Tag: 2014

Stephen Hammond – 2014 Speech in Dover

Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Hammond, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Transport, at Dover on 9th April 2014.

The Port of Dover is the gateway to Britain; a critical piece of national infrastructure, but also an integral part of the town.

We all want to see a thriving port and thriving town.

I last visited Dover in November, and heard your views at first-hand about what has worked well at the port over the past year, and what can be improved.

I have thought about what you said, and today (9 April 2014) I’m going to set out the steps I believe we need to take to secure an enduring and shared future for the port and for the community.

Before I go on, I’d like to pay tribute to everyone in Dover involved with the port.

Both the local MP Charlie Elphicke and the Dover Harbour Board Chair, George Jenkins, have in their respective roles made progress in bridging the divide between port and town.

I would also like to commend the harbour board for the excellent performance of the port operations and commend the community for setting out their views on the future of the port with such vigour and purpose.

We have also seen plans for growth and regeneration in Dover, both from Dover Harbour Board (DHB) and the district council. We need to make sure that these move forwards together, and that there is appropriate level of consultation.

Whilst a start has been made, I think we can still do more.

Today (9 April 2014), I’m going to set out the steps that need to be taken to ensure an enduring solution in 3 areas: community involvement, commercial development and regeneration.

The port and its staff has taken significant steps towards improving its engagement with the community.

I have listened to the concerns that were raised when I last visited in November, that although the port and community forum had been set up, and a useful start has been made, we need to move forward further.

I believe Dover needs an enduring and meaningful consultative relationship with its port. This can be achieved by a legal commitment to consult interested parties, as has been done successfully at other major trust ports.

The port and community forum and port user group are in their early days but these groups, among others which have been seen to work well at major trust ports, could be vehicles for delivering this legal commitment.

But we need to do more to deliver a significant and enduring relationship between town and port.

So as well as the legal commitment I have agreed with the board that an important form of permanent community involvement is seats in the boardroom.

Therefore additional, community non-executive directors should be appointed to the board, as has been done at other successful trust ports.

The future board will consist of the chairman, existing non-executive specialist directors, executive directors, and now these community non-executive directors.

This board will oversee 2 operating divisions; a port operating division and a division dedicated to regeneration.

I am clear that all board members must be able to fulfil the duties of this important role.

And it is also important that these community board members are drawn from the community itself, for example either because they live in Dover or have a business in the town.

I want the local community to be involved in selecting these board members, and a form of election could be part of the process. There is much work to be done on clarifying how this can be enacted to best benefit the community and the ongoing success of the port.

I want the board and the wider community to consider together how this can be achieved. I am committed to working with the local member of Parliament to ensure that we have community non-executive directors who have the trust and confidence of the community.

The important point here is that together these measures will place the community at the heart of decision-making at the port.

Engagement with the community and port users is a priority, however without the bedrock of strong commercial performance from the port, nothing can be achieved.

The port has put in an excellent performance over the past year with a 13% increase in ro-ro traffic, and an £85 million investment programme in key infrastructure projects.

This includes the completed berth 6 and traffic management improvement works, which include the creation of a new holding area with capacity for 220 freight vehicles.

This is equivalent to taking almost 4 kilometres of traffic off Dover’s roads.

I would also like to thank everyone at the port for their remarkable resilience in ensuring that the port continued to operate effectively during the appalling weather we experienced this winter.

In February the port also set out its vision for the revival of the western docks, a development which has the potential to create 600 new jobs whilst safeguarding another 140.

These jobs will not be tied to the initial construction projects, and offer a long term boost to Dover.

We now need to allow the port to build on this start, and to make the most of Dover’s commercial potential.

I have therefore agreed with the harbour board that, they should get up-to-date financial powers, giving them the flexibility they need to improve and expand further.

This means enabling them to enter joint ventures, and also to borrow against their assets.

The investment this will help deliver should bring real benefits to the port, its customers and the local community.

These reforms will enable the harbour board to raise substantial funds to invest in the future.

These changes are necessary because we need to do more to regenerate Dover.

The financial powers which are required for the commercial development of the port will allow DHB to enhance its contribution to regeneration.

Alongside the revival of the western docks, we want to see the regeneration of the waterfront, the marina, and Cambridge terrace.

I want everyone to feel that their voice is being heard as these developments progress. The new community directors will enable this to happen.

The harbour board will continue to play a significant role in regeneration.

I have asked them to improve their focus on this and, as a result, I have agreed that the harbour board will create divisions responsible for day-to-day operations and regeneration.

As with commercial operations, the new regeneration division will benefit greatly from the new borrowing powers in moving forward its plans.

This structure will also enable the regeneration division to enact or enter into the whole range of commercial arrangements which will allow regeneration opportunities to be maximised.

Furthermore as a future step, I would like to explore the possibility of the regeneration division becoming a subsidiary company or trust.

That would allow it to benefit from an even greater range of external funding that would not otherwise be possible, for example heritage funding opportunities .

To sum up, Dover is a trust port, with all the benefits that brings. And so my plan is for Dover to remain a trust port. But one with a guarantee of a significant and lasting role for the community as part of the strategic leadership of the port.

This gives the community full participation and consultation in strategic decision making going forward.

As well as looking to the community, the port also has an essential role as a major commercial business with a vital role in the UK’s transport infrastructure.

To continue to succeed, the port must have the right financial powers to allow it to invest and prosper.

My plan will provide this.

Dover is a port town and the port and town must thrive together.

The improved focus on wider regeneration through the new division will allow for engagement of appropriate expertise in this area. This, along with the new financial powers will mean the port can realise better the opportunities it can deliver as well as acting as a catalyst for the wider regeneration of the town.

My plan ensures this.

To make these changes happen, I have agreed with Dover Harbour Board that they will embed the new financial powers and community engagement changes in law through the Harbour Revision Order process.

I am confident that this legislation can swiftly be put in place.

Legislative changes provide a full opportunity for all interested parties to make their voices heard, and you will be kept informed of how you can participate.

My plan ensures that this will happen.

In the meantime I am sure we can all be positive that these changes mean we can move on in the debate about how port and community can work together and channel energies into delivery.

Dover is the gateway to Britain, and it is imperative that this vital part of our transport infrastructure can continue to operate efficiently as a world class port in the 21st century.

But this should be hand in hand with the local community, rather than at its expense.

I am today (9 April 2014) asking the harbour board to explore how the port might further contribute funding and support for the benefit of the local community. I propose a community fund which should maximise the opportunities now afforded. I hope that the harbour board will consider providing it with appropriate initial and ongoing funding from the pre-tax profit of the port, in line with the practise seen in other trust ports.

As I said at the beginning progress has been made and I believe the changes announced today (9 April 2014) will allow the port and town to work permanently, hand-in-hand together towards a thriving Dover.

I would now like to take the opportunity to come and talk to you about what I have just said and answer any questions you may have.

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Stephen Hammond – 2014 Speech to British Ports Association

Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Hammond, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Transport, on 3rd April 2014.

I am delighted to have been invited back to the British Ports Association’s annual lunch.

Because the BPA represents the full breadth of ports, harbours, terminal operators and port facilities across the country you are an important and influential voice in government and beyond.

And I would like to thank Andrew for that kind introduction and congratulate you on your new role.

Ladies and gentlemen, we have had a fantastic meal today (3 April 2014).

So I will keep my remarks brief.

The economy is emerging from the storm caused by the 2008 financial crisis and years of borrowing beyond our means.

The deficit is down by a third.

Inflation and unemployment are falling.

Investment and exports are up.

We started the year with the fastest growing economy of the major industrialised nations.

While this is evidence our long-term economic plan is working the job is not yet complete.

As a country we still need to make more and export more.

And achieving that will simply not possible without you.

That why I place such emphasis on the Ports Strategic Partnership – not so much a case of we’re all in it together, more a case of all hands on deck.

And I want to talk today about some of the priority areas where I think we can work together over the coming months.

The resilience of our transport networks has been thrust into the national consciousness as a result of the recent storms.

Ports were battered by some of the biggest seas in recent memory.

I’ve been particularly impressed by your efforts to keep ports open despite the conditions.

Something that perhaps has not been appreciated as much as it should have been.

The unprecedented storms caused particularly bad damage to some of our smaller ports.

And that has had a knock on impact for businesses from fishing to leisure and put many jobs at risk.

So I am very pleased to be able to announce today (3 April 2014) that we will be making £2 million available to help the smallest ports recover.

The BPA will be contacting all eligible ports with details and application forms shortly.

These will then be assessed by an independent panel, appointed by the BPA, who will make recommendations to me.

I would like to take this opportunity to thank the BPA for their help getting this scheme off the ground so quickly.

Our smaller ports are absolutely vital to their local economies across the country.

I want to see the necessary repairs made.

Ensuring they are back up and running and open for businesses as soon as possible.

As the economy returns to growth.

As well as exporting more we can expect rising domestic demand.

Demand for raw materials, for components and for fuel.

That means we need efficient ports and they need good connections into the road and rail network.

Because while where the port is on the coastline is important your customers also need to know they can reach you quickly and reliably.

So we are doing 3 things.

First, we are investing £200 million to improve the rail freight network over the next 5 years.

But I know most ports will continue to rely on the road network.

So, second, we are investing £24 billion in the most significant upgrade of our strategic road network ever.

That will include tackling some of the most congested roads, like the A1.

But just as important is the last mile between the strategic road network and the port gates.

So, third, we have created the Local Growth Fund which will be worth £10 billion between now and 2021.

It will be delivered with Local Economic Partnerships and focussed on what is needed to unlock growth in their local area.

That includes transport investment.

And I’m pleased that forward looking Local Economic Partnerships, like Dorset, have already started thinking about how the fund can improve access to ports.

Around 120,000 people are already directly employed in UK ports.

And more jobs are being created as the economy grows and the sector invests in new capacity.

I want to see more of our young people secure a job in one of the most dynamic industries in the world.

And UK ports have access to the skilled workforce they need to be efficient and compete.

That’s why I hosted the latest maritime roundtable on the subject earlier this week.

Ministers from across government, the industry and Trades Unions discussed how we can expand, improve and promote the number of maritime training opportunities available.

