Tag: Andy Burnham

  • Andy Burnham – 2011 Speech to Demos

    andyburnham

    Below is the text of the speech made by Andy Burnham, the Shadow Education Secretary, to Demos on 12th July 2011.

    When I was given this job, I said I wanted to rethink comprehensive education for the 21st century.

    Today I will set out my vision for what that means in practice.

    My thinking has been shaped by discussions in Labour’s Schools Policy Review and I am grateful to the experts on the group for their insights, and pleased that we are joined by one of them today – inspirational former primary school head, Richard Gerver.

    I would also like to thank Demos and Microsoft for hosting us today, and Mike Baker for agreeing to chair this event.

    My experts have told me one clear home truth: for too long, politicians have been labouring under old and out-dated assumptions about education and schools.

    Having begun in denial, I am now able to admit they are right.

    So, as Secretary of State for Education, I would look to build a school system in England based on three clear principles:

    First, where hard work is properly rewarded and all young people have something to aim for beyond school.

    Second, where we reach every single child, by judging schools on the difference they make for every individual student – including how far schools stretch the brightest

    Third, where learning is made relevant to life today, building the character and qualities young people will need to succeed in 21st century

    Reward, reach, relevance – these will be my 3Rs to guide schools reform in the 21st century.

    I will seek endorsement for them from Labour’s Annual Conference as part of a report of the schools policy review.

    It sounds simple. But, as I want to explain today, a school system that truly lives and breathes these ideas will be different than it is today.

    And, if it is to be a reality, it’s the political debate about education that urgently needs to enter the 21st century.

    My son starts secondary school in September.

    Last week, we attended the induction evening with other parents.

    The head began by asking us not to judge what we were about to hear by our own time at school.

    Schools today were preparing young people for a very different world than the 1980s, he said.

    Our sons and daughters could expect to have at least 10 different jobs throughout their career.

    Unlike their grandparents, who did specific jobs in large industries, they will most likely work in smaller companies. They will need to be all-rounders, able to adapt quickly to new situations.

    It is more likely that they will be employers as well as employees.

    With all this in mind, he said, thinking only about exam results would be to miss the point.

    Facts and content are not all that matters as some of our children will work in industries we don’t yet know about.

    Success in the 21st century will depend on young people’s ability to be resourceful, adaptable, self-confident, creative and self-managing.

    Good presentation and people skills will be essential, as will critical thinking.

    As I sat listening to this, I was struck by two things: first, how it echoed what I had been hearing from my experts on the policy review; second, how I wished I could get him before the House of Commons to make this speech.

    Most MPs, myself included, base their views on education on their own school days and what life was like in the 60s, 70s or 80s.

    As the outside changes rapidly, schools remain frozen in time in the minds of most MPs.

    But, since the Election, it’s got worse.

    Under the Coalition, thin king about education has headed backwards at breakneck speed – following the script of a 1980s film.

    You may remember it. It starred a man called Michael, who was trapped in the 1950s.

    Back to the Future probably would have been a better title for Michael Gove’s White Paper.

    Learning facts by rote to pass exams – names of rivers, Kings and Queens – is relentlessly promoted above instilling the essential qualities young people will need to navigate the modern world.

    It’s hard to understand the thought process that can conclude that the way forward for England’s schools in the 21st century is to bring in a new ‘gold standard’ measurement system that values Latin and Ancient Greek above Engineering, Business Studies or ICT.

    And, in a world of work that gets more complicated by the day, what do ministers do?

    They drop the requirement for work-related learning at Key Stage 4 and allow the Careers Service to melt away before our eyes.

    It’s a wholly inadequate response.

    By setting out an alternative vision today, I hope to refocus the education debate away from the Government’s obsession with structural reform and back on more fundamental questions.

    What are schools for? What do employers want from them?

    This is where I start from.

    Employability is important, but it’s not all that matters. Schools have to be about values and citizenship too.

    Somewhere along the line, as well as being stuck in the past, politicians have lost this broad view of education.

    Schools should build strong and prosperous communities in which all young people are ready and able to fulfil their potential – as citizens, employees, employers, mums, dads, carers and neighbours.

    This is my answer to the question ‘What are schools for?’

    But I don’t know what the Government thinks.

    Instead, we see a blizzard of activity focused on changing school structures without any clear vision of what makes the 21st century school.

    The Government urgently needs to correct this and to show how its structural reforms will deliver its vision.

    Failure to do that risks making its own reform programme an irrelevant sideshow: change for its own sake, a numbers game, rather than focusing schools on the job in hand of rising to the big economic and social challenges of this century.

    I am optimistic about our future, but right now our schools look stuck in the last century and government changes are sending them backwards not forwards.

    If current policy stays unchanged, I have great fears for where we’ll be in 10 years time.

    The lethal combination of the narrow English Baccalaureate and a free-for-all in schools risks cementing an impression that has been building for the last 20 years: a production-line approach to education where schools are stressed-out exam factories teaching to regurgitate facts u nder pressure rather building rounded characters.

    Schools have no choice but to focus on what they’re told.

    As the Secretary of State told the Commons yesterday, there has been an increase in the number of young people learning Latin in state schools.

    I’m not sure it’s the cause for celebration he seems to think it is.

    I have nothing at all against bright young people choosing Latin at GCSE. But what I suspect is happening is that schools are steering children towards EBacc subjects and the effect of this is that it is limiting choices for all children within the school.

    But I certainly can’t celebrate a system that encourages a focus on the top 30% of students at the expense of the rest.

    It leads me to ask: What has this Government got against creativity? What have they got to say to the 70% of children who are unlikely to opt for EBacc subjects?

    I think it’s inevitable that the effect will be a school system that sift s into two levels – schools that do well under EBacc and those that don’t.

    This risks taking us back to the 1950s: a two-tier system where technical or practical is second-best, our education system is divided, and a generation of children failed.

    England urgently needs an alternative to this out-dated thinking.

    We need an education policy that is both forward-looking and reasserts the broad view of education.

    So here are my emerging ideas about how to build a school system based around the three principles I mentioned at the beginning.

