreign Secretary and Chancellor,

    Re: The Ukraine crisis and illicit finance

    Since the crisis on Ukraine’s borders began, we have been clear in our robust support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and our opposition to Russian aggression. We have supported the government’s diplomatic efforts and the practical defensive support provided to Ukraine.

    We believe however that there is much more that can be turn to address the UK’s openness to suspect Russian money.

    This week in the House of Commons, the government outlined its plans to bring forward new legislation to enable a robust and extensive package of economic sanctions against Russia in the event of any incursion or attack on Ukraine. We believe such sanctions must be broad, severe and comprehensive.

    However, these sanctions are all conditional on Russia’s actions. Their purpose is to form a serious deterrent, which, when matched by unified action across the West, will make President Putin think again.

    There is much more we must do irrespective of the decisions made by President Putin; measures it should not have taken an army threatening Ukraine to put in place and which we have repeatedly urged the government to take.

    For years, the Labour Party have raised the alarm about the role of dirty money in the UK and the lack of action from the Conservative government. Despite repeated warnings, the government has been asleep at the wheel and needlessly left our defences down at home.

    London is the destination of choice for the world’s kleptocrats. It is home to the services and enablers who help corrupt elites to hide their ill-gotten wealth. Britain has a completely deficient system of corporate registration that permits layers of secrecy to obscure the proceeds of corruption and crime. It is shameful that Britain is repeatedly described as the money-laundering capital of the world.

    Now this openness to illicit finance has begun to damage our diplomatic efforts, with the Biden administration being warned that the widespread presence of suspect Russian money in the UK could jeopardise Britain’s response to this crisis.

    We welcome the Prime Minister’s answer at Prime Minister’s Questions this week committing the government to bring forward an Economic Crime Bill in the third session of parliament. I hope the government recognises that had we already legislated for this then the UK would be in a stronger position to address dirty money from Russia.

    This is not simply a matter of targeting some individuals or entities through sanctions but about fixing a broken system – Britain’s openness to fraud and money laundering, inadequate regulation of political donations, lax mechanisms of corporate governance, and weakness to foreign interference.

    We believe we must take a broad range of robust steps to address these deficiencies and the Conservatives must do more including with the donations it receives. We would therefore be grateful if you address the following questions:

    When will the government undertake comprehensive reform of Companies House to prevent fraud at home and abuse from abroad?

    On what date will the government bring forward the Register of Overseas Entities Bill it has promised for years?

    Will the government bring forward a Foreign Agent Registration law?

    Where are the new counter-espionage laws, announced in the Queen’s Speech but still delayed?

    When will the government reform the Tier 1 so-called ‘Golden Visas’?

    Where is the replacement to the outdated Computer Misuse Act, as recommended by the Russia Report?

    Where is the additional resource and power for the Electoral Commission, which will strengthen our democracy’s defence from overseas governments and interests?

    Why does the government’s Election Bill make these problems worse by enabling limitless political donations from donors based overseas?

    Donors who have made money from Russia or have alleged links to the Putin regime have given £1.93m to either the Conservative Party or individual Conservative associations since Boris Johnson took power in July 2019. Will the Conservative Party agree to return it?

    Will the government reform the rules on political donations to defend our democracy from overseas interests using loopholes to influence British politics?

    These steps to strengthen our national security and democracy at home are not distinct from sanctions or diplomacy abroad – they must form part of a unified and coherent response.

    We can’t stand up to Russia’s aggression abroad while ignoring Russian-linked corruption at home.

    It is in our national and economic interests for the government to address the challenges of hostile influence and interference which the government’s inaction and behaviour have regrettably permitted.

  • Rachel Reeves – 2022 Comments on Resignation of Lord Agnew

    Rachel Reeves – 2022 Comments on Resignation of Lord Agnew

    The comments made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 24 January 2022.

    This is a damning indictment of the Chancellor and the Government’s failures on fraud.

    That the Government’s own anti-fraud minister feels he is unable to defend the Government’s record on billions of pounds of taxpayer cash gifted to criminals tells you all you need to know about the incompetence of this government.

    It should be a source of enduring shame to the Chancellor that he has so casually written off £4.3bn of taxpayers’ money that is now in the hand of criminals and gangs.

    Coming on top of billions spent on crony contracts and billions more lost in loan fraud schemes, these levels of waste destroy any claim the Conservatives have to careful stewardship of the public finances.

    Labour would treat every pound of taxpayer money with the respect it deserves.