Our commitment to training is underpinned by the UK’s Tonnage Tax regime and my department’s funding for SMarT to the tune of £15 million per annum.

On the land side I know that the ports sector has a good track record of investing in skills and apprenticeships and I would urge that you continue to expand this commitment wherever you can.

What was clear from the roundtable discussion was we need to be even more cohesive.

Because natural career progression means many trained on the wet side move into professions on the dry side of the industry when they come ashore.

So I want to do more to use the experience and lessons learned on the wet side of the industry to further increase opportunities on the dry side.

As you know, the nature of the economy is also changing.

Offshore production is increasingly moving back to developed countries.

More than 1 in 10 small or medium sized companies brought some production back to Britain in the last year.

That’s double the number outsourcing abroad.

Not because Chinese wages are rising but because companies now want to be closer to their customers so that they can respond more quickly to changes in demand.

That makes flexible and dynamic ports, like trust ports, that are plugged into their local and regional economies even more important.

I’ve now visited a number of trust ports and met many more of you who work in and with them.

Trust ports are a thriving and essential part of our ports and maritime sector.

And no 2 trust ports are the same.

But they all benefit the communities they serve and the economy.

I want trust ports to be able to seize the opportunities that are coming.

To help do so, over the rest of this year I want to think more about the nature of trust ports and if, or how, this might need to alter in future.

I want to work hand-in-hand with you on this.

To tap directly into your unparalleled experience and expertise.

There are 3 issues in particular that I think would be worth considering.

Firstly, how can local communities, including businesses, be engaged involved more closely in the port?

I believe ensuring that their voice is heard and acted on is crucial for any successful port.

But engaging with the local community must be at the heart of what a trust ports does.

There are some very good examples around the country of how some ports are doing this.

My question is can we do more? What works well and can this be applied more widely?

Secondly, is there scope for greater use of private finance help trust ports develop further in future?

There is no reason why trust ports, the larger ones in particular shouldn’t be an attractive proposition to lenders.

I understand your frustrations with ONS classification and we need to look further at how we ensure that access to capital is not stymied by bureaucratic accounting rules.

But are there innovative ways in which medium-sized and perhaps even smaller ports could benefit from greater access to private finance?

Third on my list, is governance.

Modernising Trust Ports 2 is 5 years old and, frankly, it needs reviewing for many good reasons, not least because we badly need to change its name.

I am well aware that trust ports no longer need modernising!

But the guidance does need to reflect the latest best practice in corporate governance and also on board appointments.

I also want to hear your views on what has worked well and what has not worked so well.

I look forward to working with you on this over the next 12 months.

The final area I’d like to work with you on is improving regulation.

I know you need light-touch and proportionate regulation to be able to compete.

Progress on the European Commission’s proposed regulation on port services has ground to a halt for the time being.

Some of you may have guessed that I have not been too disappointed.

Frankly, the Commission did not present a convincing case for the initial proposal.

There was a great deal of bureaucracy and regulation that is unacceptable for a competitive, and largely unsubsidised, port sector.

Nevertheless there are some features worth cultivating – not least in relation to financial transparency.

And these aspects have helped us to make the connection for pressure for effective action on State Aids.

It remains to be seen whether the Commission can be persuaded to act effectively on State Aid.

But if the Commission produces robust guidance, and decisions, it will benefit taxpayers, the UK ports industry and ultimately, continental operators too.

Because this country has proven beyond doubt that ports don’t need taxpayer feather-bedding to provide a great service.

I’d like to pay tribute to the BPA for your support.

Without your insight I do not think our arguments would have made such an impact.

In conclusion, as the global economy returns to growth, there are significant opportunities on the horizon.

In total, the OECD predicts that global port traffic could quadruple by 2030.

Creating demand for new capacity.

A growing global market.

And one that I want to help Britain’s fantastic companies in port operations, logistics and maritime finance compete for.

The International Festival for Business will take place in Liverpool later this year.

I will be taking the opportunity to bang the drum for Britain’s maritime industry.

For all our ports.

For our shipping industry.

And for our world-class maritime services.

I hope you will all be there to join me in attracting more business for your port, your region and the UK.

I look forward to continuing to work together, in partnership, over the coming year.

Thank you for listening.

December 1, 2015
Philip Hammond – 2014 Speech on Defence and Scottish Independence

Below is the text of the speech made by Philip Hammond, the Secretary of State for Defence, in Thales on 15th April 2014.

Introduction

In this series of speeches I’ve made setting out the case for Scotland to remain part of the family of nations of the United Kingdom, there has been no shortage of support from defence companies with significant interests in Scotland.

Employing, as you do, many hundreds of people here in Glasgow, I’m grateful for your support.

I know that the debate we’re engaged in about Scotland’s future, and the future of its defence industrial base, has a direct impact not just on your business, but on your employees and their families too.

And the referendum debate is really hotting up.

Significant interventions from the Governor of the Bank of England and the Chancellor on the economy and currency…

…and from the Presidents of the European Commission and Council on membership of the European Union, have helped clarify a number of the nationalists’ claims about what an independent Scotland would look like.

Listening to Alex Salmond last week, ahead of the SNP’s conference, I couldn’t help but be struck by how much of his independence proposition is predicated upon being able to dictate, either to the rest of the UK or to the European Union or to NATO, what their policies should be.

His entire economic policy rests upon trying to dictate to the rest of the UK that Scotland could keep the pound, when the UK government has already made absolutely clear that it will not agree to that:

…it’s not an item up for negotiation; a currency union without fiscal and political union simply doesn’t work, the only way to keep the UK pound is to keep the UK together.

And he also wants to dictate the timescales for removing our nuclear deterrent, within the first term of a Scottish Parliament following independence.

But Alex Salmond knows, as I know, that the future of our naval base at Faslane would be just one of many defence issues that would be the subject of long and protracted negotiations if there were to be a “yes” vote in the referendum.

Because if they insist that it has to go, there would have to be complex talks about the costs and timescales involved.

Any notion that it would be quick and easy is just plain wrong.

But my purpose in making this speech today is not to attack the Nationalists or make dire warnings about the future prospects of an independent Scotland.

Today, I want to set out what is at stake in this debate on defence and security…

… to renew the positive case for the Union…

…and to say why I believe, as Defence Secretary for the whole of the UK, that Scotland is stronger within our United Kingdom and the UK is stronger with Scotland within it.

Why defence matters in the independence debate

I approach this debate not, you’ll be shocked to learn, as a Scot.

But as an Englishman who has, over many years, spent much happy time in Scotland; who has always regarded Scotland as part of my home, not some foreign place.

And as someone who is a proud and whole-hearted believer in the success of our unique partnership of peoples.

Forged more than three centuries ago, and tested on countless occasions, it has not only withstood the test of time, but of domestic rebellion, continental revolution and two world wars.

This year, of all years, is a time to remember and to commemorate the millions of men from all parts of the United Kingdom who stood together in the trenches in France and Belgium…

…many of whom never returned…

…but who, together, English, Scots, Irish and Welsh, protected our freedom and our way life, as would the next generation just over two decades later.

Defeating fascism, fighting communism, building the most successful and enduring democracy in the world, and one of the strongest economies…

…the partnership between our peoples has been an economic, social and military success in which we should all take great pride…

…and which I believe can go on to achieve even greater, success in the decades to come.

And the reason that defence matters in this debate is not just because of our proud history of joint endeavour.

It’s because defence provides the security and the peace of mind that underpins almost every single other area of this debate.

And as recent events in Eastern Europe remind us all too clearly, the ability to protect your people, defend your borders and safeguard your national interests is fundamental to the successful functioning of any state – old or new.

Scale of UK forces delivers greater security

As Defence Secretary, it is clear to me that the size and scale of our armed forces, the broad spectrum of capabilities they can deliver, the high calibre of the men and women who serve in them, and the consequent influence we are able to wield upon the global stage…

…all backed up by one of the world’s largest defence budgets…

…deliver for people in all parts of this United Kingdom…

…a far greater level of safety and security than could two separate forces.

That is true now.

And it will only become more so in the future.

Because the equipment and the capabilities we require to retain our cutting edge and to keep this country safe are becoming ever more sophisticated and expensive.

And the range of threats we face is becoming ever more diverse and complex.

In the past, the threats we faced came only from the sea, from land and, more recently, from the air.

Now, they also come from two new domains, space and cyber space, and from non-state protagonists as well as from nation states.

For countries that lack the scale of our forces and the size of our defence budget…

…difficult choices have to be made about the threats against which they can afford to defend; and those against which they cannot.

But thanks to a £34 billion annual defence budget, supporting some of the most capable, agile and deployable forces in the world we, as the United Kingdom, can defend ourselves against the broad range of potential security threats we face.

At the same time as we are constructing new aircraft carriers here in Scotland, building new submarines in Barrow, test flying new Joint Strike Fighters in the United States, and trialling new unmanned surveillance aircraft in Southern England…

…we are also investing hundreds of millions of pounds in defensive and offensive cyber capabilities…

… to protect against the new and growing threat from cyber space.

Frankly, that is a position in which many of our international partners and allies would like to be; but very few of them are.

Scale: recruiting high calibre people

Of course, being able to buy and sustain military hardware is one thing.

But it is the people that operate that hardware that turn it into a military capability.

And it is the people in our armed forces that I believe are our greatest asset.

Drawn from the four corners of these islands, nothing epitomises more the strength we derive from being a United Kingdom than the men and women in our navy, army and air force…

…coming together with a common purpose, to keep our country and our people safe and secure.

And it’s precisely because of the scale of our armed forces that we can offer some of the most demanding, exciting and adventurous career opportunities available, the chance to serve in a wide variety of roles, including the chance to train and deploy overseas on operations…

…combined with the status that comes from serving in some of the best respected and most capable armed forces in the world…

Precisely because of that, we are able to recruit and retain some of the highest calibre young men and women our country has to offer to keep us safe.

Scale: supporting the UK industrial base

Scale is also critical when it comes to the size of the defence industrial base we can sustain in the UK, including here in Scotland.

On current estimates from Scottish Development International, the defence industry in Scotland employs around 12,600 people, and generates sales in excess of £1.8 billion.