    First, a system where hard work is properly rewarded, by giving all young people something to aim for – building on our success in expanding university and apprenticeship places.

    The education debate in England urgently needs to be re-balanced.

    As Demos has rightly identified, politicians of all parties over a long period of time have let down the 50% or more of young people not planning to go to university.

    Because most went to university, there is a tendency to think exclusively about A Levels and the university route, exams and qualifications.

    Our school system has traditionally provided great clarity to young people on university route, as to what they need to do to secure a place.

    Young people outside that route have had nothing like the same clarity and have been expected to make their own way.

    Unless that changes, our school system will continue to cater for some children, not all children. We won’t rise to the big challenges of this century, which are different to the last.

    When we started school, our generation had more certainty and structure.

    On the whole, people knew university was a realistic possibility – and affordable – if they met the required standard.

    For those planning to enter work, trainee schemes operated by large industries were in much more plentiful supply. Entry requirements for them were well understood.

    Today, there is still clarity about what it takes to go to University – even if that is a receding possibility for many young people.

    But, with the demise of large industry, there is nowhere near as much clarity for young people who want to get good vocational qualifications that will take them towards skilled work.

    And this problem will only get bigger, as young people switch off from higher education.

    I think this is taking the country in the wrong direction, as university education gives people the all-round versatility and confidence they will need for the modern world.

    But, if we are to avoid a lost generation, we must urgently rethink what we are offering as a society to young people not planning to go to university.

    When they start school, all young people need to feel they have something to aim for.

    If they don’t have a clear sense that school needs is leading somewhere and giving them a path in life, the risk will be that we see young people switching off at school in greater numbers as the EBacc is not what they want and other courses will have the distinct feel of being second-best, an afterthought.

    So what to do?

    I want all young people to have a solid opportunity to aim for at 18 – be it a University place or apprenticeship.

    But, if we want to instil the right values in our young people, it can’t be about handing everything on a plate.

    So I believe this points to developing a new social contract with young people.

    When starting school, the message to all young people should be clear: if you put in the hours, and if you meet the required standard, you will gain a solid, prestigious qualification which will open up a good opportunity for you beyond school.

    This means we will need good-quality apprenticeships in much more plentiful supply than there are today, and much clearer information and structure for how they access them.

    For instance, why isn’t there as much clarity over applying for apprenticeships as there is for applying to universities?

    Could we build up the system John Denham introduced into a true UCAS-style system where the best opportunities go to those who work hardest?

    Delivering this change will be about building on what we did in Government, but taking it to a new level.

    Labour saved apprenticeships from near-extinction.

    We more than quadrupled the number of places in our 13 years in government and had plans for further big expansions of public sector apprenticeships.

    If the path towards an apprenticeship was as clear as the path towards university, more young people would see the relevance of their education and understand that hard work would be rewarded.

    This is why the current shambles around the careers service is so damaging. The school and college leaders’ union, ASCL have said that 2 million young people could mi ss out on careers advice due to government mismanagement.

    A social contract for young children of the kind I am talking about will be essential to preventing the terrifying prospect of lost generations throughout this century.

    But it will also build a society based on the right values.

    In the eyes of the public, Labour in government started to lose an association with hard work and the idea that the way to get on in life is to put in the hours.

    At times, we created an impression that opportunities would be provided regardless of people’s willingness to grab them.

    A society based on responsibility means firmly planting at the heart of our school system the idea that hard work will be rewarded.

    This takes me to my second principle – a school system that reaches every single child, where there is an incentive to stretch every child.

    Labour made huge progress at every stage of children’s development.

    Sure Start brought a whole-family approach to education and helped bring children to primary school ready to learn.

    Primary schools were our great success story. But it’s from 11 to 19 that the picture is more mixed.

    I’ve been reflecting on what we got right and wrong.

    In 1997, inheriting a system with 50% of schools failing to give a third of kids basic standards in English and maths meant we needed to get a pretty firm grip at the centre.

    Our National Challenge benchmark of 5 A*-C at GCSE was the right measure for the time and helped us to turn around over 1,000 failing schools.

    But sticking with it for as long as we did brought two problems with it: first, it judged schools by how well they did with some children, not all children; second, it did not provide sufficient incentive to stretch the brightest, to turn Cs in Bs, Bs into As, and As into A*s.

    The new Government has made great play of the fact that it is continuing Labour’s approach – but with added fervour and intensity.

    This is a debatable claim. But it is true to the extent that the current Government are now in grave danger of cementing into the system some of the flaws in Labour’s approach.

    I believe there will always be a need for some measure of absolute standards in our schools.

    But in Government we were beginning to move away from 5A*-Cs as a headline measure, because we knew that any ‘threshold’ standard like this would focus attention at the borderline and not incentivise schools to focus on every child.

    We can’t turn off the flow of data, and the more information we have about our schools, the better. But we can control how politicians handle and react to that data.

    By making the English Bacc their headline performance measure for schools the Government has ensured that turning grade Ds into Cs will remain a core focus for schools.

    Having promised to end top-down targets, schools are being plac ed in a vice-like grip – not just the EBacc but also a tougher 5 A to Cs floor target.

    Labour’s policy review is looking at whether it is possible to reform league tables so that schools are judged by the difference that they make with each individual learner.

    We will now do further work on developing a simple measure –using CVA or VA as a starting point – that is well understood, trusted by parents and supported by the profession.

    If we get it right, it could align the political imperative to measure how schools are doing with the professional vocation of teachers to make a difference for every child.

    It would be a simple expression of what should be the mission of every school: pushing every pupil to be the best they can be, with a clear incentive to put no limits on how far we stretch the brightest.

    But we will only do that if we also enact my third principle and create a system where learning is made relevant to life today, building t he character and qualities young people will need to succeed in 21st century.

    Schools need to give young people need relevant answers to the challenges in their lives.

    They need forward-looking courses of study, with links to the world of world, that don’t just focus on facts and knowledge but instil the essential qualities they will need to get on in a changing world.

    Relevance is an important concept in education – but not one that features in current Ministerial thinking.