  • Rachel Reeves – 2022 Keynote Speech on Labour’s Economic Strategy

    Rachel Reeves – 2022 Keynote Speech on Labour’s Economic Strategy

    The speech made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, in Bury on 20 January 2022.

    It’s great to be in Bury today – a town with a central place in the story of our industrial heritage and in our economic future.

    Home to John Kay, the inventor of the flying shuttle which made Lancashire home to Britain’s thriving textiles industry.

    Birthplace too, of Sir Robert Peel, the last Prime Minister to split the Conservative Party. And why did he do so?

    Because the Conservatives would not put the interests of the people of this country ahead of the interest of a well-connected, elite. How times change.

    And so it is particularly fitting to welcome Bury South’s own Christian Wakeford to the Labour Party. Christian, like so many others, sees that our country needs Keir Starmer’s leadership and a Labour government now more than ever.

    And it is great to be joined by James Frith, the former Labour MP for Bury North, and someone who I know will play a big part in Labour’s future too.

    But I am here to talk about Britain’s economic future, and our potential as a country.

    We are a country with so much going for us.

    Dynamic industries with reach all around the world, not least our cultural industries, with venues all around the country, like the Met, where we are today – giving life to our towns and cities.

    And millions of working people able to make a lasting contribution to the future of our country.

    The question is: why is a country with such rich resources not seeing that potential realised? Why are so many working people here in Bury and all across the country not feeling the benefits?

    And how have we become trapped in this cycle of low growth, low pay, and high taxes?

    The answer is simple. It comes down to a decade of Conservative failure.

    Their failure to plan ahead.

    Their failure to work together with business and industry.

    And their failure to put the national interest above the interests of their friends and donors, utterly removed from the lives of working people.

    For the best part of a decade, I worked as an economist at the Bank of England.

    My first job there was to analyse the Japanese economy. Japan had just reached the end of what was often called its ‘Lost Decade’. We now talk about Japan’s ‘Lost Decades’ – thirty years of stagnant growth.

    I saw the perils of an economy becoming trapped in a cycle where demand is sucked out of the economy and growth suppressed.

    Britain has been through its own lost decade.

    And so Covid hit us harder than other countries, in terms of lives lost, and the hit to our economy.

    We have a choice.

    We can continue down the path of another Lost Decade. Or we can take an approach based on bringing people together in a national endeavour, and on understanding that Britain’s real wealth is found – not in the bank accounts of friends and donors of the Conservative Party – but in the effort and talent of tens of millions of working people in this country.

    Labour has a plan to build a stronger economy based on exactly that approach.

    A plan to give people the respect they deserve.

    A plan for real economic security.

    A plan for prosperity in every part of Britain.

    That is the plan that I will set out today.

    But first, let’s look at where we are. While ministers worry only about the political costs of their parties, ordinary people are facing a cost of living crisis – with prices rising at the supermarket and the at petrol pump, energy bills soaring, and real wages falling.

    People rightly expect leadership from government.

    But instead they are being left to shoulder the burden alone, with the added insult of the triple whammy of a freeze on the income tax threshold, rising council tax, and a hike in National Insurance contributions.

    Now is the wrong time to raise taxes on ordinary working people.

    Labour would keep bills down by cutting VAT on energy, and expanding the Warm Homes Discount, taking at least £200 off the typical bill – with up to £400 in additional support for low and middle earners and pensioners – paid for by a windfall tax on North Sea oil and gas profits.

    But this isn’t just about the short-term. As Professor Dieter Helm has shown, the global spike in gas prices has exposed the government’s failure to plan, leaving us uniquely exposed.

    And it’s not just energy. That is just one chapter in a decade-long story of economic failure.

    Between 1997 and 2010, when Labour were in government, the UK economy grew at 2.3% a year. Over the decade leading up to the pandemic it grew by an average of 1.8% a year.

    And now the Bank of England expects growth to fall to as low as 1 per cent by the end of this Parliament, while other countries in the OECD are expected to grow at almost twice that rate.

    This is the British economy according to Rishi Sunak.

    No matter how much he tells us he wants to keep borrowing down and taxes low, the effect of such anaemic growth is devastating for our public finances.

    If we could catch up with the growth rate of our best-performing peers, by 2030 the UK would have £75bn more in tax receipts – a growth dividend able to ease the burden of taxes on working people and start to repair the damage done to our overstretched public services over a decade of underinvestment.

    Another Lost Decade isn’t inevitable.

    These failures sit squarely on the shoulders of the Conservatives. Their policies have choked off growth and squeezed living standards.

