Tag: James Cartlidge

  • James Cartlidge – 2025 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    James Cartlidge – 2025 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Shadow Defence Secretary, in Manchester on 7 October 2025.

    Good afternoon everybody,

    There are few greater examples of our armed forces’ unshakeable commitment to this nation than the crews of our Royal Navy submarines.

    HMS Vanguard is one of those submarines, charged with delivering our Continuous at Sea Deterrent, which has been in place every hour of every day since 1969.

    In March, Vanguard’s crew returned home following the Navy’s longest ever patrol, 204 days at sea.

    That’s nearly seven months away from their families to keep all of us safe.

    I had the privilege of meeting Vanguard’s crew on three separate occasions.

    Most recently, I bumped into them, in their uniform, outside a pub in Westminster.

    They had decamped there following afternoon tea in Downing Street, which they had rightly received as thanks for their extended deployment.

    Now, I thought they deserved a pint, after all, I wonder which felt longer, 204 days at sea or an afternoon with Keir Starmer.

    Prior to that, as a Defence Minister I sailed with Vanguard for her Trident test-firing and witnessed first-hand the extraordinary skill and professionalism of her crew.

    But it was the first time I met Vanguard’s crew, visiting their base in Scotland, that left the greatest impression.

    Recruitment and retention is our single biggest challenge, not just for submariners, but for the whole armed forces.

    So, I asked the crew, if there was one thing the Government could do to improve retention, what would that be?

    One of the officers replied:

    “We just want to know that the country’s got our back”.

    Conference, that crew goes to sea with a cargo so lethal it is beyond imagination; an extraordinary burden of responsibility.

    But like every single person who serves, what they need to know is that Britain is behind them.

    So, I am determined to show unequivocally that we, the Conservative Party, have and will always have the back of all who serve our country.

    That means focusing not just on our serving personnel, but on their families too.

    That’s why the first Shadow Defence policy I announced in June was the creation of an Armed Forces Housing Association.

    I believe that would be the best way to rebuild service family homes that is needed, but which was only made possible by the decision I took in Government to buy back the Defence estate.

    Why does this matter?

    Recruitment and retention is no longer just a policy challenge, it is existential given the threats we face.

    In 2022, the world changed.

    The era of the ‘peace dividend’ was shattered as Putin’s tanks rolled into Ukraine.

    Conference, there are those who claim that Nigel Farage’s party are the ‘true conservatives’.

    But let us remind ourselves what happened when Putin launched his all-out invasion.

    On that day, what did Farage do? Whose side was he on, as our continent was suddenly threatened with war for the first time since 1945?

    That day, he chose to blame NATO for provoking Putin.

    What did we do that day?

    Instead of blaming our closest allies, we took real action to defend freedom, by arming the Ukrainians at lightning speed.

    With NLAW anti-tank weapons.

    Half a million artillery shells.

    The first Government to provide main battle tanks and long-range missiles.

    And by training 50,000 Ukrainian soldiers.

    This is what it means to be a true Conservative, standing up to Putin, just like Churchill did to Hitler; and Thatcher to Galtieri, in this Party we will always stand up for freedom and be prepared to defend it.

    While we should all be incredibly proud of our efforts to help Ukraine avoid an early collapse, the war rages on and the threats to our own nation are only growing.

    Royal Navy ships attacked by the Houthis in the Red Sea.

    Russian spy vessels threatening our critical national infrastructure.

    And now Russian drones and jets violating NATO airspace.

    Putin is deliberately testing our resolve and, in response, we must stand strong with our NATO allies and be prepared to take all necessary action to defend ourselves.

    On the home front this demands a total focus across Government on rearmament and war readiness, because the best way to avoid war is to deter it from happening in the first place.

    And that’s why the huge gulf between Labour’s rhetoric and reality on Defence is so alarming.

    For all Starmer’s claims on Defence, Labour have simply not shown the urgency the threat requires.

    The threat we face is now, but Labour’s defence promises, deliver at best, in a decade.

    Labour’s big headline from their Strategic Defence Review was up to 12 attack submarines by the 2040s.

    Now, that’s a key phrase, ‘up to 12’ submarines.

    Conference, I could promise to buy up to 12 Ferraris, but it won’t happen if I haven’t got the money.

    Like my Ferraris, those submarines are a fantasy, because the money to pay for them doesn’t exist.

    Strong defence needs a strong economy.

    Instead, we have Rachel Reeves and Keir Starmer unable to cut welfare and deliver the cash defence needs.

    As a result, they’ve had to resort to smoke and mirrors to make defence spending look bigger than it really is.

    Because if Labour get their way, defence spending could be redefined to include rural broadband; the Lower Thames Crossing and civil scientific research vessels.

    Conference, I kid you not, in future, UK defence spending could include, BOATY McBOATFACE.

    In the meantime, with no real extra money for Defence, procurement is effectively frozen.

    Our brilliant British businesses have provided some of the very best drones and counter-drone technology used on the frontline by Ukraine.

    But almost none of this kit has been made available to our own army.

    In their first financial year, Labour confirmed to me they only bought three new drones for the British armed forces.

    Not three thousand or even three hundred. Just three drones.

    Conference, with all our experience supporting Ukraine, the UK could be leading the drone revolution. Instead, Labour’s penny pinching is starving our defence industry of cash and stifling our fighting capability.

    But Conference, there is one exception where Labour have allowed the MOD to urgently commit taxpayers’ money.

    Thirty-five billion pounds on their crazy Chagos deal, to lease back British territory that we currently own freehold.

    At the same time, surrendering sovereignty over Diego Garcia, one our most important military bases.

    Now when Labour announced their Chagos deal in Parliament, they said those who opposed them were siding with Russia, China and Iran.

    Well conference, opposing Labour’s Chagos deal does not make us traitors, it makes us patriots.

    Now, I’m sure we can all think of better ways to spend thirty-five billion pounds of public money than on tax cuts for the people of Mauritius.

    For me, it’s pretty straightforward, we should scrap Labour’s Chagos deal, and spend every penny on the British armed forces.

    But when it comes to investing in our military, whilst drones and technology are vital, the most important capability of all is still our people.

    Those who serve today, but also those who served in the past, especially in Northern Ireland.

    Because of our Legacy Act, those brave veterans who protected all of us from terrorism could sleep soundly in their beds, safe from the fear of a knock on the door in the middle of the night.

    So what madness is it, that at a time of war in Europe, this Government should be reopening the floodgates of vexatious claims against those who served this country to keep us safe.

    Ladies and gentlemen, our veterans defended us and now it’s our turn to defend them.

    So can I ask you to join me in welcoming on stage two of the staunchest defenders of veterans of the British army:

    Former soldier and spokesman for the Northern Ireland veterans movement, Paul Young. And my fellow Shadow Armed Forces minister Mark Francois.

    Conference, you’ve heard first-hand the sheer strength of feeling from our veterans.

    All of us struggle to understand how a Government could be enabling the persecution of our former soldiers when the threat we face is so stark.

    So why is this happening?

    The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Hilary Benn, has been crystal clear why he is scrapping our Legacy Act, and I quote exactly what he said:

    “Because the legislation is incompatible with our obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights”.

    Now, I’m someone who has always recognised that the ECHR was set up for good reason in the aftermath of the tragedy of the Second World War.

    But as Shadow Defence Secretary it’s become blindingly clear to me that the ECHR totally undermines our ability to deter the renewed threat of war that we face today.

    The most basic duty of Government is defence of the realm.

    But no Government can discharge that duty if the rule of an international court overrides our sovereign right to defend this nation.

    Because it’s not just our Legacy Act that’s at risk; it’s not just veterans.

    Lord Wolfson warns that there is even a threat that our 2021 laws which protect UK forces on overseas operations, could be struck down if we stay in the ECHR.

    What would that mean for today’s soldiers if they are sent peacekeeping in Ukraine?

    The thought is chilling.

    I therefore wholeheartedly support Lord Wolfson’s conclusion that remaining in the ECHR makes it impossible to fully protect our veterans and service personnel from the threat of vexatious claims.

    Thank you.

    Because this would be serious at the best of times; but with the military threat as intense as it is, this is simply unacceptable.

    Conference, Kemi has taken the crucial decision to commit a future Conservative government to leave the ECHR.

    Knowing that we will not be bound by its strictures; I can give you this guarantee.

    If new laws are required to give legal certainty on overseas operations, we will pass those laws.

    If Labour repeal our Legacy Act, we will legislate to restore full legal protection for our veterans.

    Whatever it takes,

    You have my word,

    We will protect those who protected us.

  • James Cartlidge – 2025 Speech on the Strategic Defence Review

    James Cartlidge – 2025 Speech on the Strategic Defence Review

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Shadow Defence Minister, in the House of Commons on 2 June 2025.

    Before I turn to the substance, in responding to my point of order, the Secretary of State said that when he was in opposition,

    “We were not offered a briefing”,

    and

    “We had no advance copy of the defence review.”—[Interruption.]

