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  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Keynote Speech on the Economy

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Keynote Speech on the Economy

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in Liverpool on 25 July 2022.

    I’d like to start with an observation about recent crises.

    Whether it’s the cost of living or recovering from the pandemic our economy is weaker than our competitors. Less resilient. Brittle. And ultimately, we are all poorer for it.

    This is why I am clear Labour will fight the next election on economic growth.

    That there is no task more central to my ambitions for Britain than making the country and its people better off.

    Tonight, I think you will hear two other candidates for Prime Minister who will also define the choice for their party to be about the economy and growth.

    But what a choice it is.

    In one corner you have Rishi Sunak, the architect of the cost-of-living crisis. In the other, you have Liz Truss, the latest graduate from the school of magic money tree economics.

    Neither of them has the answers to the economic challenges we face – and who can be surprised?

    Under their watch, the average British family is £8,800 poorer than their equivalents in other advanced economies. This isn’t just a failure of policy, it’s also a failure of philosophy. Their leadership contest won’t change that.

    Because both Rishi Sunak and Liz Truss rage against the dying of the Thatcherite light. They don’t understand economic strength in the 21st century needs partnership. They don’t believe you need state and market – business and worker.

    The everyday economy and the technological frontier. All contributing together if you want strong, secure and fair growth.

    I am under no such illusions. Rebooting our economy in this way will be the defining task of my Government.

    It will ask searching questions of my party and our instincts.

    We cannot be like the Tories – clinging to old ideas, trapped in our history.

    To give Britain the fresh start it needs, we need a new approach. The goal is straightforward – to maximise the contribution we all make to national prosperity. Every business, every person, every community.

    It sounds simple. But in reality, we failed to do it for decades.

    The best of British business is the best in the world. But we have geared our whole economy to delivering only for those firms.

    We have been complacent about the number of jobs created which are low paid and insecure.

    When insecurity stops people getting on and too few communities feel the benefit of the wealth we create.

    Which makes people feel hard work is not rewarded.

    In a nutshell: we draw our economic strength from too few places.

    And like a skyscraper built without foundations, that ultimately leaves us weak.

    If you want evidence of this, look no further than the cost-of-living crisis.

    Everywhere I go, I hear the same stories. People scared about the future.

    Worried that when winter comes, they will face horrible choices about what to spend their money on.

    Pensioners who can’t afford to turn on the heating.

    Families cutting back on what they buy their children.

    But there’s one thing I hear time and time again that worries me more than anything else.

    That is: working people telling me hard work doesn’t pay.

    That they’re working harder and harder just to stand still.

    That alarms me for two reasons.

    First, because I’ve been lucky enough to take a journey in my life.

    From a working-class family to head of the Crown Prosecution Service.

    And my fear is an economy so wracked by low growth and insecurity means people from my background can’t get on.

    Second, because honestly: what does it say about the state of Britain when working people feel that hard work doesn’t pay?

    What does it say about the health of our country?

    The health, even, of our democracy?

    It says an unwritten contract is broken.

    A contract that says in return for hard work you get a fair reward.

    That you don’t have to feel insecure about your prospects.

    That your contribution is respected.

    It’s a two-way thing.

    A strong national economy needs everyone making the best contribution they can.

    Whatever their circumstances, wherever they live.

    But in exchange, we must make sure the contribution working people make to that national effort is fairly rewarded.

    That hard work does pay.

    That their effort is respected.

    That they enjoy the security they need to get on.

    To do all that we need three things:

    Growth. Growth. And growth.

    That’s why I have told the Shadow Cabinet that every policy they bring forward will be judged by the contribution it makes to growth and productivity.

    Because everything I want for Britain comes back to this central mission.

    Without growth we won’t get a high wage economy.

    Without growth we can’t revitalise public services.

    Without growth we can’t repair that broken contract, re-energise communities or unite the country.

    Low growth countries are weaker at standing up for the national interest.

    Low growth economies can’t support people from my background to get on.

    Low growth economies can’t rise to meet the challenges of the future.

    Challenges like climate change.

    I want to be very clear on this point.

    We will not be distracted by the siren calls – from the right or the left – that say economic growth and net-zero do not go together.

    That these two objectives are somehow in tension.

    Or even that we should actively pursue a policy of no growth.

    I reject that completely. It is totally the wrong way round.

    A plan for net-zero needs growth.

    A plan for growth needs net-zero.

    This is about the future of course.

    Fail to tackle climate change and you can forget about growth -there is no bigger business risk.

    Look at how our infrastructure has struggled in the last few weeks.

    But tackling climate change is also a clear opportunity to create wealth in the here and now.

    That is why Labour is committed to a Climate Investment Pledge worth £28bn a year until 2030.

    And we see that pledge as a down-payment that will unlock the private investment which delivers the next generation of jobs.

    Because – the way I see it – some nation is going to lead the world in electric vehicles, in floating off-shore wind, in new hydrogen and nuclear technologies. Why not Britain?

    But to maximise our collective contribution, we must be clear about the kind of growth we need.

    The growth I want for Britain is strong, secure and fair.

    Strong, because it will build a foundation where every business and every person plays a role.

    Secure, because it will produce good jobs that don’t leave people feeling insecure.

    Fair, because it will unlock the potential of every place – every community, every town and every city.

    This last point is so important and strikes at the structural weakness of our economy.

    It’s not an issue of city versus town.

    The productivity gap between our cities and their equivalents in Europe is too big.

    And too many of our towns don’t have a fair chance to contribute in an economy still dominated by London and the South East.

    This is the hurdle we must clear.

    We need growth that is strong, secure and fair to re-establish the contract between people and prosperity.

    The distinction I would make is this:

    An economy can grow and leave some of its people behind.

    But a nation based on contribution cannot grow in that way.

    But of course all promises need a plan.

    Boosterism and fantasy economics are not the same as ambition.

    So today I want to share with you some of the plans Labour has to reboot growth and set out five principles that will guide my government in growing our economic contribution.

    These are:

    1. We will be financially responsible.

    2. We will be distinctively British.

    3. We will work in partnership with business.

    4. We will re-energise communities and spread economic power.

    5. We will refocus our investment on boosting productivity.

    Let me take each of these in turn, starting with the most direct – financial responsibility.

