Tag: Keir Starmer

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 27 September 2022.

    “Fairer, Greener Britain”

    Thank you, Conference. It’s great to be here in Liverpool.

    After all the changes we’ve made, all the hard work we’ve put in, finally we are seeing the results we want.

    Yes, Conference, we can say it at last: Arsenal are top of the league.

    But before I begin, I want to address something important. This is our first conference in Liverpool since 2018. And that means it’s our first conference since this city’s call for Justice for the 96 became Justice for the 97.

    For too long his city has been let down. So, when Labour wins the next election, one of my first acts as Prime Minister will be to put the Hillsborough Law on the statute book.

    I know how much this matters. I’ve spent a lifetime helping those who have been failed by the system. I worked with Stephen Lawrence’s family and Jane Clough’s to get them justice. I promise you we will get this city the justice it deserves.

    Conference, we’ve seen two sides of Britain in the last few weeks.

    On one side, a nation united by a profound purpose – to pay its respects to a remarkable sovereign. And that queue. 5 miles at its peak. Even in death our Queen found a unique way to capture the British spirit.

    But Conference, the other side of Britain never went away. A Britain all at sea, where a cloud of anxiety hangs over working people.

    At moments of uncertainty like this we must provide clear leadership. We must stand with working people. Meet their ambitions for real change. Walk towards a better future. And build a new Britain, together.

    A Britain that is fairer, greener, more dynamic. And that isn’t afraid to use the power of government to help working people succeed.

    Because we can’t go on like this. What we’ve seen in the past few days has no precedent.

    The Government has lost control of the British economy – and for what? They’ve crashed the pound – and for what?

    Higher interest rates. Higher inflation. Higher borrowing. And for what?

    Not for you. Not for working people. For tax cuts for the richest 1% in our society. Don’t forget. Don’t forgive.

    The only way forward is to stop this – with a Labour Government.

    And our problems don’t end there. Raw sewage in our rivers and seas. Backlogs everywhere – at our borders, in our courts, in our hospitals. Crimes like burglary totally unpunished. People told to drive themselves to hospital after a heart attack. And millions of families, pensioners, the poorest in our society still facing the coldest winter of their lives.

    I said on Sunday that a fitting tribute to The Late Queen would be to turn our collar up and face the storm. And we will. Because Britain never won its battles with wishful thinking.

    Our success comes, first and foremost, from the hard work, the graft and the common sense of the British people. A common sense that teachers up and down the country drum into their pupils: “fail to prepare and you prepare to fail”.

    Conference, that is how the Tories have governed our country for twelve long years. That’s why our economy has been more brittle than others in the face of crisis. They used to lecture us about fixing the roof when the sun was shining.

    But take a look around Britain. They haven’t just failed to fix the roof. They’ve ripped out the foundations, smashed through the windows and now they’ve blown the doors off for good measure.

    My government will be different. We will run towards the challenges of tomorrow. We will get us out of this endless cycle of crisis. And we will do it with a fresh start, a new set of priorities and a new way of governing.

    But it won’t be easy. And the first step must be to tackle the cost-of-living crisis. The Prime Minister has finally accepted there’s no alternative to Labour’s plan to freeze energy prices.

    When she was arguing against “handouts”, Labour provided the clarity our nation needed. We said: this winter not a penny more on anyone’s bills.

    But politics is about choices. And the choice – the political choice – is: who pays? Working people? Or the oil and gas companies making huge profits from higher prices?

    The Head of BP has said that this crisis is a “cash machine” for his company. But that’s a cash machine fed by working people.

    So our choice, the only choice, the Labour choice is to put those profits to work. This party is always on the side of working people in times of crisis.

    And Conference, I know this will shock you but the Tories aren’t on the side of our NHS either.

    My Mum worked for the NHS. My sister worked for the NHS. My wife still works for the NHS. The NHS runs through my family like a stick of rock.

    But I tell you what – I’m really worried about how many lives are at risk this winter.

    Talking to doctors in my local hospital, I said “the NHS is on its knees, isn’t it”. They said “no Keir, it’s face down on the floor”. And the pathetic response of the Government last week left it there.

    The way to get it back on its feet is with a stronger NHS workforce. That’s the main barrier to capacity right now – staff.

    So as Rachel announced yesterday, we will take on an extra 7,500 medical students every year, we will double the number of district nurses, 5,000 new health visitors, 10,000 extra nursing placements.

    If it’s a choice between a tax cut for those earning hundreds of thousands of pounds or supporting our NHS that is not a hard choice for us – Labour will always deliver for our NHS.

    But these are just the first steps on a much bigger journey. The next Labour Government must restore our sense of collective hope. We should never be left cowering in a brace position.

    It’s time for Britain to stand tall again. To believe in ourselves again. To chart a new course. And to get our future back.

    Now, you may have heard some of this before. I grew up in a pebble-dashed semi. Dad was a tool-maker, Mum was a nurse, our first car was a Ford Cortina – this was the 1970s.

    So, I remember what rising prices feel like. I remember when our phone was cut off because we couldn’t pay the bill. How hard it was to make ends meet. It wasn’t easy.

    But there’s something else I remember about being working class in the 1970s: hope.

    Not a grandiose, utopian dream, kind of hope. A hope that was ordinary. Basic. Taken for granted. Because like all families, although we had our ups and downs, my parents never doubted for one second that things would get better.

    And you know what: they were right. They worked their socks off and gave me the gift of opportunity. That gift drives me to make sure no one, anywhere in this country, is held back by their circumstances.

    That’s not just words – it’s the story of my life.

    And I don’t think these values are special. The opportunity to get on is what everyone wants for their family. It’s more than a British value, it’s what we tell our children: “Work hard and you can achieve anything”. “Work hard and you will get a fair chance in Britain”.

    My parents didn’t just believe this, it comforted them. But is it still true? I don’t think so.

    After twelve long years our spirit is ground down. When I talk to working people now, they tell me they work harder and harder just to stand still. That their graft can’t provide their family with a sense of security. That they’re worried their kids won’t have a better life than them.

    Conference, what does it say about Britain, when families worry like this about their children’s future?

    It says an unwritten contract is broken. A contract where in return for hard work, you get on. Where your contribution is always be respected. And which reaches through the generations to say Britain will be better for your children.

    That’s the deep cost of Tory failure. They keep talking about aspiration, but they don’t understand how they’ve choked it off for working people. And it gets worse.

    Because the other thing people say is politics can’t do anything about it. They don’t think real change is possible anymore. And who can blame them?

    Just look at what they’ve been through. They were told we’re “all in this together” – yet they paid for a mess made by bankers. They cried out for economic change in a referendum, but their calls went unanswered. They united to defeat a virus only to see the Government break all the rules that they respected.

    And now, this. The biggest hit to their living standards in a century. And it turns out there is money — for the top 1 percent.

    Now, I’m not going to stand here and pretend the awful conflict in Ukraine is not the immediate spark of the cost-of-living crisis.

    We will never allow Putin’s threats and imperialism to succeed. We will stand alongside Ukraine and its people fighting on the frontline of freedom. So let this entire conference say together:

    Slava Ukraini!

    But I will never accept that the war is an excuse for how unprepared Britain was to tackle the fallout. The war didn’t ban onshore wind. The war didn’t scrap home insulation. The war didn’t stall British nuclear energy. The Tories did that.

    And in their budget last week they sent out a new message. A message that echoes around the kitchens and workplaces of families right across the country and says your struggles, your hopes, your ambitions don’t matter to us. We are not here for you. You are not our people. We are here for those at the top and the rest of you can shove off.

    And Conference, make no mistake about it in one bold move on Friday the Tory Party gave up on any claim it may have had to be a party of aspiration.

    So we need to get moving. That’s the other thing my background gives me: impatience. If you’re born without privilege, you don’t have time for messing around. You don’t walk around problems without fixing them. And you don’t surrender to the instincts of organisations that won’t face up to change.

    As a human rights lawyer, I took on Governments who wanted to keep the barbaric practice of death by hanging. In Northern Ireland, I worked alongside others to make sure the Police Service worked for all communities. As Director of Public Prosecutions, I overhauled the handling of sexual violence cases to make them work better for victims.

    And this working class impatience is what drives me in this job too.

    I knew in April 2020, when I became leader of this party, we had a big task before us. We had to change our party and prepare for power all in one go. Not change for change’s sake. Change with a purpose. To make our Labour Party fit to serve our country.

    That’s why we had to rip antisemitism out by its roots. Why we had to show our support for NATO is non-negotiable. Show we want business to prosper. Shed unworkable policies.

    Country first, party second.

    But I didn’t do any of this alone. Conference: we did it together. And it shows. We’ve taken councils in Scotland, in Wales, in every part of England from Southampton to Stevenage, Wrexham to Wolverhampton. We’ve shown Labour can win again, anywhere.