    The Conservatives have become the party of high taxation because they are the party of low growth.

    But the choices they make on tax show whose side they’re on. And it’s certainly not the side of the tens of millions of people hit by the cost of living crisis.

    Their approach isn’t just unfair – though it is.

    It isn’t just going to make life that much harder for working people – though it will.

    It won’t work.

    As the TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady has said:

    ‘Our economy will only recover when working people can afford to spend in local shops and businesses’.

    I’ve been hearing the same from businesses I speak to, concerned that customers will stay away as they feel the hit to their purses and their wallets.

    It’s a vicious circle. Tory policies fail to deliver growth, and their response is policies that squeeze growth further.

    It’s like trying to drive with the brakes on.

    It’s no wonder the Tories have failed to deal with the cost of living crisis, because the Tories are the cost of living crisis.

    We need a serious plan to deliver higher growth, built on the knowledge that wealth doesn’t just trickle from the top down, but comes from the bottom up and the middle out.

    A plan that can drive up living standards, fund the public services we need, and allow us to get the national debt falling.

    Under Keir Starmer’s leadership, Labour has changed, but so too have the Conservatives.

    The Conservatives once called themselves the party of business. That’s a distant memory.

    When the Prime Minister said ‘F- business’, I thought it was a throwaway remark. Little did I know it would be the central organising principle of his government.

    And what’s left?

    A government concerned not with unleashing the talents of British people, empowering the next generation of entrepreneurs, supporting British business, and sharing opportunity widely, but instead with selling access to the corridors of power.

    A party not of productive business, but of crony capitalism. A government of waste – wasted money, wasted talent and wasted potential. This calls for a new contract between government and the British people.

    That is what underpins Labour’s plan.

    A plan to break us out of this cycle of high taxes, high prices and low growth.

    A plan to get our economy firing on all cylinders, in every part of the country and every sector of the economy.

    A plan that is proudly pro-worker, and proudly pro-business.

    A plan for an industrial Britain, a learning Britain, an investing Britain, an innovative Britain, and a trading Britain.

    Let me set these out.

    First is a serious strategy for an industrial Britain, fit for the 21st century.

    Where the Conservatives scrapped their own Industrial Strategy Council, Labour will create an industrial strategy built on an ethos of cooperation across the public and private sectors, employers and workers.

    To unlock the brilliance of our leading businesses and entrepreneurs, mobilising these immense resources to create good work and economic growth in every part of Britain, and ensure that our communities can take pride in great British industries.

    Britain has great strengths, whether in our world-leading creative industries, our automotive sector, or life sciences.

    We have advantages in industries that will be vital to our green transition, including tidal and wind energy as well as the technologies needed for carbon capture and storage, and we already have great businesses leading the way, like Switch Mobility, in my own city of Leeds, who are pioneering the transition to electric buses – cheaper and better for the environment.

    And initiatives we will build on like the UK Battery Industrialisation Centre, supporting the scale-up of the manufacture of batteries for electric vehicles and other applications.

    Labour will continue to work with industry to develop plans for these and other sectors.

    Of course industrial strategy is about making sure that we are succeeding in the most high-tech industries.

    But it’s not enough for an industrial strategy to focus on a small number of businesses in a small number of sectors.

    As the University of Manchester’s Karel Williams has long argued, we must attend to the foundations of our economy, without which we could not enjoy healthy lives or strong communities, but which have been neglected by government for too long.

    Whether that’s our high street businesses, or sectors in which millions work to provide us with care, transport, energy and water, and food on the shelves.

    It’s what I call the everyday economy.

    Millions work in it. We all rely on it.

    The state of our everyday economy really matters.

    Because driving up pay and conditions in the everyday economy is key to increasing spending power in our communities and reviving our high streets.

    Because if we want to drive up national productivity then it’s not only a few businesses at the leading edge which need to feel the benefits of new technologies and investment.

    And because those foundations provide us with security as a society – especially when a crisis hits.

    That calls for industrial strategies for sectors like care which have too often been overlooked, breaking loose of our cycle of long hours, low pay and low productivity, with a new deal for work.

    And supporting those businesses which give life to our high streets by abolishing business rates and replacing them with a fair system that levels the playing field between online multinationals and high street businesses.

    A real plan for the economy begins with the understanding that those industries of the future and the overlooked sectors on which we all rely are two sides of the same coin – the success of each dependent on the other – that no matter how innovative, no business can thrive without those strong foundations.