    The risk of rising inflation could not be clearer.

    So we will not announce a single penny of day-to-day spending without saying how we would pay for it.

    We will only borrow to invest to meet the challenges of the future – that’s what our Climate Investment Pledge is all about.

    And we will set a target to reduce debt as an overall share of our economy.

    That’s the responsible thing to do.

    And the contrast with the Conservative competition to waste more of your money could not be starker.

    With me and with Rachel Reeves you will always get:

    Sound finances; careful spending; strong, secure and fair growth.

    There will be no magic money tree economics with us.

    My second principle is that we must grow our contribution in a distinctively British way.

    This means two things.

    First, that we need resilient supply chains in sectors which are vital for British security and growth.

    That’s why we have a strategy to buy, make and sell more in Britain; why £3bn of our Climate Investment Pledge will help forge a new future for our steel industry.

    And why we have committed to new public procurement rules that will build up Britain’s sovereign capabilities in key industries.

    And let me be clear: it isn’t protectionist to say this.

    Or somehow old fashioned.

    Britain will always be an outward facing, confident, trading nation.

    But all around the world, businesses are looking again at the resilience of their supply chains.

    Reacting to the crises we have faced and will face in the future.

    Countries must do the same.

    Second, a British approach means we cannot transplant the economic model of another country onto ours.

    I met Olaf Scholz, Chancellor of Germany and leader of our sister party, the SPD, the other day.

    He is showing that when levelling-up is based on practical plans, not far-fetched promises, amazing things can happen.

    In eastern Germany right now, some of the poorest parts of the country are leading the continent in the lucrative race to develop batteries that store renewable energy.

    This is what can be done.

    And, as Lisa Nandy has spelt out, just because the Tory commitment to levelling up is dead, doesn’t mean the idea of levelling up is dead – Labour will take it on.

    But to do this in a way that isn’t pure boosterism, we must be honest about British strengths.

    Take manufacturing.

    Britain has an extraordinary genius when it comes to manufacturing.

    We lead the world in pharmaceuticals, bio-science, aerospace…

    The Nissan factory in Sunderland is one of the most productive in Europe;

    And the Covid-19 vaccine developed by AstraZeneca and Oxford University has saved millions of lives around the world.

    When I was at Airbus in Filton, I saw them working with 3D engineering literally shaping components by bringing together particles and matter in a way unimaginable in the factory my dad used to work in.

    We can and should take advantage of these strengths.

    The road to higher growth and productivity runs right through them.

    But we are not Germany.

    The role manufacturing plays in our economy will always be different.

    And we have superpower strengths – in universities, in creative industries, in exporting services – that other countries can’t compete with.

    The challenge in both services and manufacturing is the same.

    The best of British is the best in the world.

    And the way we stay competitive is to get more of it: more innovation, more new technology, more research and development, more unlocking the commercial power of our universities, more specialising in the knowledge-rich industries of the future, and more start-ups.

    Which is why we have asked Lord Jim O’Neil to look at how we can make Britain the best country in the world to start a new business.

    And why we have a plan to Make Brexit Work that doesn’t ignore the strength of our services or our universities.

    But an economy that grows our contribution, must rest on strong foundations.

    Foundations that are there in every community.

    That is why the work Rachel has been doing on the everyday economy is so important.

    Retail, education, health and care – we saw in the pandemic how much of the wealth we create depends on these sectors being strong.

    For too long industrial strategy has simply ignored them.

    And with that, ignored one of Britain’s distinctive challenges on growth.

    Labour’s industrial strategy will contain a plan for the everyday economy.

    And our New Deal for Working People will introduce new employment rights to give greater security for people working in it.

    That brings me to my third principle: partnership.

    For growth that is strong, secure and fair – we must work together.

    We need real partnership between state and market;

    Business and worker;

    The everyday economy and the technological frontier and it is the job of a modern industrial strategy to make sure this partnership grows our collective contribution.

    Not in a nostalgic way where Government directs the activities of businesses.

    Modern industrial strategy isn’t about growing the size of the state – it’s about what the state does.

    How it supports businesses to innovate and grow.

    Brings in the creative brilliance of our universities.

    And applies them to the national missions we must all contribute towards.

    Whether that’s leading the world in artificial intelligence.

    Or applying our genius to the challenge of net-zero.

    Just down the road, at the Materials Innovation Factory, the University of Liverpool and Unilever are partnering to bridge the gap between scientific research and production.

    Developing the new materials we need to tackle climate change or discover life-saving new medicines.

    We need to do so much more of this mission-driven partnership.

    But the Government doesn’t have a plan.

    And we have a massive job on our hands when it comes to private investment.

    For decades we have trailed our competitors.

    In France, businesses invest around 30% more relative to GDP every year.

    If we could just close this gap, we would land a serious blow in our battle against low growth.

    We know it requires public investment – that is why we have our Climate Investment Pledge.

    We know it requires fair taxation – that is why we will scrap business rates and replace them with a system that levels the playing field.

    But we also know it requires stability.

    And that requires institutions that take a serious, patient, long-term view about what needs to be done.

    So today I can announce we will establish an Industrial Strategy Council.

    And we will go further by putting it on a statutory footing.

    It will provide advice that shapes policy in the way the Climate Change Committee does.

    Or the Office for Budget Responsibility.

    A permanent part of the landscape.

    That sets out our strategic national priorities that go beyond the political cycle.

    Brings in the expertise of business, science, and unions

    Holds us to account for our decisions.

    And builds confidence for investors that will boost long-term growth and productivity.

    My fourth and fifth principles are best taken together.

    Because spreading power and raising the productivity of the economy everywhere are fundamental to growing our contribution.

    On spreading power, I have asked Gordon Brown to look at new forms of economic devolution.

    To make sure the decisions about things that drive regional growth:

    Like skills; infrastructure; attracting investment; are all made by people with skin in the game.

    Labour will not attempt to run our levelling-up strategy from the centre.

    Nor will we offer it alongside a divisive argument about north versus south;

    City versus towns.

    To me they’ve always felt like false choices.

    A productive Liverpool is good for Birkenhead.

    A strong Dudley is good for Birmingham

    And each has a shared fate in a wider battle against regional inequality.

    But we must also recognise that every place needs the power to grow its own economy.

