Tag: Foreign Office

Mr Chairperson, I am delivering this statement on behalf of 45 participating States: Albania, Andorra, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Canada, Georgia, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Moldova, Monaco, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Norway, San Marino, Serbia, Switzerland, Türkiye, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the European Union member states.

Being gravely concerned by the continuing impacts of Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine, in particular on the civilian population, including children, our delegations invoked the Moscow Mechanism on 30 March 2023. We requested ODIHR to inquire of Ukraine whether it would invite a mission of experts to ‘establish the facts and circumstances surrounding:

• possible contraventions of relevant OSCE commitments
• violations and abuses of human rights, and violations of International Humanitarian Law and international human rights law
• as well as possible cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity

associated with or resulting from the forcible transfer of children within parts of Ukraine’s territory temporarily controlled or occupied by Russia and/or their deportation to the Russian Federation.’

We are very grateful to the Moscow Mechanism rapporteurs, Professor Bilkova, Dr Hellestveit and Dr Šteinerte, for producing such a thorough and professional report. While we are still reviewing the report in detail, it is clear that the mission’s findings confirmed our serious cause for concern.

The report states that while the Mission has not been able to establish the exact number of deported or transferred children, ‘it is clear that these numbers are measured in several thousands’. The total number may be much higher still, as ‘both the Russian Federation and Ukraine indicate figures amounting to hundreds of thousands of children’.

Further, the report states ‘non-consensual evacuations, transfers and prolonged displacement of Ukrainian children constitute violations of International Humanitarian Law, and in certain cases amount to grave breaches of the Geneva Convention IV and war crimes’. The rapporteurs are of the understanding that ‘it is common procedure to separate parents and children at filtration points’ that have been ‘established by the Russian occupational authorities’, a practice that we are particularly appalled by.

The Mission states that it ‘has been able to establish with certainty that by and large the deportation of children cannot be qualified as voluntary’. Worryingly, the rapporteurs concluded that ‘the practice of the forcible transfer and/or deportation of Ukrainian children to the temporarily occupied territories and to the territory of the Russian Federation may amount to a crime against humanity’.

What is more, the Mission found that ‘numerous and overlapping violations of the rights of the children deported to the Russian Federation have taken place’, including denying ‘their right to identity, their right to family, their right to unite with their family’. The rapporteurs conclude that Russia has ‘manifestly violated the best interests of these children repeatedly’.

Finally, the Mission states that far from adhering to its obligation under International Humanitarian Law to facilitate the return of children, Russia ‘creates various obstacles for families seeking to get their children back’. This constitutes ‘a violation of the Geneva Conventions that exacerbates the gravity of other violations’.

Mr Chairperson, OSCE participating States have committed ‘to actively promote children’s rights and interests, especially in conflict and post-conflict situations’ (Istanbul 1999). Children are among the most vulnerable in times of war and require special attention and safeguarding. It is clear from the report that Ukrainian children have been left without this safeguarding. To the Russian Federation, we would like to highlight the following recommendations from the report:

• to immediately cease the practices of forcible transfer of Ukraine’s children within temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine and/or their forcible deportation to the Russian Federation
• without delay provide comprehensive lists of the names and whereabouts of all children who have been forcibly transferred or deported
• establish appropriate procedures for and actively assist family reunifications of all children who have been forcibly transferred or deported from Ukraine
• immediately cease the current practice of expedited admission into the Russian citizenship of Ukrainians, especially children

We, the invoking states, take note of the Mission’s recommendation to other states and the international community and encourage all other participating States to do the same. Recommendations include supporting Ukraine to locate children who have been forcibly transferred or deported, with a view to enable their return.

Mr Chairperson, this report is clear. Russia must return the children of Ukraine, to Ukraine, now.

Thank you, Mr Chair. Last week, in this room, the Russian Federation argued that it wants to see peace in Ukraine. We heard the Russian representative talk of “missed diplomatic opportunities” being measured in human lives and suffering. But let us be clear, Russia showed us clearly in the run up to the start of its full-scale invasion of Ukraine that it was not serious about engaging in diplomacy – it was focused only on deceit and furthering its territorial ambitions. And since then, Russia has shown us – week in and week out – that it is not serious about peace.

No-one wants peace more than Ukraine. Innocent Ukrainian people, who last Friday woke to the sound of missiles striking Uman and Dnipro. In Uman, six children were reported to be amongst those killed when Russian missiles hit a high-rise residential building. This was the first major wave of cruise missile strikes against Ukraine since early March, and followed drone strikes across several cities, including Kyiv and Odesa, in April, and further missile strikes affecting civilian infrastructure and residential areas in Kharkiv. This – the true face of Russia’s war effort – shows us that the Russian leadership is simply not serious about peace.