    And any government serious about the strength of our economy and the welfare of our people will have a plan for both to thrive, together.

    Second: we need a learning Britain.

    We must ask ourselves how any country can achieve its potential when over 200,000 primary age children live in local areas where there are no good or outstanding schools, while record numbers of businesses report challenges getting the skilled staff they need.

    Keir Starmer has set out a plan to make sure every young person leaves education ready for life and ready for work, with the practical skills, the careers advice and the experience they need to thrive in a modern economy.

    And Labour has launched a new Council of Skills Advisers last year, to rethink how we approach skills for the decades ahead.

    We need to expand opportunities for school leavers too.

    But the Conservatives have shown themselves incapable of reversing the decline in apprenticeships, which has seen nearly 200,000 opportunities lost under their leadership, including a fall of 50% in the number of 16 to 18-year-olds starting an apprenticeship.

    Labour would start now with our plan to create apprenticeship opportunities for young people – which could have seen one hundred thousand extra apprenticeships created this year – to drive our economic recovery.

    Third: an investing Britain.

    Over the last decade, a lack of investment has been holding Britain back.

    In the nine years leading up to the pandemic the UK ranked third last out of the 38 countries in the OECD for investment as a proportion of GDP. And over the next five years, the UK is forecast to have a near £800 billion investment gap compared to other OECD economies.

    The Director of the CBI, Tony Danker, has been clear about what’s needed: supporting business to invest, he says, will require ‘catalytic public investment’.

    That’s what Labour’s climate investment pledge does – £28bn every year for each and every year of the decade – to ensure the industries and jobs of the future are found all across Britain.

    Giga-factories to build batteries for electric vehicles, a thriving hydrogen industry, offshore wind with turbines made in Britain, planting trees and building flood defences, getting energy bills down and guaranteeing Britain’s energy security, and allowing our economy to adapt as we drive down our carbon emissions.

    This is a global race for the jobs of the future.

    As the former governor of the Bank of England Mark Carney has said, we will require significant private investment alongside public to meet the challenges and opportunities of net zero.

    Our climate investment pledge will leverage at least as much again in private investment, by giving businesses certainty and confidence.

    We will also catalyse private investment by supporting businesses to focus on the long-term good of the company, through changing the priority duty of directors, and by replacing business rates with a new system of business taxation that properly encourages growth and investment.

    Labour’s fiscal rules would ensure that necessary investment can take place in a way that supports sustainable public finances, not unlike the government’s rules which have already to led to the cancellation of the Northern Powerhouse Rail.

    As well as an investment Britain we need an innovative Britain.

    A Labour government will create the conditions for new, innovative businesses to start, grow and thrive – whether that is through a fair tax system that encourages and rewards growth, or by directly supporting the next generation of entrepreneurs through our target to help create 100,000 new businesses over the next five years – with a particular focus outside London and the South East.

    Initiatives like B Corporations and The Purposeful Company show how a new way of doing business is on the rise, one that understands the value of working in partnership with workers and communities.

    Keir Starmer has committed the next Labour government to a minimum target of three percent of GDP invested in R&D, from both the public and private sectors.

    53% of UK research and development funding is directed at London and the greater South East – which benefits hugely from the Golden Triangle of London, Oxford and Cambridge.

    The comparative total for the entire north – from Newcastle to Bradford, Wigan to Grimsby – is just 16%.

    We will support our northern universities, colleges and businesses not just to drive innovation, but to make sure that the fruits of the work of our leading scientists and institutions benefit small and medium-sized business, and are felt across our regions – so we can drive up productivity across the economy.

    And there are great examples of work already being done and potential to be unleashed with the right support.

    Like Northern Gritstone, a patient capital venture headed by Lord Jim O’Neill, formed in partnership with the universities of Leeds, Manchester and Sheffield with the aim of providing a pipeline for research to develop into successful businesses – creating wealth and jobs.

    Britain is a country of creators, of makers and of problem-solvers.

    We need a government that understands the value of our collective ideas and innovations, from the shopfloor to the boardroom.

    And to unleash our potential we will build a trading Britain.

    A truly patriotic government will champion British businesses at home and abroad.

    The first step is to make Brexit work for the British people – addressing the flaws in the Tories’ deal that are hitting our food and drinks manufacturers, creative industries and professionals.

    A Labour government won’t stand by on the side-lines and let British businesses and consumers pay the price for the mess the Tories have made. And we will seize new opportunities for British businesses to thrive at home and abroad.