    We won in Wakefield, with Simon Lightwood, our first by-election gain for a decade.

    But people need more. They are crying out for change, looking for decisive leadership. They need to know we can be a reforming government with clear answers to the big challenges they face.

    That we can grow the economy and raise living standards for everyone, not just a privileged few. Tackle climate change by creating new jobs, new industries, new opportunities. Redesign our public services to unleash opportunity and provide security. Restore faith in politics as a force for good. Get Britain’s hope, its confidence and its future back.

    So imagine we are looking back at the first term of the next Labour Government. How is Britain different? I’ll tell you. We’ve defeated the cost-of-living crisis and the clouds of anxiety have lifted. Services are there when you need them. Our economy is stable again. Business has the certainty to invest. The NHS is back in good health.

    And people are starting to raise their sights. Believe in Britain again. Britain is fairer. People feel they can get on. There’s more opportunity, more affordable housing, fairer taxes, higher wages, jobs – more secure.

    Families can aspire again. Look forward with hope, again.

    And Britain is greener. We’re leading the world on climate change. People look at us and follow our example. New jobs, industries, technologies benefit all parts of the country.

    We’re proving net-zero can be achieved, the most precious gift to the next generation is within our grasp, a safer, more prosperous world to live in.

    And because we are fairer, because we are greener, we’re also more dynamic. Our entrepreneurial spirit – unleashed. New technology – improving public services. Cutting edge science and world-class services driving economic growth. And working people are respected as the people who create the wealth that drives Britain forward.

    And there’s one more thing. Something important. People have started to notice it’s possible to govern with integrity. To unite rather than divide. To respect other points of view. To see that long term plans, trump short-term fixes. That decline is not inevitable.

    Yes, some people will say “politicians are all the same” – but not as many.

    In Grimsby a few months ago I was really struck by a woman I met. She said something to me which was really simple: “I don’t just want to survive; I want to live”. As I got the train back, that phrase went round and round in my head. “I don’t just want to survive; I want to live”.

    Conference, I want to look her in the eyes after five years of a Labour government and I want to know that she, and millions of people like her, are not just surviving, they’re thriving.

    That’s the difference a Labour government will make. That’s the Britain we’re fighting for.

    But Conference, let’s be honest: missions don’t achieve themselves. You need focus. Determination. And the courage to make very difficult choices. Particularly when managing the country’s finances.

    Rachel Reeves and I have set out a framework for sound money. We’re determined to reduce debt as a share of our economy. Every policy we announce will be fully costed. And we will set up an Office for Value for Money to make sure public spending targets the national interest.

    And we should be clear about what that means. It means not being able to do things – good Labour things – as quickly as we might like. That’s what responsible government looks like. Because if you lose control of the economy, if you act irresponsibly – as the Tories have in spectacular fashion – then you lose the ability to do anything. And working people pay the price.

    We will not let that happen.

    We will only borrow to invest when it’s in the long-term national interest. When the cost of not investing makes it much more expensive for the next generation.

    Conference, the Labour Party is at its best when we glimpse the future and lead our country towards it.

    In 1945, out of the rubble of the Second World War, we built a land fit for heroes. In 1964, we harnessed the white heat of technology to pay our way in a modern economy. And in 1997, we modernised a country held back by crumbling public services and outdated institutions.

    It’s time to write a new chapter of Labour Party history about how we built a fairer, greener, more dynamic Britain by tackling the climate emergency head on and used it to create the jobs, the industries, the opportunities of the future.

    I come at this not just as leader of the Labour Party, but also as a father. And as a father, I am spurred on by the voices of our children, the cry of indignation, demanding our generation act before it’s too late.

    As Labour leader, I see it as a matter of justice and opportunity. About the fairness and better society that I came into politics to create the biggest opportunity we’ve had in decades to make this country work for working people.

    Across the world countries are already gearing up to meet this challenge – we cannot afford to miss out.

    Because some nation is going to lead the world in offshore wind. Why not this one? Some nation will win the race for electric vehicles. Why not us? Some nation will be the first to harness new hydrogen power. Why not Britain?

    That’s why today I’m so proud to launch our Green Prosperity Plan. A plan that will turn the UK into a green growth superpower. And driving the plan forward is a goal that will put us ahead of any major economy in the world: 100 percent clean power by 2030.

    A huge national effort. An effort that will: double Britain’s onshore wind capacity, treble solar power, quadruple offshore wind, invest in tidal, hydrogen, nuclear.

    Back carbon capture. Commit to green steel production. New renewable ports. New gigafactories. And insulate 19 million homes.

    And working with Ed Miliband and his team, we’ll make sure this energy revolution powers up all parts of the country. Let’s get clean hydrogen energy in South Yorkshire, in the East of England, across the river in the Wirral. Offshore wind in Scotland, Teesside, East and North Yorkshire. Solar power growing rural communities, in the South East, South West and Midlands.

    This will require a different way of working – the biggest partnership between government, business and communities this country has ever seen. It will mean new jobs – more than a million new jobs, training for plumbers, electricians, engineers, software designers, technicians, builders. And it will all start within the first 100 days of a new Labour government.

    And what will it mean for working people? Cheaper bills and higher living standards. Take home insulation. I saw this for myself on Abbey Road — not that one. This one’s on a council estate in Kirklees, where the Labour council had the good Yorkshire foresight to do a real job on insulation.

    I went in January. It was freezing cold. I was invited in, the house was warm, the energy bills were next to nothing, and the tenants were grinning from ear to ear. And why not: over a grand off your winter fuel bill – what’s not to like!

    Clean energy is already cheaper than fossil fuels. Nine times cheaper. We just need more of it. This is about fair growth powered by clean British energy everywhere in the country.

    That’s what levelling-up really looks like: practical Labour solutions, not empty Tory slogans.

    And Conference, as Rachel announced yesterday – a new British sovereign wealth fund will drive us forward on this mission. We will make sure that the public money we spend building-up British industry spurs on private investment, stimulates growth in construction, life sciences, finance and insurance and the British people enjoy the returns.

    We won’t make the mistake the Tories made with North Sea oil and gas back in the 1980s where they frittered away the wealth from our national resources.

    Just look at what’s happening at the moment. The largest onshore wind farm in Wales. Who owns it? Sweden. Energy bills in Swansea are paying for schools and hospitals in Stockholm. The Chinese Communist Party has a stake in our nuclear industry. And five million people in Britain pay their bills to an energy company owned by France.

    So we will set up Great British Energy within the first year of a Labour government. A new company that takes advantage of the opportunities in clean British power and because it’s right for jobs, because it’s right for growth, because it’s right for energy independence from tyrants like Putin.

    Yes Conference, Great British Energy will be publicly owned.

    None of this will be easy – it won’t be like flicking a switch. It will mean tough battles on issues like planning and regulation. But when the Tories nay-say and carp, remember this: the road to net-zero is no longer one of stern, austere, self-denial. It’s at the heart of modern, 21st century aspiration.

    Technology has turned everything on its head. Green and growth don’t just go together – they’re inseparable. The future wealth of this country is in our air, in our seas, in our skies. Britain should harness that wealth and share it with all.

    British power to the British people.

    That’s why I’ve always said we will fight the Tories on economic growth. Their record is appalling – the worst decade of growth in two centuries. Or as the Chancellor puts it: “a vicious cycle of stagnation”.

    I have to say, as a former prosecutor, it always warms my heart, when someone caught bang to rights, pleads guilty at the first opportunity. And after twelve years what’s their big idea? Unlimited bonuses for bankers? Back the billionaires? Go easy on the oil and gas companies?

    It’s a nonsense – everyone earning less than £155k a year loses out with their plans. They say they don’t believe in redistribution, but they do – from the poor to the rich and they’re loading up the country with debt to pay for it.

    And what about those in the middle? They’re losing £780 pounds. Conference, I’m sure you all heard that tape. Where Liz Truss says Britain’s working people lack “skill” and “application”. That the problem with our economy is they don’t “graft” hard enough.

    Working people don’t graft hard enough.

    No. We’re not going to take this. This is the fight.

    If they want to fight us on redistribution, if they want to fight us on workers’ rights, if they want to tell us working people don’t come first, we will take them on – and we will win.

    And we will win not just because we have fairness on our side but because we have economic reason on our side too. Trickle-down economics doesn’t work. Britain won’t be better off just because we make the rich, richer.

    The real problem is we create too many jobs that are low paid and insecure. Lock too many communities out of the wealth we create. And public services aren’t strong enough to help working people succeed.

    That’s why we struggle to grow – our economic foundations are weak. And the Tory argument is: that’s fine. If the City of London races ahead and the rest of the country stagnates – they think that’s ok.