    Mr Speaker

    Order. Please! It has not been a good day so far, and I do not want any more interruptions.

    James Cartlidge

    The Secretary of State said that this occurred when I was a Defence Minister. Actually, in March 2023, before I became a Minister, he was invited to a reading room on the morning of publication. On the Defence Command Paper refresh in July 2023, when I was Minister, he said he did not get a copy. I can confirm, and I am happy to substantiate this, that a hard copy was dropped off at his office at 9.30 am that morning. I asked for a copy of the SDR repeatedly on Sunday and earlier this morning, and we were not given one. I have not even read the document, and I am the shadow Secretary of State. I can add that some of the biggest defence companies in this land were given copies at 8 am this morning. They have had hours to read it; I have not read it at all. This is meant to be a democracy and this meant to be a Parliament. How can we hold the Government to account?

    While the Government may have tried to hide the document from us for as long as possible today, they cannot hide what has happened in plain sight, which is a total unravelling of their strategic defence review because, quite simply, they do not have a plan to fund it. An SDR without the funding is an empty wish list. The ships and submarines it talks of are a fantasy fleet. The reviewers were clear in The Telegraph today that the commitment to 3% “established” the affordability of the plan. On Thursday, the Defence Secretary said in an interview with The Times that reaching 3% was a “certainty”, but by the weekend he had completely backtracked to 3% being just an “ambition”. Today, the Prime Minister was unable to give a date by which 3% would be reached. Why? Because the Treasury has not approved a plan to pay for it.

    The Secretary of State and I have both been Treasury Ministers and Defence Ministers, and he knows as well as I do how this works. For the Treasury to approve a plan, it will have to feature billions of pounds of cuts to existing MOD programmes, so this SDR has dodged the big decisions on existing capabilities. Can the Secretary of State confirm that the so-called defence investment plan to be published in the autumn will set out the cuts needed for the Treasury to agree a plan to get to 3%? We should have had those details in the SDR today.

    Can the Secretary of State also confirm that the total budget for new measures announced in this SDR over the next five years is less than £10 billion? That is less than we will be spending to lease back our own base on Diego Garcia. Is it not the hard truth that the Government are unable to guarantee the money our armed forces need, but the one plan they can guarantee is to give billions to Mauritius for land we currently own freehold? And can he finally tell us what percentage of the payment for Chagos will be met by the MOD? He has never told us before.

    Let me suggest an alternative path to the Secretary of State: first, guaranteeing to hit 3% and doing so in this Parliament, not the next; secondly, getting a grip on our welfare budget, rather than competing with Reform to expand it; thirdly, saving billions by scrapping their crazy Chagos plan. That is a plan to back our armed forces and make our country stronger from the party that actually last spent 3%, in 1996. The terrible shame of this SDR unravelling is that this was an extraordinary—[Interruption.] It was a Labour Government who came in, in 1997; I do not know what Labour Members are laughing about. The terrible shame of this SDR unravelling is that this was an extraordinary opportunity to overhaul our armed forces in a world of growing threats.

    Only yesterday, we saw the Ukrainians once again demonstrating, with their audacious attack on Russian nuclear bombers, how profoundly war has changed. And yet it is true that some of the best long-range one-way attack drones used in Ukraine have not been built by Ukraine, but by UK defence SMEs. We are incredibly well placed to be a leading nation in the development of uncrewed forces, but how many military drones have the Government actually purchased for our own military since the general election? In a written answer to me, the answer was not 3,000 or 300, but three. They have purchased three reconnaissance drones since the election and not a single one-way attack drone. That is the reality. For the past year, the Treasury has used the SDR to effectively put MOD procurement on hold. That is absolutely shameful when we need to rearm at pace and at scale. At least the Secretary of State for Defence knows how the rest of the country feels: totally let down by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

    If there is one capability that matters more than any other, it is people. We agree on the critical importance of recruitment and retention, which is why I did so much of the work to buy back the defence estate so we could rebuild it and rebuild the substandard defence accommodation. But the Army is down by 1,000 since the election. If the Government really want to address recruitment and retention, would it not be total madness to scrap the legislation protecting our Northern Ireland veterans from a new era of ambulance-chasing lawfare? Surely nothing could be more damaging for morale, recruitment and retention than to once again pursue our veterans for the crime of serving this country and keeping us safe from terrorism.

    To conclude, the Secretary of State says he wants to send a strong message to Moscow, but the messages he is sending are profoundly weak: surrendering our fishing grounds for an EU defence pact that does not offer a penny in return; surrendering the Chagos islands, to the delight of China and Iran; surrendering our Army veterans to the lawyers; and to cap it all and after so much hype, producing a damp squib SDR that is overdue, underfunded and totally underwhelming. Our armed forces deserve a lot better than this.

    John Healey

    I see the way the world is changing. I see the way the Chancellor is fixing the economic foundations after 14 years of failure under the Conservative Government. I have to say to the House that I have no doubt that we will meet our ambition to hit 3% of spending on defence in the next Parliament. It is something that the Prime Minister this morning reinforced. He said that the SDR can be delivered, because our commitment to 2.5% was built into the terms of reference. He said this morning that we are committed to spending what we need to spend to deliver this review.

    The shadow Secretary of State talks about unfunded promises. He knows about unfunded promises. His drone strategy was unfunded. It was 12 pages, with more pictures than words. His munitions strategy was unfunded and even unpublished. His party’s commitment to 2.5% on defence was never in Government Budgets. It was a gimmick launched four weeks before they called the election—they dither, we deliver.

    On Diego Garcia, I say this to the shadow Defence Secretary. This deal is a great investment in the defence and intelligence base that we share with the Americans. It is essential for activities that cannot be undertaken elsewhere, and that we do not undertake with any other nation. It is a deal worth 0.2% of the defence budget. The US backs the deal. NATO backs the deal. Five Eyes backs the deal. Australia backs the deal. India backs the deal. So how, on this national security issue, have the Opposition got themselves on the wrong side?

    As far as the SDR goes, this is the defence moment of a generation. With threats increasing and defence spending rising, we now have a plan for transformation—a plan that will link the best of advanced technology with the heavy metal of our platforms; a plan that will drive the defence dividend to increase jobs and business support across the country; and a plan that puts people in defence right at the heart of our defence plans for the future, with increased pay, better housing and better kit to do the job of deterring our adversaries.

  • James Cartlidge – 2025 Speech on the UK Nuclear Deterrent

    James Cartlidge – 2025 Speech on the UK Nuclear Deterrent

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Shadow Defence Minister, in the House of Commons on 2 June 2025.

    I am grateful to the Chair of the Defence Committee for securing this important urgent question. Following comments in the press last month from Sir Simon Case, former head of the civil service, that the UK should consider air-launched nuclear capabilities, I wrote in the Express on 25 May that our nuclear deterrent needed to be made even more resilient, including the continuous at-sea deterrent, but also

    “potentially, by diversifying our methods for delivering nuclear strike.”

    I believe that it would be right to diversify our methods of delivering nuclear strike, because we have to recognise the threat posed by Russia in particular, and it has the ability to operate nuclear weapons at tactical and theatre levels. To deter effectively, we must be able do the same.

    We support in principle moves to widen our nuclear capabilities, on the assumption that we do so working closely with our NATO allies. However, I gently suggest to the Government that they may need our support to carry that decision. I remind the Minister that eight of his Front-Bench colleagues voted against the renewal of our nuclear deterrent in 2016, including the Deputy Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, the Secretaries of State for Scotland and Wales, the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, the hon. Member for Hornsey and Friern Barnet (Catherine West), and others. If the Minister was hoping that he could rely on the Liberal Democrats, let me say that not only did all but one of their MPs vote against Trident renewal in 2016, but as a condition of supporting the coalition Government, they shamefully demanded that we delayed the renewal of our nuclear submarines, leaving us to rely on older boats for far longer. That led to longer maintenance periods, and above all, directly contributed to the punishingly long tours of duty for our CASD naval crews.

    Having had the privilege of serving as the Minister responsible for nuclear, and having chaired the Defence Nuclear Board, I understand why the Minister needs to choose his words carefully, but can he at least recognise that 204 days for a patrol is far too long, and that in addition to any plan to diversify the deterrent launch method, we must ensure that our strategic CASD enterprise has an effective and productive industrial base, delivering faster maintenance times? Finally, will he confirm what the estimated cost will be of delivering an air-launched option, and say by when he would expect that to be in service?

    Luke Pollard

    Let me again put on record my thanks to all members of our Royal Navy who go out on patrol, not just on our Vanguard-class submarines, but also on our Astute-class boats—and the previous T-class boats—that defend our deterrent while at sea. They guarantee our security by ensuring that there is a continuous at-sea nuclear deterrent every day, and have done so for over 70 years. Every Labour Member was elected on a manifesto commitment to a triple lock for our nuclear submarines: first, we will continue to support the continuous at-sea nuclear deterrent; secondly, we will build four Dreadnought-class nuclear submarines at Barrow, which we are committed to delivering; and thirdly, we will maintain and provide all the upgrades that are required for the continuous at-sea nuclear deterrent. That includes the renewal of our sovereign warhead, which the Defence Secretary will get to when he makes his statement on the strategic defence review later today. I am determined that we will guarantee our national security, and we will work across Government to do so.