    We mustn’t trap ourselves in the out-dated thinking that learning falls into clear categories: the academic or vocational, the theoretical or the practical, the brain or the hands.

    Many subjects, like medicine or engineering, are a mixture of both.

    We can both stretch young people academically – for example, by offering triple science at GCSE – whilst also promoting practical or vocational learning, like the Engineering Diploma. It’s not a choice between the two, as the Government seems to suggest.

    Employers and universities are united and clear in what they want from schools – young people strong in the basics and displaying what they call ‘employability skills’ – like self-management, team working and problem solving.

    And they want to see more young people with specialist knowledge in science, technology, maths and engineering.

    So it follows that we need a school system that instils those essential qualities, builds strong characters and encourages independent learning.

    It is clear that a content-driven curriculum alone will not develop the attributes that employers and universities say they are looking for.

    We need to look at how we ensure all young people have the opportunity to develop the knowledge and attributes they need for the modern world.

    I think we need to look at two areas first.

    First, is there a case for setting out a minimum entitlement for all children – a binding statement of rights in a world where the education system is more fragmented and some schools narrow their focus?

    It could build on our pupil and parent guarantees, scrapped by this Government.

    Like the right to one-to-one catch-up if a child fell behind in the basics.

    Like the opportunity to study triple science at GCSE, or to learn a language at primary school.

    Increasing the life chances of children from poorer families in a century where social networks and family connections are becoming more important means giving them access to the same breadth of opportunities as children from better-off families that broaden horizons.

    It’s not just about academic opportunities. There is a real fear that sport, cultural opportunities and work experience become random again and the preserve of those whose families can organise opportunities.

    These are the things that develop confidence and character.

    In my view, every child should have the chance to experience qualified coaching and competitive opportunities in a range of sports.

    Just as I would like to see every child experience a creative and cultural education – with opportunities to learn a musical instrument, to act in a play, to develop confidence in public speaking.

    Sport and arts are the things that can turn on a light inside many children, helping them achieve more in their core academic studies.

    And if we are truly to raise aspirations for every child, we need to be far more ambitious about work-related learning.

    Employers have a right to say that schools are turning out young people lacking in the skills they are looking for.

    But they also have a responsibility to get involved in schools and help them develop those skills.

    Experience of the workplace is essential if we are to broaden the horizons of our most deprived children.

    We know that when young people organise their own work experience, a form of social reproduction takes place and they end up experiencing the type of work their families are involved in.

    You don’t often find working class kids spending two weeks in a law firm if they have to organise it through their own connections.

    Rather than scrapping the requirement, we should have a much more ambitious view where the worlds of law, finance, media and politics are opened up to young people from less well-connected families.

    Third sector organisations like Future First and the Education and Employers Taskforce are helping schools to build the networks that they need to offer these opportunities in their local communities.

    But minimum entitlements alone will not be enough. We also need a radical rethink of the 14-19 curriculum so that we can give young people a relevant and engaging path from school to work.

    Looking back, Labour missed a moment in 2006, with the publication of the Tomlinson Report.

    We had a chance to reshape the curriculum and the work of schools – relevant, rewarding, built around the strengths and interests of every child – but failed to take it.

    I want to go back to the principles of that report but update it too.

    We stand a better chance of engaging all young people if we can offer them relevant options at 14.

    English and maths must always be at the core of a young person’s education, and no one should be forced to specialise before they are ready. But they should be able to if they are.

    Last week, I visited the JCB Academy and saw students following a programme of study that they had chosen – and that they clearly found highly relevant and engaging.

    The Engineering Diploma that JCB Academy offers mixes high quality academic and practical learning, and can help open the doors to apprenticeships and university.

    But, importantly, it doesn’t close any doors – the head teacher told me that if, at 16, one of their students decided they wanted to study medicine, there would be no reason why they couldn’t. The school will score zero on the English Baccalaureate.

    Instead of closing down their choices, as the English Baccalaureate does, I think we should open them up – so young people can follow the pathway that is right for them and develop their talents, be those are academic, technical, linguistic or creative.

    I think we need to look at introducing a true Baccalaureate, like the International Baccalaureate: a broad programme of learning that lets all young people choose the path that suits them best but gives all the solid, prestigious qualification age 14-19 that is valued by employers and universities that I was talking about earlier.

    If we are to do this successfully, it will demand more of our teachers.

    Standing in front of a class and teaching kids to memorise facts isn’t easy.

    But it might seem more straightforward than developing a relevant programme of study that speaks to every child and equips them with not only the knowledge, but also the essential attributes, they will need to succeed in the modern world.

    Luckily, we currently have the best generation of teachers ever. I want to make it a national mission in the coming decade to build the best teaching workforce in the world.

    That’s why I am asking if there’s a case for working towards making teaching a masters-level profession, following the example of the best school systems around the world.

    Only with the highest-quality, most professional teaching workforce in the world will we be able to deliver an education system that rewards hard work, reaches every child and is relevant to the modern world.

    This emphasis on access to CPD for teachers could be linked to the introduction of a professionally-led licence to teach.

    A more relevant 14 to 19 curriculum will also mean changes for our schools.

    I want to see every local area develop exciting and engaging new post-14 pathways, working with employers and post-16 providers.

    The implication of this is two major changes from current policy: first, a continuing and important planning role for the local authority in education; second, an education system where collaboration between schools, rather than hand-to-hand combat, is the driving force.

    Education is essentially a collaborative activity: the more people share thoughts and ideas, the more they learn. But the market model doesn’t recognise this: it encourages schools jealously to guard the best of what they’ve got; and will produce winners and losers, where young people get trapped in struggling institutions.

    My vision is to open up the best that every area has to offer to all children.

    A refocused 14-19 curriculum might also mean at 14 that we spend more time bringing the very brightest children together from schools a cross a local authority area, so they can learn from each other and we can give them a clearer idea of what is required on the Russell Group or Oxbridge path.

    A system that is “comprehensive and collaborative”: not a rose-tinted view of education but, according to PISA, the defining characteristics of the world’s best education systems.It is about facing future challenges, not a vision of education stuck in the past.