    So our reforms will allow devolved and local government to make long-term financial decisions.

    To reap the rewards of investment in their economy.

    That way you make sure every city, every town, every place takes ownership of their contribution.

    That people and businesses with a long-term commitment to their community, work together in partnership.

    It’s what Labour is delivering where we are in power.

    And it’s what Labour will deliver in national government.

    But as well as spreading power, real levelling-up also requires investment.

    And this is where my Labour Party will move on from the old ideas.

    Because the old approach focused on growing the pie in any way possible.

    Then redistributing.

    But this is not strong, secure and fair growth.

    It leaves too many people in insecure jobs where their hard work is not fairly rewarded.

    Too many communities locked out from the benefits of growth.

    And redistribution cannot repair the contract.

    There is no point looking to the right on this.

    The evidence of the past decade shows they will only give us stagnation.

    But what we will do – what winning centre-left parties around the world have done – is to adopt a new approach to investment.

    An approach the US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has called Modern Supply Side economics.

    It rests in part on a universal truth about social democracy.

    A strong economy needs strong public services.

    And strong public services need reform and investment.

    But it also depends on something more subtle.

    Because the investments we make now should have a laser-like focus on boosting long-term productivity across the country.

    Not just quick wins in the South East.

    Which means we must learn to focus on the supply side.

    On growing the collective contribution.

    Everywhere.

    You can see this approach in our fully-funded plans for public service reform.

    Whether it is our 8,500 new mental health professionals….

    or our National Excellence Programme for schools that will tackle the educational inequality at the heart of low productivity…

    our policies are not just an investment in the health and wellbeing of our communities.

    They are also an investment in the long-term growth and productivity of the country.

    There is no tension here – just look at how many people at the moment can’t work because of their health.

    A highly skilled and healthy nation.

    And a fast-growing modern economy.

    Depend on each other.

    I never think it’s too hard to identify what people want from politics.

    At the moment, it’s probably easier than usual.

    People want a fresh start for Britain.

    They want the opportunity to get on.

    And above all they want to be free from the insecurity of the cost-of-living crisis.

    The approach to growth I have set out today will challenge my party’s instincts.

    It pushes us to care as much about growth and productivity, as we have done in the past about redistribution and investment.

    Not to hark back to our old ideas in the face of new challenges.

    You will see a clear contrast between my Labour Party and the Thatcherite cosplay on display tonight.

    The difference between a Labour Party ready to take Britain forward.

    And a Tory party that wants to take us back into the past.

    Between Labour growth.

    And Tory stagnation.

    That will be the choice at the next election and we are ready.

    Ready to renew the contract with working people.

    Ready to reboot our economy and end the cost-of living crisis.

    Ready to unlock the contribution of every business, person and community.

    And deliver the strong, secure and fair growth our country needs.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech in the No Confidence in the Government Motion

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech in the No Confidence in the Government Motion

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 18 July 2022.

    The delusion is never-ending. What a relief for the country that Conservative Members have finally got round to sacking the right hon. Gentleman. In many ways the chaos of the last fortnight is familiar. This is the third Tory leadership contest in six years, the latest bumper summer for graphic designers and brand managers, the latest parade of pretenders promising unfunded tax cuts, the latest set of ministerial jobs handed out on a wink and a shake in return for a nomination, and TV debates so embarrassing that even the contestants are pulling out. Every other year, they switch out a failed Prime Minister. It is like a once-secure premier league side burning through managers as it slides inevitably towards relegation. The end of the season cannot come soon enough.

    But besides the déjà vu, things are different this time. David Cameron left office because he lost a referendum. The right hon. Member for Maidenhead (Mrs May) left office because her party could not agree on how to leave the EU. There were serious policy and political disagreements, and the Labour party had our own profound disagreements with both former Prime Ministers on how to grow the economy and how to run our public services, but no one seriously disputed that they were fit for office or that they could be trusted to carry out their own—[Interruption.] I suggest that some of those on the Conservative Benches reread their resignation letters. No one seriously disputed that those former Prime Ministers were fit for office, that they could be trusted to carry out their responsibilities, that the information they gave their Ministers was true to the best of their knowledge or that the policies they proposed were the ones that they believed were best for the country. So no one objected to them staying on while a successor was found.

    Mark Jenkinson (Workington) (Con)

    Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman give way?

    Keir Starmer

    Not at the moment.

    There are clearly policy disagreements between the Prime Minister and his party. I know that he spent the weekend throwing another party—obviously a very good party, judging by the last 20 minutes—but can I suggest that he uses catch-up TV to see what they have been saying in the leadership debates? The Foreign Secretary, who has now left the Chamber, said the Prime Minister’s economic policy

    “is not going to drive economic growth.”The Minister for Trade Policy, the right hon. Member for Portsmouth North (Penny Mordaunt), said the Government have left public services in a “state of disrepair.” And the hon. Member for Saffron Walden (Kemi Badenoch) said junior Ministers raised concerns about fraud that were ignored and cost the taxpayer £17 billion. This is what that side are saying in the leadership debates. The people behind the Prime Minister are not happy with his record, whatever they say and jeer now.

    Unlike his predecessors, this Prime Minister has not been forced out over policy disagreements and, despite the delusions he has fostered in his bunker, he has not been felled by the stampede of an eccentric herd. Instead, he has been forced out in disgrace, judged by his colleagues and peers to be unworthy of his position and unfit for his office. He promoted someone he knew to be a sexual predator. [Interruption.] It might be an idea to listen. And he then denied all knowledge when it inevitably went wrong. He lied to his Ministers about what he knew, and he allowed them to repeat those lies to the country. It is the same pattern of behaviour we saw when he and his mates partied through lockdown, denied it for months and forced his Ministers to repeat those lies until he was found out. He cannot change.

    Even last week he was tearing up the rules by insisting that an Opposition motion of no confidence could not be heard. He promoted an ally to the ministerial payroll as she literally gave the public the middle finger. And he appointed a Chancellor with questions to answer about tax avoidance and his personal finances. [Interruption.] They all know—

    Shaun Bailey (West Bromwich West) (Con)

    On a point of order, Mr Speaker. The Chair has been very clear at times about being conscious of language. From my understanding, the Chancellor has denied that accusation. Perhaps you could guide the right hon. and learned Member for Holborn and St Pancras (Keir Starmer) on how to temper his language.