  • James Cartlidge – 2025 Speech on the UK Airstrike on a Houthi Military Facility

    James Cartlidge – 2025 Speech on the UK Airstrike on a Houthi Military Facility

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Shadow Defence Secretary, in the House of Commons on 30 April 2025.

    I am grateful to the Secretary of State for early sight of his statement and to the Minister for the Armed Forces for the briefing he extended to me and other parliamentarians earlier today. As far as His Majesty’s Opposition are concerned, the rationale for these actions has not changed since we undertook similar operations in government in the months leading up to the general election, with the support of the then Opposition. We agree that this action is effectively an act of self-defence on behalf of ourselves and our closest allies.

    With the main target for RAF Typhoons being a Houthi drone factory, we should remember that drones were used by the Houthis to target our own naval ships, such as the attempted drone attack on HMS Diamond in January last year. While HMS Diamond was able to take effective action in response on that occasion, we know that this capability can be produced in very large numbers and that the threat remains a clear and present danger. Indeed, we understand that the US navy continues to be subject to Houthi aggression, including from drones. In our view, it is therefore entirely legitimate to support the defence of our close ally, the US, and to prevent future potential attacks on our own fleet and international shipping by attacking the Houthi drone threat at source.

    The Houthis’ actions are not just a threat to ourselves and our allies; as the Secretary of State said, they are illegal and completely counter to international humanitarian priorities, given that their attacks have imperilled aid deliveries to the Yemeni people, while undermining a crucial shipping route for grain en route to some of the poorest people in the world. The Government therefore have our full support for this latest operation, and the Opposition are grateful to the brave and highly skilled personnel of the Royal Air Force who conducted the mission, including the Typhoon crews and those supporting the air-to-air refuelling mission. In particular, we welcome their safe return and the completion of what appears to be a successful operation in degrading Houthi drone capability.

    The US has been undertaking its own self-defence against Houthi attacks, and we very much welcome the close working with US allies, as was the case when we were in government working with the previous Administration in the US. That underlines the continuity of our most important strategic military partnership, and it is right that we work as closely as possible with the US to address threats to freedom of navigation.

    That being said, freedom of navigation is vital to the ships of many nations, not just the UK and the US. The whole world benefits from action taken to keep international shipping flowing, which supports the wider economy. Can the Secretary of State update us on what talks he has had with other allies, including NATO members, on providing direct military support against the Houthi threat in future? After all, it is not only a threat to many other nations, but involves other hostile states, notably Iran, with its long-running support not just for the Houthis, but for Hezbollah, Hamas and other armed groups in Iraq and elsewhere. How will the UK dock in to the approach being taken by the new US Administration towards Iran?

    The Secretary of State referred to Russian involvement. Can he confirm reports that the Houthis have received targeting assistance with potential ballistic missile attacks from Russia? Does that not show why supporting Ukraine against Russia is about a much wider strategic picture that directly threatens the United Kingdom? He also referred to the use of our military base, Diego Garcia, for regional security operations, but soon it will not be ours. Does this kind of action not show why surrendering its sovereignty is so reckless?

    Let me finally turn to the subject of the strategic defence review. It is very concerning that the permanent secretary to the Ministry of Defence told the Public Accounts Committee on Monday:

    “it is a strategic defence review that will need to be translated into a set of specific investment decisions in individual capabilities and projects. That will be work for later in the summer and into the autumn.”

    The Secretary of State knows of the need for urgent procurement decisions relating directly to the Houthi threat in the Red sea, not least on upgrades to the Sea Viper system, which we believe must be accelerated. He also knows that procurement is largely on hold, awaiting the publication of the SDR. He promised to publish it in the spring; can he confirm that it will definitely be published in May—which is the last month of spring—and, most importantly, can he confirm that in May we will see the full details of all major individual procurement choices, so that the MOD can get on with them as a matter of the utmost urgency?

    John Healey

    I welcome the tone and content of the hon. Gentleman’s response to my statement. Labour backed the last Government’s strikes against the Houthis and, as he pointed out, the rationale then was the same as the rationale now. That was a useful contribution to this discussion. The hon. Gentleman was right to say that the clear and present threat that the Houthis pose to all nations, including ours and our closest allies, is also the same.

    When I was shadow Defence Secretary and responded to what was said by the last Government, I did so as the hon. Gentleman has responded today, because this is bigger than politics. It is about freedom of navigation, it is about regional stability, and it is about that most important security relationship that the United Kingdom has with the United States.

    The hon. Gentleman asked me about specific capabilities. We are now able to plan to provide the best possible kit for our armed forces, because of the historic commitment that the Prime Minister made to the House in February to raise the level of defence spending to 2.5%—three years earlier than the date that was in the hon. Gentleman’s own unfunded plans—and then to raise it to 3% in the next Parliament. He asked about the capabilities on some of our naval ships. When I met the crew of HMS Diamond in the autumn, they demonstrated to me, and described to me in detail, just how exceptional their response to that multiple attack was, and just how effective the weaponry on the ship was at that time. We are upgrading those ships with a number of capabilities, including DragonFire. It was the hon. Gentleman who first talked about that, but we are installing it not on just one ship, as he proposed, but on four; we are installing it sooner than he planned; and we are funding it fully, which he had not done.

    The hon. Gentleman asked about discussions with other nations. The importance of regional stability, the Houthi threats and the freedom of navigation in the Red sea were discussed by Foreign Ministers at the G7, and have been discussed by NATO Foreign Ministers in the last month. The very carrier strike group whose deployment the hon. Gentleman welcomed last week is multinational by design. It is designed to exercise together but also, together, to reassert some of the basic principles that last night’s attacks were designed to support, such as the freedom of navigation of our seas.

  • James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech on the Chagos Islands

    James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech on the Chagos Islands

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Conservative MP for South Suffolk, in the House of Commons on 2 December 2024.

    Thank you, Mr Speaker, for granting this urgent question.

    At a time when we face the most challenging military threats for years, surely our top priority should be to preserve the strongest possible US-UK relations, given that this is so vital to our national security, yet it appears that the Government are seeking to agree a deal surrendering the sovereignty of the Chagos islands before President Trump is formally in post. We know that the new US Administration are concerned about the Government’s deal because presumptive nominee US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said that the deal

    “poses a serious threat to our national security interests”.

    He has also suggested that

    “it would provide an opportunity for communist China to gain valuable intelligence on our naval support facility”.

    Let us be clear: our military base on Diego Garcia is a vital strategic asset for the UK in the Indian ocean, and it is critical to our presence and posture in the Indo-Pacific region. In particular, it is an especially important base for the United States, and we believe that anything that damages its defence posture, particularly in relation to China, also undermines our national security. We understand that the new Mauritius Government have now launched a review of the deal.

    Will the Minister therefore confirm that the Government’s policy really is to try to rush through their Chagos deal before President Trump’s inauguration? Does he not see how that would be hugely disrespectful to the new Administration and President Trump’s democratic mandate? Given that we now know it is common for the MOD to state the cost of overseas bases, will he be transparent and finally tell the House how much we will have to pay to rent back the vital military base that we currently own?

    Finally, although we would prefer the Government to cancel the whole deal, at the very least will the Minister pause any further ratification until the new US Administration are in place and the Mauritius Government have concluded their review?

    Luke Pollard

    I thank the hon. Gentleman for his questions and his strong focus on this matter. I think he has a bit of amnesia from when the Government he was a part of started these negotiations. They held 11 rounds of negotiations, and it took a Labour Government to conclude them. We have done so in the best interests of our national security, and the national security concerns of our closest allies. It would not have been possible to secure a deal and the support of the United States if all parts of the US security apparatus were not in support of it, and as a former Defence Minister, the hon. Gentleman will know that to be true, regardless of the politics he must play today.

    The hon. Gentleman asked two quick questions. We intend to continue our dialogue with the new Mauritian Government and our friends in the United States. He will be aware, of course, that it is illegal under US law for us to engage directly with the new Administration until they come into place, but we will continue to have dialogue with our US and Mauritian friends.

    I am surprised that as a former Defence Minister, the hon. Gentleman is asking about costs. He will know that it is usual for us to declare the operating and running costs of overseas bases, but it would compromise our operational security and long-term relationships if we were to declare the Government-to-Government payment for overseas bases. We have declared the operational running costs of our overseas bases, and we will continue to do so in response to parliamentary questions. Detailing the security payments for Government-to-Government interactions is not something that this Government do, and was not something that his Government did either.

  • James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech on Foreign Affairs and Defence

    James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech on Foreign Affairs and Defence

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Conservative MP for South Suffolk, in the House of Commons on 18 July 2024.

    It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross (Jamie Stone)—although I must say that I have never confused him with Jeremy Thorpe—and to see you in the Chair, Mr Deputy Speaker, as I respond to the Gracious Speech debate.