    We are a competitive and highly-skilled nation. We can work with our friends and neighbours to raise standards and do trade better.

    We will build on the UK-EU trade deal in the interests of British businesses to cut red tape and make life easier for our exporters.

    And with our plan to buy, make and sell more in Britain, we will use all the tools at government’s disposal to support businesses in this country – leading a culture change at the heart of government, putting local industries first and ensuring major infrastructure projects use, where possible, materials made here in Britain.

    Asking every public body to increase the number of contracts to British firms, big and small to grow our industries and increase standards, while strengthening domestic supply chains and investing in the reshoring of jobs back to Britain.

    Running throughout this Plan is a commitment to a stronger economy for every part of Britain.

    In too many parts of our country, confidence in the future does not yet match pride in the past.

    I spent three years working at HBOS in Halifax, so I know well what it can mean to a town to have a world-recognised business rooted in the local area.

    But investment, jobs and opportunities have not been evenly spread across the country and it’s taken its toll on families and working people. Many people have had to move many miles away to find decent opportunities to get on.

    So our mission is to create more and better jobs that are closer to home, so people have a real choice.

    As research from IPPR shows, the Tories have taken £413 from every person, through cuts to local council funding, with just £32 returned in levelling up for the North.

    Even then, the government doesn’t trust people to set out their own priorities, adopting a top-down approach.

    It’s people on the ground, in their communities, who best understand what they need – the assets they can build on, and how to fulfil their ambitions.

    There’s so much creativity in our regional towns and cities, building on our industrial past but adapting to the economy of the future.

    Like Castleton Mills in my own constituency, once a key part of West Yorkshire’s textiles industry, but now a creative, collaborative space housing freelancers, remote workers and start-ups – including Northern Bloc Ice cream, and businesses from music promotion to digital content.

    This creativity and resourcefulness is there to be unleashed all across our great country.

    The Prime Minister’s survival strategy may involve wrecking our historic institutions and dragging the country’s global reputation down with him, but I reject the idea our best days are behind us – that we are fated to weaker growth and diminishing living standards.

    There have never in living memory been so many opportunities for investment in new industries, new jobs, and new growth that can be felt in all parts of the country.

    We need a future-looking government, working in a spirit of cooperation with businesses and trade unions to plan for the long term, to seize those opportunities.

    The choice ahead of our country is this:

    Another Lost Decade of low growth, high taxes, and a deepening cost of living crisis.

    Or a contract between British government and the British people, a national effort to build a stronger economy, more resilient public services – and prosperity felt in every part of Britain.

    That means real economic and energy security.

    It means good jobs and thriving businesses in every town.

    It means strong public services paid for by fair taxes and strong growth.

    It means Britain’s best days lie ahead.

    Thank you.

  • Rachel Reeves – 2022 Comments on Cost of Living Crisis

    Rachel Reeves – 2022 Comments on Cost of Living Crisis

    The comments made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 5 January 2022.

    Right now, people are being hit by a cost-of-living crisis which has seen energy bills soar, petrol and food prices up and the weekly budget stretched.

    That’s why Labour is calling on the Government to immediately remove VAT on household heating bills over the winter months.

    On top of the highest tax hikes in 70 years, Conservative complacency is leaving working people paying the price.

  • Rachel Reeves – 2021 Comments on Higher Statutory Sick Pay

    Rachel Reeves – 2021 Comments on Higher Statutory Sick Pay

    The comments made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 18 December 2021.

    We’ve seen throughout this pandemic how especially hard it has been for many people on low wages, insecure work or are self-employed when they are sick or need to self-isolate. It is unacceptable that in 21st Century Britain anyone should feel they can’t afford to get sick, yet that is the reality for many.

    Labour would improve the level of statutory sick pay and increase its coverage to reflect the modern world of work, while valuing the many employers who do provide decent sick pay for their workforce.

    The sorry state of sick pay in Britain was an issue before the pandemic but the Chancellor’s inaction has made people poorer and tragically will have led to an increase in the spread of the virus.

  • Rachel Reeves – 2021 Comments on Interest Rates Rise

    Rachel Reeves – 2021 Comments on Interest Rates Rise

    The comments made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 16 December 2021.

    Prices have been soaring and many are feeling the pinch, so families will be concerned about additional pressures on their finances from higher mortgage payments and other debt.

    The Chancellor should get on a plane back from California and get to work on a plan for growth, and crucially a plan to tackle the cost of living crisis.

    That must start immediately by scrapping VAT on household gas and electricity bills to ease some of the burden this winter.