    Mr Speaker

    What I will say is that I want everybody to think carefully about what they say in this Chamber and the effect it has on people, which does concern me. Neither the Clerks nor myself can hear a lot of what is being said. Could the House just turn it down so we can hear?

    Keir Starmer

    Thank you, Mr Speaker.

    They all know it cannot go on. Just read their resignation letters. The right hon. Member for South West Wiltshire (Dr Murrison) went after saying this is

    “The last straw in the rolling chaos”.

    The hon. and learned Member for Cheltenham (Alex Chalk) had enough of “defending the indefensible.” And the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mark Fletcher) simply said the Prime Minister is an

    “apologist for someone who has committed sexual assault”.

    When the right hon. Member for Richmond (Yorks) (Rishi Sunak) resigned, he accused the Prime Minister of not conducting Government “properly, competently and seriously.” I presume he was talking about their appalling joint economic legacy of the highest inflation and the lowest growth in the G7, leaving us with the highest tax burden since rationing and with diminished public services. That is the record, but the rhetoric does not match it. He suggested the Prime Minister is not prepared to “work hard” or “take difficult decisions,” and he implied that the Prime Minister cannot tell the public the truth. They all read the letter, and they know what he said.

    But this week, the right hon. Member for Richmond (Yorks) is trying to convince us to ignore all that—apparently, he has changed his mind; asked a straight question, he will not tell his party that the Prime Minister is dishonest. Now he is saying that the Prime Minister is actually a “remarkable” man with “a good heart”. It is pathetic; there can be no one worse placed to rebuild the economy than the man who broke it. There can be no one worse placed to restore trust than the man who propped up this totally untrustworthy Prime Minister.

    Mr Richard Holden (North West Durham) (Con) rose—

    Keir Starmer

    I will make some progress and then I will give way. Instead of rewriting history, Conservative Members need to face up to what they have done—what they have put this country through. Despite knowing exactly who he is, despite knowing that he always puts himself before anyone else, despite knowing that he had been fired from job after job for lying, they elected him to lead their party, and he behaved exactly as everyone feared when he got into Downing Street. He lurched from one scandal to the next; he demeaned his office; and he started to drag everyone and everything down with him. So, belatedly, they found him unfit for office, too untrustworthy for government.

    Mr Holden

    The right hon. and learned Gentleman sounds as though he is describing his own actions. For year after year, he sat there while the Labour party was found guilty of breaching the law by the Equality and Human Rights Commission on the antisemitism of the right hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn). Why did the right hon. and learned Gentleman not have the courage to stand up at the time for what was right?

    Keir Starmer

    I wonder whether the hon. Gentleman realises why we are having this debate. It is because so many—[Interruption.]

    Mr Speaker

    Order. Mr Holden, you, quite rightly, asked a question and, like yourself, I would like to hear the answers. Let’s move on.

    Keir Starmer

    We are having this debate because dozens of Front Benchers resigned their posts because they would not serve this Prime Minister. They are sacking him because he is untrustworthy. That is why we are having this debate. Normally in a debate such as this the Prime Minister asks for a vote of confidence so that he can carry on, but this one—[Interruption.]

    Mr Speaker

    Order. I am very bothered about where this is going. The use of language needs to be brought into a more temperate manner and we need to calm it down. Let’s see how we can try to progress in a more orderly way, while being more temperate in what we are saying.

    Keir Starmer

    So, Mr Speaker, why are they leaving him with his hands on the levers of power for eight weeks? This is eight weeks where the British public must trust the word of a Prime Minister who has been sacked because he can’t be trusted; eight weeks where Britain will be represented abroad by someone who has lost all respect at home; and eight weeks of a caretaker Government led be an utterly careless Prime Minister. Anyone who thinks that doesn’t matter, and that these are just the quiet summer months when everyone goes to the beach, is in denial about the severity of the challenges our country faces.

    The war in eastern Ukraine drags on; the Nord Stream pipeline has been shut down; flights are being cancelled left, right and centre; and Britain is facing an unprecedent heat wave, as our climate changes in front of our very eyes. These are serious challenges—[Interruption.] Conservative Members do not think that these are challenges. These are serious issues that will require serious leadership. Hard decisions will have to be made. This is not the summer for Downing Street to be occupied by a vengeful squatter mired in scandal. Every day they leave him there, every hustings they refuse to distance themselves from his appalling behaviour and every vote they cast today to prop him up is a dereliction of duty. It is a reminder that the Prime Minister has only been able to do what he has done because he is enabled by a corrupted Conservative party every step, every scandal and every party along the way.

    I know that there has been fearmongering that this motion might lead straight to a general election. Sadly, that is complete nonsense, but you can see why they fear the electorate. After 12 years of failed Tory Government, Britain is stuck—stuck with a low-growth economy; stuck at home, unable to get a passport or a flight; stuck on the phone, trying to get a GP appointment. Our taxes are going up, food and energy bills are out of control, and the public services we rely on have simply stopped working. And every Tory standing to lead their party has given up on trying to defend—[Interruption.] Prime Minister, they have no confidence in you—that is why you are going. [Interruption.]

    Mr Speaker

    Order. We really are struggling to hear. I want to be able to hear, and then we can make better judgment calls. Both the Clerks and I are struggling. Please, can we calm it down and think about what we are saying?

    Keir Starmer

    Thank you, Mr Speaker.

    Britain deserves a fresh start with Labour, free from those who got us stuck in the first place, free from the chaotic Tory party and free from those who propped up this Prime Minister for months and months. And here is the difference: under my leadership, the Labour party has changed, and we are ready to do the same for the country—to get our economy growing, to revitalise our public services, and, after this Prime Minister has damaged everything around him, to clean up politics. This House should make a start by voting no confidence in this Prime Minister this evening.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on Anniversary of Srebrenica Genocide

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on Anniversary of Srebrenica Genocide

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 11 July 2022.

    On the 27th anniversary of the genocide at Srebrenica, we remember the 8,000 Muslim men and boys who lost their lives and commend the dignity of those who survived.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Keynote Speech on a Fresh Start for Britain

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Keynote Speech on a Fresh Start for Britain

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in Gateshead on 11 July 2022.

    Good morning, everyone.