The navy’s flagship project, the construction of the two new Queen Elizabeth Class Aircraft Carriers, has sustained thousands of jobs in shipyards around the country.

When HMS Queen Elizabeth is floated out of her dock in Rosyth in 3 months’ time, she will be the biggest ship the Royal Navy has ever had…

…and one of the greatest feats of marine engineering this country has ever delivered, a ship of which the entire United Kingdom can be proud, and which embodies the strength of the Union, working together:

with her individual blocks built in Devon, Tyneside, Merseyside, Portsmouth and not far from here on the Clyde…

…with suppliers based across the country, from Pontypridd to Plymouth and from Ipswich to Inverness…

…taking final shape on the Firth of Forth, she is testimony to the United Kingdom’s combined manufacturing and engineering strength.

A reminder of what this great country is capable of when we work together as one.

Those who are working, or have worked, on HMS Queen Elizabeth are proud of the project in which they are involved…

…and we should all be proud of them.

And as the United Kingdom, we have in the Royal Navy the critical mass of warships to generate an order book of sufficient size to maintain a sovereign warship building capability.

Rather than placing orders for our surface ships with potentially cheaper yards overseas, successive UK governments have deliberately chosen to sustain our sovereign capability, albeit at a financial premium.

As a result, no complex warships for the Royal Navy have been procured from outside the UK since the start of the 20th Century, except during the 2 World Wars.

Today, that policy, and the Royal Navy’s scale, delivers billions of pounds of investment and sustains thousands of Scottish jobs, directly and indirectly.

And I believe it is neither in Scotland’s interests, nor the rest of the United Kingdom’s, to put that at risk.

Scale: UK global influence

And there’s another area in which the scale of the United Kingdom brings direct benefits to our collective safety and security.

And that’s through our influence on the world stage.

Exercised through the use of a Soft Power which is second to none…

…but which derives its strength from being backed by the hard power of our defence capability.

The size of our armed forces, the scale of our defence budget, the breadth of our military capabilities and the reputation of the men and women of our armed forces significantly increases the UK’s influence with our international allies and partners.

Our national security is underpinned by the international partnerships and alliances of which we are a central part…

…and it is through our high level of influence that we are able to shape those organisations and alliances in our own strategic interests.

The UK is one of just five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council.

We are the largest contributor of deployable forces to Nato, the cornerstone of our defence policy, after the United States.

We have deep and wide ranging bilateral relationships with our most capable Western military allies, the United States and France.

And, together with the US, Australia, Canada and New Zealand, we are part of the world’s largest and most successful intelligence sharing community.

Being a member of those organisations is not an end in itself.

But it is the access to information on the latest security threats, the opportunities to collaborate on equipment programmes; and the ability to generate joint forces, such as the Combined Joint Expeditionary Force with France, to deter our adversaries and extend our global reach…

…that act as a force multiplier for the United Kingdom as a whole, allowing us to punch above our weight…

…and that means we are able, together, to deliver the highest level of security for all of the British people.

A strong defence presence in Scotland

And the truth is, Scotland’s contribution to the collective security of the United Kingdom is absolutely vital.

Scotland is at the very heart of the UK’s defence effort and, at a time when we have had to make reductions in the overall size of our forces to bring the defence budget back into balance…

…we will actually be increasing the size of our defence presence in Scotland:

…from a Regular force of some 11,000 personnel today, to 12,500 by 2020.

At Faslane, Scotland will be home to one of the Royal Navy’s three main bases and its entire fleet of submarines.

At RAF Lossiemouth, Scotland will host one of the Royal Air Force’s three main fast jet bases and one of our two Quick Reaction Alert Typhoon forces.

And around Edinburgh and Leuchars, Scotland will be the home to one of the Army’s seven adaptable force brigades.

With a total of 50 defence sites across Scotland…

…from Benbecula in the Outer Hebrides to Kirkcudbright in Dumfries and Galloway, where part of the international Exercise Joint Warrior is taking place right now…

…Scotland is as integral to the United Kingdom’s security as the rest of the United Kingdom is to Scotland’s.

Fundamental questions about independence remain unanswered

So what of the separatists’ alternative?

What would defence and security look like under an independent Scotland?

Standing here, 5 months before the Scottish people go to the polls, I would have expected to be able to answer that question.

But the truth is, I can’t.

So fundamental are the uncertainties regarding the Scottish government’s defence proposals …

…and so basic are the unanswered questions…

…that they are almost impossible to analyse in any meaningful way.

It’s hard to avoid drawing the conclusion that the SNP want to keep the Scottish people in the dark until after polling day.

Where, for example, is the detailed costing of the Scottish government’s defence proposals?

To have any credibility, the Scottish government has to be able to show that their proposals add up.

Where, to take another, is the assessment of risks and threats that Scotland will face?

Endnote 261 to the White Paper refers to an analysis of Scotland’s geopolitical context, threats and risks – upon which the Scottish government’s entire defence and security policy is apparently based.

And yet it remains unpublished.

Do the Scottish people not deserve to see these documents before they cast their votes?

Do the welders and fitters and electricians and draughtsmen in the shipyards not far from here not deserve to know how much the Scottish government would be able and willing to invest in warship building?

And do the young people considering a career in the Forces not deserve to know what security tasks Scottish defence forces would fulfil, and what opportunities and experience they would have as members of them?

There are question marks, even, over the size the defence and security budget would be.

The white paper states that there would be £2.5 billion for defence and security.

But we know from the Finance Secretary, John Swinney, and his secret memo leaked last year, that actually “a much lower budget must be assumed”.

So do the Scottish people not deserve to know what that “lower budget” would be; and what it would mean for an independent Scotland’s ability to defend itself?

The SNP’s defence force plans lack coherence

Finally, what of the capabilities that the Nationalists say the Scottish defence forces would have?

Would they be credible? And are they coherent?

It’s tempting to go through the whole lot, but time is short, so let me just take one example.

Fighter jets.

The White Paper asserts that, at independence, Scotland’s air forces would consist of [a minimum of] 12 Typhoon jets.

And even that 12 is two more than the SNP’s logic of a population based share of the UK’s current Typhoon fleet would give them.

Since the Scottish government regularly makes comparisons with Norway and Denmark, it’s worth noting that the Royal Danish Air Force has a fleet of 45 fast jets… …and the Royal Norwegian Air Force has 57, putting them in a completely different league to the Nationalists’ proposals for Scotland.

But even that does not tell the whole story.

Anyone who knows anything about modern defence will tell you that owning 12 jets does not mean that you have 12 jets available to deploy.

Even in a fleet as efficient as the RAF’s, roughly a third of the force will be in deep maintenance; and only a third will be at full readiness.

So even on the assumption that a Scottish air force could achieve the same levels of efficiency in maintenance and aircraft servicing as the RAF, despite its much smaller size…

…under the Nationalists’ plans, the number of jets they could expect to have available to deploy at any one time is just four.

Just four, to defend and protect the whole of Scotland’s skies and air approaches, which represents a huge proportion of the UK’s current area of responsibility.

And to police that area properly would require those few jets to be capable of flying well out over the North Atlantic and the Irish Sea.

To be capable of staying up in the air for prolonged periods, as our quick reaction alert Typhoons do today.

But that requires air to air refuelling capability.

Inexplicably, there is no provision for air to air refuelling aircraft in the Scottish government’s plans.

It doesn’t even get a mention.

A vital enabling capability not even considered.

So in fast air, at least, we have a policy proposition that falls apart at the first scrutiny, revealing that, in practical terms, large parts of Scotland’s airspace would be undefended.

That, to me, is a totally irresponsible proposition.

Conclusion

So, with 5 months remaining until the referendum on September 18th, it’s clear that on one of the most important topics of all, their future safety and security, the separatists owe the Scottish people a lot of answers.

In place of fact, we have assertion.

And in place of certainty, we have doubt.

But against the doubt and uncertainty of the separatist proposition, the case for remaining part of the family of nations of the United Kingdom is clear.

For more than three centuries, our nations have worked together to deliver a safe and secure United Kingdom.

Our armed forces, drawn from the four nations of our union, have proven themselves, time and again, to be the finest armed forces in the world.

The combination of our scale, our critical mass and our reputation allows us to punch above our weight in security terms…

…and enables a diplomacy that is second to none…

…ensuring that the people of these islands are safer and more propserous as a result.

Over the last two and a half years as Defence Secretary, I’ve had to take often difficult decisions to provide UK defence with a stable forward plan while making a contribution to rebuilding Britain’s fiscal stability after the financial crash.

Because rebuilding our economy is vital to our ability to sustain defence in the years to come.

And now at the very point that there is light at the end of what has seemed like a very long and dark tunnel…

…do we really want to turn in on ourselves to focus on the consequences of a difficult and painful divorce…

…rather than facing outwards, together, to meet the challenges and seize the opportunities of our changing world?

To me, the choice is clear..

Weakening our economic strength by dividing it with a border…

… or using our UK market of 60 million people as a springboard for success in a fiercely competitive global marketplace.

Diminishing our diplomatic reach and our unrivalled soft power by breaking up the union…

…or confidently building on our centuries of achievements, admired around the world, as we face the future together.

Dismantling the joint achievements of the last 300 years…

… or working together to deliver those of the next three hundred.

I have no doubt:

Unpicking centuries of shared security and prosperity would damage both Scotland and the rest of the UK.

It would leave us all weaker.

It would leave us all less secure.

It is our shared history, our common values and our unity of purpose which make us what we are today.

It is Scotland which makes the UK united, and adds the Great to Great Britain.

What we have is precious.

It has taken many years to build.

It works, and works well.

So let us ensure that come September, the message goes out so that there can be no doubt…

… our family of four proud and successful nations is safer, stronger and better together.

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Theresa Villiers – 2014 Speech to Police Federation Northern Ireland

Theresa Villiers

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, to the Police Federation in Northern Ireland on 28th May 2014.

It’s a great honour for me to be addressing the Police Federation of Northern Ireland’s annual conference this afternoon. I’m very grateful to your Chairman, Terry Spence, and his officer team for providing me with the opportunity to do so. And I realise that I have a tough act to follow.