    Conference, they’re the ones not prepared to graft. They’re the ones not prepared to do the hard yards on growth. But we will.

    We will end the blight of low pay and insecure work with our New Deal for Working People. We will transform the state so the decisions which drive growth in communities are made by local people with skin in the game.

    The people of Liverpool know what’s best for Liverpool. And the same is true in Burnley, Sunderland, Peterborough, Plymouth. If we want fair growth everywhere, communities need a stake. And they need good affordable housing for working people to own.

    I’ve seen home ownership rise almost my entire life – it’s the bedrock of security and aspiration. that pebble-dashed semi meant everything to my family. But now, under the Tories, the dream of owning your own home is slipping away for too many.

    And that’s a political choice. Because if you keep inflating demand without increasing supply house prices will only rise. And homes become less affordable for working people.

    So we will set a new target – 70% home ownership and we will meet it with a new set of political choices. A Labour set of political choices.

    No more buy-to-let landlords or second homeowners getting in first. We will back working people’s aspiration. Help real first-time buyers onto the ladder with a new mortgage guarantee scheme. Reform planning so speculators can’t stop communities getting shovels in the ground.

    My message is this if you’re grafting every hour to buy your own home Labour is on your side. Labour is the party of home ownership in Britain today.

    And let me say something about business too – don’t be fooled into thinking they buy into the Tory trickle-down fantasy.

    Business leaders aren’t knocking on my door saying they want to rip up employee rights. They don’t tell me the problems they face will be solved by corporation tax cuts. They want fair taxes, high skills and the long-term confidence to invest.

    I want to be crystal clear about this: I’m not just pro-business, I want to partner with business. So we will scrap business rates, level the playing-field for start-ups and the high street, give employers new flexibility to invest in the world class training they need.

    And, as Jonny Reynolds said yesterday, invite them to drive forward our modern industrial strategy: a true partnership between government, business and trade unions.

    This isn’t about the size of government – it’s about what government can do. Government can support businesses to innovate and grow. Can bring in the creative genius of our scientists and universities. Can unite us to tackle the country’s challenges on behalf of working people.

    Tory ideology on this is a barrier to growth. And I’ll tell you another one: the mess they’ve made of our public services.

    Strong public services are the foundation of a successful economy– always. Deal with NHS waiting lists and growth improves. Invest in childcare so parents go back to work and growth improves. More mental health support, world class schooling, skills training when you need it and growth improves.

    But we have to be honest. I would love to stand here and say Labour will fix everything. But the damage they’ve done – to our finances and our public services means this time the rescue will be harder than ever.

    It will take investment – of course it will. But it will also take reform.

    One – we need to recruit, train and motivate the very best doctors, nurses, teachers, police officers.

    Two – we need to get the best innovation in their hands, make technology work for us.

    Three – we need to make sure services are built around peoples’ lives, empower them to meet the challenges of the future.

    Four – above all, we must shift towards ‘a prevention first’ policy. I’ve seen it for myself: early intervention saves lives and saves money. Every time I read a serious case review as Director of Public Prosecutions, the story was the same, just a change of name.

    Another life that could have gone in a different direction if someone had stepped in earlier. It’s that kind of injustice that must drive us to think differently about our public services. In health, it’s about moving treatment towards communities, exploring how technology can free up NHS workers to focus on care.

    In education it means not just imparting knowledge but developing the creativity, the resilience, the curiosity young people need in a modern world.

    In crime, it means a model of policing that can focus on prevention and give victims faith in a system that will not let violence go unpunished.

    And Conference, the state of our public services shows you exactly who the Tories are. Shows they fundamentally don’t believe government can help working people succeed.

    Every time they choose a new Prime Minister – and there’s been plenty of them – you get a hymn of lip service to its power, usually from the steps of Downing Street itself. But as soon as the black door swings shut behind them, they retreat to their comfort zone.

    That’s why they don’t plan for the future – they don’t believe it’s their job. And so we lurch from crisis to crisis, always reacting, always behind the curve, a sticking plaster, never a cure.

    And if you want the totemic symbol of this, the biggest failure to grasp the nettle, then look no further than Brexit.

    Conference, the policy of my Labour Government will always be to make Brexit work. It’s no secret I voted Remain – as the Prime Minister did.

    But what I heard, across the country, was people who thought we’d got our priorities wrong. Who wanted democratic control over their lives. But who also wanted opportunities for the next generation, communities they felt proud of, public services they could rely on.

    I didn’t hear that Brexit was about slashing workers’ rights. I didn’t hear people wanting to lower standards on food, animal welfare or the environment. I didn’t hear them wanting to end redistribution.

    So I want to speak directly to the people who left Labour on this issue. Whether you voted Leave or Remain, you’ve been let down.

    And with Liz Truss, the Tories are changing the meaning of Brexit before your eyes.

    If you voted for government to step in on your side for better work, higher wages, more opportunities in your community, for an NHS that is modern and reliable.

    If you voted to take control of your life and for the next generation to have control of theirs, then I say to you: that is what I will deliver.

    I will make work pay for the people who create this country’s wealth. I will make sure we buy, make and sell more in Britain. I will revitalise public services and control immigration using a points-based system. I will spread power and opportunity to all our communities. And I will never be shy to use the power of government to help working people succeed.

    Labour will make Brexit work. Labour will deliver change. You’ll never get that from the Tories. And you won’t get it from the SNP either.

    Conference, the challenges we face – the cost-of-living crisis, climate change, standing up to Putin – are common across our four nations.

    We saw off the threat of fascism and deadly disease, together. We built the NHS and the welfare state, together. But I don’t believe in our union just because of our history. I believe in it because of our future.

    I know we can meet the great challenges to come. Build new beacons of fairness that light up the islands we share.

    Scotland needs a Labour Government that can deliver change. But it also needs the power and resources to shape its own future, whoever’s in power in Westminster. And the SNP are not interested in this.

    For them, Scotland’s success in the UK is met with gritted teeth, seen as a roadblock to independence, and so, they stand in the way.

    We can’t work with them. We won’t work with them. No deal under any circumstances.

    A fairer, greener, more dynamic Scotland. In a fairer, greener, more dynamic, Labour Britain.

    Conference, on climate change, growth, aspiration, levelling-up, Brexit, economic responsibility we are the party of the centre-ground

    Once again, the political wing of the British people and we can achieve great things.

    Yesterday, we even managed to get a Liverpool crowd cheering Gary Neville…

    But let’s not kid ourselves: the next two years will be tough. The Tories want a fifth term and they will stop at nothing to achieve it.

    And because of their record, because of the state of Britain, they are getting desperate. With so little that’s good to defend, they lash out.

    We need to be prepared, disciplined, focused. Spend each day working to earn the trust of the British people.

    Meet their attacks with hope. Provide the leadership this country so desperately needs.

    Because as in 1945, 1964, 1997, this is a Labour moment.

    So, Conference, say it loud and believe it. Britain will deal with the cost-of-living crisis. Britain will get its future back.

    A country where aspiration is rewarded. Where working people succeed. A force for good in the world. A clean energy superpower.

    A fairer, greener, more dynamic nation. That’s my commitment to you. The national mission of the next Labour government. And together with the British people – we will do it.

    Thank you, Conference.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II at Labour Party Conference

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II at Labour Party Conference

    The tribute made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 25 September 2022.

    Conference, the Late Queen Elizabeth II was this great country’s greatest monarch. She created a special, personal relationship with all of us. A relationship based on service and devotion to our country. Even now, after the mourning period has passed it still feels impossible to imagine a Britain without her.

    Hardly any of us have ever known anything else. For us, the Late Queen has always been simply the Queen, the only Queen. Above all else, our Queen. And I am proud to lead our party’s tribute to her today.

    Because our Queen’s devotion to Britain was underpinned by one crucial understanding – she knew that the country she came to symbolise is bigger than any one individual or institution.

    Between the history we cherish and the present we own she was the thread. A reminder that our generational battle against the evil of fascism and the emergence of a new Britain out of the rubble of the Second World War don’t belong only to the past but are the inheritance of each and every one of us.

    An example that taught us that whatever challenges we face, the value of service endures. And a reminder that the creativity, the hard work, the enterprise that defines this nation is as abundant now as it ever was.

    That the prospect of a better future still burns brightly. That’s why the people came in their droves to pay their respects.

    So conference, as we enter a new era, lets commit to honouring the late Queen’s memory. Let’s turn our collar up and face the storm, keep alive the spirit of public service she embodied and let it drive us towards a better future.

    For seventy years, Queen Elizabeth II stood as head of our country. But, in spirit, she stood amongst us.

    So please join me in paying tribute to the Late Queen.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Broadcast Statement Following the Death of HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Broadcast Statement Following the Death of HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 8 September 2022.

    Today we mourn the passing of a remarkable sovereign.