    Three days ago, my focus was on the immediate past.

    On the importance of leading with truth and integrity. On the difficult times our country faced in lockdown. And on the fact that those who make the rules shouldn’t break the rules.

    I set out my position on that question.

    And the difference between me and the Conservative Party now desperately trying to launder its integrity. Even as it stood by an unfit Prime Minister to the bitter end.

    Today I want to put my focus where it ought to be.

    Where it will be every day between now until the next General Election. On the future. On the sort of nation that Britain can be and the sort of nation Labour wants it to be.

    Because at the moment Britain is stuck.

    Stuck with a tanking economy.

    Stuck at home unable to get a passport or a flight.

    Stuck on the phone trying to book a GP appointment.

    Our taxes are going up.

    Food and energy bills are out of control.

    And many of the public services that we rely on have simply stopped working.

    Britain deserves better than this.

    We need a fresh start.

    And I know you expect me to say this but we won’t get that, from a Conservative Party infected with the chaos virus caught from Boris Johnson.

    Only Labour can reboot our economy and end the cost-of-living crisis.

    Only Labour can revitalise our public services and re-energise our communities.

    Only Labour can unite the country and clean-up politics.

    These three tasks will define my Government.

    Because until we address them, we leave ourselves vulnerable to the shocks and crises we have endured this past, long decade.

    Yet the way I see it, the challenges we face – climate change, technology, an ageing population – are an opportunity to re-energise Britain.

    Some nation is going to lead the world in new nuclear power.

    Why not this one?

    Some nation will create the first generation of quantum computers.

    Why not us?

    Some nation will design medicines personalised to match our unique DNA.

    Why not Britain?

    This determination to move Britain forward is what drives me.

    Britain should be a confident and prosperous nation.

    But at the moment it’s full of people worried about the next bill coming through the letterbox.

    Take Zoe, from Sunderland, just down the road.

    Like many people, Zoe’s gas and electricity bills have doubled.

    She says:

    “I’m struggling to get by. I haven’t managed a full shop for food in over a month. The cost of living is scaring me and the future looks terrifying”.

    I’ve been up and down the country a lot recently – it’s one of the good things about this job.

    And let me tell you:

    I’ve heard a version of Zoe’s words from almost everyone I have met.

    Her words reflect the reality facing millions of working people in Britain right now.

    People like my family.

    I didn’t come from a privileged background.

    My start in life was completely ordinary.

    Dad was a tool-maker. Mum was a nurse. Our house was a pebble-dashed semi and we had a Ford Cortina – this was the 1970s!

    But I owe everything – all my values – to my upbringing.

    My work ethic and dedication to public service.

    But the real gift my parents gave me was the opportunity to get on.

    And that is why I came into politics.

    I have been lucky enough to take a journey through my life.

    From a working-class family to head of the Crown Prosecution Service.

    So when I say I don’t want anyone in this country held back by their circumstances – you know it is not just words.

    It’s why – for me – the state of our economy is personal.

    Because when people like Zoe are so scared of the future.

    When our economy is so wracked by low growth and insecurity – then working people get stuck. And that means Britain gets stuck.

    The most important goal of my Labour government will be to grow the economy.

    And we will not accept growth that doesn’t improve people’s lives.

    An economy can grow and leave some of its people behind. But a nation cannot grow in that way.

    Not long ago I was in Burnley and was left in no doubt by the people I met there.

    They all had great ambitions, for themselves and their town.

    But they don’t have a government that shares that ambition.

    Boosterism and wishful thinking are not the same as ambition.

    If you don’t have a plan to make your hopes real, all you are selling is an illusion.

    The other thing my background gives me is impatience.

    If you are born without privilege, you don’t have time for messing around.

    You don’t walk around problems without fixing them.

    Or surrender to the instincts of organisations that look to preserve themselves rather than modernise.

    So, believe it or not, I’m not that interested in the political game.

    The daily saga of who is up and who is down in Westminster. No, not even this week or last.

    I’m impatient to get things done.

    I can see what is wrong with Britain and I want to fix it.

    It’s what I have done with our own party.

    When I took on this job in April 2020, I knew we had a big task before us.

    We had to change our party and prepare for power all in one go.

    Not change for change’s sake, but change with a purpose: to remake a Labour Party that understands its purpose is service, not self-indulgence. Country first, party second.

    That’s why we had to root out the antisemitism which had infected our party.

    That’s why we had to show our support for NATO is non-negotiable.

    Show that we want business to thrive and prosper and shed policies that won’t work.

    The Labour party was stuck. Stuck in opposition. Stuck licking its wounds after four painful defeats.

    Of course, we still have more to do, but now Labour is moving forward again.

    That is what I will do for Britain – and I will do it with a plan to tackle the three biggest issues we face.

    1. Rebooting our economy and ending the cost of living crisis

    2. Revitalising our public services and re-energising our communities

    3. Uniting the country and cleaning-up politics.

    Let me start with the economy.

    I’ve explained why this is personal.

    How my mission in politics cannot be achieved unless we get our economy growing again.

    So let me tell you now: Labour will fight the next election on economic growth.

    The first line of the first page of our offer will be about wealth creation.

    We will show how a Labour economy based on partnership and contribution can make Britain richer.

    And we won’t retreat to a comfort zone on public services and hope the focus of the country shifts.

    Many of our plans are already in place.

    Our strategy to buy, make and sell more in Britain.

    Our five-point plan to reform the Northern Ireland protocol and make Brexit work.

    Our Climate Investment Pledge that invests £28bn a year to help us win the race for the next generation of jobs.

    Gordon Brown is looking at new forms of economic devolution for us, so that every city, every town, every place has the chance they deserve to contribute to our economy.

    David Blunkett is leading a skills commission made up of entrepreneurs, business leaders, and policy experts.

    Whilst Lord Jim O’Neil is looking at how we can make Britain the best country in the world to start a new business.

    And never forget it was Labour who pushed so hard for a windfall tax on energy companies to help those struggling with their bills.

    In the weeks ahead, I will say more about how an economy based on partnership and contribution works, and how it can grow us out of the cost-of-living crisis.

    But let me say here why I think only Labour can deliver for Britain – whoever emerges from the chaotic circus now playing out in Westminster.

    Because the task as I see it, is to create an economy that is strong, secure, and inclusive.