    It is about instilling essential qualities rather than focusing solely on facts and exams.

    It is about finding a route through for every child, not just the top 25%.

    If we don’t do these things, we are facing a century when there is a real risk that social mobility will go seriously into reverse.

    The British Promise that Ed Miliband has spoken of – where children have greater life chances than their parents – will only be a reality if we can bring our schools into the 21st century.

    Preventing a lost generation and wasting the talents of our young people is one of the great challenges of our times.

    As university gets more expensive, EMA withdrawn, and old structures break down, it will be those kids without connections, and family networks, who fail to get on.

    I came into politics to challenge that.

    And its why today I put forward my vision for comprehensive education in the 21st century: relevant, rewarding, aspirational for all.

  • Andy Burnham – 2010 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    andyburnham

    Below is the text of the speech made by Andy Burnham to the 2010 Labour Party Conference.

    Conference.

    You’ve been so good to me this week.

    It’s not every day that you lose a leadership election and your team goes bottom of the league.

    I am proud of my campaign. I said in my own words what I felt needed to be said.

    But I am proud of our new Leader too – the spokesman for a new generation and our next Prime Minister.

    Conference, you know me now. I will give him all my support to make that happen.

    But I can’t deny that we didn’t have our disagreements on the campaign trail.

    Picture the scene – early Sunday morning, on the train to the Cardiff hustings, Ed and his team were sitting in our reserved seats.

    It’s fair to say that, if we’d known then what we know now, we probably wouldn’t have turfed him out!

    But he’s right – a new generation is ready to lead Labour forward.

    We are more united than any other time in our history.

    We are ready to rise to the big challenges of our time, drawing inspiration from Labour’s post-war generation.

    The way older people have to pay for care today is as great an injustice as health care before the NHS.

    A cruel ‘dementia tax’ where vulnerable people empty their bank accounts and surrender their homes – not the British way, but as brutal as American healthcare.

    And it’s about to get a whole lot worse.

    David Cameron’s cuts to councils will put half a million older people at risk – left alone without help, piling yet more pressure on family carers, paying even more out of their own pockets.

    Ending the injustice of the ‘dementia tax’ in this century of the ageing society will be for Labour a cause as great as any that has gone before.

    A National Care Service free at the point of use – paid for by a care levy – will give peace of mind to everyone in later life and let them protect what they’ve worked for.

    It will be for Labour in this century what the NHS was for us in the last – proudly proclaiming our values to the world, showing how they can build a better and fairer society.

    A big, inspiring idea in the best traditions of our Party – that’s the way to Reconnect Labour.

    But it means rediscovering the courage of our convictions.

    Thank God Nye Bevan wasn’t the kind of man who worried about what the Daily Mail might say. If he was, we might never have had an NHS.

    So, going forward, let’s worry a bit less about what the media might say and do what we know to be right.

    Bevan called the NHS: “a real piece of socialism”.

    Today, it is Britain’s most cherished institution.

    But it is now facing the biggest attack in its 62-year history.

    A White Paper out of nowhere that will unpick the very fabric of our NHS and turn order into chaos.

    They are the wrong reforms at the wrong time – and a bad deal for patients.

    Before the Election, Mr Cameron said his priority could be summed up in three letters: NHS.

    Barely a week went by without a photocall alongside NHS staff.

    No mention of the bombshell he was about to drop on them.

    My message today to the Prime Minister is simple: you can’t pose as the friend of the NHS on one day and rip it to pieces the next.

    People will not forgive you for it.

    You have no mandate for the break-up of a successful NHS.

    Patients aren’t asking for it.

    GPs and NHS staff don’t want it.

    The public did not vote for it.

    I say to you today – put these dangerous plans on hold.

    Give the NHS the stability it needs.

    If you don’t, get ready for the fight of your life – and the public will be on our side, not yours.

    You made promises to patients and NHS staff – we won’t let you betray them.

    Conference, on some things, though, David Cameron has been true to his word.

    Do you remember how in the Election he promised to look out for the ‘Great Ignored’?

    Well, to be fair, he has. Nick Clegg could not have had a warmer welcome into the Tory fold.

    And it’s hard to ignore Nick now, isn’t it?

    Nick, if you don’t mind, a bit of advice: your tie doth protest too much. The yellower it gets, the more you look and sound like a Tory.

    That’s today’s Liberal Democrats: Tories in yellow ties.

    But I’m told the Lib Dems are happy with this new image. In fact, they’ve already picked a campaign song for the next Election to promote it.

    It’s a remake of a classic love song based on the Tory tree logo.

    It’s called: ‘Tie a yellow ribbon round the old oak tree’.

    Now we all know Nick likes the spotlight. But, incredibly, he is planning to sing the key lines himself in a very personal appeal to his friend David:

    ‘So tie a yellow ribbon round the old oak tree

    It’s been three long years, do ya still want me?’

    But, Conference, this is a tear-jerker. Nick goes on to open up his heart about his fear of rejection on campaign trail:

    ‘If I don’t see a yellow ribbon round the old oak tree –

    ‘I’ll stay on the bus (he must mean his battle bus), forget about us, put the blame on me.’

    Make no mistake, Nick.

    If you and your MPs nod through the break-up of the NHS, we will put the blame on you.

    Not just us – but the seven million people who voted for you too.

    They didn’t vote for this.

    You didn’t tell them you would allow your friend Dave to carve up the NHS – a service which is today the envy of the world.

    In June, a respected international think tank gave this verdict on the NHS: the 2nd best health care system in the world and top on efficiency.

    Conference, feel proud of that – the final word on Labour’s NHS.

    No-one can take it away from us, however much they try to re-write history.

    But it’s all at risk. 13 years of careful work – staked on the roll of a dice. A 1000-piece jigsaw thrown up into the air.

    It makes me want to weep.

    Before the ink was barely dry on a Coalition Agreement which promised ‘no more top-down reorganisations of the NHS,’ we get the biggest and most dangerous ever.

    A epic U-turn from a Government fond of pious statements on restoring trust in politics.