    It is a deep private loss for the Royal Family and our first thoughts are with them at this time.

    The nation shares in their grief.

    Queen Elizabeth II created a special, personal relationship with us all.

    A relationship based on service and devotion to her country.

    Nobody under the age of 70 has known anything other than Queen Elizabeth II on the throne.

    For the vast majority of us, the late Queen has been simply the Queen.

    The only Queen.

    Above all else, our Queen.

    As we mourn her loss, we should also treasure her life.

    Our longest-serving and greatest ever monarch.

    Above the clashes of politics, she stood not for what the nation fought over.

    But what it agreed upon.

    In crisis, she reassured us.

    Reminding us that we are all part of something that stretches back through time.

    A symbol of the best of us.

    I saw it for myself when I led the Crown Prosecution Service.

    Every time I had the privilege to meet the late Queen, she would ask the most searching questions because she wanted to understand the lives and struggles of her people.

    And as Britain changed rapidly around her, this dedication became the still point of our turning world.

    An example that taught us that whatever the challenges we face, the value of service always endures.

    And the obvious love the late Queen displayed for Britain, the British people gave back in return.

    That is why there is such an outpouring of grief across the nation today.

    As there is across the Commonwealth to which the late Queen was so devoted.

    Around the world, people are united in mourning.

    And united in celebrating her life.

    This togetherness is a reminder of what she achieved.

    A reminder of our shared values.

    Values which I know will be upheld by her beloved son, Charles, our new King.

    So as our great Elizabethan era comes to an end, we will honour the late Queen’s memory.

    By keeping alive the values of public service she embodied.

    For seventy years, Queen Elizabeth II stood as the head of our country.

    But, in spirit, she stood amongst us.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 9 September 2022.

    Today, our country, our people, this House, are united in mourning. Queen Elizabeth II was this great country’s greatest monarch, and for the vast majority of us, it feels impossible to imagine a Britain without her. All our thoughts are with her beloved family—our royal family—at this moment of profound grief. This is a deep and private loss for them, yet it is one we all share, because Queen Elizabeth created a special personal relationship with us all. That relationship was built on the attributes that defined her reign: her total commitment to service and duty, and her deep devotion to the country, the Commonwealth and the people she loved. In return for that, we loved her, and it is because of that great shared love that we grieve today.

    For the 70 glorious years of her reign, our Queen was at the heart of this nation’s life. She did not simply reign over us; she lived alongside us, she shared in our hopes and our fears, our joy and our pain, our good times and our bad. Our Queen played a crucial role as the thread between the history we cherish and the present we own; a reminder that our generational battle against the evil of fascism, or the emergence of a new Britain out of the rubble of the second world war, do not belong only to the past, but are the inheritance of each and every one of us; a reminder that the creativity, the hard work, the enterprise that has always defined this nation is as abundant now as it ever was; a reminder that the prospect of a better future still burns brightly.

    Never was this link more important than when our country was plunged into lockdown at the start of the pandemic. The Queen’s simple message—that we would see family again, that we would see friends again, that we would be together again—gave people strength and courage when they needed it most. But it was not simply the message that allowed a shaken nation to draw upon those reserves; it was the fact that she was the messenger. Covid closed the front doors of every home in the country. It made our lives smaller and more remote, but she was able to reach beyond that, to reassure us and to steel us. At the time we were most alone, at a time when we had been driven apart, she held the nation close in a way no one else could have done. For that, we say “Thank you”.

    On the occasion of the Queen’s silver jubilee in 1977, Philip Larkin wrote of her reign:

    “In times when nothing stood

    But worsened, or grew strange,

    There was one constant good:

    She did not change.”

    It feels like we are once again in a moment in our history where, as Larkin put it, things are growing strange. Where everything is spinning, a nation requires a still point. When times are difficult, it requires comfort. And when direction is hard to find, it requires leadership. The loss of our Queen robs this country of its stillest point, its greatest comfort, at precisely the time we need those things most.

    But our Queen’s commitment to us—her life of public service—was underpinned by one crucial understanding: that the country she came to symbolise is bigger than any one individual or any one institution. It is the sum total of all our history and all our endeavours, and it will endure. The late Queen would have wanted us to redouble our efforts, to turn our collar up and face the storm, to carry on. Most of all, she would want us to remember that it is in these moments that we must pull together.

    This House is a place where ideas and ideals are debated. Of course that leads to passionate disagreement. Of course temperatures can run high. But we all do it in pursuit of something greater. We do it because we believe we can make this great country and its people greater still. At this moment of uncertainty, where our country feels caught between a past it cannot relive and a future yet to be revealed, we must always remember one of the great lessons of our Queen’s reign: that we are always better when we rise above the petty, the trivial and the day-to-day to focus on the things that really matter—the things that unite us—rather than those which divide us. Our Elizabethan age may now be over, but her legacy will live on forever. And as the children of that era, it falls upon us to take that legacy forward; to show the same love of country, the love of one another, as she did; to show empathy and compassion, as she did; and to get Britain through this dark night and bring it into the dawn, as she did.

    We join together today not just to say goodbye to our Queen, to share in our mourning, but to say something else important: “God save the King.” Because as one era ends, so another begins. King Charles III has been a devoted servant of this country his entire life. He has been a powerful voice for fairness and understood the importance of the environment long before many others. As he ascends to his new role, with the Queen Consort by his side, the whole House—indeed, the whole country—will join today to wish him a long, happy and successful reign.

    The emotions that we see across the nation today are echoed across the Commonwealth, to which our Queen was so committed; in the Church, to which our Queen was so devoted; and in the armed forces, which she led and her family served. Around the world, people will be united in mourning for her passing, and united in celebrating her life. We have already seen beautiful tributes flow from across the world. It would be impossible to capture them all here, but each one is a reminder of the esteem in which she was held, of what she achieved on behalf of her country and of the shared values that we treasure. The reason our loss feels so profound is not just because she stood at the head of our country for 70 years, but because in spirit she stood among us. As we move forward, as we forge a new path, as we build towards a better future, she will always be with us. For all she gave us, and all that she will continue to give us, we say thank you. May our Queen rest in peace. God save the King.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech on Energy Price Capping

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech on Energy Price Capping

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 8 September 2022.

    I thank the Prime Minister for advance sight of her opening speech.

    We are in the middle of a national emergency. People are really scared, families do not know if they can warm their homes this winter and businesses ask if they can keep the lights on. That is why the Labour party spent the summer fighting for a price freeze, so that no household would pay a penny more on their bills. When we called for it, many people said we were wrong. They pretended that this crisis was something that just affected the poorest, as if working families on average wages could easily shoulder astronomical bills. They dismissed our call for support as “handouts”. But those objections could never last; the Prime Minister had no choice. No Government can stand by while millions of families fall into poverty, while businesses shut their doors and while the economy falls to ruin. So I am pleased that there is action today and that the principle of a price limit has been accepted, but under our plan there will be not a penny more on bills; under this plan, there will be a price rise.

    Several hon. Members rose—

    Keir Starmer

    I will just make some progress and then I will give way.

    This support does not come cheap. The real question before the House today—the real question the Government face; the political question—is who is going to pay. The Treasury estimates that energy producers could make £170 billion in unexpected windfall profits over the next two years. Let me repeat that: £170 billion in unexpected windfall profits over the next two years.

    Several hon. Members rose—

    Keir Starmer

    I will give way in just a moment.

    The head of BP has called this crisis “a cash machine” for his company. Households are on the other end of that cash machine—their bills are funding these eye-watering profits. That is why we have been calling for a windfall tax since January, and it is why we want to see the windfall tax expanded now, but the Prime Minister is opposed to windfall taxes. She wants to leave these vast profits on the table, with one clear and obvious consequence: the bill will be picked up by working people. She claims that a windfall tax will deter investment. That is ridiculous. These vast profits are not the reward for careful planning. They are the unexpected windfall from Putin’s barbarity in Ukraine. There is no reason why taxing them would affect investment in the future.

    Do not just take my word for it. Asked which investment BP would cancel if there were a windfall tax, the chief executive said, “None”—his word, not mine. The Prime Minister’s only argument against the windfall tax falls apart at first inspection, laying bare the fact that she is simply driven by dogma, and it is working people who will pay for that dogma.

    Jacob Young (Redcar) (Con)

    Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman accept that this Government have already introduced a windfall tax, and energy companies today are paying 65% on their profits? What would he rather see that tax set at?

    Keir Starmer

    We are talking about what happens this winter and next. If the hon. Gentleman does not understand—[Interruption.] I will tell him something. Every pound the Prime Minister’s Government refuse to raise in windfall taxes, which is leaving billions on the table, is an extra pound of borrowing. That is the simple, straightforward argument. Every pound that she leaves on the table is an extra pound of borrowing, loading the burden of the cost of living crisis onto working people who will have to pay back for years to come.