    I thank all right hon. and hon. Members who have made speeches today, but I pay particular tribute to all those who made maiden speeches. The time limit means that I cannot go through those contributions in as much detail as I would like, but I will briefly congratulate all those hon. Members. The hon. Member for Ealing Southall (Deirdre Costigan) spoke passionately about diversity, and adds to it with her strong Irish heritage. The hon. Member for Doncaster East and the Isle of Axholme (Lee Pitcher) is surely the first ever MP to have worked as a sewer baiter. My twins had their 10th birthday during the election campaign, so I know how the hon. Member for Kensington and Bayswater (Joe Powell) feels. It is painful, but it gets better—don’t worry. I wish him and his family well.

    The hon. Member for Bristol Central (Carla Denyer) made a point of order earlier about energy infrastructure. Pylons have also been proposed in Suffolk, and I agree with her that there are other options; we are saying to the Government that we want to see them. I am grateful for her very passionate maiden speech. The hon. Member for North Antrim (Jim Allister) will, I am sure it is fair to say, be a doughty champion for his constituents.

    It is brilliant to have, in the hon. Member for Tewkesbury (Cameron Thomas), a former member of the Royal Air Force in Parliament, especially in the current context. I was passionate about the global combat air programme when I was Minister for Defence Procurement—it shows the importance of our maintaining combat air competitiveness. I hope that he will contribute to the debate next Wednesday.

    I was grateful to hear the cut and thrust of Scottish colleagues, including the hon. Members for Midlothian (Kirsty McNeill) and for Inverclyde and Renfrewshire West (Martin McCluskey), and, of course, my hon. Friend the Member for Dumfries and Galloway (John Cooper), who certainly punched above his weight in his maiden speech.

    Arguably, we did not hear enough about rural matters in the King’s Speech, but the hon. Member for North Herefordshire (Ellie Chowns) certainly made up for that. She will clearly be a passionate advocate for farming and the environment in her constituency. I am grateful for all those maiden speeches, and I hope that we will hear much more from those colleagues in future.

    Turning to defence matters, may I welcome the new foreign affairs and defence ministerial teams to their positions? As the shadow Foreign Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr Mitchell), said, we will work with them where it is in the national interest—especially on supporting Ukraine for as long as it takes—as they did when they were in opposition. We welcome the cross-party spirit in which the Secretary of State for Defence set out his plans for a strategic defence review. We look forward to working with Lord Robertson, for whom I have the greatest respect, in a constructive and collaborative manner.

    May I thank the Secretary of State for paying tribute to the two previous Secretaries of State, Ben Wallace and Grant Shapps, both of whom I had the privilege to work with as Minister for Defence Procurement? They can both be rightly proud of the enormous contribution that they made in supporting Ukraine, but they had something else in common: they were not afraid to make the unambiguous case for higher defence spending, and most importantly, they were successful. It helped that they had a Prime Minister who, as Chancellor, oversaw the largest spending review increase for defence since the cold war, and ensured that we went into the general election with a credible and fully funded plan to increase our defence budget to 2.5% of GDP by 2030.

    Although I welcome the fact that the Labour Government have said that they are committed to 2.5%, we have nothing but uncertainty over their timetable. Indeed, this morning I was interviewed by Kay Burley of Sky News. She put it to me that the Government’s timetable is to reach 2.5% by the end of the Parliament—so 2028 or 2029. I said that that was not what I understood the public position to be, but she told me that she had been informed privately by the Government that that was the timetable, so I would be grateful if they confirmed now, in Parliament, what exactly the position is on this matter of great sensitivity.

    Let me explain why the timetable for 2.5% really matters. When the previous Prime Minister announced that we would commit to 2.5%, he stated that his top priority was to replenish our munitions. That 2.5% figure enabled us to commit £10 billion of extra funding over 10 years to fund munitions, and it is a fact—I know this—that without a clear pathway to 2.5%, the Ministry of Defence would have had to make substantial cuts or deferments to programmes in order to afford that necessary replenishment of our munitions. That is why it is so significant, and why we need to know exactly what the position is. Is Kay Burley correct that the Government have told Sky News that they have a timetable for reaching 2.5% by 2028 or 2029? If not—if there is no timetable for 2.5%—how is the MOD going to fund its munitions strategy? Will those orders for shells and missiles for the Army, Navy and Air Force actually be placed this year? If not, what will be the impact on our world-leading defence sector, and above all, what will be the impact on our warfighting capability as a nation?

    Without a clear pathway to 2.5%, what will be the immediate impact on the Department’s finances? Will the MOD continue to invest in cutting-edge capability such as directed energy weapons and hypersonics? That 2.5% would also have stabilised our two biggest defence programmes in light of the inflationary funding pressures that followed Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. This is all open and in the public domain—the Public Accounts Committee was talking about it in the lead-up to the general election. I am talking about the nuclear deterrent and the global combat air programme, our absolutely essential sixth-generation fighter programme. I am delighted that we now have consensus between the Government and ourselves on both the nuclear deterrent and GCAP, but can the Government confirm that delaying 2.5% will have no impact on the funding elements of either of those two major programmes? Can the Secretary of State or the Minister responding also confirm that the Secretary of State’s strategic defence review will conclude entirely before the next spending review commences, so that that review is threat-based, rather than forced on to the financial back foot by Treasury considerations?

    Of course, if the Government’s public position is that there is no timetable to 2.5%, they will inevitably point to the old chestnut of the public finances being worse than feared, justifying the inevitable cuts or deferments of programmes that follow. I have the greatest respect for the Secretary of State, but we did hear some of that in his opening remarks. I am afraid that that excuse will not wash, though. Inflation is at 2% and on target; the economy is growing at a healthy rate and ahead of our competitors; wages are rising; unemployment is almost half what it was in 2010, when we took power; and the deficit is forecast to fall to just over 1% of GDP by the end of the current forecast period. [Interruption.] Labour Members chunter. They talk about missions; when we came to power, our mission was to save this country from bankruptcy, because once again, the socialists had run out of other people’s money.

    The forecast deficit in 2010 was heading well north of 10%, so we did the right thing: we had to take difficult decisions, and we restored our public finances. Because of that, when the pandemic struck and the energy support had to be put in place, we could afford that enormous support. We are proud of that—proud of furlough, of saving those jobs and those businesses in every constituency. We did it because of those difficult decisions after the mess Labour left us in 2010. [Interruption.] Labour Members talk about the previous Prime Minister but one, but our strong economic legacy cannot be used to pray in aid a cover for cuts and deferments. [Interruption.] They quibble when we talk about a strong economic legacy. How else can we describe low unemployment, inflation at 2%, a low and falling deficit—half what it was when we took over from them—or the highest growth in the G7? That is a fantastic inheritance. Far from being an excuse for the cuts that the Government will have to come to, those are the features of the very improvement in economic conditions that made our pre-election commitment to 2.5% financially credible and deliverable.

    We strongly welcome the Prime Minister’s staunch support for NATO, as evidenced in Washington, and we want him to succeed on his pledges to strengthen Britain’s defence. That is in our national interest, but it is actions that matter and by which the Government will be judged, and deferring and delaying 2.5% offers nothing but uncertainty to our armed forces at the worst possible time. If the Government have a private timetable to reach 2.5%, they need to share it; if there is not one, I urge the Secretary of State to persuade the Prime Minister and his Treasury colleagues to think again, because in this more dangerous world, higher defence spending is a matter of the utmost urgency for Britain.

  • James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech at the Military Robotics and Autonomous Systems Conference

    James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech at the Military Robotics and Autonomous Systems Conference

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Defence Minister, in London on 8 April 2024.

    Good afternoon, everybody. So I’m the Minister for Defence procurement in the UK, I don’t have a speech as such, and what I mean by that is I haven’t got one written by the Civil Service. When I was a Treasury Minister, before I got this job, I went to a conference a bit like this about AI. And there were four Secretary of States speaking at this conference, and what neither of them knew was that they all had the same gag when they started, which is they read their speech, the first paragraph and guess what? As if it had been written by Chat GPT. Once you get to the fourth iteration of that is not as funny as it was the first time. So this hasn’t been written by Chat GPT, this is me because I’m very passionate about this issue because I think autonomy in defence is an amazing opportunity.

    And I’ll explain why but first of all, congratulations to my hosts. Thank you for inviting me because this happens to coincide with a very important day. Today the Ministry of Defence we’ve launched officially our new procurement system, which I’ve put forward. It’s called the Integrated Procurement Model. Now, just to put that in context, when I got this job last April, after Alex Chalk became Lord Chancellor, I replaced him as Minister for Defence Procurement, we were in the middle of a vote in the House of Commons and as I was walking around the lobby voting, my colleagues were coming up to me and they all congratulating me. And each of them in the same phrase would say, but by the way, you’ve got Ajax. So this job is sort of synonymous with one particular project, and I think from day one, I knew we needed to reform procurement. And when I announced the new procurement model on the 28th of February I was very clear that whilst this is about responding to all the concerns that have been brought up over the years, with programmes like Ajax but not just Ajax, Nimrod there is many of them going back over many years’ time.