    What changed, Mr Cameron? I think shell-shocked NHS staff deserve an answer.

    But patients deserve answers too.

    It’s our job, Conference, to tell them what this plan means.

    Waiting times getting longer again with the scrapping of our maximum 18-week wait – and our cancer targets.

    They deride them as ‘process targets’.

    But with cancer, process equals time, and time saves lives.

    Patients facing that familiar Tory choice in healthcare – wait longer or pay to go private – as the private patients’ cap is lifted

    A postcode lottery writ large, with up to 500 GP groups making different decisions.

    Vulnerable patients – people with mental health problems, rare conditions or complex needs – left without the guarantees and certainty they need.

    For staff, it means the end of national pay structures which bring stability to the system.

    I was proud to make the public NHS my preferred provider. But now staff have no guarantees that they’ll be working in the NHS in five years time.

    These reforms have nothing to do with what is best for the NHS – and everything to do with ideology.

    It is nothing short of scandalous to spend up to £3 billion on a political experiment with our NHS at a time when every single penny is needed to maintain jobs and standards of patient care.

    They are an attack on the N in NHS – a frightening vision of a fragmented health service, where markets rule, competition trumps cooperation, private sector giants outbid the NHS and profits trump patients.

    No wonder morale is at rock bottom.

    Tens of thousands of decent, hard-working PCT staff have been told they are simply expendable.

    It’s no way to treat loyal people who helped put the NHS back on its feet.

    I tell them today that I value your contribution and the country should too.

    We have GPs wondering when they signed up to become the managers of markets and multi-million pound budgets.

    Ian spoke for many when he said: “Don’t destroy what we’ve spent many years building up.”

    Lansley says listen to GPs – well it’s about time he did the same. If the Royal College of GPs and the BMA can’t support your plans, something is seriously wrong.

    A chorus of protest – from patients, nurses and now even GPs – is rising across the country.

    It is aimed at a Tory Party that voted 51 times against the NHS.

    It’s never been safe in their hands and it’s not safe now.

    So, Conference, let the message go out from here today that we’re getting ready for the battle of our lives.

    People need to know that their beloved NHS will never be the same again if this madcap plan goes ahead.

    I call on all of you to sign up today.

    Put your name on Labour’s Defend Our NHS petition and recruit friends to do the same.

    Let’s build an army of NHS defenders in every community in the land.

    Let’s take the fight for a universal, public NHS to every street and doorstep.

    Let’s give heart to those demoralised NHS staff, who do so much for us all, that Labour will stand up for them and defend what they believe in.

    And let’s show this arrogant Government the might of this Labour movement when it fights as one.

    To those who say we can’t win – 16,000 people have already proved you wrong.

    We saved NHS Direct.

    And well done John Prescott for that.

    Conference, we can and must win.

    We will win.

    Because the public will be willing us on.

    They didn’t vote for this.

    Mr Cameron, you have picked the wrong fight.

    We are a resurgent Labour Party – and nothing matters more to us than the NHS.

    It is the best thing about Britain today.

    Labour’s finest achievement.

    Conference, defend it with everything you’ve got – and get ready for the fight of our lives.

    Thank you.

  • Andy Burnham – 2010 Speech to Age UK Social Care Conference

    andyburnham

    Below is the text of the speech made by the former Secretary of State for Health, Andy Burnham, on 10th March 2010.

    When I became Health Secretary last year, I put reforming care for older and disabled people at the top of my priority list.

    I have to admit there have been days since when I’ve had cause to question the wisdom of that decision.

    This issue, as we all know, is a political minefield and I’ve asked myself more than once whether I’d bitten off more than I could chew.

    But, as difficult as it gets, I am absolutely determined to see it through.

    That’s because, though real improvements have been made, our social care system remains fundamentally unfair – as harsh as healthcare provision in the days before the NHS.

    And my conviction to do something about it was forged from seeing my own grandmother – a proud Scouse lady – laid low emotionally and financially.

    I have a strong sense of the injustice here and there’s no point being in politics if you’re not prepared to act on those instincts when you have the chance.

    So I can say today that I am resolved on two things: first, that I will bring forward proposals for a National Care Service in a White Paper this side of the Election; second, that I still want to build as much political consensus around it as I possibly can.

    With that in mind, I think it is a positive thing that we’re gathered here today and that all three parties are back in the same room. I’d like to thank Age UK for making it possible.

    As well as revealing our differences, I hope today’s debate might also surprise people by revealing more consensus between the parties than they might think.

    First, all parties seem to agree that reform is now urgent, and that the Green Paper has achieved the aim I set for it of building unstoppable momentum for a fundamental reform bill in the next Parliament.

    Second, that the idea of a National Care Service – replacing today’s local lottery with national assessment and national entitlement – has been broadly accepted.

    Third, there is also emerging consensus that payment must be based on a partnership between the individual and the state and be fair across the generations, as a cross-Party commission concluded this week.

    Fourth, that in its design, the National Care Service should provides care which is personal, preventative and integrated with other services.

    As we look to build further consensus, I have been listening and reflecting on what has been said during our Big Care Debate.

    Some felt the Green Paper didn’t say enough about carers and I think that’s a fair criticism. The White Paper will say more about how the National Care Service will help carers cope, by providing them with better support when they need it.

    People also raised questions about benefit reform. On Attendance Allowance, the Age Concern manifesto states that ‘any reform…must retain its essential features’. I agree. And I will ensure that the White Paper reflects this.

    So far, so good. But from here it gets harder as we talk about how to pay – with claims of taxes of one kind or another.

    The problem with this politically-charged debate is that it ignores the fact that today we have the cruellest tax of all – a dementia tax, as the Alzheimer’s Society puts it, where the more vulnerable you are, the more you pay.

    We know that eight out of ten people will develop a care need as they got older. So we know we are likely to have to pay something for our care but no-one knows how much. It’s a cruel lottery where people are forced to gamble with their homes and savings.

    The need for reform is not in doubt. The question is how to pay for it.

    The broad choice is between a voluntary and compulsory system. There are pros and cons with each.