When a Secretary of State called Theresa addresses a Police Federation conference, there is certainly scope for controversy! However, thankfully the different circumstances prevailing here in Northern Ireland mean the messages I have for you today don’t have to be quite as tough as those which the other Theresa delivered to your counterparts in England and Wales.

Today I’ll cover matters relating to the national security situation and this government’s determination to ensure that terrorism will never succeed. Secondly I’ll look at concerns about criminality linked to loyalist communities and lastly I’ll highlight the need for an agreed way forward on dealing with the past.

Debt of gratitude

Before that, though, I want to say a few words about the nature of policing in Northern Ireland. My starting point is to express my huge admiration for the courage, skill and professionalism displayed day in day out by members of the PSNI. Your devotion to duty and service to the community is outstanding and you should be proud of the job that you do.

Being a police officer in Northern Ireland involves dealing with sensitivities, dangers and public order situations that are almost unique in the UK, with the ever present terrorist threat making these demanding duties even more difficult. And you do that at a time of unprecedented pressure on the public finances – a situation, and I have to be candid with you, that will have to continue for some years to come as we strive to get the deficit down.

So on behalf of the UK government let me reiterate the huge debt of gratitude we owe you. Thank you for all that you do to keep the community safe from harm.

I also wish to acknowledge the service and sacrifice made by the Royal Ulster Constabulary and their families. There are some who overlook or deny the contribution the RUC made to securing the relative peace and stability we have today. Well I can tell you that that is not a position that I or this government will ever take – we will remember them.

A police service for the community

Today, we have a police service that’s more representative of the community than at any time in the history of Northern Ireland. It is subject to rigorous accountability and oversight structures to ensure it upholds the very highest standards. Its respect for human rights is second to none, as is its commitment to community policing. And it is entirely independent of political control or direction.

Crime is falling and the most recent Northern Ireland crime survey puts confidence in local policing at its highest ever levels with that confidence spread evenly among different parts of society. So I have no doubt that the PSNI is a service for the whole community that’s delivering for the whole community.

Security situation

This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the first ceasefires and there can be no doubt that the security situation here has been transformed over these last two decades. As well as their tragic toll in lives lost and families bereaved, the long years of the troubles also meant that widespread property damage and almost constant public disruption were a daily fact of life here. And of course large parts of Northern Ireland could only be policed with the support of the Army.

Thankfully, we can be increasingly confident that those bad days are behind us and a great many people can take credit for that, on all sides. But for all that’s been achieved, we all here know that Northern Ireland continues to face a severe terrorist threat from so-called dissident republicans. These groupings hold democracy in contempt, defying the will of people throughout this island who in 1998 overwhelmingly voted that the future of Northern Ireland should be determined only by democracy and consent.

But while those intent on terrorism might be small in number, and have almost no popular support, they retain both lethal intent and capability. And police officers and members of the prison service remain their principal targets. Tragically, this was confirmed once again by the brutal murders of Police Constable Ronan Kerr in 2011 and Prison Officer David Black in 2012. And I’d like to take this opportunity to express my condolence and sympathy to the families of these brave men and to all victims of terrorism.

The Government’s response

This government came to power against a backdrop of a deteriorating security situation in Northern Ireland. A spike upwards in terrorism had begun in 2008, including the murders of Sappers Patrick Azimkar and Mark Quinsey, and then Constable Steven Carroll in 2009.

One of the Prime Minister’s first acts in office was to establish a National Security Council. The aim was to ensure that all threats to our security are considered in the round and in a strategic way under the Prime Minister’s chairmanship. The National Security Strategy published in October 2010 made tackling Northern Ireland Related Terrorism a tier one, that is the highest priority for the government.

As Secretary of State I provide regular updates to the Prime Minister and colleagues on the progress we’re making in dealing with the terrorist threat here.

In addition, we’ve provided the Chief Constable with an additional £200 million over the four year Spending Review period, with a further £31 million for 2015/16. This is significant extra funding at a time of falling budgets elsewhere and when we also face a very significant threat from international terrorism, not least because of the effects of the conflict in Syria.

I should add that the government is also legislating to increase the maximum sentences available in England and Wales for a range of terrorist related offences. Northern Ireland’s Justice Minister has indicated that he considers it important to ensure consistency of available sentences across the United Kingdom – and I agree with him.

I also believe that he and I need to reflect carefully on the concerns expressed that decisions on sentencing in Northern Ireland can sometimes look far more lenient for terrorist offences than those taken in the courts elsewhere in the UK.

There have been some significant successes in disrupting the terrorist groups over recent months and the PSNI can be rightly proud of the role they have played in that. And I would also like to acknowledge the work of the intelligence services in providing invaluable support to the PSNI in their efforts to prevent the persistent planning and targeting by DR groupings from delivering the deadly outcomes which these terrorists seek to achieve.

By its very nature, the people involved in the intelligence services do not receive public acknowledgement but they play a significant part in broader efforts to keep people in Northern Ireland safe from harm. I would also emphasise the rigorous approach they take to complying with the legal rules which govern their activity.

The UK has one of the strongest systems anywhere in the world for oversight of the intelligence services. A legally binding set of rules is provided by the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 and other legislation. Independent Commissioners have complete and unfettered access to scrutinise all documents and areas of activity to ensure rigorous adherence to these rules.

Members of the public can seek redress through the Investigatory Powers Tribunal. And parliamentary accountability is provided by the cross-party Intelligence and Security Committee which had its powers, remit and resources strengthened by this Government in the Justice and Security Act of 2013.

But there is another security partner which is playing a crucial role in addressing the threats faced in Northern Ireland from terrorism and serious crime. That of course is An Garda Siochana. The close working relationship between police services on either side of the border is crucial. It has never been stronger than it is today and it is undoubtedly saving lives.

Not only is it pivotal in addressing national security concerns, it is also essential in combating cross-border criminality such a fuel laundering. And it has helped us deliver successful major international events such as the G8 in County Fermanagh and the hugely successful Giro d’Italia. So I thank the Garda for the work that they do and welcome the efforts being made at all levels to increase this cooperation yet further.

So, in summary, after concerted effort by the Government, the PSNI and their security partners, we have successfully stemmed the increase in terrorist activity which emerged in 2008.

But make no mistake, we must remain absolutely vigilant – there can be no let up in our efforts and we are totally committed to supporting the vital work that continues on a daily basis to combat terrorism. And on that you have complete commitment from the Prime Minister, from me and from the whole government.

Loyalist-related crime

The second issue I want to address today is one that I know is of great concern to the Federation, as it is to the government, and that is loyalist related violence and crime including brutal punishment attacks. I understand the anger felt by people about this – violence and intimidation from whatever quarter should not be tolerated. And I can assure you that this government will never tolerate it.

We fully back the action being taken by the Chief Constable to investigate criminality and illegal activity and tackle it with the full rigour of the law. I know that the Justice Minister is equally supportive. And in recent months there have been significant arrests and convictions.

So my message to these criminal thugs who prey on the communities in which they live is simple – break the law and expect to be investigated, charged and prosecuted, and if you’re convicted, expect go to prison where you belong.

Racist hate crime

And that’s also a message that should go out loud and clear to whoever is responsible for the racist attacks which have taken place over recent months. Such hate crimes have no place in a civilised society.

Northern Ireland rightly prides itself on the warmth of the welcome it offers. It is shameful that so many members of minority communities have been subjected to violence and intimidation.

These attacks are an ugly disfigurement on our society in Northern Ireland. I condemn them absolutely and I would like to convey my sympathy to all the victims and anyone else who has suffered at the hands of criminals.

National Crime Agency

And I would like to take this opportunity to make a simple point to all those who don’t yet feel able to support assembly legislation on the National Crime Agency. They are making life easier for the very organised crime gangs whose activities they condemn so strongly.

The NCA’s inability to operate to the full extent in Northern Ireland means that there will be criminal assets which do not get seized and wrongdoers who do not get investigated. The choice on whether to allow the NCA to operate in relation to devolved matters rightly rests with the Executive. But that choice has consequences.

So I say again – all possible effort has been made to ensure that arrangements for the operation of the NCA are fully consistent with the devolution settlement and it is now time to let people in Northern Ireland enjoy the same protection from serious and organised crime that everyone else in the UK now has.

Dealing with the past

Turning to my last subject, I believe that the recent controversy over OTRs has reinforced the need to find an agreed way forward on dealing with the past. We need a mechanism that is balanced, transparent and accountable. One that puts the needs of victims first and enables us to put the era of side deals behind us once and for all.

One of the reasons why a fresh approach is becoming ever more vital because of the increasing pressure that legacy issues are placing on the policing and justice system – with a recent CJI report estimating that the Northern Ireland Executive now spends over £30 million a year on legacy issues.

And a significant burden falls on the PSNI who are having to trawl through hundreds of thousands of documents to decide what can be disclosed publicly and what must be kept secret to protect national security and individuals’ lives.

For those who fear that a new process on the past would only generate yet another means to try to re-write the history of the Troubles, I say that a fresh approach doesn’t have to be like that. It should be possible to provide for structured oversight by bodies representing different points of view to keep any new process fair, objective and historically accurate and prevent it being hijacked by any one group or viewpoint. That is something which the Haass-O’Sullivan draft documents were striving to achieve.

I have made clear that the UK government is prepared to be part of a compromise and to play our part in working with new institutions that might be agreed along the lines set out in the Haass 7 draft. But today I want to go further than that.

The UK government believes there is now a pressing need to reach an agreement on the past, parading and flags. All these three issues have the capacity to poison the political atmosphere and make progress on other key issues for Northern Ireland far harder to deliver. They can also be the pretext for disgraceful acts of public disorder which leave police officers injured and communities devastated.

An agreement on flags, parading and the past – even in outline – would send a powerful global message about the ability of Northern Ireland’s politicians to find solutions to the most divisive of issues. It would free up politicians to focus on other matters crucial to our future – such as rebalancing the economy, reforming the public sector and building a shared future.

And it could ease the intolerable burden that is placed on the PSNI who year after year have to deal with the disgraceful public order consequences which so often arise from disputes over flags and parades.