If Russia wanted peace, it would not be bombing Ukraine’s civilian population. Russia would not be targeting Ukraine’s critical civilian infrastructure, including power generation and hospitals. Russia would not have illegally seized control of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, subjecting its staff to horrific treatment, and increasing the risk of a nuclear incident which could threaten citizens of Ukraine and neighbouring countries. And certainly, as satellite imagery has revealed, Russia would not have constructed fighting positions on the Plant’s nuclear reactors. If Russia was serious about peace, it would withdraw all military personnel and equipment from the Plant, ensure its safe operation and return full control to its rightful owner – Ukraine.

If Russia was serious about peace, it would demonstrate its commitment to the Black Sea Grain Initiative, which has helped stabilise global food prices and alleviated a global food crisis severely exacerbated by Russia’s illegal war. Russia would stop using food as a weapon, by stopping threats to unilaterally leave the initiative and agree to a more sustainable, stable deal and unhindered inspections of those vessels waiting to join.

If Russia wanted a peaceful end to this war, it would cease the campaign of disinformation that it has peddled since the run-up to the full-scale invasion. It is clear that Russia aims to sow discord, obfuscate its responsibility for actions in Ukraine, and pin blame on the West and Ukraine’s partners. In this forum, and others, the UK will continue to call out Russia’s lies to ensure the world knows the true motives behind this illegal invasion.

In closing, Mr Chair, when Russia is serious about an end to its war, it must immediately cease attacks against Ukraine – including harming both critical national infrastructure and innocent civilians – and withdraw its forces from the entire territory of Ukraine. As long as Russia’s aggression persists, the United Kingdom will seize every opportunity to put pressure on Russia to stop its barbaric war, to expose Russia’s lies and to support Ukraine to protect and defend Ukraine’s sovereignty.

Thank you.

The United Kingdom commends The Bahamas’ initiatives to work towards ending Gender-Based Violence and sexual assault, particularly through the training of community residents to identify, address and find resolution to these issues.

We recognise The Bahamas’ unique challenges as a SIDS, and the further pressure on resources caused by Hurricane Dorian and COVID-19.

We also remain concerned by the issue of statelessness for those individuals born in the country who are not automatically afforded Bahamian citizenship.

We recommend that The Bahamas:

1. Continue efforts to improve prisoners’ detention conditions, health care and nutrition.
2. Take effective measures to prevent and end gender-based violence including high rates of domestic violence and femicide.
3. Review gender-neutral policies in the area of work, education, health and social services.

Thank you.

Thank you, President and I join others in congratulating Switzerland on assuming the presidency and I can assure you of our full support.

I would also like to thank High Commissioner Türk, Youth Ambassador Chigwenya and Professor Olonisakin for their informative briefings.

It is fitting that the country of Jean-Jacques Rousseau begins its Security Council presidency with an event on the importance of trust and the Social Contract. That Swiss philosopher’s belief that people could only experience true freedom only in a society that ensured the rights and well-being of its citizens still resonates more than two and a half centuries later. And Rousseau’s veneration of government under law finds a natural home in this Chamber and the UN Charter.

Trust in national and international institutions is central to their legitimacy, and to the fabric of society as we have heard today. And yet trust in both has been severely tested. Today, we face complex and interconnected challenges to peace, security and development. To overcome these, we have to rebuild that trust.

Switzerland’s concept note should chime with us all: inclusion is key to building peaceful societies; global normative frameworks provide the guardrails for peaceful order; and facts, truth and transparency are crucial to enabling trust. These elements are the heart of the Sustaining Peace agenda.

How can we build on that? I echo and underline three themes that we have heard already today.

First, the Council and the UN system can do more to anticipate risks and mobilise multilateral assistance earlier. Harnessing new technologies will revolutionise the way we understand conflict dynamics, enabling us to get ahead of crises and mitigate human suffering. We should nurture the trust and cooperation necessary to realise this.

Second, we should use the full breadth of peacebuilding tools for more integrated and coherent responses. The Peacebuilding Fund and the Peacebuilding Commission can support nationally-led prevention strategies and empower countries to build the trust and partnerships needed to turbocharge their peace and development trajectories.

Third, and critical to building trust and sustaining peace, is our collective commitment to the Women, Peace and Security agenda. We need to translate our commitments into action, strengthening women’s full and meaningful inclusion in decision-making and peace and development processes.

President, the United Kingdom is committed to working with all countries to advance nationally-owned peace, security and development objectives. Let us all work – here and at home – to restore the truth and the trust needed to realise these goals.

Thank you.