    One that is resilient to the shocks of an uncertain world – which doesn’t just create jobs, but good, well-paid secure jobs.

    And growth that does not harm society or peoples’ lives or trash the public finances.

    I cannot believe what we are hearing from the candidates to be the next Tory leader.

    The Tory leadership race hasn’t even officially begun yet but the arms race of fantasy economics is well underway.

    Over the weekend, the contenders have made more than £200 billion worth of unfunded spending commitments. Let that sink in.

    That’s more than the annual budget of the NHS, splurged onto the pages of the Sunday papers, without a word on how it’ll be paid for.

    And on taxes, the vast majority of them served in Boris Johnson’s government.

    They went out every day for months and years to defend his behaviour.

    They backed every one of his 15 tax rises.

    They’re behaving like they’ve just arrived from the moon.

    They nodded along and trooped through the voting lobbies to support them.

    Now, it turns out they were opposed to them all along. The hypocrisy is nauseating.

    When I say decency and honesty matter, that includes being honest about how we fund every single thing we promise.

    It’s why when I say we have a plan for investing in education, I also say it’ll be funded by closing the VAT loophole for private schools.

    Or when I say we need to sort out mental health treatment in this country, I also tell you that we’ll do it by closing tax loopholes used by private equity.

    Politics means tough decisions.

    It means being frank with the public.

    It doesn’t mean tossing out tens of billions of unfunded spending commitments just to play to the gallery of Tory MPs and members.

    But it also means being frank with your own party.

    I don’t believe you can achieve a strong economy with just a tired formula of deregulation and tax cuts.

    But nor do I believe you can achieve it if all you have is redistribution and public sector investment.

    Most of all, I don’t think you can achieve it with the false choice running through the Government’s levelling up agenda – of north versus south, city versus town. That’s not partnership.

    We need every community to make a contribution to growing national prosperity.

    We can’t have people like Zoe stuck.

    That is what the Conservative Party doesn’t understand about the modern economy.

    They don’t believe in partnership. They don’t believe you need state and market, business and worker, the everyday economy and the technological frontier – all working together for a strong, secure and inclusive economy.

    But we can’t do that without first-rate public services.

    That’s the second big challenge where only Labour is the answer.

    Every Labour government inherits the same task from the Tories – to revitalise neglected public services.

    It will fall to us to do the same again – and we will.

    It is not just a social justice issue, it speaks directly to the type of economy we want to build.

    We saw that in the pandemic.

    Close public services like childcare, schools, GP surgeries and look at the impact on productivity.

    When we push forward with our plans to make sure everyone can access mental health treatment within one month, when we recruit 8,500 mental health professionals, fully-funded by closing a tax loophole on private equity – this is an investment in the economic strength of the country as well as the health and wellbeing of our communities.

    Or to take another example, hundreds of thousands of people over 50 have left the labour market since the pandemic.

    A million more people are out of work on benefits.

    The biggest drop in the employment rate of the major G7 economies.

    And as Jonathan Ashworth (Shadow Work and Pensions Secretary) is setting out today, we will reform employment support to help people get back into work.

    But, reforming public services can’t just be a question of investment.

    We will also need to think imaginatively – about how technology is expanding the range of what is possible to do, about how we can put people in control of more personalised and responsive services.

    This means we have to think differently about the purpose of each of our public services.

    In health it means finally making good on the promise to prevent illness, not just cure it when it happens.

    In education it means not just imparting knowledge, but developing the creativity, resilience, curiosity, and problem-solving abilities of every young person.

    In social care it means giving people a better quality of life and paying for it in a way that is genuinely fair.

    And in tackling crime, it means developing neighbourhood crime hubs that can prevent crime and build community cohesion rather than reacting when things go wrong.

    Each of these would mean big strategic changes to the way our public services work.

    And allow more people to fulfil their ambitions free from illness or insecurity.

    This leads me to the third defining task of my Government.

    Re-energising communities, uniting the country, and cleaning up politics.

    A Labour government will bring people back together.

    I am tired of our divisive politics. We have a government with no understanding of how to grow the economy or reform our public services.

    So it creates division to set us against one another and distract from its failures.

    Some people say to me “this is politics now”. Division is how you win.

    Let me be clear: I want no part in that.

    If this is what politics has become, then we will change politics.

    We’ve already set out plans to clean up Westminster.

    Under Labour there won’t be any MPs lobbying for their friends, but a Labour Britain will be one where we celebrate who we are.

    One which embraces both our differences and what we have in common.

    There will always be issues that divide us, points of disagreement, there is nothing wrong with that, that’s democracy.

    But even in a robust democracy, it is vital we settle those disputes in a civilised way, that we play by the rules.

    That’s the reason I took the action I did when faced with those allegations in Durham.

    I wanted to show that politicians will risk their careers on matters of principle.

    That we are not, as so many people in this country believe, only in it for ourselves.

    And that I am committed to the values which earn Britain respect all around the world – fair-play, respect for difference, the rule of law.

    Labour will end the era of divisive politics and clean-up Westminster.

    And show we are the self-confident, forward-looking, optimistic United Kingdom, I know we can be.

    I don’t think it’s too hard to describe what people want from politics.

    The mission I’ve set out today certainly isn’t complicated.

    I don’t want anyone in this country to be held back by their circumstances.

    And I want to get Britain moving again, so we can once more face the future with confidence.

    I have talked today about why that mission is personal to me.

    And I have talked previously about the moment I knew I needed to leave the law and go into politics.

    About the daily injustices I saw as Director of Public Prosecutions.

    Important examples are etched on my mind, for example, when we failed to deliver justice for Jane, the daughter of John and Penny Clough.

    Over the last few weeks, I have thought a lot about that.

    Thought about the nature of rules and how you change them.

    But what I thought back then, is what I still think now.

    There is no substitute for politics when it comes to tackling injustice and changing this country, and change is what my Labour Party will offer at the next General Election.

    We will give Britain the fresh start it needs – we will reboot our economy, re-energise our communities, revitalise our public services, unite the country, clean-up politics, and end the cost-of-living crisis.

    Thank you.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on ‘Beergate’ in Durham

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on ‘Beergate’ in Durham

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 8 July 2022.

    I’ve always said no rules were broken when I was in Durham.