    A voluntary funding option would provide more choice, but with low take-up. It would come at a greater cost to the individual, and the question is: can it be made affordable to all? I think of my constituents in Leigh when I ask that question. Our Green Paper put the cost of this at £25,000.

    A compulsory option would be more affordable and provide care on NHS terms – free at the point of use when it is needed – but it would take choice away from the individual.

    So that’s the basic question that the Government is still considering.

    For me, the crucial test of any proposed solution is that it must be within the reach of all people and affordable to everyone.

    It will only be lasting solution if everyone is able to get the peace of mind that comes from knowing your care needs are covered. And any solution must help all people to protect what they have what they have worked for so it can be passed on – nobody should have to lose their home to pay for their care.

    If we fail to act now, the unfairness will only increase as we all live longer.

    And the problem now affects many more families and many more communities as today’s generation of pensioners are the first real home-owning generation.

    They are looking to us work together to find the solution and we must not let them down.

  • Andy Burnham – 2010 Speech on the National Care Service

    andyburnham

    Below is the text of the speech made by the then Secretary of State for Health, Andy Burnham, on 30th March 2010.

    Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon. It’s a great pleasure to be here, and to welcome you all.

    For carers, for older people, for people with disabilities, for families and communities, for everyone who has campaigned for a better deal for those in need of care and support – for all of us – this is a momentous day.

    When William Beveridge wrote the founding document of the welfare state in 1942 he set out the five ‘giant evils’ of want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness, that as a society we would work join together to overcome.

    Now, as we all live longer, thanks in no small part to the NHS, a sixth giant has emerged – fear of old age.

    The social care system is the only remaining part of our welfare state that is not organised on a collective basis. And as a result, over the years we have seen too many vulnerable people and their families struggling to cope, often losing everything to pay for care.

    But today, once and for all, we say – no more.

    I want to thank all of you for everything you’ve done to help us get to this point and in particular Imelda Redmond and the Care and Support Alliance. I’d also like to thank a wonderful man – Phil Hope the Minister for Care Services. And to thank David Behan, Sally Warren, and their team, and so many others. It has been a tremendous effort. And when the road has become rocky – which at times it has – I’ve been spurred on by your commitment.

    This has become a personal mission for me – forged by my own family’s experience, by memories of my mother fighting for better care for her mum.

    There is a historic wrong here, which we have to put right.

    For the sake of the generation entering care now, and for generations to come, we have to put in place a fair, affordable and lasting solution.

    And that is why, today, I am confirming that the government is committed to the principle of creating a National Care Service.

    A service that is comprehensive, fair for all, and free for everyone when they need it.

    A service that completes the vision of the welfare state – that sees only the individual and their needs, and not their ability to pay.

    A service that promises not just more support for carers, for older people and for people with disabilities, but peace of mind for all.

    The White Paper we are publishing today sets out how we will build this new service.

    The case for change

    And it’s been a long journey to get us here today.

    Improvements have been made over recent years. But there are still too many people whose experience of the system is defined by frustration, poor quality and neglect – and often by a wearying battle to get the help they need.

    Too often the system can be confusing and unresponsive. Different services don’t always work together, and there is a postcode lottery, as people with the same needs receive different levels of care depending on where they live.

    The fact is our care system was designed for a different era. It cannot cope with the challenges of today, let alone the demands of tomorrow.

    The Big Care Debate

    We recognised the scale of the challenge in last year’s Green Paper, Shaping the Future of Care Together. And because this is an issue that affects everyone we launched the Big Care Debate. It soon became the largest ever consultation on care and support in England.

    Over 68,000 people took part – including many of you. We have published the independent summary of the consultation alongside the White Paper.

    And it confirmed much of what we thought about the current system. In one response someone said:

    ‘There are a great number of people who do not understand what to do or where to go. I myself have spent 12 months looking and only by accident found what I was looking for.’

    That’s no way to serve some of the most vulnerable people in society.

    But we’ve listened – and our White Paper has been shaped by what people told us.

    We set out three options. 35% of people supported a partnership approach. 22% an insurance approach. But the most popular option, with 41% support was a comprehensive approach.

    We’re responding to that desire for real change – for fundamental reform of the system. That’s what today is all about.

    The National Care Service

    The new, National Care Service will offer high quality care and support for all – whoever you are, wherever you live in England, and whatever condition leads you to need that support.

    Like the NHS, everyone will contribute and everyone will get their care for free when they need it.

    It will support families, carers and communities, and ensure that everyone is treated with dignity and respect. No-one will be forced to give up their home or their savings to get care – ensuring everyone peace of mind.

    And the National Care Service won’t just make people into passive recipients of care handed out by an unresponsive system. It will provide more personalised care that is focussed on keeping people well and independent, enabling them to stay in their home if that is where they want to be. It will give people choice and control over their own care and their own lives.

    Rather than being told what services they are going to receive, people will have a personal budget if they want one, giving them power over how their care and support entitlement is spent.

    We’ll take common sense steps to make people’s lives easier – like joining-up referral processes for social care and attendance allowance.

    We’ll ensure that different parts of the system work better together, with a new duty for NHS bodies and local authorities to deliver integrated care.

    And we will provide a better deal for those unseen and unsung heroes of our care and support system.

    In this country today millions of people – on every street in every town – are providing care at home for a loved one.

    These everyday heroes are the mark of a civilised society – but in truth we are not serving them today as well as they are serving us.

    The National Care Service will provide better support for carers through clearer and more accessible information – and it will give them the peace of mind that their loved one will receive high quality care and support under the new service.

    We can’t, in any situation, replace the loving support that carers give – and nor would we ever wish to. The National Care Service has to be built on that bedrock, to enable us to help everyone.

    Funding

    We all have a stake in these issues. Eight in ten of us will need care as we get older. And, of course, no-one knows how much care they will need or how much they will have to pay.

    That’s because we currently have – as the Alzheimer’s Society described it – a dementia tax, where the vulnerable pay more, where people can see tens or hundreds of thousands of pounds wiped out by the costs of care. People are having to deal with the loss of their homes, their savings and every ounce of their financial security, at the very time that their family is going through a period of terrible emotional stress.