    Barry Gardiner (Brent North) (Lab)

    The Prime Minister has been careful to frame her guarantee in terms of her refusal to tax, but will she not have a problem explaining to the British people how a levy on their bills in the future to repay the borrowing is not actually a tax?

    Keir Starmer

    This is the basic political divide. The Government want to protect the excess profits of the oil and gas and energy groups; we want to protect working people.

    Mr Perkins

    This Saturday, I and many members of Chesterfield Labour party will be out meeting voters in Chesterfield. If any of those voters have not been paying attention this week, they might still say, “You’re all the same.” But is it not absolutely clear now that there is a clear divide? When I knock on doors, every voter will know that political parties have a choice. The Government have chosen to be on the side of the energy generators; we have chosen to be on the side of bill payers.

    Keir Starmer

    I would be absolutely amazed if Government Members have not picked that up. Ask voters whether they think it is fair that they pick up the bill, rather than those companies that made profits they did not expect to make. There is only one answer to that question. It is a very simple question of whose side are you on.

    I am afraid this is not a one-off. Not only is the Prime Minister refusing to extend the windfall tax; she is choosing to cut corporation tax—an extra £17 billion in tax cuts for companies that are already doing well. That means handing a tax cut to the water companies polluting our beaches, handing tax cuts to the banks and handing a tax cut to Amazon. She is making that choice, even though households and public services need every penny they can get. Working people are paying for the cost of living crisis, stroke victims are waiting an hour for an ambulance and criminals walk the streets with impunity. It is the wrong choice for working people; it is the wrong choice for Britain.

    Mr Dhesi

    The Government appear to have decided to deal with this energy crisis on the backs of ordinary hard-working Brits, and to load huge levels of debt on to future generations, rather than properly taxing the billions of pounds of excess profits of the energy companies. Why are the Government on the side of big corporate rather than ordinary hard-working Brits? Is it because the Prime Minister is a former employee of Shell and is therefore on the side of oil and gas companies instead of protecting ordinary working British people?

    Keir Starmer

    I am grateful for that intervention. It comes down to this basic point. All hon. Members recognise that profits are needed for investment in all businesses, but in this case these are profits that the companies did not expect to make. When the chief executive of BP says that the windfall tax would not deter any investment, it is a bit rich for Government Members to say that he is completely wrong. He is the chief executive of BP. He has made his case and it is the complete opposite of the case the Prime Minister is trying to make.

    The immediate cause of this energy crisis is Putin’s grotesque invasion of Ukraine. We stand united in our support for Ukraine. If we are to defend democracy, defeat imperialism and preserve security on our continent, Putin’s aggression must fail. Whatever our political differences, the Prime Minister will always have my full support in that common endeavour. But we must ask ourselves why we are so exposed to changes in the international price of oil and gas. Why are we so at the mercy of dictators able to pull the plug on wells and shut down pipelines? Why is there such a fundamental flaw in our national security?

    Several hon. Members rose—

    Keir Starmer

    I will make my argument and then I will give way.

    It is about a failure to prepare, a failure to increase our energy independence and a failure to rapidly decrease our reliance on fossil fuels. The Conservatives banned onshore wind in 2015, and that cost us clean energy capacity equivalent to all our Russian gas imports in recent years—a policy disaster. The Prime Minister has been consistently opposed to solar power, the cheapest form of energy we have, and she has been consistently wrong. It is not just what the Prime Minister said in the heat of her leadership campaign this summer. When she was Environment Secretary, the Government slashed solar subsidies and the market crashed.

    Alex Chalk (Cheltenham) (Con)

    The Leader of the Opposition is being completely misleading, if I may say so. It is under this Government that the United Kingdom has the second highest offshore wind generation capacity of anywhere in the world. How is that created? It is through investment by companies, and this Government will allow for that to happen.

    Keir Starmer

    I take it from that intervention that the hon. and learned Gentleman does not quarrel with me that the ban on onshore wind since 2015 has been a policy disaster, along with the opposition to solar power.

    Mrs Theresa May (Maidenhead) (Con) rose—

    Keir Starmer

    I will of course take the former Prime Minister’s intervention.

    Mrs May

    I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for giving way. He is talking about lack of preparation for the United Kingdom’s energy security. If Labour is so worried about that, why did it not build any new nuclear capacity?

    Keir Starmer

    I am grateful for that intervention and I will deal with it in full, because it is a very important point. Nuclear is vital to our future, and a new generation of power plants should have been built by now. Yesterday, the Prime Minister desperately tried to blame Labour, and that intervention goes to that point. I remember the exchange across the Dispatch Box in 2006 when Prime Minister Blair said that he was pro-nuclear, and the Leader of the Opposition, David Cameron, did not know where to look. If Members have not seen the clip, they should have a look. The uncomfortable truth for Members opposite is that the last Labour Government gave the go-ahead for new nuclear sites in 2009. In the 13 long years since then, not one has been completed.

    Mr Mark Harper (Forest of Dean) (Con)

    Tony Blair may have said that he was pro-nuclear, but he did not actually build any nuclear power stations.

    On the windfall tax and the £170 billion that the Leader of the Opposition mentioned, it is my understanding that most of that is not profits of UK companies but from energy supplied to the UK, and it is not within our ability to tax it. We already have a windfall tax that taxes those profits at 65%. How high does he think a windfall tax should go?

    Keir Starmer

    What was the Conservative party’s position on nuclear when David Cameron was asked the question in 2006? He did not have a position on it. I think the right hon. Gentleman is wrong about the £170 billion. If there is any doubt, I invite the Treasury to disclose the documents so that we can all evaluate them.

    Chris Bryant (Rhondda) (Lab)

    Is not the bigger point that there is a simple choice about how to pay for this? It either all goes on borrowing, ordinary families and the never-never, or at least some of it is paid for by a windfall tax on unearned and unexpected income which Putin has put into the pockets of Shell and BP. That is the fundamental choice.

    Keir Starmer

    That is the fundamental choice and the fundamental divide in the House. Let the Conservatives defend their position of protecting those excess profits, and we will defend our position of standing up for working people.

    Several hon. Members rose—

    Keir Starmer

    I will make some progress: I have taken a lot of interventions.

    Let me turn to home insulation, which reduces energy consumption like nothing else. We have the draughtiest homes in Europe. The last Labour Government set about fixing that. Then the Conservative party said, “cut the green crap”, and the whole project all but collapsed. Installation rates fell by 92%—utterly short-sighted, and costing millions of households £1,000 a year on their energy bills right now.

    The Prime Minister is right to recognise that immediate support needs to be combined with longer term action. Fracking and a dash for gas in the North sea will not cut bills, nor strengthen our energy security, but they will drive a coach and horses through our efforts to fight the looming climate crisis. The Prime Minister should listen to her Chancellor, who is sitting next to her. What did he have to say on fracking just a few months ago? I see him leaning forward. This is a long quote, and I have tried to cut it down, but every sentence is worth repeating.

    “Those calling for its return misunderstand the situation we find ourselves in…if we lifted the fracking moratorium, it would take up to a decade to extract sufficient volumes—and it would come at a high cost for communities and our precious countryside.”

    Those are his words. I will go on, because this is so good. He said, just a few months ago:

    “Second, no amount of shale gas from hundreds of wells dotted across rural England would be enough to lower the European price any time soon.”

    He went on:

    “And with the best will in the world, private companies are not going to sell the shale gas they produce to UK consumers below the market price. They are not charities”.

    Spot on, Chancellor.

    What did the Chancellor have to say about North sea gas at the same time? He said that,

    “additional North Sea production won’t materially affect the wholesale price”.

    Indeed, earlier this year his previous Department helpfully put out a series of Government myth-busting documents. Here is one of them—Chancellor, your document:

    “MYTH: Extracting more North Sea gas lowers prices.”

    Answer:

    “FACT: UK production isn’t large enough to materially impact the global price of gas”.

    I have a copy for the Prime Minister.

    We do need to carefully manage our existing resources in the North sea, and the industry has an important role to play in our future as we transition to a different form of energy, but doubling down on fossil fuels is a ludicrous answer to a fossil fuel crisis. If all countries took the approach advocated by the Prime Minister’s new Energy Secretary of squeezing “every last drop” out of their fossil fuel reserves, global temperatures would rise by a catastrophic 3°. That would be devastating for our planet and for future generations, and it is totally unnecessary.

    Dame Andrea Leadsom (South Northamptonshire) (Con) rose—

    Keir Starmer

    I am going to make some progress, because other speakers need to get in.

    New wind and solar power are now nine times cheaper—nine times cheaper! We need a clean energy sprint, urgently accelerating the rollout of offshore wind, onshore wind, solar, nuclear, hydrogen, and tidal. Last year, I set out a new national mission to insulate 19 million homes and cut bills for good. If the Government had taken me up on that challenge, 2 million homes would already be insulated by this winter.