Thank you, Madam Chair. In the early hours of 28 April, Russia launched the first major wave of cruise missile strikes against Ukraine since early March 2023. Assessments indicate that these attacks were unlikely to have been targeting Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and that instead it is a realistic possibility that Russia was attempting to intercept Ukrainian reserve units and military supplies recently provided to Ukraine. Although Ukraine shot down most of the missiles, at least 25 innocent civilians were killed.

Madam Chair, Russia continues to operate an inefficient targeting process and prioritises perceived military necessity over preventing collateral damage, including civilian deaths. These attacks are another terrible example of this.

In a further demonstration of Russia’s increasingly reckless military decision-making, satellite imagery has shown newly established fighting positions on the roofs of several of the six reactor buildings at Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP). This is the first indication of the actual reactor buildings being integrated in Russia’s tactical defences of the ZNPP; a move that highly likely increases the chances of damage to ZNPP safety systems if fighting takes place around the plant.

As Russia’s ill-conceived invasion continues to falter, logistical issues remain at the heart of Russia’s struggling campaign in Ukraine. Whilst Russia continues to give the highest priority to mobilising its defence industry, it is still failing to meet demands for its war. Russia quite simply does not have enough munitions to achieve success on the offensive, with the paucity of ammunition driving increasingly open internal divisions, most notably between Russia’s Ministry of Defence and the Wagner Group.

Russia is also seemingly struggling to maintain discipline of its army. Since Autumn 2022, there have been increasingly draconian initiatives to improve discipline in the force, especially since Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov assumed command of the operation in January 2023. In recent months, Russian commanders have reportedly started punishing breaches in discipline by detaining the offending troops in ‘Zindans’ which are improvised cells consisting of holes in the ground covered with a metal grille. Multiple recent reports from Russian personnel give similar accounts of being placed in Zindans for misdemeanours including drunkenness and attempting to terminate their contracts.

Madam Chair, more widely, we have also seen that Russia’s brutal and illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine has had dramatically disproportionate effects on communities across Russia’s regions. In many of Russia’s Eastern regions, deaths, as a percentage of population, are reportedly over 30 times higher than in Moscow. In some areas, this is acutely felt among ethnic minorities. In Astrakhan, approximately 75% of casualties come from the minority Kazakh and Tatar communities. In contrast, the richest cities of Moscow and St Petersburg have been relatively unscathed. This is especially true for the families of the country’s elite including Putin’s senior officials. It is a telling indictment; thousands of ordinary Russian people are being sent to their deaths whilst Putin insulates the elite and those better off in Russian society from the true horrors and failures of his appalling war of choice.

Madam Chair, this is a devastating war of Russian incompetence which has brought death and destruction to Ukraine and horrendous losses to the Russian people. Since the beginning of the invasion it has been clear this has not been a display of great Russian military might. Instead, Russian military commanders have delivered a poorly trained, poorly equipped and poorly led force which needed to be supplemented by mercenaries and convicts almost immediately. Morale is low, supplies are low, and increasingly desperate Russian decision makers are running out of ideas.

In contrast, Ukraine has turned the tide in this war, regaining territory and liberating thousands of Ukrainian people. Ukraine has done this thanks to the awe-inspiring bravery of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, the resilience of the Ukrainian people and overwhelming international support. Together, with our Allies and partners, we are ensuring that Ukraine will win. Giving Ukraine the support it needs to defend itself and push Russia out of Ukraine’s sovereign territory is the swiftest and only path to a just and lasting peace. Thank you.

The United Kingdom commends Botswana’s commitment to gender equality as well as incremental policy interventions to counter rising cases of sexual and gender-based violence. We also recognise Botswana’s efforts to enhance child protection through child-friendly police stations. However, we remain concerned by Botswana’s continued use of the death penalty.

We recommend that Botswana:

1. Impose an immediate moratorium on the death penalty while working towards further reforms of its justice system and gathering public opinion on its relevance and efficiency as a deterrent.
2. Continue strengthening legislation to end violence against women and girls, including repealing the use of corporal punishment and strengthening penalties for sexual and gender-based violence-related offences.
3. Take effective measures to address threats to democracy by strengthening media freedom, freedom of expression, and transparency and accountability.

Thank you, Mr Vice President.

The UK recognises France’s strong commitment to maintaining and strengthening human rights.

We commend France’s commitments to tackle human trafficking, to advance gender equality, and to address gender-based violence. We note that the number of female victims of domestic violence in France has decreased from 2019 to 2022. However, in 2021, one woman was killed every three days by a partner or ex-partner.

We recommend:

1. Developing capacity to tackle the exploitation of vulnerable people, including victims of human trafficking and modern slavery.
2. Improving access to justice for victims of sexual crimes and domestic violence.
3. Improvements to conditions and over-crowding in prisons.

Thank you, Mr President.