    To make the National Care Service work, everyone will have to make a contribution.

    But because of this, care and support will be free for everyone when they need it – and the costs of covering everyone’s care needs will be reduced.

    This means people of all incomes will get peace of mind in old age and be able to protect everything they have worked for. Like the NHS before it, it will end the catastrophic costs of care.

    And it will promote social mobility, because it will help to protect people’s homes and savings – helping lower-income families keep their foothold on the property ladder.

    So at the start of the next Parliament we will establish a commission to reach a consensus on the best way of financing this system. The commission will determine the options which should be open to individuals so that people can have choice and flexibility about how they contribute.

    That’s what you told me at the Care and Support Conference in February. I hope you recognise much of what is in the White Paper today.

    We expect that people will continue to pay for the accommodation costs for residential care. However, we will introduce a universal deferred payment system, so no one has to sell their homes in their lifetime in order to pay for residential care.

    We will also keep the current system of Attendance Allowance and Disability Living Allowance. The National Care Service should be built on these foundations. The benefits of the current system will be replicated in the new service – and I am happy to confirm that today.

    Delivering the National Care Service

    Building the new National Care Service will be one of the biggest changes to the welfare state since the creation of the NHS.

    It is a major reform and it can’t be completed overnight. So we will build the new service in three stages, and we will establish a National Care Service leadership group to co-ordinate the implementation of the new service.

    The first stage is to implement the Personal Care at Home Bill, which is before the House of Commons this evening. This Bill enables us to guarantee that those with the highest needs will receive free personal care in their own home.

    It also establishes intensive reablement services in every community to help people retain or regain their independence and confidence after a crisis or the first time they need care.

    During this stage we will also continue to implement the reforms to the system that are already delivering benefits – such as in tackling dementia or supporting carers.

    And the fact that this Bill is before the Commons tonight should give you all encouragement that this is not just words – the action starts right now.

    The second stage, during the next Parliament, will be to start to build the National Care Service, including creating the commission on funding for the Service.

    To ensure that the Service has a proper legal basis, we will introduce a National Care Service Bill, which will set out the duties of the Secretary of State and local authorities to provide care to those who need it.

    We will abolish the postcode lottery by establishing in law the point at which someone becomes eligible for state support.

    And from April 2014, people will receive their care free if they need to stay in residential care for more than two years, again removing the fear of catastrophic costs and protecting people’s assets and savings.

    These two stages will together mean the most vulnerable in society – those with the highest needs – are protected from very high care costs wherever they may need care.

    The third and final stage of reform, after 2015, will be the introduction of the comprehensive National Care Service – establishing once and for all a system that is fair and free at the point of need for everyone.

    Conclusion

    There’s no doubt this is an ambitious goal.

    In creating a comprehensive National Care Service we are setting out to change, forever, the story of our welfare state.

    But that, simply, is the challenge for this generation.

    Some six decades ago when my predecessor, Nye Bevan, was moving the NHS Bill in the House of Commons, he said it would ‘lift the shadow from millions of homes’.

    It did lift the shadow – and that reform has lit the nation ever since.

    Looking to the future, I believe the National Care Service can do the same.

    And in closing, I’d like to ask you to go out and make that argument.

    If you believe this is the right reform for older, vulnerable and disabled people in this country please join us in making that argument for fundamental reform.

    I believe we have an opportunity to make a change and we all need to come together to seize it – to create a National Care Service and to protect our citizens now and for the rest of this century.

    Thank you very much for listening.

  • Andy Burnham – 2009 Speech to the Labour Party conference

    andyburnham

    Below is the text of the speech made by the then Health Secretary, Andy Burnham, at the 2009 Labour Party conference.

    Conference.

    Let me start by getting one thing straight – for people at home, I give you the original and only Party of the NHS.

    We made it.

    We saved it.

    Our greatest success.

    And make no mistake – the coming election is a fight for its future.

    To be a Labour Health Secretary is a huge privilege, and I know I have a responsibility to you all to celebrate Labour’s NHS every day until polling day.

    But I had an interesting start to the job with a flu pandemic declared in my first week.

    Say what you like about that Alan Johnson but you have to admit his political timing is immaculate!

    Alan did a great job in leading the NHS to the strongest position in its history, building on the work of Patricia, John, Alan and Frank.

    But, the real debt of thanks we all owe is to NHS staff.

    We saw their remarkable resilience as they helped the country cope with the first wave of swine flu, and I know we can count on them again to pull us through a challenging winter.

    Conference, please join me in showing our appreciation of them.

    Recently, I had my own personal reminder of the value of our NHS.

    Two weeks ago, my Dad had a heart bypass at Broad Green Hospital in Liverpool.

    It was stressful for all my family, but his care quite simply could not have been better.

    So good in fact, we’ll have him looking after the grandkids again in just a few days.

    The NHS is helping thousands of people like my Dad get more out of life.

    Today, people wait weeks for a heart bypass operation.

    Under the Tories, it could be over a year.

    Just pause on that for one moment, and think what it means.

    How many poor sods never made it off those shameful Tory waiting lists?

    How many went so far downhill that life was never the same again?

    That’s the difference that Labour has made.

    On our watch, 33 000 fewer deaths from heart disease each year – not statistics, but people living longer thanks to the NHS and every single one of them someone’s mum, dad, gran or granddad.

    Conference, these are the things that matter.

    Human and social progress on a grand scale.

    When times are tough, and you wonder whether politics is worth all the hassle, you should think about these changes and stand proud.

    Because we collectively made health our priority, lives have been saved.

    Labour’s great success – an NHS no longer second-class but Britain’s best-loved institution.

    Newspapers haven’t fixed the NHS; it’s Labour wot won it.

    In 1997, it had sunk so low that some doubted its survival. Amazingly, some still do.

    When I first heard talk of a ’60 year mistake’, I thought – that’s good, at least someone from the Tories is owning up to how bad waiting times used to be.