    The police have completed their investigation and agreed: there is no case to answer.

    For me, this was always a matter of principle. Honesty and integrity matter. You will always get that from me.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Statement on the Resignation of Boris Johnson

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Statement on the Resignation of Boris Johnson

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 7 July 2022.

    It is good news for our country that Boris Johnson has resigned as Prime Minister.

    But it should have happened long ago. He was always unfit for office. He has been responsible for lies, scandal and fraud on an industrial scale. And all those complicit should be utterly ashamed.

    The Tory Party have inflicted chaos upon the country during the worst cost of living crisis in decades and they cannot now pretend they are the ones to sort it out.

    They have been in power for over 12 years.

    The damage they have done is profound. 12 years of economic stagnation, 12 years of declining public services, 12 years of empty promises.

    Enough is enough.

    We don’t need to change the Tory at the top – we need a proper change of Government.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech on the CHOGM, G7 and NATO Summits

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech on the CHOGM, G7 and NATO Summits

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 4 July 2022.

    I thank the Prime Minister for the advance copy of his statement, and I welcome him back to these shores. They say that absence makes the heart grow fonder, so I wish him the best of luck in seeing if that works as a party management strategy.

    It has been 131 days since Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, 131 days of war at the heart of our continent, 131 days of Putin trying to make his neighbours cower and 131 days of brave Ukrainian resistance. I have always said that this House, and Britain’s allies, must put aside our differences in other areas and show unity in our opposition to Putin’s aggression. And we have done, driven by the inspiration provided by the people of Ukraine and the leadership and courage of President Zelensky.

    As this conflict reaches its sixth month and drags on in eastern Ukraine, it is important that we do not think our job is done. Putin would like nothing better than for us to lose our focus, for the grip of sanctions to weaken, for military aid to Ukraine to dry up or for cracks to appear in the unity of his opponents. So I welcome the progress made at the NATO summit last week, and congratulate our good friends in Finland and Sweden on their formal invitation to join the NATO alliance, and of course Ukraine on securing its candidate status to join the European Union. I hope that these processes can be concluded as quickly as possible to send a clear message to Putin that his war has permanently changed the European landscape, but not in the way he planned.

    I also welcome the commitment to strengthen our collective deterrent capabilities. I have seen at first hand how British personnel are working with other NATO forces to ensure that the collective shield that has protected us for three quarters of a century remains as strong as ever. So I welcome the agreement on the new NATO force model, ensuring that over 300,000 conventional troops will be at high readiness across Europe. Can I ask the Prime Minister how this agreement will affect British military planning and whether he believes our extra commitments can be met, given his cuts to UK troop numbers?

    The commitment made at the G7 of further financial support for Ukraine is also welcome, as are plans to help Ukraine with post-war reconstruction through an international conference. There can be no clearer case that aid spending makes Britain more secure and prevents the need for military spending in future, which demonstrates the folly in reducing our aid commitments at a time of global instability.

    I am pleased that unity was on display at both the NATO summit and the G7 summit, but I am concerned about current unity within the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth is a valuable and important institution for this country. It is not just a symbol of our past; it is important for our future, providing us with influence in all parts of the world. But in recent years, there have been serious signs of strain. When many major Commonwealth countries abstained at the UN over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the summit should have been an opportunity to widen the diplomatic coalition against Putin. Instead, the Prime Minister waged a divisive campaign against the Commonwealth leadership that ended in a humiliating diplomatic failure, only illustrating his embarrassing lack of influence.

    Instead of investing in aid that strengthens the alliance, the Prime Minister has cut it. Instead of upholding the rule of law that should define the Commonwealth, he reneges on treaties he has signed, undermining Britain’s moral and political credibility, when we need our word to carry trust. My fear is simple: the vacuum we leave behind will be quickly filled not by those who share our values, but by those who seek to destroy them. We cannot let that happen in Ukraine. We cannot let that happen anywhere.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Key Note Speech on Brexit

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Key Note Speech on Brexit

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 4 July 2022.

    Thank you.

    It’s a real privilege to be here tonight.

    We are here to mark the 26th birthday of the CER.

    In that time, the world has changed beyond recognition and so has your work.

    For many 1996 was a time of optimism. From the Baltic shipyards of Poland to the villages of southern Bulgaria, tens of millions of people who had laboured under the yoke of tyranny were looking forward to a European future.

    Barriers were coming down; economies were beginning to thrive.

    Mobile phones were becoming commonplace, personal computers were switched on to the internet – that concept we were beginning to understand in 1996. And those new technologies were connecting the world at a stroke.

    The totemic battles of the previous generation were being wrapped up.

    The Cold War was over. Apartheid had been ended. Peace was coming to Northern Ireland.

    Here in Britain, a deeply unpopular Conservative Prime Minister found himself mired in sleaze, weakened by his failures and a slave to the right wing of his party.

    So whilst much has change, not everything has changed…

    Then, just as now the Labour Party had put itself in position to be the next government staking out the centre ground, and building plans to take the country forward to a new era.

    The big difference, I think, with 1996, is that we have lost that sense of optimism.

    After a decade of low growth under the Tories. Taxes are rising and inflation is rampant and doing huge damage to households and businesses.

    In 2022, Britain is stuck.

    Stuck with an economy where wages have flatlined and household bills are going through the roof.

    Stuck with broken public services that no longer work for those that they serve.

    Stuck in queues for passports or driving licences.

    Stuck waiting for delayed trains and buses.

    Stuck on hold as we try to get a doctor’s appointment.

    Britain is also stuck with a government that has no plan.

    One that was elected on a promise to get Brexit done but has now decided to re-open those old divisions, in order to ensure Britain remains stuck with this failed Prime Minister.

    While the Conservatives are flailing around, Labour has been claiming the centre ground of British politics once again.

    Not a mushy place of compromise but a place driven by purpose, a place driven by optimism.

    Our driving mission is to get Britain’s economy growing again so we can ensure the people and the places who for too long have lost out are once again revitalised and re-energised.

    I am going to be saying a lot about that in the coming weeks and months.

    But the first step in doing so, is to ensure Britain thrives in its new role in the world by ensuring we Make Brexit Work.

    There are some who say “we don’t need to make Brexit work – we need to reverse it.”