    Britain needs a fresh start. We need a Government who will never leave working people to pick up the tab for excess profits in the energy industry. We need a Government who plan for the long term rather than leaving us badly exposed to the whims of dictators, and we need a Government who will drive us forward to energy independence rather than doubling down on fossil fuels. The change we need is not the fourth Tory Prime Minister in six years; it is a Labour Government.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on the Health of Queen Elizabeth II

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on the Health of Queen Elizabeth II

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 8 September 2022.

    Along with the rest of the country, I am deeply worried by the news from Buckingham Palace this afternoon.

    My thoughts are with Her Majesty The Queen and her family at this time, and I join everyone across the United Kingdom in hoping for her recovery.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on the Death of Mikhail Gorbachev

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on the Death of Mikhail Gorbachev

    The comments made by Keir Starmer on Twitter on 30 August 2022.

    One of the great figures of the 20th Century, Mikhail Gorbachev’s pursuit of reform forged a path for diplomacy over conflict.

    He will forever be remembered as the last leader of the Soviet Union who had the courage and conviction to end the Cold War.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on the Cost of Living Crisis

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on the Cost of Living Crisis

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 14 August 2022.

    Britain’s cost of living crisis is getting worse, leaving people scared about how they’ll get through the winter. Labour’s plan to save households £1,000 this winter and invest in sustainable British energy to bring bills down in the long-term is a direct response to the national economic emergency that is leaving families fearing for the future.

    We’ve had 12 years of Tory government that has failed to prepare and refused to invest, leaving bills higher and our country less secure. This is a national emergency. It needs strong leadership and urgent action.

    Labour’s fully-funded plan would fix the problems immediately and for the future – helping people get through the winter while providing the foundations for a stronger, more secure economy. Only Labour can give Britain the fresh start it needs.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Keynote Speech on the Economy

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Keynote Speech on the Economy

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in Liverpool on 25 July 2022.

    I’d like to start with an observation about recent crises.

    Whether it’s the cost of living or recovering from the pandemic our economy is weaker than our competitors. Less resilient. Brittle. And ultimately, we are all poorer for it.

    This is why I am clear Labour will fight the next election on economic growth.

    That there is no task more central to my ambitions for Britain than making the country and its people better off.

    Tonight, I think you will hear two other candidates for Prime Minister who will also define the choice for their party to be about the economy and growth.

    But what a choice it is.

    In one corner you have Rishi Sunak, the architect of the cost-of-living crisis. In the other, you have Liz Truss, the latest graduate from the school of magic money tree economics.

    Neither of them has the answers to the economic challenges we face – and who can be surprised?

    Under their watch, the average British family is £8,800 poorer than their equivalents in other advanced economies. This isn’t just a failure of policy, it’s also a failure of philosophy. Their leadership contest won’t change that.

    Because both Rishi Sunak and Liz Truss rage against the dying of the Thatcherite light. They don’t understand economic strength in the 21st century needs partnership. They don’t believe you need state and market – business and worker.

    The everyday economy and the technological frontier. All contributing together if you want strong, secure and fair growth.

    I am under no such illusions. Rebooting our economy in this way will be the defining task of my Government.

    It will ask searching questions of my party and our instincts.

    We cannot be like the Tories – clinging to old ideas, trapped in our history.

    To give Britain the fresh start it needs, we need a new approach. The goal is straightforward – to maximise the contribution we all make to national prosperity. Every business, every person, every community.

    It sounds simple. But in reality, we failed to do it for decades.

    The best of British business is the best in the world. But we have geared our whole economy to delivering only for those firms.

    We have been complacent about the number of jobs created which are low paid and insecure.

    When insecurity stops people getting on and too few communities feel the benefit of the wealth we create.

    Which makes people feel hard work is not rewarded.

    In a nutshell: we draw our economic strength from too few places.

    And like a skyscraper built without foundations, that ultimately leaves us weak.

    If you want evidence of this, look no further than the cost-of-living crisis.

    Everywhere I go, I hear the same stories. People scared about the future.

    Worried that when winter comes, they will face horrible choices about what to spend their money on.

    Pensioners who can’t afford to turn on the heating.

    Families cutting back on what they buy their children.

    But there’s one thing I hear time and time again that worries me more than anything else.

    That is: working people telling me hard work doesn’t pay.

    That they’re working harder and harder just to stand still.

    That alarms me for two reasons.

    First, because I’ve been lucky enough to take a journey in my life.

    From a working-class family to head of the Crown Prosecution Service.

    And my fear is an economy so wracked by low growth and insecurity means people from my background can’t get on.

    Second, because honestly: what does it say about the state of Britain when working people feel that hard work doesn’t pay?

    What does it say about the health of our country?

    The health, even, of our democracy?

    It says an unwritten contract is broken.

    A contract that says in return for hard work you get a fair reward.

    That you don’t have to feel insecure about your prospects.

    That your contribution is respected.

    It’s a two-way thing.

    A strong national economy needs everyone making the best contribution they can.

    Whatever their circumstances, wherever they live.

    But in exchange, we must make sure the contribution working people make to that national effort is fairly rewarded.

    That hard work does pay.

    That their effort is respected.

    That they enjoy the security they need to get on.

    To do all that we need three things:

    Growth. Growth. And growth.

    That’s why I have told the Shadow Cabinet that every policy they bring forward will be judged by the contribution it makes to growth and productivity.

    Because everything I want for Britain comes back to this central mission.

    Without growth we won’t get a high wage economy.

    Without growth we can’t revitalise public services.

    Without growth we can’t repair that broken contract, re-energise communities or unite the country.

    Low growth countries are weaker at standing up for the national interest.

    Low growth economies can’t support people from my background to get on.

    Low growth economies can’t rise to meet the challenges of the future.

    Challenges like climate change.

    I want to be very clear on this point.

    We will not be distracted by the siren calls – from the right or the left – that say economic growth and net-zero do not go together.

    That these two objectives are somehow in tension.

    Or even that we should actively pursue a policy of no growth.

    I reject that completely. It is totally the wrong way round.

    A plan for net-zero needs growth.

    A plan for growth needs net-zero.

    This is about the future of course.

    Fail to tackle climate change and you can forget about growth -there is no bigger business risk.

    Look at how our infrastructure has struggled in the last few weeks.

    But tackling climate change is also a clear opportunity to create wealth in the here and now.

    That is why Labour is committed to a Climate Investment Pledge worth £28bn a year until 2030.

    And we see that pledge as a down-payment that will unlock the private investment which delivers the next generation of jobs.

    Because – the way I see it – some nation is going to lead the world in electric vehicles, in floating off-shore wind, in new hydrogen and nuclear technologies. Why not Britain?

    But to maximise our collective contribution, we must be clear about the kind of growth we need.

    The growth I want for Britain is strong, secure and fair.

    Strong, because it will build a foundation where every business and every person plays a role.

    Secure, because it will produce good jobs that don’t leave people feeling insecure.

    Fair, because it will unlock the potential of every place – every community, every town and every city.

    This last point is so important and strikes at the structural weakness of our economy.

    It’s not an issue of city versus town.

    The productivity gap between our cities and their equivalents in Europe is too big.

    And too many of our towns don’t have a fair chance to contribute in an economy still dominated by London and the South East.

    This is the hurdle we must clear.

    We need growth that is strong, secure and fair to re-establish the contract between people and prosperity.

    The distinction I would make is this:

    An economy can grow and leave some of its people behind.

    But a nation based on contribution cannot grow in that way.

    But of course all promises need a plan.

    Boosterism and fantasy economics are not the same as ambition.

    So today I want to share with you some of the plans Labour has to reboot growth and set out five principles that will guide my government in growing our economic contribution.

    These are:

    1. We will be financially responsible.

    2. We will be distinctively British.

    3. We will work in partnership with business.

    4. We will re-energise communities and spread economic power.

    5. We will refocus our investment on boosting productivity.

    Let me take each of these in turn, starting with the most direct – financial responsibility.

    The risk of rising inflation could not be clearer.

    So we will not announce a single penny of day-to-day spending without saying how we would pay for it.

    We will only borrow to invest to meet the challenges of the future – that’s what our Climate Investment Pledge is all about.

    And we will set a target to reduce debt as an overall share of our economy.

    That’s the responsible thing to do.

    And the contrast with the Conservative competition to waste more of your money could not be starker.

    With me and with Rachel Reeves you will always get:

    Sound finances; careful spending; strong, secure and fair growth.

    There will be no magic money tree economics with us.

    My second principle is that we must grow our contribution in a distinctively British way.

    This means two things.

    First, that we need resilient supply chains in sectors which are vital for British security and growth.