    But no: a slip of the mask; right-wingers so addicted to running down our NHS that they’ll get on a plane to America to do it.

    Conference, let’s send a message back to the likes of Mr Hannan:

    There is only one 60-year mistake, Daniel, and it’s your party’s abject failure since 1948 to give the NHS the money or backing it deserves.

    Tories don’t change their spots.

    What they change is their tune when they want to get elected.

    You all remember what happened the last time a Tory leader said the NHS was safe in their hands  She left it in intensive care.

    And now, without a hint of irony or apology, the Party of the NHS.

    When I look out here today, I know every Labour soul I see has spent a lifetime sticking up for the NHS.

    Next week, when Mr Cameron looks out on his own conference, how many of the faces staring back will shift in their seats if he repeats his claim.

    Picture the scene – the gathered ranks of the so-called ‘Party of the NHS’.

    More private health care insurance under one roof that at the British Banking Association’s AGM.

    Your sales-speak doesn’t ring true to me, David.

    I remember in July 2002, when you and I were new MPs.

    You walked through the ‘No’ lobby in the commons to vote against more money for the NHS: funding the Wanless review had said was vital.

    Answer me this: where would the NHS be today if you had won that vote?

    It is strong today because Labour backed up its words with actions.

    When we say the NHS is safe in our hands, we mean it.

    But, Conference, our job is not yet done.

    I have to admit, we still get patient complaints.

    For instance here’s a story from the Burton Mail earlier this year…

    Waiting times at Burton’s Queens Hospital have fallen so much that patients are complaining that their treatment is too fast.

    The NHS is a good service today, yet our ambitions for it go higher.

    In the next decade, our mission must be to take it from good to great, more preventative and people-centred, keeping people well and out of hospital, empowering them to choose what they know is best for them and where they want to be treated.

    So, starting with cancer services, let’s show what a great NHS could look like with a new phase of radical reform, not imposed but built around patients and led by staff.

    We bank our progress by making our 2-week urgent referral target a permanent right.

    But then we go further.

    Too many cancers are found too late.

    So the next push in our battle against cancer will be to switch money into early diagnosis.

    By giving GPs direct access to ultrasound and MRI scans, and working towards a one-week right to get the results, up to 10,000 lives can be saved every year.

    It’s a question of priorities – but money spent up front means less spent in hospitals on prolonged and invasive treatment for advanced cancers.

    David Cameron says he will scrap our cancer guarantees.

    Conference, we have a job to do.

    The Tories hate to talk of the detail of their NHS policies.

    That’s why, in every conversation, on every doorstep, we must expose the real choice for patients.

    A great NHS will take this principle of earlier intervention into other areas such as mental health, heart disease, Alzheimer’s and dementia, and Gillian Merron and I will bring forward a prevention strategy later this year.

    Labour compassion with hard-headed realism about the new financial climate.

    Let’s be clear – the era of large catch-up funding growth is over.

    Taxpayers have well funded the NHS and now rightly expect more for their money.

    That’s why we need an unprecedented productivity and efficiency drive – saving £15 to £20 billion over the next four years, the money we need for new NHS priorities.

    A big ask, but what a prize.

    If it’s to be done with care, we need to give the service time to plan. And, as Mike O’Brien has said, we prioritise front-line services at all times.

    But we also need a cleverer way of driving reform.

    We don’t want to impose top-down solutions on staff.  They will have the chance to rise to the challenge.

    Ann Keen and I will work with the health trade unions, through our social partnership forum, to empower staff – because they are always the best agents of change.

    But a great NHS will see things always through the eyes of its patients and that’s why our reform journey must accelerate.

    I cannot see why families shouldn’t register with the GP practice that suits them best.

    So, I’ve said we’ll abolish GP practice boundaries within a year.

    Too often, hospitals can tick all the boxes that Whitehall demands but miss what matters most to the public – how they are spoken to, how clean the hospital is and yes, how much it costs to park the car.

    So, from now on, I intend to link the way hospitals are paid to quality and patient satisfaction rates to get real focus on what matters to people.

    Success is not just about getting the big things right,  it’s about getting the little things right too.

    When people are coming in to hospital, the last thing they want to worry about is keeping the car parking ticket up-to-date. But, for families of the sickest patients, the costs can really rack up.

    It’s not right if some people don’t get visitors every day because families can’t afford the parking fees. And yet we all know that having friends and family around helps patients get better more quickly.

    I am clear we will make year-on-year savings from back-office costs and I want to see some of those benefits coming back directly to patients and their families.

    Conference, we can’t do it overnight. But, over the next three years, as we can afford it, I want to phase out car parking charges for in-patients, giving each a permit for the length of their stay which family and friends can use.

    A move symbolic of an NHS at all times on the side of ordinary people.

    And the NHS will only fulfil its potential when it has a stronger partner in social care.

    Phil Hope has done great work, with personal budgets and more help for carers.

    But the care system is a cruel lottery, where those whose needs are greatest face the biggest costs – the same unfairness that the NHS set out to end.

    Families face the pain of seeing loved-ones decline, whilst fighting a daily battle with the system to get help and seeing everything they have worked for whittled away.

    It’s the biggest social unfairness of these modern times.

    Politicians have ducked reform because the options are tough. But to leave alone, letting people fend for themselves, means we fail another generation of older people – the post-war generation soon to reach 70, who unlike their parents, own their homes outright.

    I don’t want that for my parents, nor anyone else’s.

    Nor am I proud of a system where the majority of care workers – who do some of society’s most crucial jobs – earn only around the national minimum wage.

    Conference, we can do better than this.

    Yesterday, the Prime Minister placed social care centre stage for the coming election and Labour’s big idea – the National Care Service.

    A fairer and better quality care system, where everyone gets some help, where staff are properly rewarded, giving peace of mind in retirement.

    A great NHS working alongside a new National Care Service – that’s a vision worth fighting for.

    Just as President Obama shows courage by trying to create a fair healthcare system, so we must take this moment to create a fair social care system.

    The country looks to Labour – no-one else will do it.

    There’s only one Party of the NHS.

    And that’s us.