Conclusion

So in conclusion, with the elections over, we now have a little over six weeks until the 12th of July. It is essential that every possible effort is made to use this crucial period to reach an agreed way forward before the height of the parading season is upon us once again.

The party leaders’ meetings need to resume as soon as possible, with an intensive and structured process to deliver an agreement. The First and deputy First Minister initiated the Haass discussions last year, and both have stated in the strongest terms their determination to see it through. That is what they and the other party leaders now need to do.

I continue to believe that trying to impose a solution from outside won’t work. The best way forward is an accommodation agreed locally by Northern Ireland’s political leadership. But the UK government will continue to be fully engaged in supporting and encouraging the efforts of the local parties to find a way forward.

Be in no doubt – we want this agreement delivered. That sentiment is strongly shared by the Irish and US Governments both of whom continue to provide active and enthusiastic support to efforts to find a way forward.

As the Prime Minister wrote in his article yesterday, now is the time to finish the job.

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Theresa Villiers – 2014 Speech on Moving Northern Ireland Politics Forwards

Theresa Villiers

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Northern Ireland Secretary, at the Assembly Buildings in Belfast on 16th April 2014.

It’s a great pleasure to be with you this morning and I’d like to thank Rev Donald Watts for organising and Rev Rob Craig for hosting this event.

Today I want to look at how we might move politics forward in Northern Ireland.

I know that the churches continue to have a key role in healing divisions, promoting reconciliation and helping to build the shared future that we all want to see.

And on behalf of the UK government I’d like to express my appreciation for all that you do for our community here in Northern Ireland.

It’s now nearly 20 years since the first ceasefires and just over 16 years since the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement.

That agreement – along with its successors at St Andrews and Hillsborough – has helped transform politics here.

And today we’re over half way through the second term of the second Assembly since devolution was restored in May 2007.

That’s the longest period of unbroken devolved government in Northern Ireland since the closure of the Stormont Parliament in 1972.

Not bad when one considers the commentators who predicted that a coalition led by the DUP and Sinn Féin couldn’t last 6 months, let alone more than 6 years.

And the executive can cite a number of real achievements, not the least of which is its continued success in bringing foreign direct investment to Northern Ireland.

This has made Belfast the second most popular city in the UK for inward investment.

Another significant step forward was the publication by the First and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland’s first ever locally agreed community relations strategy: Together: Building a United Community.

Delivery

As the First Minister highlighted in Washington recently, most decisions taken by the executive don’t go to a vote given the amount of consensus that exists, while the deputy First Minister stressed the stability of the institutions.

But for all that the executive has proven stable and delivered in a number of areas, I believe that there is a clear public perception that more still needs to be done.

That comes across in successive opinion polls and also in many conversations I’ve had across Northern Ireland.

Of course I understand that a mandatory coalition that embraces 5 parties with fundamentally divergent views on constitutional, economic and social issues was never going to be easy to operate.

Yet one of the central features of the 1998 settlement, as amended at St Andrews in 2006, was precisely to bring together politicians from different traditions and show that they could deliver for the good of the people of Northern Ireland as a whole.

It’s crucial that we make it work

So this morning I want to offer a few thoughts on how we might move things on here, to help the transition away from the politics of identity to a stronger focus on the politics of delivery.

The legacy of the past

First, I believe that the political situation here would be significantly improved if the parties could reach an agreement on dealing with flags, parading and the past.

We’ve seen over the past couple of years how disputes over flags and parades can lead to serious public disorder, at a great cost to the police, the executive, the economy and to Northern Ireland’s international reputation.

But the past too has the capacity to poison the political atmosphere, as demonstrated by the controversy over the so-called ‘on-the-runs’.

These matters are of course now being examined by a number of inquiries, including the judge-led inquiry established by the Prime Minister.

Lady Justice Hallett’s examination of the scheme now needs to run its course.

But I’d like to reiterate one point.

This government does not believe in amnesties.

We believe in the rule of law and that people who committed terrorist crimes must face the consequences if the evidence exists to prosecute.

And if at any point when we inherited this scheme in May 2010 we had believed that it amounted to an amnesty we would have stopped it immediately.

For me, there’s no doubt that the reaction to the scheme after the prosecution of John Downey was halted has reinforced the need to find an agreed way forward on the past.

One that allows us to put the era of side deals firmly behind us. A mechanism that is balanced, transparent and accountable and allows us to get on with building a better future for the people of Northern Ireland.

So I welcome the fact that the parties are continuing their work on the issues considered by the Haass process.

And I am urging them to stick with it because the reality is that only an agreement negotiated by Northern Ireland’s own locally elected political leadership is going to be viable.

Any attempt to impose solutions over the heads of that political leadership just isn’t going to work.

So those discussions do need to make progress and there will be no lack of encouragement or support from the UK government and we welcome the support and encouragement Irish government has also given to the parties throughout the negotiations.

There are of course some who believe that the best way to deal with the past is to forget it.

I understand that sentiment, but as the OTR controversy has demonstrated I don’t believe that’s a viable option.

Let me explain why.

Northern Ireland’s Operation Banner was the longest operation in British military history.

Over 250,000 men and women served in the RUC and the military over its 30 year history and I am utterly convinced that the vast majority did so with the greatest distinction, honour, integrity and courage.

The fact that many gave their lives in service to the community here in Northern Ireland is something for which we should always be deeply grateful and which should never ever be forgotten.

We owe all of them a huge debt of gratitude, not least because without their self-sacrifice and their service, the conditions for the peace process would never have been created and Northern Ireland would not be the place it is today.

And whatever process emerges from the current discussions, that is a message that I and the UK government will reiterate whenever we get the opportunity.

It was a message the Prime Minister put very clearly when he broke new ground in his response to the Bloody Sunday report in the frankness of the apology he gave for what happened that day.

We have been and we will continue to be willing to take responsibility where state agencies have acted wrongly, but the misdeeds of the few should never be allowed to tarnish the heroism of the many.

I have acknowledged on many occasions the great difficulty around efforts to address the legacy of the Troubles.

I appreciate the understandable concern that new structures and processes could lead to a one sided approach which focuses on the minority of deaths in which the state was involved rather than the great majority which were solely the responsibility of the terrorists from whichever part of the community they came.

So I have always approached this issue which caution.

But I’ve also made very clear that if the architecture proposed by Richard Haass and Meghan O’Sullivan forms part of a package eventually agreed by the political parties here, then the UK government will play our part in working with the new institutions.

We fully understand the benefits that an agreement could bring to Northern Ireland and we too are prepared to be part of the compromise needed to bring that about.

The need for a fresh approach on the past is becoming ever more vital because of the increasing pressure the status quo is placing on Northern Ireland’s institutions, with inquests, cases in Strasbourg, freedom of information requests and Troubles related investigations by the police and Police Ombudsman.

All this is placing a major burden on the policing and justice system with a recent CJI report estimating that the Northern Ireland executive now spends over £30m a year on legacy issues.

The combined impact of the various processes underway means a detailed trawl through hundreds of thousands of documents, with the greatest burden falling on the PSNI who in most cases have to decide what it is safe to disclose publicly and what must be kept secret in order to protect national security and the lives of individuals.

At least with a new process, agreed by Northern Ireland’s political leaders, there is scope to write in from the start the need for an objective balance and with proper weight and a proportionate focus on the wrongdoing of paramilitaries. Rather than the almost exclusive concentration on the activities of the state which characterises so many of the processes currently underway.

And there is scope for structured oversight by bodies representing different shades of opinion to try keep the process fair and historically accurate and to prevent it being hijacked by any one particular interest group or viewpoint.

And as we approach another marching season there is no doubt that an agreement on the way forward on flags, parading and the past – even in outline – would send a powerful global message about the ability of Northern Ireland’s politicians to find solutions even to the most divisive of issues.

Crucially though I also believe that agreement on the Haass agenda could free up the space for politicians to focus more on other issues that are critical to our future, such as rebalancing the economy, reforming the public sector and building a genuinely shared future.

Because, let’s face it, the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland don’t wake up on a Monday morning worrying about the past, flags or parades.

While these are important matters, the priorities for most people are issues like jobs, pensions, transport, schools and hospitals, and that’s where they expect their politicians to focus their energies, not tied up with fighting the battles of yesterday.

Difficult political choices

So that leads me to my second point about moving politics forward. The need to move beyond the issues that have dominated political debate here and recognise that difficult choices are often needed in order to deliver the services the public want and expect.

For example, I believe that people in Northern Ireland deserve the same protection from organised crime as people in Great Britain now have through the work of the National Crime Agency.

To me, it is deeply regrettable that despite months of talks and a real willingness by David Ford and the Home Office to be flexible, some parties remain opposed to the Assembly legislation needed to allow the NCA to operate with its full range of powers here.

That means Northern Ireland’s ability to fight some of the most despicable crimes is weakened.

Be in no doubt, it may have ‘National’ in its name but the UK government completely accepts the crucial importance of ensuring that NCA’s operations in Northern Ireland are fully consistent with the devolution settlement.

That‘s why the Home Secretary has agreed a number of significant changes to provide the necessary assurance and guarantee the primacy of the Chief Constable.

And I believe it’s now time for the executive to press ahead on the NCA and to put common sense and the interests of the public above ideology, so that the NCA is allowed to work properly in Northern Ireland for the good of all citizens.

Similarly on welfare reform, the devolution settlement gives the choice to the parties of the Executive here.

They can accept the welfare reforms the UK government has taken forward, along with the important flexibilities which Minister McCausland has secured to reflect the specific circumstances of Northern Ireland. Or they can go it alone and stick with a flawed system which too often leaves people trapped on welfare and punished for doing the right thing and going out to work.

That choice rests with political leaders here, but so too does the cost of that choice.

And there should be no doubt that the cost of that choice could rise steeply in future years, not least when the computers supporting the old system are shut down and the executive is left with the prohibitively expensive and difficult task of procuring and running their own system.

And finally, the executive faces choices on economic reform.

I’m well aware of the central place ministers here give to the devolution and reduction of corporation tax.

But if the answer on that is yes to devolution, this reform will only provide that shot in the arm the parties here hope for if it is one part of a suite of measures to make Northern Ireland a more competitive place to do business.