    That’s why we have a strategy to buy, make and sell more in Britain; why £3bn of our Climate Investment Pledge will help forge a new future for our steel industry.

    And why we have committed to new public procurement rules that will build up Britain’s sovereign capabilities in key industries.

    And let me be clear: it isn’t protectionist to say this.

    Or somehow old fashioned.

    Britain will always be an outward facing, confident, trading nation.

    But all around the world, businesses are looking again at the resilience of their supply chains.

    Reacting to the crises we have faced and will face in the future.

    Countries must do the same.

    Second, a British approach means we cannot transplant the economic model of another country onto ours.

    I met Olaf Scholz, Chancellor of Germany and leader of our sister party, the SPD, the other day.

    He is showing that when levelling-up is based on practical plans, not far-fetched promises, amazing things can happen.

    In eastern Germany right now, some of the poorest parts of the country are leading the continent in the lucrative race to develop batteries that store renewable energy.

    This is what can be done.

    And, as Lisa Nandy has spelt out, just because the Tory commitment to levelling up is dead, doesn’t mean the idea of levelling up is dead – Labour will take it on.

    But to do this in a way that isn’t pure boosterism, we must be honest about British strengths.

    Take manufacturing.

    Britain has an extraordinary genius when it comes to manufacturing.

    We lead the world in pharmaceuticals, bio-science, aerospace…

    The Nissan factory in Sunderland is one of the most productive in Europe;

    And the Covid-19 vaccine developed by AstraZeneca and Oxford University has saved millions of lives around the world.

    When I was at Airbus in Filton, I saw them working with 3D engineering literally shaping components by bringing together particles and matter in a way unimaginable in the factory my dad used to work in.

    We can and should take advantage of these strengths.

    The road to higher growth and productivity runs right through them.

    But we are not Germany.

    The role manufacturing plays in our economy will always be different.

    And we have superpower strengths – in universities, in creative industries, in exporting services – that other countries can’t compete with.

    The challenge in both services and manufacturing is the same.

    The best of British is the best in the world.

    And the way we stay competitive is to get more of it: more innovation, more new technology, more research and development, more unlocking the commercial power of our universities, more specialising in the knowledge-rich industries of the future, and more start-ups.

    Which is why we have asked Lord Jim O’Neil to look at how we can make Britain the best country in the world to start a new business.

    And why we have a plan to Make Brexit Work that doesn’t ignore the strength of our services or our universities.

    But an economy that grows our contribution, must rest on strong foundations.

    Foundations that are there in every community.

    That is why the work Rachel has been doing on the everyday economy is so important.

    Retail, education, health and care – we saw in the pandemic how much of the wealth we create depends on these sectors being strong.

    For too long industrial strategy has simply ignored them.

    And with that, ignored one of Britain’s distinctive challenges on growth.

    Labour’s industrial strategy will contain a plan for the everyday economy.

    And our New Deal for Working People will introduce new employment rights to give greater security for people working in it.

    That brings me to my third principle: partnership.

    For growth that is strong, secure and fair – we must work together.

    We need real partnership between state and market;

    Business and worker;

    The everyday economy and the technological frontier and it is the job of a modern industrial strategy to make sure this partnership grows our collective contribution.

    Not in a nostalgic way where Government directs the activities of businesses.

    Modern industrial strategy isn’t about growing the size of the state – it’s about what the state does.

    How it supports businesses to innovate and grow.

    Brings in the creative brilliance of our universities.

    And applies them to the national missions we must all contribute towards.

    Whether that’s leading the world in artificial intelligence.

    Or applying our genius to the challenge of net-zero.

    Just down the road, at the Materials Innovation Factory, the University of Liverpool and Unilever are partnering to bridge the gap between scientific research and production.

    Developing the new materials we need to tackle climate change or discover life-saving new medicines.

    We need to do so much more of this mission-driven partnership.

    But the Government doesn’t have a plan.

    And we have a massive job on our hands when it comes to private investment.

    For decades we have trailed our competitors.

    In France, businesses invest around 30% more relative to GDP every year.

    If we could just close this gap, we would land a serious blow in our battle against low growth.

    We know it requires public investment – that is why we have our Climate Investment Pledge.

    We know it requires fair taxation – that is why we will scrap business rates and replace them with a system that levels the playing field.

    But we also know it requires stability.

    And that requires institutions that take a serious, patient, long-term view about what needs to be done.

    So today I can announce we will establish an Industrial Strategy Council.

    And we will go further by putting it on a statutory footing.

    It will provide advice that shapes policy in the way the Climate Change Committee does.

    Or the Office for Budget Responsibility.

    A permanent part of the landscape.

    That sets out our strategic national priorities that go beyond the political cycle.

    Brings in the expertise of business, science, and unions

    Holds us to account for our decisions.

    And builds confidence for investors that will boost long-term growth and productivity.

    My fourth and fifth principles are best taken together.

    Because spreading power and raising the productivity of the economy everywhere are fundamental to growing our contribution.

    On spreading power, I have asked Gordon Brown to look at new forms of economic devolution.

    To make sure the decisions about things that drive regional growth:

    Like skills; infrastructure; attracting investment; are all made by people with skin in the game.

    Labour will not attempt to run our levelling-up strategy from the centre.

    Nor will we offer it alongside a divisive argument about north versus south;

    City versus towns.

    To me they’ve always felt like false choices.

    A productive Liverpool is good for Birkenhead.

    A strong Dudley is good for Birmingham

    And each has a shared fate in a wider battle against regional inequality.

    But we must also recognise that every place needs the power to grow its own economy.

    So our reforms will allow devolved and local government to make long-term financial decisions.

    To reap the rewards of investment in their economy.

    That way you make sure every city, every town, every place takes ownership of their contribution.

    That people and businesses with a long-term commitment to their community, work together in partnership.

    It’s what Labour is delivering where we are in power.

    And it’s what Labour will deliver in national government.

    But as well as spreading power, real levelling-up also requires investment.

    And this is where my Labour Party will move on from the old ideas.

    Because the old approach focused on growing the pie in any way possible.

    Then redistributing.

    But this is not strong, secure and fair growth.

    It leaves too many people in insecure jobs where their hard work is not fairly rewarded.

    Too many communities locked out from the benefits of growth.

    And redistribution cannot repair the contract.

    There is no point looking to the right on this.

    The evidence of the past decade shows they will only give us stagnation.

    But what we will do – what winning centre-left parties around the world have done – is to adopt a new approach to investment.

    An approach the US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has called Modern Supply Side economics.

    It rests in part on a universal truth about social democracy.

    A strong economy needs strong public services.

    And strong public services need reform and investment.

    But it also depends on something more subtle.

    Because the investments we make now should have a laser-like focus on boosting long-term productivity across the country.

    Not just quick wins in the South East.

    Which means we must learn to focus on the supply side.

    On growing the collective contribution.

    Everywhere.

    You can see this approach in our fully-funded plans for public service reform.

    Whether it is our 8,500 new mental health professionals….

    or our National Excellence Programme for schools that will tackle the educational inequality at the heart of low productivity…

    our policies are not just an investment in the health and wellbeing of our communities.

    They are also an investment in the long-term growth and productivity of the country.

    There is no tension here – just look at how many people at the moment can’t work because of their health.

    A highly skilled and healthy nation.

    And a fast-growing modern economy.

    Depend on each other.

    I never think it’s too hard to identify what people want from politics.

    At the moment, it’s probably easier than usual.

    People want a fresh start for Britain.

    They want the opportunity to get on.

    And above all they want to be free from the insecurity of the cost-of-living crisis.

    The approach to growth I have set out today will challenge my party’s instincts.

    It pushes us to care as much about growth and productivity, as we have done in the past about redistribution and investment.

    Not to hark back to our old ideas in the face of new challenges.

    You will see a clear contrast between my Labour Party and the Thatcherite cosplay on display tonight.

    The difference between a Labour Party ready to take Britain forward.

    And a Tory party that wants to take us back into the past.

    Between Labour growth.

    And Tory stagnation.

    That will be the choice at the next election and we are ready.

    Ready to renew the contract with working people.

    Ready to reboot our economy and end the cost-of living crisis.

    Ready to unlock the contribution of every business, person and community.

    And deliver the strong, secure and fair growth our country needs.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech in the No Confidence in the Government Motion

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech in the No Confidence in the Government Motion

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 18 July 2022.

    The delusion is never-ending. What a relief for the country that Conservative Members have finally got round to sacking the right hon. Gentleman. In many ways the chaos of the last fortnight is familiar. This is the third Tory leadership contest in six years, the latest bumper summer for graphic designers and brand managers, the latest parade of pretenders promising unfunded tax cuts, the latest set of ministerial jobs handed out on a wink and a shake in return for a nomination, and TV debates so embarrassing that even the contestants are pulling out. Every other year, they switch out a failed Prime Minister. It is like a once-secure premier league side burning through managers as it slides inevitably towards relegation. The end of the season cannot come soon enough.