    The most important reason to reform procurement is much more fundamental than any of those reasons or to do with any of those programmes. And it is simply this that if we as a country, and our allies, as well, are to compete in the future with our adversaries with the way they are investing in defence and technology, we have no choice but to reform procurement. And one of the reasons why I think this new model hopefully will actually take effect not just being launched, but as you will know it has become cultural within MOD, which is something we’ll be working on, it’s fair to say.

    The reason for that is because if we don’t reform procurement, our adversaries will just move too far away from us. And so I wanted to first of all set out what this reform is all about. Because it’s heart is technology, and for me, the most important part of that is around uncrewed systems and also all the technological advances that come with that and the systems that they depend upon. So fundamentally, it’s not about platforms is as you know, it’s about systems, it’s about architectures, about software.

    And so there’s five key features of the new system. And now the first one is fundamental. It’s called an Integrated Procurement Model for a reason.  You’d be aware that in 2021, we announced a new integrated operating concept for the UK Armed Forces, but in announcing that and recognising the reality of modern warfare is an integrated battlespace. We maintain what’s called a delegated procurement model ie. primarily having three frontline services procuring what we describe as bottom up basis whereas to me, if you want an integrated approach, you have to integrated  procurement.

    And so the first point is to have joined up approach to procurement in practice. The bête noire is what we call over programming, this phrase over programming means that essentially, the armed forces are trying to procure more stuff than there is management capacity to buy or frankly, capacity in DE&S and elsewhere to deliver and so the way we have controlled spending in recent years is you move programmes to the right, delay so that literally to control cost. And it’s not unique to MOD, it’s typical of big capital projects. They cost taxpayers a lot of money but it’s a particular issue in defence, because if you delay programmes they become more expensive and question marks that come out about the future those programmes.

    And so one thing I want to see more of is by taking a joined up approach that is pan-defence, you are more likely to make your priorities based on the most important reason which is the threat we face and procuring in a joined up fashion. Okay, so a good example we’re currently working on our munitions plan for the munitions we purchase as a UK MOD over the next 10 years, particularly to replenish our stocks, following the significant gifting to Ukraine. The best way to do that is pan-defence. If we just said to the single services, what do you each need? We end up with an outcome that had a third, a third a third. But to me, that shouldn’t be the priority, the priority is the threats we face as a country and what we need to counter it and I’ll just finish on that point because we’re here to talk about autonomy.

    The best example of that joined up approach is drones actually. So we’ve actually had some fantastic, military entrepreneurs in the MOD we’ve seen within the frontline command some fantastic experimentalism. That has led to some really cutting edge capabilities in the uncrewed space, some of which has been used in Ukraine, as you’ll be aware of.  The problem is, once you take those to the next level, procuring those systems to become part of an integrated force that can be effective in battle, at that point, you do need to have a more integrated approach.

    We cannot just rely on the theory of 1,000 flowers that 1,000 flowers will bloom, as you will know, you have to have common data standards, the ability of your capabilities to talk to each other and to the other services. So that is a really good example of where we need to now move into a more joined up phase which was a key piece of the Uncrewed Strategy that I announced earlier this year.

    The second part is checks and balances. Now, first of all, that’s about oversight. So we will have a new Integrated Design Authority to oversee these changes to make sure they actually happen in reality, if the procurement comes forward, and the requirements don’t enable whatever that system is to talk to the other services, it would be scored negatively, it’d be returned to wherever it came from. I mean, that’s in a nutshell, but I think there’s a really key part checks and balance which is my view as Minister for Defence Procurement, which is that to be as diplomatic as I can, my experience with this past year is that when the requirements come forward to you, the Minister, when the programme comes up to be signed off, shall we say there was something of an expectation that it will be signed off. Whereas I take a slightly different view. And to me, the most important part of this second aspect of checks and balances is what I call the creation of a second opinion.

    Genuinely kicking the tyres on programs at the beginning. So that you ask the right questions and you get the right answer. Because there has been history, which is totally understandable, institutional, as in the UK defence I’m sure it is the same in other countries, in fact I know it is as I have discussed some of my colleagues and my counterparts in other countries, is this sort of what we call the platform presumption. We’ve got the mark five and after ten years we can have the mark six, seven, etc. But what if that’s not the right solution for the threat that we face?

    And so the second opinion… we are very luck in the MOD, we don’t just have the military. We have amazing scientists in the Dstl. We have DE&S with all their interface with industry, which is now being strengthened with something called the DE&S gateway. We basically have this repository of data and information that is extraordinary. And so I want to have a position where when that procurement begins, that big programme, you don’t just have the military assessment of the requirements that you need. You have the challenge of the other experts that we have in our institution, the Dstl and so on telling you how technically viable that is. So for example, that key question, should it actually be an uncrewed system? And this is not a minor subject of conversation.

    We’re talking about fundamentally questioning some assumptions about the capabilities that we presume we’ll probably be procuring in the future and I suspect the military evidence for wargaming from Ukraine, will show that increasingly we are going to be vulnerable, and that we need to do what other countries have started to do, I  have just seen that the the US has just announced they have cancelled a major programme and that would have been crewed and that will now be uncrewed, it was a major reconnaissance programme FARA.

    So the third point is about exportability to checks and balances all joins up with exportability, the FT covered this today, when I was talking to them really saw this as a standout feature, and I think that’s fair, because, again, going back to the first day of the job, you get your first submission, which is what the Civil Service give you as a piece of advice. And first one I had on procurement had about a sentence about exportability in fact, the letter to the Chief Secretary that went with it recommended to procure it. And awaiting my sign-off was that it it didn’t mention prospective benefits of exportability and I think this should be ingrained in acquisition from the beginning.

    And there’s two key reasons for that. The first one is what is the main problem at the moment in defence it’s the resilience of our supply chain, because we had great success with NLAW in Ukraine. We picked up the phone and said give us more of those, okay, if you’re willing to wait years. You’ve got to have that continuous maximum level of aggregate demand, right? Continuous supply chains. That’s why you need to drive exploitability but the other part of it is a bit subtle, but is really key in procurement. I’m always asked the hypothetical question, would your new approach have avoided the Ajax problems. Physically impossible to answer obviously, since we’re not in the period of having a time machine. Which is the if you if you have to consider international requirements, my view it is a good counterbalance to being that terrible phrase overly exquisite, ie having lots of very bespoke requirements. It doesn’t guarantee it  but it’s more likely that. There tends to be a vector between international demand and your ideal domestic UK production. And if you can minimise that, you’ve got a pretty good product because it means you get it into line with the UK and then export it to protect your supply chain.

    So the third point on exportability it is already something I’m pushing. So on the New Medium Helicopter procurement. We’ve got a strong weighting for exportability. The fourth point is about empowering industrial innovation. Now this is really where you guys particularly come in those from industry here something I’m keen to see much more often I hope you’ve been aware of this that we are doing more and more engagement in industry at a classified level.

    So the industry can understand our requirements much earlier in the process. And in turn, we can pick up the feedback from what’s happening in the real world. And I hope that what’s happening with all these people talking is very interesting. So I’ll give you a good example, the most uplifting experience I’ve had as a Minister for Defence Procurement was last October when I went see a UK company developing a drone being used in Ukraine. While I was there, they were receiving feedback from the frontline. And they were then spirally responding to that within days.

    Now when we used to have people coming in and saying Minister this thing is going to be delayed another 27 years or whatever. And you see that sort of spiral development in the flesh. It’s quite something to behold especially because the capability is highly effective and costs a tiny fraction of the thing I was talking about that’s going to be delayed many years, we start to really think about whether you’ve got the right approach for procurement and it is quite revolutionary what is happening.

    So I always have a situation where the UK industry feels close to MOD. It doesn’t mean close as in the bad way of being close it’s a really rich relationship based on this feedback with the data from the frontline  and from Ukraine and so on, and what is becoming possible what is becoming necessary and rapid development of products on the back of it.

    And the fifth and final one is about having spiral development by default. Spiral development wonderful phrase as the FT said to me yesterday, it’s actually really sort of very common place in the corporate world. The phrase is not commonplace in defence and that’s where the change needs to be made.

    What does it really mean? So we say well, if you want to go get 60 to 80% of your requirements instead 100%. Instead, of having IOC and FOC long standing ways of measuring your progress, we just want to add minimum deployable product. Basically, you measure the effectiveness of the product, the point at which it is able to be used, and I think that’s a really good way of measuring.

    So we talked about the military, I have got written answers and I look at them at them if this is crazy. That were my opponents asked me the IOC and FOC all of our programmes, and quite a few of them are in use. They’re being used and we’re saying they’ve only been achieved IOC if they’re being used by military but there’s quite a good example in our missile systems.