Issues such as labour market reform, planning reform and public sector reform must all be addressed as well if the economy here is to be rebalanced in the way all the parties say they support.

Opposition

The third way in which politics could be moved forward here is through the evolution of the devolved institutions.

Let me be clear, power sharing and inclusivity are enshrined in the Belfast Agreement and the government is not going to undermine any of those principles.

Far from it, we will continue to uphold them robustly as we have all of the institutions established by the Agreements.

Yet at the same time nobody can plausibly argue that the institutions must be set in stone for all time.

Political institutions the world over adapt and change.

As the founding father of modern Conservatism – the Irishman Edmund Burke – once put it:

A state without the means of change is without means of preservation.

And there are inherent weaknesses in a system in which it is very difficult to remove one’s rulers by voting and to choose a viable alternative.

After all, democracy does rely on voters being offered a choice and being able to exercise it.

That’s why this government is clear that we would welcome moves that facilitate a more normal system at Stormont that allows for formal opposition, so long as a way can be found to do this which is consistent with power sharing and inclusivity.

But we also believe that if or how this happens really has to be primarily for parties in the Assembly to take forward, not least because it is so firmly within the Assembly’s competence to deal with those matters that might characterise an opposition, such as speaking rights, financial assistance and committee chairmanships.

And I’d like to thank my colleagues Lord Empey and Lord Lexden for using the House of Lords debates on the Northern Ireland (Miscellaneous) Provisions Act to move this issue forward in a significant way.

Conclusion

So in conclusion, we need to move away from the politics of the past based largely around identity, to the politics of the future based around delivery.

And our ability to do that will be greatly strengthened if an accommodation can be reached on flags, parading and the past, the issues that continue to create such tension, division and disorder.

At the same time some difficult decisions are needed if we’re to build a more prosperous economy, a safer community and a stronger society.

And we should also consider the scope for our political institutions to evolve in order to ensure that our democracy is vibrant and politicians held properly to account.

Last week we saw the first ever state visit by the Irish President to the United Kingdom.

The visit was a spectacular success and I felt very honoured to play a part in it.

It was a further demonstration the transformation of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland and the bonds of affection and mutual respect that now unite us across these islands.

It was also a welcome opportunity to celebrate the immense contribution that men and women of Irish nationality and heritage make to life in Britain.

I am in no doubt that as Her Majesty the Queen said at that memorable state banquet at Windsor; they have made Britain a better place.

The word ‘historic’ can sometimes be over-used but the events of last week genuinely deserve that description and none of this would have been possible without Northern Ireland’s peace process and the political progress it has made possible.

And I sincerely hope that the friendship and reconciliation between the UK and Ireland which the visit so visibly demonstrated can provide a helpful backdrop to assist Northern Ireland in completing its journey towards genuine reconciliation and a society no longer fractured by sectarian division.

As the two heads of state made so very clear, Northern Ireland’s political leaders will have the full support of both the UK and Irish governments as they strive to make progress towards that crucial goal.

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Theresa Villiers – 2014 Speech to the British-Irish Chamber of Commerce

Theresa Villiers

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, to the British-Irish Chamber of Commerce in Belfast on 13th February 2014.

Introduction

It’s a great pleasure to join you at the annual conference of the British-Irish Chamber of Commerce and I’d like to thank your CEO, Steve Aiken, for his kind invitation.

I’m very pleased that you’ve chosen to hold your conference here at Titanic Belfast. Since it opened just a couple of years ago this building has become one of the city’s major landmarks. So it’s fitting today to congratulate Tim Husbands, CEO of Titanic Belfast, on receiving an MBE in the New Year’s Honours list.

Since the British-Irish Chamber was launched to coincide with the historic visit of Her Majesty the Queen to Ireland in 2011 you have gone from strength to strength. Relations between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland economically, culturally, socially and politically have never been stronger than they are today. That was brought home to me when I attended one of your events in London last March.

I had the privilege of speaking alongside An Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, before he went on to Downing Street for his annual summit with the Prime Minister. That followed on from the Joint Declaration of 2012 which set out a course for UK-Irish relations over the ensuing decade covering a range of areas where we can benefit from closer co-operation.

That includes the first ever joint UK-Irish trade mission which took place this week with ministers from London, Belfast and Dublin attending the Singapore Airshow together. And this has brought further good news for Bombardier with potential contracts worth £479 million. And progress on all the issues covered by the 2012 Declaration will be reviewed when the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach meet again next month.

Two other events also symbolise the closeness of the modern UK-Irish relationship.

Just before Christmas the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach made a joint visit to the western front war graves in remembrance of those tens of thousands of Irishmen who gave their lives in the Great War.

And of course in April we’re looking forward immensely to welcoming President Higgins for the first state visit by an Irish President to the United Kingdom. I know he’ll receive a Great British welcome.

Economic Recovery

But today I want to concentrate on a business and economic theme with a focus on the signs recovery across the UK and the steps we are taking, alongside ministers in the executive, to strengthen the Northern Ireland economy and to help it succeed in the global race.

When the Coalition came to power the UK had suffered the deepest recession in living memory and unemployment had increased by nearly half a million. We had been left with the biggest budget deficit in our peacetime history and the government had a choice between spending more and borrowing more until the money finally ran out and crisis erupted. Or taking difficult decisions to control spending and deal with the deficit.

So we set out our long term economic plan to build a stronger, more competitive economy and secure a better future for the whole of the UK and for future generations.Today, as a result of sticking to that long term plan and the sacrifices of the British people our economy is now well on the road to recovery.

The deficit has been cut by a third.

2013 was the first year since before the crisis in which the economy grew in all four quarters.

There are now 1.3 million more people in work that at the election.

That’s 1.3 million more people able to bring home a wage and provide greater financial security and peace of mind for their families.

Across the UK there are 1.6 million more private sector jobs and 400,000 more businesses.

Our opponents predicted that cutting spending would result in a double or triple dip recession and that unemployment would rise by a million. They have been proven wrong. The government has comprehensively won the economic argument.

We’ve done this by bringing down the deficit to keep interest rates as low as possible.

By cutting corporation tax from 28p to 20p by the end of this Parliament.

And by other measures which back small business and enterprise like lower jobs taxes.

The new allowance for employer national insurance will save nearly £5.5 billion per year for hardworking businessmen and women.

That’s the equivalent of £200 per employee a measure to help business from a government that backs business.

But we recognise that the recovery is still in its early stages and serious risks remain.

So it’s essential that the government sticks to its long term plan and resists calls for more borrowing and more debt.

That is the only sustainable way to deliver rising living standards.

Recovery in Northern Ireland

I very much welcome the news that the Irish economy is showing increasing signs of healing, not least because of the positive impact that is likely to have here in Northern Ireland.

It is self evident that the economies of the UK and Ireland are highly inter-dependent and nowhere is that more true than here in Northern Ireland. And here too, there are increasing signs of recovery.

Economic activity in Northern Ireland rose by 1.6 per cent in the third quarter of 2013.

The numbers claiming unemployment benefit has fallen for eleven months in a row.

Business confidence is rising.

And there have been a number of significant announcements on exports, investment and jobs.

Bombardier, Thales, Wrightbus, Harland and Wolff, Ryobi and Fujitsu have all had good news to share over recent months.

Indeed the Ulster Bank PMI survey for January showed local firms reporting their fastest rate of growth in a decade, with the private sector exceeding their counterparts in the equivalent UK survey for the first time since October 2007.

So that’s the good news.

Yet for all that it’s also clear that the recovery in Northern Ireland is still lagging behind the rest of the UK.

Levels of economic inactivity are higher than elsewhere and we have a bigger proportion of workless households.

For many families times remain incredibly tough and that’s why the government is doing what it can to help with measures such as freezing fuel duty and cutting tax for over 600,000 in NI to help hardworking people be more financially secure.

And of course Northern Ireland’s economy remains too dependent on public spending which remains at 25 per cent per head higher than in England.

Economic pact

That’s why the government and the Northern Ireland executive have been working together to look at other ways in which we can boost the private sector and rebalance the economy.

In fact we’ve been working more closely than at any time since the restoration of devolution in 2007, closer than is the case between the UK government and any of the other 3 devolved administrations.

So last June, the Prime Minister and I, with the First and deputy First Ministers, launched an ambitious new economic pact and we have been making real progress on implementation.

Our highly successful Start-Up Loans have been extended to Northern Ireland to help young people wanting to set up their own business.

We’ve given the Executive an extra £100 million in borrowing powers to enable them to take forward projects which bring the community together, such as the shared education campus at Lisanelly.

In October the Prime Minister attended the international investment conference where he made a powerful pitch for Northern Ireland as a great place to do business – a sentiment echoed by companies like Bombardier, HBO and Allstate who have invested so successfully here.

We’ve established a joint ministerial task force on banking and access to finance, responding to a major concern for the business community here.

In addition, as part of the package we were able to maintain Northern Ireland’s 100% EU Assisted Area Status a key ask from the Northern Ireland ministers and powerful tool to attract business something the Northern Ireland executive has done with great success in recent years.

And we are continuing the necessary technical work on the potential devolution of corporation tax from Westminster to Stormont.

Our goal is to ensure that if the decision by the Prime Minister this autumn is a ‘yes’ we can introduce legislation with a view to putting it on the statute book by the time of next year’s General Election.

Corporation tax

I know that for many people here devolving corporation tax and reducing the headline rate to the same level as the Republic of Ireland is the key to Northern Ireland’s future economic success. I agree that it has the potential to have a very significant impact, and like my predecessor I have made sure my Cabinet colleagues in London are well aware of the strength of the support here for devolution.

But corporation tax even if it is devolved can’t do it all. Taken on its own corporation tax might not have anything like the desired effect unless it goes alongside other important measures to reform the economy and the way business is done here.

Economic reform

Northern Ireland has many great assets as a place to do business: a highly talented workforce, a very competitive cost base and a telecoms infrastructure second to none, to pick out just a few examples.

But at the same time there are still things done wholly by the public sector that elsewhere in the UK and Europe have benefited from greater private sector involvement and expertise. There are areas where business is more heavily regulated than in other parts of the UK. And aspects of the planning system prompted the Chief Executive of Sainsbury’s recently to declare Northern Ireland: “the hardest place in the UK to line things up.”