    I couldn’t disagree more.

    Because you cannot move forward or grow the country or deliver change or win back the trust of those who have lost faith in politics, if you’re constantly focused on the arguments of the past.

    We cannot afford to look back over our shoulder because all the time we are doing that we are missing what is ahead of us.

    So let me be very clear.

    Under Labour, Britain will not go back into the EU.

    We will not be joining the single market or the customs union.

    Now, I know some people don’t want to hear that, but it is my job to be frank and to be honest – and you will always get that with me.

    The reason I say this is simple.

    Nothing about revisiting those rows will help stimulate growth or bring down food prices or help British business thrive in the modern world.

    It would simply be a recipe for more division, it would distract us from taking on the challenges facing people and it would ensure Britain remained stuck for another decade.

    Under Labour, that simply will not happen.

    What you will get under Labour is a plan.

    One that will deliver on the opportunities Britain has, to sort out the poor deal Boris Johnson signed, and end the Brexit divisions once and for all.

    It is a proper plan to Make Brexit Work.

    Now, I know I’d never be allowed to take this stage without telling you what that plan looks like, so let me set out for you how it works.

    The first step is clear and obvious.

    We have to sort out the Northern Ireland Protocol.

    If you’re going to Make Brexit Work, that has to be the starting point.

    Just a few weeks ago, I had the great pleasure of being in Dublin and in Belfast, where I worked for many years.

    I was struck by the fact that businesses there are clear – they can make the Protocol work.

    The solutions are there, the desire is there. What is lacking is trust.

    That crucial ingredient that has always characterised progress in relations between our islands. That has been eroded by this government.

    Labour will change that.

    We will be the honest broker our countries need; we will get the protocol working and we will make it the springboard to securing a better deal for the British people.

    As well as building trust, Labour would eliminate most border checks created by the Tory Brexit deal with a new veterinary agreement for agri-products between the UK and EU.

    And we will work with business to put in place a better scheme to allow low-risk goods to enter Northern Ireland without unnecessary checks.

    The second step we would take is to tear down unnecessary barriers.

    Of course we recognise, outside of the Single Market and a Customs Union we will not be able to deliver complete frictionless trade with the EU.

    But there are things we can do to make trade easier.

    Labour would extend that new veterinary agreement to cover all the UK, seeking to build on agreements and mechanisms already in place between the EU and other countries – benefiting our exporters at a stroke.

    There was a story on the news the other day about a ‘wet wipe island’ that has formed in the Thames. Made of fat and oil and household rubbish one metre deep and the size of two tennis courts. It is blocking the flow of the river and changing the shape of the riverbed.

    You couldn’t imagine a better metaphor for the Tory Brexit deal.

    They have created a hulking ‘fatberg’ of red tape and bureaucracy.

    One that is hampering the flow of British business.

    We will break that barrier down, remove that fatberg – unclog the arteries of our economy and allow trade to flourish once more.

    The third step will be to support Britain’s world-leading industries.

    That means mutual recognition of professional qualifications ensuring our services can compete and restoring access to funding and vital research programmes.

    Step four would be to ensure we keep Britain safe.

    For too long, the Government has been blasé about European security.

    The actions of (Vladimir) Putin must jolt us back into reality.

    Because in the modern world if one of us is not safe then none of us are safe.

    Strengthening security cooperation with our friends and allies is vital.

    I know from first-hand experience during my time as Director of Public Prosecutions that we cannot take risks with terrorism, organised crime and people trafficking.

    That’s why Labour will seek new security arrangements to defend our borders, and why we will share data, intelligence, and best practice. And it’s why we will set up joint intelligence working here and in Europe.

    The final part of our plan will be to invest in Britain.

    The lesson of the last decade is that if we are to achieve economic growth and see the benefits flowing to every part of our country, we cannot be bystanders.

    The Tory plan as set out by Jacob Rees-Mogg is about cutting standards, regulations, and protections before stepping back and gawping at the power of the market.

    This will not work.

    It is a sure-fire way for Britain to lose the global race for jobs and for trade.

    It will exacerbate the problems we already face; it will not deliver on the promise of Brexit.

    Labour’s plan is very different.

    We will work hand-in-hand with business to bring the good, clean jobs of the future to our shores, harnessing the power of government, alongside the ingenuity of our brilliant private sector.

    Together, we will open up new markets and create new opportunities.

    The government have missed Brexit opportunities time and time again.

    It beggars belief that during a cost-of-living crisis they haven’t cut VAT on energy bills.

    Labour will be sharper than this.

    We will use our flexibility outside of the EU to ensure British regulation is adapted to suit British needs.

    That is Labour’s plan to Make Brexit Work.

    It is a plan that puts the divisions of the past behind us and seizes on the challenges and opportunities of the future.

    It is a plan that that helps everyone from exporters to musicians – to thrive.

    It’s a plan to reverse the Tory spiral of low-growth and high-tax.

    A plan that puts Britain in the best place to compete on the global stage.

    A plan that will help us achieve our central mission of delivering economic growth to Britain and spreading it throughout the country.

    But there is something even more crucial than that.

    In 2016, the British people voted for change.

    The very narrow question that was on the ballot paper – leaving or remaining in the EU – is now in the past.

    But the hope that underpinned that vote – the desire for a better, fairer future for our country is no closer to being delivered.

    We will not return to freedom of movement to create short term fixes, instead we will invest in our people and our places, and deliver on the promise our country has.

    If we are to restore faith in politics as a force for good, we must now get on with delivering on that promise.

    The Tories have no idea how to do it.

    Labour does. Labour has a plan.

    And this plan, a plan to Make Brexit Work is the first stage of delivering on that change and delivering a better future for our country.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on Labour Winning Wakefield By-Election

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on Labour Winning Wakefield By-Election

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 24 June 2022.

    Wakefield’s win will go down in history Simon Lightwood. I’m so proud of our Labour Party and the changes we’ve made to be a government in waiting.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on Boris Johnson Confidence Vote

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on Boris Johnson Confidence Vote

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 6 June 2022.

    The choice is clearer than ever before:

    Divided Tories propping up Boris Johnson with no plan to tackle the issues you are facing.

    Or a united Labour Party with a plan to fix the cost of living crisis and restore trust in politics.

    Labour will get Britain back on track.