    And I think it just shows the point that that’s because we’re focusing on the perfect thing to achieve. Where we want to get into service quickly and spiral upgrade it. It does happen, but it’s not cultural. That’s the key point we want to become the cultural assumption in Defence because there will be programmes like nuclear submarines, which will not conform to this approach. By definition, they’ll still take many years, absolutely necessary. Highly unlikely so there is still going to be a big programme which is an exception sitting outside the norm but the fact is, from today through the new procurement model in defence, we have time limits – three years for software, five years for hardware.

    So I said in my speech to the House, on our Mobile Fires Platform which is our engineering artillery capability. It will be procured within five years, which in many ways didn’t sound that quick but it is as you all know compared to what’s gone on before on our major platforms etc.

    Just to say and so what does this mean for uncrewed and robotic systems and so on. And I think this approach I’m outlining is all about technology. We have this thing called the Equipment Plan. What I mean is we have 10-year programme, right, which everyone is focused on. And yet, we are told that the same time that we could be at war in two or three years, we’re in a pre-war environment. And we’re still focused on this platform iteration model. Well, we’re gonna get more ships. Now those ships will take nine years to build, but you know, we’re just gonna get more ships. That’s what we need to do for the country. Whereas to me, always have to do is why this is so important. And why you’re meeting today, we’ve got to focus increasingly on how you make your existing platforms and people and capabilities more lethal, more survivable.

    And also the platform you’re building out in the water and in the air, in a couple of years. That’s where the focus in my view needs to be. And if you do that, it is conceivable that some of the acquisition you presumed to be doing later in the Equipment Plan you believe to happen.

    Now I can appreciate this is not conventional thinking but that’s actually what’s happening in Ukraine. So it’s telling us we need to start focusing on what sort of weapons we can bring forward rapidly, what sort of weapon systems what sort of IT systems to support them. There will be capabilities we have today, which we will use if we were in conflict imminently where there are it upgrades, software AI, that will make them more lethal and more survivable.

    So I think to me, that’s a big part of the focus. That doesn’t mean you don’t still have the longer programs that take time to do that. It’s just again, where’s your cultural focus? Because I would put it to you now , where do we think the focus still is institutionally in defence? That’s a fair question. And I think that has to shift and it’s starting to shift.

    I will finish on this broader point about where to next move on uncrewed. I actually think this is an amazing opportunity. When people say to James, brilliant, it’s just, it’s never gonna happen in practice. Too good to be true. It is happening in practice. I talked about the drone company. There’s many other examples where we have SMEs who are coming forward with really cutting edge stuff and rapidly, particularly software companies. Obviously, this sort of approach is standard in software. Constant upgrade. We all know that sometimes it’s incredibly irritating, especially with a legacy laptop or IT system.

    But it is standard practice in much of industry and we need to adapt it into the culture and DNA of defence.

    We’re not talking just be clear about Urgent Operational Requirements. This is where you are literally not just on the cusp of more why situation you are preparing to go out to wherever and there are things you need to do to your vehicles to your kit, iterations that means you can withstand whatever that threat is. This is different to that. This is about having taking advantage of the pace of innovation that’s out there. The UK could have much more survivable and meaningful capability within a relatively small amount of time, cost-effectively, which should be stressed.

    So I think it’s incredibly exciting people that are involved in this industry. I think that we are on the cusp of a significant pivot to much greater use of uncrewed systems. I mean, it’s made me think that’s an obvious thing to say. Some debate on if uncrewed overhyped or underhyped. I have the privilege of knowing what’s happening in theatre, but also Just imagine what it could do, in the hands of a top tier military. The point I’m making is really developing cohesively integrated battlespace, it could do incredible things, it can add mass.

    My colleagues, my parliamentary colleagues will stand up in the House and they want us to commit to more ships more personnel, more aircraft etc. But how will the traditional platforms cope going forward?  Whereas we can bring out new drones, new ground effects and in particular in maritime relatively quickly, it’s already happening. We all know what’s happened in the Black Sea. That’s an incredible strategic victory for Ukraine, which is unfortunate, underplayed because of the coverage understandably for what is happening on land, but it is an incredible effect they’ve achieved as a country of UK we are very well placed literally the best placed country other than Ukraine to learn the lessons from what is happening in this very day and has been happening in that battle space in the uncrewed systems and you know, we need the maritime capability coalition with Norway we need the drone coalition with Latvia.

    This is learning lessons in real time. There is no better test lab than that. We as a country have got to take that opportunity to drive proper embracing of uncrewed systems and all standard systems, the stuff that goes with it dealing with electronic warfare, which is all pervading in Ukraine, as you all know, means that our armed forces can fight the fight that is going to happen today. And if we do that, I think we build prosperity for our industry and greater security for our people. Thank you very much for your time.

  • James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech at the International Military Helicopter Conference

    James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech at the International Military Helicopter Conference

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Minister for Defence Procurement, on 27 February 2024.

    On the subject of medium helicopters as it were, as you know, they’ve been involved in almost every operation of significance for decades, ferrying troops and supplies under fire in the Falklands, Iraq and Afghanistan and evacuating casualties, helping NATO restore peace to the Balkans, saving countless lives with humanitarian aid from Mozambique to the Caribbean, and moving our diplomats around Kabuk when travel by road was too dangerous. And they have been in a constant state of readiness in a counter-terrorism role.

    Now over the decades, UK Governments have commissioned, procured and upgraded numerous platforms including many iconic names that you’re all very familiar with, from the Scout in the 1950s, the Sea King in the 1960s, the Lynx, Puma and Gazelle in the 1970s to the more recent Wildcat and Merlin, and I’ve had the privilege of flying in a number of them, recently aboard one of our Wildcats flying to Yeovilton to see how artificial intelligence has improved their support and crucially, their availability. Very recently I visited RAF Valley to fly in the Jupiter training helicopter and actually learned while I was there this really pleasing fact that, for the first time in a long time, we now have more pupils training than in hold, which is, as you know, one of the accumulated issues from the pandemic which led to significant holes. So that’s really positive,

    But a particularly memorable flight for me was last summer between Schipol and Den Helder for what’s called the Navy Day in the Netherlands. Is anyone here from the Netherlands? I don’t know if you were there, but anyway, I had an interesting ride with the Dutch Marines in the NH-90. So we’re just flying about 2,000 feet. I was in that seat by the door. You have a little sort of X-strap. And the marine said, ‘Minister you want to put your plastic glasses back on. I’m gonna give you a close up view of the offshore wind farms’, and he opened the door. All I can say is if you’ve ever experienced that, it’s very windy a few thousand feet up. The thought that went through my mind was ‘I think the Prime Minister is going to have to have another by-election very quickly’. It was very windy.

    Turning to procurement and the main subject, so when my predecessor took the decision in 2021, to invest in the next generation of medium helicopter power – the efficiencies that would come from a versatile single platform were clear for all to see in terms of procurement, training, contract support, and maintenance. Fast forward to today and we’re at the next stage of that process. I’m pleased to announce that I’m about to issue the paperwork that will initiate an invitation to negotiate with all three candidate suppliers of our next generation New Medium Helicopter, Airbus Helicopters UK, Leonardo Helicopters UK, and Lockheed Martin UK.

    All three companies have shown their platforms can meet the different needs of our Armed Forces, and you’ll note, listed alphabetically without any prejudice, all good competitor companies. So later, you can hear more about the process and other procurement programmes from Commodore Woodard, our SRO, senior responsible owner for delivering the New Medium Helicopter programme. And I know Commodore Woodard shares my determination to ensure that this programme is a beacon of smart procurement because as you will discover quite soon hopefully we are right in the middle of a very significant form of defence acquisition in the UK.

    So this will be built around affordability and more timely and thorough challenge. Future proofed by factoring adaptability and spiral development at the concept stage. And above all, a procurement programme that implements the lessons from Ukraine which is quite simply that we must close vulnerabilities in our supply chains by strengthening UK defence skills and production. We want to expand on each of these elements. When we first announced the programme, we quickly put in train a pre-qualification process to select credible candidates ahead of the outline business case stage. This has delivered significant efficiencies for both government and industry.

    We’ve also adapted our approach as a result of timely and robust internal decisions, ditching our original plan to include helicopters for our bases in Cyprus and Brunei within this programme, and instead announcing our intention to acquire six Airbus H155 helicopters to avoid unnecessary over-speccing, and overspending on platforms that were never intended operating in a war zone. In short, making a significant saving without the inefficiencies of diversifying our existing helicopter fleet.

    Another important feature of our Medium Helicopter programme will be our ability to spirally develop these platforms – we will order largely off the shelf models with open system architecture that we can spiral with enhanced capabilities to meet different operational needs or to accommodate new innovations, meaning our new medium helicopter will be adaptable and future proof.

    The final element that reflects our smarter approach to procurement is our UK industrial contribution consideration. This is a points based decision making process that we have designed to favour suppliers who do more to strengthen the UK defence industrial base – which should account for 15% of our overall procurement decision, we will reward those who invest in the UK’s rotary wing design industry, a critical national capability and sector and it will advantage those platforms with export potential by using an export criteria that is worth 20% of the UK industrial contribution weighting. This matters because exports sustain UK manufacturing and high value jobs in the UK and they strengthen and sustain our indigenous skills base, which is essential to building resilience into our defence sector and national security and critical if we are to remain a global player in the sector for decades to come.