So if we’re to maximise the opportunities for Northern Ireland as a place for investment it’s important that we look at all of these.

Northern Ireland needs a planning system that operates in an effective and timely way, safeguarding environmental concerns but also giving enterprise the chance to grow without having applications bogged down for years with successive challenges and litigation. And it is important that the Executive agrees on the right way forward.

Red tape

Hard working entrepreneurs can also be held back from growing their business if they are tied up with red tape. That’s why at Westminster the Government embarked on The Red Tape Challenge.

We are determined to be the first Government ever to have fewer regulations at the end of a Parliament than at the beginning and by then we expect to have scrapped or improved over 3,000 regulations.

So it’s encouraging that the executive here – under Arlene Foster – are now undertaking their own project to reduce red tape. This was an important NIE commitment in the economic pact.

Infrastructure

We also need to build for the future. As in the rest of the United Kingdom, this means continued investment in infrastructure.

Despite the unprecedented pressures on the public finances as a result of the deficit we inherited, the UK government has continued to prioritise capital expenditure.

For example, we have embarked on a major programme of improvements to road and rail infrastructure in England and through the Barnett formula, that is reflected in the capital settlement for devolved areas.

Capital funding for the executive has been increased by £600 million since the 2010 spending review and there will be a 9.2% increase in real terms next year. As a result, we remain on course to deliver £18 billion of capital investment to Northern Ireland by 2017.

Last month Commercial Secretary to the Treasury, Lord Deighton the man who delivered the 2012 Olympic Park on time and under budget was in this very building to promote infrastructure as a key driver of economic growth.

In the economic pact the UK government made clear that we would apply our Infrastructure Guarantee Scheme flexibly to ensure that locally or regionally significant projects in Northern Ireland will be eligible.

Public service reform

But all of this needs to go hand in hand with reform of the public sector, so that high quality public services are delivered more efficiently.

In an age when people have unprecedented access to information they want services that are flexible and more directly tailored to their individual needs.

Public sectors the world over are reforming radically and looking at innovative ideas to rise to this challenge and Northern Ireland can be no exception.

So I very much welcome the Finance Minister, Simon Hamilton’s, commitment to public sector reform and support him in his efforts to take this forward. I believe that a strong focus on all of these areas is essential if Northern Ireland is to have more dynamic economy that delivers greater prosperity across the whole of society.

Welfare reform

And another key element is welfare reform.

It’s simply unsustainable to continue with a system that too often fails to reward those who work, parks people on benefits and then forgets about them and has a cost which is spiralling out of control. But that’s what Northern Ireland risks if it decides to break with parity and go it alone.

It’s reported that the Finance Minister now estimates that this could cost more than £1 billion over the next five years money that could otherwise be spent on schools or hospitals or transport.

Let me be clear. Our welfare reforms are designed to help people out of poverty by ensuring that work pays, to tackle the causes of welfare dependency while being fair both to those in genuine need and the taxpayer that foots the bill.

The Department of Work and Pensions has agreed a number of flexibilities with the executive to suit Northern Ireland’s particular circumstances. I strongly believe this is the right reform for Northern Ireland and I hope the Welfare Reform bill will start to make progress through the Assembly.

Conclusion

So in conclusion, we live in an increasingly competitive world and the government is determined to make the UK one of the best places in the world to do business. We have a long term plan to turn our country around. And that includes here in Northern Ireland, where a stronger economy would undoubtedly help our efforts to build a more cohesive society.

So working with the devolved administration, we are pushing ahead with implementing the economic pact we signed last June. A pact we agreed just as the eyes of the world were starting to focus on the G8 summit which did so much to highlight the many opportunities Northern Ireland has to offer.

We are determined to secure a better future for Northern Ireland and more prosperous economy and we want to work with you in the British Irish Chamber of Commerce and right across the business community to help deliver that.

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Elizabeth Truss – 2014 Speech on Childcare

Liz Truss

Below is the text of the speech made by Elizabeth Truss, the Education and Childcare Minister, at White & Case LLP in London on 17th June 2014.

Thanks very much. It’s great to be here at CityFathers and CityMothers – CityParents.

And I’m very impressed by the rate of growth in your organisation since last year.

As we all know, parenting is one of the most important jobs any of us will ever do.

And not just for mothers – it’s a job for both parents.

Apart from actually giving birth – which women haven’t yet managed to delegate, despite Arnold Schwarzenegger films suggesting otherwise – fathers face just the same challenges and dilemmas as mothers, and it’s very important for both parents to be involved in their children’s lives.

In defence of parents

Sometimes it feels as though the whole issue of parenthood has never been more fraught.

The debate swings between blaming parents for all society’s problems – for being too focused on their own careers and neglecting their children, letting them run riot and play computer games late into the night.

Or it blames them for being too obsessed with their own offspring – painting an unfair and untrue picture of entitled mums and dads ramming their Bugaboos into pedestrians, clogging up the streets on the school run and hogging all the best spaces in supermarket car parks.

The reality – of course – is that neither of these gargoyle stereotypes is true.

In fact parents today are working harder than ever, spending more time with their children than ever, and worrying more and more about how to help their child succeed.

Across the developed world, the trend is increasingly for dual-income families. Sixty per cent of families in the OECD have 2 parents in work – and about two-thirds of mothers in the UK are in paid employment.

But that doesn’t mean they’re not working hard at home as well. This generation of working parents with young children spends more time on childcare than stay-at-home parents did in the 1970s. And stay-at-home parents are devoting more time to their children.

According to the Multinational Time Use Study in 2005, employed women spent an average of 97 minutes per day with their children below the age of 4 – 20 minutes more than non-working mothers did in 1974.

So we should all speak in defence of parents and the work they do – and regardless of where they live or what they do, all the parents I meet have one thing in common. They’re really concerned about their children’s welfare; about how they’re getting on at school, and whether they’re happy; about whether they’ll get good grades, get a good job and get on the housing ladder.

Institutions to fit the modern world

Because as we all know, the world is getting more and more competitive.

The globe is shrinking, and people hop from continent to continent for work, study, and travel – while the relentless march of technology is transforming our jobs, our homes, and our lives.

Mostly, for the better. The internet has brought the world to our desk and our door; we can talk to people on the other side of the globe instantly, for free; the employment market is much more fluid, and much more dynamic, and people can increasingly move in and out of jobs and careers, of full-time and part-time and flexible work. As more basic tasks are automated or robotised, human intelligence and skill is more important than ever, and many of our jobs are getting fuller and more interesting.

It’s easy sometimes to take our world of limitless opportunities for granted. Remember when 4 TV channels felt like unimaginable luxury? When getting sports results on Ceefax was like magic? When everyone had to carry a London A to Z to have any hope of getting around? We now rely on technology.

But modern life can also be tiring. When you can communicate instantly, the speed of life and of work increases exponentially – and with emails, BlackBerrys, mobiles, wifi, we are ‘always on’ and always frenetic.

All too often, corporate culture rewards the person who stays longer and later – regardless of whether they’re actually doing the best job and delivering the best outcomes.

Look at my workplace – the ultimate example of presenteeism, where you have to show up in person to walk through a lobby and vote at 10pm.

Our workplaces – our institutions – need to adapt to the world we live in. Too often they are saddled with the cultural assumptions of the past. They need to focus more on the work employees do, and the results they achieve, than the hours they spend in the office.

That would be better for the economy – and better for all of us.

Education ever more important

And, above all, it would be better for our children.

Because if the world feels fast now – just imagine how much faster it will feel in 20 or 30 years’ time.

Our children will face competition from the rising, hungry nations of the world; will do jobs we can’t even imagine, working in ways we can’t predict.

The one thing we know is that education and skills will only become more crucial. The correlation between international test scores at age 15 and economic growth has already increased by a third in the last few decades.

And we know that other countries and regions are racing ahead. Fifteen-year-olds in Shanghai are already 3 years ahead of those in this country in maths. And those in Poland are one year ahead.

That’s why education and childcare go hand in hand. We need to support parents and also give children the best start in life.

That’s why this government is doing everything possible to drive up standards in schools and help every child reach their full potential.

Of course we also want rounded, creative, innovative youngsters – who are resilient and can handle change.

Just this weekend, I published new guidance helping teachers to identify and support young people suffering from underlying mental health problems – meaning healthier, happier classrooms.

Schools to support modern life

And we’re determined to make schools become institutions that work better with modern life – that prepare children for all the challenges of the modern world, and support and help families.

That’s why Michael Gove announced earlier this year that he wants state schools – just like independent schools – to offer a school day 9 or 10 hours long, and we will support schools to do this.

Not necessarily for extra lessons – but for a safe, calm place to do homework, or to go over classes which you didn’t get the first time round; time for clubs like debating, cadets, orchestras, sport and drama, for volunteering or careers talks from employers – all the sort of enrichment activities which our best schools already offer as a matter of course.

And I’m pleased to say that new research from the DfE shows that last year around half of all primaries in England – almost 10,000 schools – were offering care both before and after school during term time, breakfast clubs, homework clubs, and so on.

Sixty-four per cent of all English primary schools provided access to before school care, 70% provided access to after school care and 19% provided access to holiday care.

And before and after school care is actually most common in schools in the most deprived areas – helping to give children who need it a better start in life. Seventy-three per cent of primary schools in the most deprived areas run before-school activities, for example, compared with just 61% in the rest of the country.

Of course, for parents who work, an extended school day makes balancing care and career much easier.

At the moment, the school day normally runs from 9 to 3 – meaning that any parent whose work day runs beyond these hours is completely stuck.

By extending that day, parents can spend less time fretting about getting out of work on time – and spend more time together as a family.

Academies already have the freedom to extend the school day – and many are using that freedom to achieve brilliant results.

Like Great Yarmouth Primary School, in Norfolk.

Until September 2012, this was Greenacre Primary – one of the worst schools in the country, in special measures after it was condemned by inspectors in 2010 as failing.