    But besides the déjà vu, things are different this time. David Cameron left office because he lost a referendum. The right hon. Member for Maidenhead (Mrs May) left office because her party could not agree on how to leave the EU. There were serious policy and political disagreements, and the Labour party had our own profound disagreements with both former Prime Ministers on how to grow the economy and how to run our public services, but no one seriously disputed that they were fit for office or that they could be trusted to carry out their own—[Interruption.] I suggest that some of those on the Conservative Benches reread their resignation letters. No one seriously disputed that those former Prime Ministers were fit for office, that they could be trusted to carry out their responsibilities, that the information they gave their Ministers was true to the best of their knowledge or that the policies they proposed were the ones that they believed were best for the country. So no one objected to them staying on while a successor was found.

    Mark Jenkinson (Workington) (Con)

    Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman give way?

    Keir Starmer

    Not at the moment.

    There are clearly policy disagreements between the Prime Minister and his party. I know that he spent the weekend throwing another party—obviously a very good party, judging by the last 20 minutes—but can I suggest that he uses catch-up TV to see what they have been saying in the leadership debates? The Foreign Secretary, who has now left the Chamber, said the Prime Minister’s economic policy

    “is not going to drive economic growth.”The Minister for Trade Policy, the right hon. Member for Portsmouth North (Penny Mordaunt), said the Government have left public services in a “state of disrepair.” And the hon. Member for Saffron Walden (Kemi Badenoch) said junior Ministers raised concerns about fraud that were ignored and cost the taxpayer £17 billion. This is what that side are saying in the leadership debates. The people behind the Prime Minister are not happy with his record, whatever they say and jeer now.

    Unlike his predecessors, this Prime Minister has not been forced out over policy disagreements and, despite the delusions he has fostered in his bunker, he has not been felled by the stampede of an eccentric herd. Instead, he has been forced out in disgrace, judged by his colleagues and peers to be unworthy of his position and unfit for his office. He promoted someone he knew to be a sexual predator. [Interruption.] It might be an idea to listen. And he then denied all knowledge when it inevitably went wrong. He lied to his Ministers about what he knew, and he allowed them to repeat those lies to the country. It is the same pattern of behaviour we saw when he and his mates partied through lockdown, denied it for months and forced his Ministers to repeat those lies until he was found out. He cannot change.

    Even last week he was tearing up the rules by insisting that an Opposition motion of no confidence could not be heard. He promoted an ally to the ministerial payroll as she literally gave the public the middle finger. And he appointed a Chancellor with questions to answer about tax avoidance and his personal finances. [Interruption.] They all know—

    Shaun Bailey (West Bromwich West) (Con)

    On a point of order, Mr Speaker. The Chair has been very clear at times about being conscious of language. From my understanding, the Chancellor has denied that accusation. Perhaps you could guide the right hon. and learned Member for Holborn and St Pancras (Keir Starmer) on how to temper his language.

    Mr Speaker

    What I will say is that I want everybody to think carefully about what they say in this Chamber and the effect it has on people, which does concern me. Neither the Clerks nor myself can hear a lot of what is being said. Could the House just turn it down so we can hear?

    Keir Starmer

    Thank you, Mr Speaker.

    They all know it cannot go on. Just read their resignation letters. The right hon. Member for South West Wiltshire (Dr Murrison) went after saying this is

    “The last straw in the rolling chaos”.

    The hon. and learned Member for Cheltenham (Alex Chalk) had enough of “defending the indefensible.” And the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mark Fletcher) simply said the Prime Minister is an

    “apologist for someone who has committed sexual assault”.

    When the right hon. Member for Richmond (Yorks) (Rishi Sunak) resigned, he accused the Prime Minister of not conducting Government “properly, competently and seriously.” I presume he was talking about their appalling joint economic legacy of the highest inflation and the lowest growth in the G7, leaving us with the highest tax burden since rationing and with diminished public services. That is the record, but the rhetoric does not match it. He suggested the Prime Minister is not prepared to “work hard” or “take difficult decisions,” and he implied that the Prime Minister cannot tell the public the truth. They all read the letter, and they know what he said.

    But this week, the right hon. Member for Richmond (Yorks) is trying to convince us to ignore all that—apparently, he has changed his mind; asked a straight question, he will not tell his party that the Prime Minister is dishonest. Now he is saying that the Prime Minister is actually a “remarkable” man with “a good heart”. It is pathetic; there can be no one worse placed to rebuild the economy than the man who broke it. There can be no one worse placed to restore trust than the man who propped up this totally untrustworthy Prime Minister.

    Mr Richard Holden (North West Durham) (Con) rose—

    Keir Starmer

    I will make some progress and then I will give way. Instead of rewriting history, Conservative Members need to face up to what they have done—what they have put this country through. Despite knowing exactly who he is, despite knowing that he always puts himself before anyone else, despite knowing that he had been fired from job after job for lying, they elected him to lead their party, and he behaved exactly as everyone feared when he got into Downing Street. He lurched from one scandal to the next; he demeaned his office; and he started to drag everyone and everything down with him. So, belatedly, they found him unfit for office, too untrustworthy for government.

    Mr Holden

    The right hon. and learned Gentleman sounds as though he is describing his own actions. For year after year, he sat there while the Labour party was found guilty of breaching the law by the Equality and Human Rights Commission on the antisemitism of the right hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn). Why did the right hon. and learned Gentleman not have the courage to stand up at the time for what was right?

    Keir Starmer

    I wonder whether the hon. Gentleman realises why we are having this debate. It is because so many—[Interruption.]

    Mr Speaker

    Order. Mr Holden, you, quite rightly, asked a question and, like yourself, I would like to hear the answers. Let’s move on.

    Keir Starmer

    We are having this debate because dozens of Front Benchers resigned their posts because they would not serve this Prime Minister. They are sacking him because he is untrustworthy. That is why we are having this debate. Normally in a debate such as this the Prime Minister asks for a vote of confidence so that he can carry on, but this one—[Interruption.]

    Mr Speaker

    Order. I am very bothered about where this is going. The use of language needs to be brought into a more temperate manner and we need to calm it down. Let’s see how we can try to progress in a more orderly way, while being more temperate in what we are saying.

    Keir Starmer

    So, Mr Speaker, why are they leaving him with his hands on the levers of power for eight weeks? This is eight weeks where the British public must trust the word of a Prime Minister who has been sacked because he can’t be trusted; eight weeks where Britain will be represented abroad by someone who has lost all respect at home; and eight weeks of a caretaker Government led be an utterly careless Prime Minister. Anyone who thinks that doesn’t matter, and that these are just the quiet summer months when everyone goes to the beach, is in denial about the severity of the challenges our country faces.

    The war in eastern Ukraine drags on; the Nord Stream pipeline has been shut down; flights are being cancelled left, right and centre; and Britain is facing an unprecedent heat wave, as our climate changes in front of our very eyes. These are serious challenges—[Interruption.] Conservative Members do not think that these are challenges. These are serious issues that will require serious leadership. Hard decisions will have to be made. This is not the summer for Downing Street to be occupied by a vengeful squatter mired in scandal. Every day they leave him there, every hustings they refuse to distance themselves from his appalling behaviour and every vote they cast today to prop him up is a dereliction of duty. It is a reminder that the Prime Minister has only been able to do what he has done because he is enabled by a corrupted Conservative party every step, every scandal and every party along the way.

    I know that there has been fearmongering that this motion might lead straight to a general election. Sadly, that is complete nonsense, but you can see why they fear the electorate. After 12 years of failed Tory Government, Britain is stuck—stuck with a low-growth economy; stuck at home, unable to get a passport or a flight; stuck on the phone, trying to get a GP appointment. Our taxes are going up, food and energy bills are out of control, and the public services we rely on have simply stopped working. And every Tory standing to lead their party has given up on trying to defend—[Interruption.] Prime Minister, they have no confidence in you—that is why you are going. [Interruption.]

    Mr Speaker

    Order. We really are struggling to hear. I want to be able to hear, and then we can make better judgment calls. Both the Clerks and I are struggling. Please, can we calm it down and think about what we are saying?

    Keir Starmer

    Thank you, Mr Speaker.

    Britain deserves a fresh start with Labour, free from those who got us stuck in the first place, free from the chaotic Tory party and free from those who propped up this Prime Minister for months and months. And here is the difference: under my leadership, the Labour party has changed, and we are ready to do the same for the country—to get our economy growing, to revitalise our public services, and, after this Prime Minister has damaged everything around him, to clean up politics. This House should make a start by voting no confidence in this Prime Minister this evening.