    Our New Medium Helicopter programme is one of the very first to have this pro-export component built into our selection criteria. As Minister for Defence Procurement, I will ensure exportability becomes a factor in all relevant new procurement programmes. We’ll be saying more on that soon. But that formula of the design requirement plus export requirements equals, if you like, a combination of the quality of work we want to see in the UK, plus its sustainability for the long term.

    And I will also work to ensure that an expectation of spiral development also becomes a default in all relevant programmes. Our procurement must have the dynamism and flexibility to respond to this era of seismic technological change. That means being open minded to all that tech can offer. No platform is sacred.

    So last week, I launched our new uncrewed systems strategy at the headquarters of a successful UK drone company, Malloy Aeronautics, they gave a demonstration of their T-150 drone, which has proven extremely effective delivering supplies to the Ukrainian Armed Forces, including supplying Ukrainian Marines on the other side of the Dnipro River. Underlining that they really are in action on the front line. And uncrewed systems like the Malloy drone are transforming warfare and they will continue to shape it in ways we are barely able to conceive. To make sure we keep ahead of our adversaries, we are building a renewed relationship between government and industry, turning intelligence from the battlefield into solutions in the factory and a competitive edge for our forces in weeks, days, even minutes.

    Now, obviously in lots of countries here some people may be sceptical about the speed of procurement as all countries face the challenge in this area. But my most insightful visit I’d say, as the Minister for Defence Procurement I’ve visited many bases and companies, was to a UK SME called Callen-Lenz, based in the southwest, who were spiralling a drone for use in Ukraine. And while I was there we had feedback from the frontline and the next day they put those changes in place. As Minister of Defence Procurement, you do not normally see that sort of turnaround in learning from procurement. That is the era we are now in – rapid spiral development. And I believe that taking that into account the recent decisions of the US to cancel their FARA programme was in large partly a reflection of this new reality and aligns with our own thinking.

    Procurement must be smart, agile, and responsive, ready to pivot and adapt to the changing nature of threats and to accommodate war-winning innovations. That’s why our next generation medium lift helicopter will deliver a Swiss Army Knife platform, future proofed and procured in a way to give the UK Armed Forces and our defence sector maximum clout and flexibility, a 21st century platform delivering on our modernisation agenda that can meet multiple needs now, and be easily adapted in the future, procured through a process that incentivises investment in the UK, which will deliver high value jobs, high value exports and help make us more secure. I look forward to your questions.

  • James Cartlidge – 2023 Statement on the Armoured Cavalry Programme – Sheldon Review

    James Cartlidge – 2023 Statement on the Armoured Cavalry Programme – Sheldon Review

    The statement made by James Cartlidge, the Minister for Defence Procurement, in the House of Commons on 15 June 2023.

    With permission, Madam Deputy Speaker, I would like to make a statement to update the House on the review conducted by Clive Sheldon KC on the lessons to be learned from the armoured cavalry programme, which is the Army programme centred on the Ajax vehicles. The Defence Secretary has previously acknowledged that the programme was a troubled programme. Albeit that he has more recently announced that it has turned a corner, it is against the backdrop of concerns he had about the programme, and those of this House about what was known at the time of publishing the integrated review, that he commissioned an independent review by a senior legal figure to investigate the circumstances.

    In May last year, Clive Sheldon KC was appointed to lead a lessons learned review into the armoured cavalry programme. The review’s terms of reference were to

    “identify lessons and make recommendations to help Ministry of Defence (MOD) deliver major programmes more effectively in future, with a particular focus on how MOD shares and elevates issues across the Department.”

    An earlier Ministry of Defence report, by David King, specifically relating to the health and safety concerns about noise and vibration, was published in December 2021. We continue to make good progress on implementing the recommendations from that report, some of which are echoed in Mr Sheldon’s review.

    Mr Sheldon submitted his report to Ministers on 19 May, and I am today publishing that report, unredacted, on gov.uk, and placing a copy in the Library of the House. I wish to formally thank Mr Sheldon and his team for the painstaking work that they have undertaken to enable us to better understand how the MOD can improve the governance, culture and leadership of our major programmes. They interviewed some 70 people and considered tens of thousands of pages of evidence.

    The resulting report makes for difficult reading, highlighting a number of systemic, cultural and institutional problems across several areas of the Department. These problems include: fragmented relationships and the conflicting priorities of the senior responsible owner role. It also points to a reticence to raise, and occasionally by seniors to listen to, genuine problems in a timely, evidenced manner.

    We accept these findings and most of Mr Sheldon’s 24 formal recommendations, with 15 accepted and nine accepted in principle. Crucially, the review did not find that either Ministers or Parliament were misled. Equally, the review team did not see any evidence of misconduct by any individual, let alone gross misconduct, and nothing that would justify disciplinary action. It is, though, true that many of the behaviours highlighted in the report are far from ideal, but in many cases they have already been recognised and acted on, both specifically on the armoured cavalry programme as well as across the Department.

    Where work is not already under way to implement a recommendation, we commit to making the necessary changes at pace. In the interest of time, Madam Deputy Speaker, I will address the recommendations in the themes set out by Mr Sheldon in his executive summary, rather than going through each of the recommendations.

    A number of recommendations relate to MOD’s internal relationships, including with the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory. Considerable effort has already been made to address these issues within and beyond the Ajax programme. This has resulted in much improved working and reporting arrangements, in particular with the Defence Equipment & Support organisation and also the newly established acquisition safety cell that advises the Investment Approvals Committee on equipment safety matters. Escalation routes also exist for DSTL through the chief science officer where concerns are not acted on.

    Another area of focus is SROs. I know that many colleagues are interested in this point. We fully agree with the need to improve how senior responsible owners are supported and much work has gone into upskilling and supporting SROs, ensuring that they have the time and space to focus on delivering their programmes and can build skills through the Major Projects Leadership Academy.

    Today, four in every five of our major project SROs are committing at least half their time to leading their programmes—half the Army’s 19 SROs dedicate 100% of their time. We also agree in principle with Mr Sheldon’s presumption for a minimum tenure, subject to compatibility with employment law.

    Finally, the report comments extensively on a culture that led to issues not being escalated and makes recommendations to improve that and the flow of information. Transparency has improved since the period of this report. For Ajax, there are detailed updates through the SRO to Ministers that ensure the potential issues are exposed early should they arise in the future. Processes will be further strengthened through the defence acquisition operating model and guidance. Work is also under way to implement a project delivery data strategy to strengthen the use of data to both support performance reporting and assist in early identification of issues. Of course, the main aim of commissioning this review was to learn lessons to improve procurement—not just on Ajax, but across the MOD’s programmes.

    Ultimately, the core of our intent is to ensure that the equipment we procure for the British armed forces is of the highest possible standard and, furthermore, that our service personnel have faith in the system and the taxpayer has faith in our spending of money from the public purse. Quite simply, we need to deliver change across the Department, turning widespread desire for acquisition reform into tangible reality, in particular driving increased pace and agility into acquisition, so that we can keep pace with technology and maintain our competitive edge.

    Although I recognise the many challenges in this programme to date and the need to learn lessons, I would stress that there is already intense work under way in the Department—especially at DE&S—to improve performance, with encouraging signs. For example, between December 2020 to December 2022 we saw a reduction from 6.1 years to 5.1 years in the time that it takes to go from outline business case to delivering equipment into the hands of our armed forces.

    In further positive news, I hope the House will welcome the significant progress made to recover the Ajax programme. I can confirm that, as of Tuesday afternoon, the Household Cavalry has been undergoing standard Army field training on Salisbury plain in a range of Ajax vehicles. Focused on individual and crew training, this step marks the restarting of British Army training on these sophisticated vehicles, and I hope underlines that this project really has turned the corner. Indeed, last Friday I had the great privilege of visiting Bovington to experience the Ajax vehicle at first hand.

    I am pleased to report that the soldiers I met described the vehicle and its capabilities as “night and day”—a phrase used repeatedly—compared with their current equipment. In describing Ajax’s strengths, the soldiers I spoke to emphasised the platform’s high mobility, increased firepower from the new cannon and a highly sophisticated sensor suite that really helps them do their job, representing in totality a very real and positive step change in capability—all packaged in a vehicle with high levels of crew protection and survivability. As training increases across other field Army units on the 44 vehicles already delivered, in parallel General Dynamics’s personnel in Wales continue to run their production lines to build the operationally deployable vehicles, with the end goal of 589 fully operational vehicles by 2029.

    To conclude, I reiterate my gratitude to Mr Sheldon and his team for their considerable efforts and for distilling his findings into clear lessons and recommendations for the future. Our focus now is on understanding and applying those lessons, ensuring that they are implemented in the armoured cavalry and other major defence programmes, as well as ensuring that we deliver the game-changing capability that Ajax will provide to the British Army as quickly as possible. I commend this statement to the House.

  • James Cartlidge – 2023 Speech to the Navy Leaders’ Combined Naval Event

    James Cartlidge – 2023 Speech to the Navy Leaders’ Combined Naval Event

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Minister for Defence Procurement, at Farnborough International Conference Centre on 23 May 2023.

    It’s a pleasure to be here at the tenth Navy Leaders’ Combined Naval Event.

    It’s very pleasing to see so many international partners from around the world. I was just talking to the Peruvian delegation. And just want to emphasise this point about the importance of international partnership as being key to our collective defence.

    On Friday, I had the great privilege of attending the Hebrides range, Benbecula, for the NATO exercise there were I think, 13 countries, 4,000 personnel. We had senior officers, Americans, Italians, Norway, and so on. And we must all remember that there’s nothing more powerful than the signal it sends to our adversaries to see how many of us there are in a coalition and how strong is our collective determination.

    So, I also had, some of you may have been there, the pleasure to address the First Sea Lord Sea Power conference last Wednesday, in London and again, representation all around the world.

    So, as I say, in the job for a month, I hope I have already shown that while the ministers do change from time to time, our consistent recognition of the importance of the maritime domain remains unchanged.

    And as I am a new minister, just by way of background, so some of you will know the Minister of Defence Procurement is actually typically not someone who served the military but with a commercial or legal background. So, I’ve taken over from a lawyer, Alex Chalk, who is now the Justice Secretary, and Lord Chancellor.

    My background is in business I ran an SME, and although not in the defence sector, participated in public procurement so I have a lot of sympathy for those companies. The SMEs, which I see as a key stakeholder in defence, but previously was a minister in the Treasury.

    So, you may say, SME background, Treasury minister, perfect for defence procurement in some respects, but I will just say this, it’s not just about that angle of value for money. It’s about growth.

    So, for me, it is about the contribution of defence and the UK defence industry to our domestic growth, but in particular to the export potential. And I do personally feel passionately that this country can go even further as a leader in defence exports. And that will be a particular priority for me that I’ll be setting out more in the coming weeks.

    I spoke about the importance of the maritime domain. More than 90% of global trade is still carried over the oceans, tens of thousands of miles of underwater cables carry global financial transactions worth trillions of dollars between continents everyday as well as more than 95% of international data. So, in other words, the contemporary global system depends on a well-functioning maritime sector.

    But with dependency inevitably comes vulnerability and today we are facing some of the most profound challenges to the domain that we’ve seen for decades.

    Whether it’s Russia is barbaric invasion of Ukraine, subsequent blocking of the vital trade routes into the Black Sea, or China’s increasing belligerence as it expands its presence across the world. Something our refreshed integrated review calls an epoch defining threat.

    Then there is the all-encompassing threat posed by climate change, raising the stakes in the high north as melting ice caps reveal natural resources, and potential trade routes.

    The reality is that our Navies are being pulled in every single direction with events in the Indo Pacific directly impacting the Euro Atlantic, and vice versa. And we’re being forced to meet these ever-increasing demands under ever tighter budgets.

    But it is far from all doom and gloom. This weekend, we’ll celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Allied victory in the Battle of the Atlantic. And just as in 1943, today, we still have one thing our adversaries lack, that is partners we can trust.

    Here in Farnborough, we have representatives from 50 countries, including all 30 NATO nations, here because as we all know that in this era of constant global competition, we can only succeed if we work together which is very much the spirit I saw up in the Outer Hebrides.

    Not just on operations and in exercises but in the factories and the shipyards. And as you might expect from a procurement minister, it’s the industrial side of things that I want to focus on today.

    The crucial component of regalvanising our industrial capacity, as while our navies might travel around the world, it’s the industrial sector back home that powers their success. In recent years, the UK shipbuilding industry has been transforming itself so it can do more business with you.

    But why would you want to work with us?

    Here are three key reasons.

    First of all, we’ve got the skills.

    For centuries British shipyards were a byword for quality.

    During the Battle of the Atlantic the likes of Rosyth, Belfast and Devonport built their legends churning out mighty steel leviathans at a rate of knots.

    Today we’re witnessing a renaissance in great British shipbuilding as those same yards construct the next generation of world-class vessels. And we’re working in tandem with our suppliers to strengthen their hand.

    We’ve put in place a 30-year pipeline of Government orders – spanning frigates, destroyers, and support ships for the Navy, as well as a whole host of vessels for other government departments. And that’s giving industry the baseline demand they need to invest and upskill.

    We’re also simplifying the procurement process by cutting out unnecessary regulation and process.

    But as well as building for today, our industrial sector is laying the foundations for future success too.

    Not just by constructing world-class facilities, from the carbon-neutral Carrier Logistics Centre under construction in Portsmouth, to the new shipbuilding hall at Govan.

    But by training thousands of new maritime engineers and project planners, on apprentice and graduate schemes, ensuring we have the onshore skills base required to stay at the cutting edge of this industry for decades to come.

    Secondly, the UK is an innovation nation.

    80 years ago, it was ground-breaking radar and SONAR technology that swung the Battle of the Atlantic our way. Today our maritime industry is again at the forefront of new technologies and concepts.

    And while a former sailor and Farnborough alumnus Patrick Blackett once conducted crucial operations research during the Second World War, today Patrick Blackett lends his name to our unique experimental vessel for testing these new technologies.

    Operated by NavyX, the Patrick Blackett helps the team bring new kit and concepts from the drawing board to the frontline as quickly as possible.

    At the moment they’re testing a quantum accelerator in partnership with Imperial College. This particular quantum accelerator provides a cutting-edge navigational system, meaning we can still operate if our access to satellites is cut off, even if others cannot.

    And that’s just one example of the innovation driving our Navy.

    In the past year, we’ve also been trialling uncrewed minehunters on operations in the Gulf and investing in autonomous helicopters which can track adversary submarines. As well as fitting the Mk 41 missile launcher to our Type-26 and Type-31 frigates – enabling them to use a whole range of next-generation weaponry.

    And we’ve also just announced a deal with Thales for a £70 million combat mission system for the Type-31s. But we’re not just focusing on today’s technology. We’re preparing for the breakthroughs that haven’t even reach the concept yet; those ‘Dreadnought’ moments of tomorrow; those advanced vessels that make anything that came before obsolete.

    Thirdly and finally, we want you to work with us because we share fundamental values.

    In a world where our way of life is constantly being undermined by rogue actors both state and non-state, it’s important to have partners you can trust.

    Partners united by a firm belief in freedom and the international rule of law. And partners with whom we are working ever more closely to protect our values.

    I am delighted that over the past year, our ships have been working with your navies right across the world.

    Whether supporting and leading NATO exercises in Eastern Europe and training Ukrainian sailors in mine clearance.

    Whether operating in the High North alongside partners in the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF).

    Whether safeguarding strategic chokepoints on busy shipping lanes around the Malacca Strait, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Suez Canal.

    We’ve shown that when we come together, cliche as it is, we can be greater than the sum of our parts.

    And that’s as much the case in our factories and shipyards as it is on operations and exercises.

    As I said earlier, the UK’s shipbuilding industry has taken significant steps to becoming a stronger partner.

    We’re now designing our next-generation ships with exportability at their heart.

    And we’re already seeing some of the huge benefits of industrial collaboration.

    Take our Type-26 frigate – the global combat ship.

    The likes of Australia and Canada are already investing in this world-beating design because they recognise how much it can do for their own navies.

    Then there’s our Type-31 frigate – which, as well as being one of the most adaptable ships around, is helping form a new kind of partnership.

    One which isn’t just about buying and selling. But about sharing skills, learning from each other, and helping partner nations to build up their own indigenous shipbuilding industry.

    That’s something we are seeing right now in Poland, thanks to the support of the Navy and Babcock. And I look forward to seeing other nations join the Type-31 club in the coming months and years.

    Yet perhaps the best example of this partnership in principle is AUKUS.

    It’s not just strengthening our industrial bases and creating thousands of highly skilled jobs in the UK, US, and Australia.

    And it’s not just turbocharging innovation, with all three nations pooling their best and brightest brains to break new ground in underwater technology.

    But it’s uniting three allies at a time when our adversaries are trying to drive us further apart.

    AUKUS, therefore, provides a model for the way we seek to work with our friends in future.

    And I’m here today because I want us to seize the opportunities on offer to bolster our bonds and extend our associations.

    So, I do hope this will be the start of a stronger relationship with all your navies and industries.

    The UK’s shipbuilding sector is energised. The engines are pumping, the propellers are turning and we’re setting sail for success. By the time I’ve been in the job for a few months, I’ll come up with some better puns than that!

    So, let’s do more together, let’s learn from each other and let’s find new ways to share our industrial burden.

    And as we celebrate the 80th anniversary of that victory in the Battle of the Atlantic this weekend, with allied navies convening on the Mersey for three days of commemorations, let’s remember that in our darkest days we found strength and solace in great partnerships.

    By reinvigorating those partnerships today, we can pave the way for an even more successful tomorrow.

    Thank you very much.