Under the expert stewardship of the Inspiration Trust, led by Theodore Agnew and Dame Rachel de Souza, and the fantastic leadership of head Bill Holledge, it was reopened as an academy in 2012 – open until 5 or 6pm most evenings, offering pupils a free programme of after school activities, from horseriding and cookery to sport, drama and music, along with supervised homework sessions.

Just last week, it was rated good with outstanding leadership by Ofsted – an incredible turnaround.

As the Ofsted report said, “enrichment activities and study sessions provided as part of the mandatory extended day increase pupils’ self confidence, life skills and engagement in learning. They contribute to the pupils’ improving achievement.”

School-based nurseries

As well as wanting to see more schools offer that sort of provision, we also want more schools to reach down the age range and offer nurseries for 2-, 3- and 4-year-olds as well.

Like Evelyn Street Primary School in Warrington – a school of about 200 pupils between 2 and 11, rated outstanding by Ofsted.

Their nursery already has 52 places for 3- and 4-year-olds. Now, it’s started offering 16 places to 2-year-olds as well, which are already in high demand.

As far as parents are concerned, it’s one joined up service. Nursery care is available from 8am to 6pm. Parents can choose the times they need, and use their funded hours for any of them, topping up with paid-for care if necessary, getting really high-quality, teacher-led nursery care. And Evelyn Street is managing to provide this at two-thirds of the average childcare cost in the North West because they share so many of the costs with the school.

And they’re achieving great results. Because children and parents engage with school much earlier, both attainment and behaviour are noticeably better, particularly among the most vulnerable children.

The idea of using our schools better has growing support from all political parties – in fact, just last week, Margaret Hodge MP said that:

The sensible policy direction would have been to locate more and more of our childcare offer in schools rather than build other buildings partly because it would be more sustainable, partly because it would make better use of valuable community assets and [is] where people feel comfortable, and partly because it brings the influence of the education community to bear on the quality of childcare provision.

We know that there’s huge demand from parents – and already, the school census shows that in January 2013, 5,358 state-funded mainstream primary schools recorded themselves as having ‘nursery-type’ school classes – over 30% of the total.

So we’ve made it easier than ever for every school to open a nursery for the whole day from 8am to 6pm.

Over the last year, 49 schools all over the country planning and delivering places for 2-year-olds – both in the country and in cities – have been helping us to work out how we can make it easier for more schools to offer places to 2-year-olds.

It’s been a huge success. Three-quarters of their in-house school nurseries are already full up. And while the traditional nurseries that we’ve got at the moment only offer care for half the day at most, 4 out of 5 of these new model school nurseries are now offering full-time care, in both the morning and the afternoon, making life much easier for parents who work full time.

Because these nurseries are based on the same site as schools, they can work much more closely together – sharing breakfast, after school and holiday clubs, and providing continuity from early education into education.

Many of the people in this room may think that 8am to 6pm doesn’t work with their schedules. So we’re also introducing childminder agencies from this September, giving much greater flexibility. One of them, for example, will be operating within a school, offering a seamless, flexible service to parents. By offering cover and quality assurance, childminder agencies provide a one-stop shop – while making it much easier for more people to become childminders and work with both schools and parents.

Better for parents

As far as parents are concerned, schools can offer one, joined up, flexible offer – meaning that parents can choose the services they need, and pay for them with government-funded hours, our new Tax-Free Childcare worth £2,000 per child per year, their own money, or both.

And by using our school facilities better, we can get much better value for money and a better integrated service.

So we want many more schools to get involved. We’re speaking to all the big academy chains, encouraging them to lead the way, linking with private nurseries to provide the best offer to parents.

And we’re also working with children’s centres – which offer early help and are based in the most deprived areas – are now reaching out to more parents.

We’ve just had some very good results last week that 90% of eligible parents are now registered by children’s centres, and 90 to 98% are very or fairly satisfied with the services they received, including activities like breastfeeding support and parent/baby classes.

Conclusion

In this room we’ve got a group of pioneers, demanding a culture change from their workplaces to focus on outcomes, not presenteeism.

In the same way, we should also demand a culture change in the schools. Next time you are in your child’s school, if they don’t already, ask them whether they’re planning to offer 8 to 6 provision – ask whether they’re going to extend their age range downwards, and welcome 2-, 3- and 4-year-olds to be part of the school family.

We all need to be asking those questions of our schools. We know that the world has changed since we were children – and parenting has changed along with it.

Our institutions need to change too. They need to work with us, and support us.

In the workplace and the playground, the office and the classroom, we need our institutions to support and help family life – helping parents, helping children, helping our whole society.

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Elizabeth Truss – 2014 Speech on Technology and Maths

Liz Truss

Below is the text of the speech made by Elizabeth Truss, the Education Minister, at Bloomberg in London on 16th May 2014.

Thank you, it’s a pleasure to be here.

It’s hard to avoid technology news: we’re all quite used to headlines about Amazon delivery by drones, or driverless cars and more.

But I recently found something that was news to me. We’ve had 2D printing for years. Then we got 3D printing – printing everything from guns to body parts.

Now – we have 4D printing.

At first I thought this meant time travel. Or perhaps printing in a parallel universe. Or maybe it just meant making props for Doctor Who.

Not quite: it means 3D-printed parts that can assemble themselves.

And it’s such a sign of the times.

Technology is evolving faster and faster – and every sector in every economy is being transformed.

And in turn, that’s changing the importance of education.

Forty years ago, you could maybe have argued our economy was essentially static.

Most people expected a single career – and even employer – for most of their working lives. You might move around, and move up: but for many, the shape of their lives was influenced by your background, your local industries, your local economy.

That’s changed.

Now, with technology, and globalisation, the jobs market is much more fluid, and much more dynamic.

We’re collaborating and competing not just within our own borders – but across the world – and not just with other people – but with ever-more powerful computers and machines.

And that means the link between educational success and economic success has never been stronger.

Because if we’re a highly educated society – we can take advantage of these big, sweeping trends.

That means that now there’s no longer any fixed limit on the number of high-end jobs that can be created and located in Britain.

Now, the freedom and fluidity of technology means anyone with the right skills can go on to create products and services that people want.

Now, there’s no reason for all our children to go on and live and earn well.

Our future growth starts in the classroom.

And in particular, it starts with maths.

One of the effects of new technology is that maths skills are more and more important – in every sector.

Maths has the highest earnings premium – up to 10% at A level – evidence of the huge demand – and employers consistently say they need skilled, maths-savvy staff.

That’s why we recently launched the Your Life campaign.

This is a group of innovators in technology, engineering, finance and numerous other fields.

They’ve joined together to campaign for more young people to take up maths and science subjects.

They want to see a 50% increase in the numbers of students taking physics and maths A level within 3 years.

They treat young people as masters of their own destiny. It targets students as decision-makers about their own career.

It is unashamedly aspirational: telling them the earnings potential and career success that maths can give.

And just as important, it doesn’t treat maths and science as subjects only necessary to go into scientific careers.

It pitches them as essential for success in any number of walks of life – because of that changing economy.

And we’ve got a fantastic board to prove it.

Like Edwina Dunn, who pioneered Tesco’s Clubcard. Sarah Wood, who runs a viral marketing agency. Eben Upton, who invented Raspberry Pi, a new type of computer, and jets between Sheffield and Silicon Valley.

Or engineers like Roma Agrawal, who helped build the Shard. Or the 17-year-old Nick D’Aloisio, who sold an app to Yahoo! – who unfortunately couldn’t attend the launch because he was, in fact, sitting his A levels.

That shows the range of industries where maths matters.

And that breadth is equalled in the organisations supporting the campaign.

From Airbus to Facebook, L’Oreal to Lloyds, it’s an impressive list of household names from every sector.

And some of the companies are supporting new maths and physics chairs, too.

These are postgraduate specialists in maths and physics, hired to inject their enthusiasm and subject expertise into schools – to raise standards and get children excited about maths and physics.

The new chairs will provide masterclasses, online lesson demonstrations. They will help link the classroom to business and universities and complement other great programmes like stimulating physics and maths hubs.

Recruitment is already underway, and the first chairs will be in classrooms from this autumn. In due course we want to see hundreds recruited. And we’re looking for more businesses to come and support them.

The whole campaign is proof of the variety of employers desperately seeking better maths and science: and the range of people we need to work together, if we’re to see a massive change in attitudes to maths and science.

It’s a sign that in today’s economy, and for tomorrow’s growth – maths is absolutely essential.

If we get it right, the opportunity is huge.

And the next time the BIS summit comes around, who knows what technologies will have been invented.

Maybe we’ll all arrive in driverless cars, sit down with screens implanted on our contact lenses, hear talks from holograms – who knows?

But if we want our children to be involved in that future – to lead it, to create and thrive and invent – then we need education. And that starts with better maths.

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Elizabeth Truss – 2014 Speech on Maths and Science

Liz Truss

Below is the text of the speech made by Elizabeth Truss, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Education and Childcare, at the Science Museum in London on 7th May 2014.

Earlier this year I visited Shanghai to see why they were number 1 in maths education – why there is virtually no difference in performance between girls and boys or those from low and high income backgrounds.

I saw great teaching, motivated students and lots of hard work.

But more than that I saw a deep belief in maths and science – students told me of their ambitions to be engineers, work in tech or teach the subject.

One professor told me there was a Chinese saying “maths gets you everywhere”.

They were right. Every sector in our economy has been transformed by technology. There is no such thing as a job where maths is not useful.

Big data and statistics are now as vital in marketing as they are in medicine. The earnings premium on studying engineering, physics or maths is increasing by the day.

That’s why business is speaking out so strongly today as the Chancellor mentioned.

For our children to go on and succeed in the modern world – they need maths and science.

Progress, but still work to do

The message is getting through. A majority of the public now think maths and science are important for young people’s careers – it was only 27% in 2008.

Record numbers of pupils entering the sciences at GCSE and A level – and almost as many girls as boys take GCSE physics – almost 75,000.

But despite these advances – the pipeline of talent is broken at age 16.

A-levels are the most popular choice at 16. But only 2% of girls taking A level do physics and only 8% do maths – the numbers aren’t much better for boys.

We ran focus groups of teenagers in Leeds, York and London a month ago. These bright and ambitious young people wanted success, to know that a career would be interesting, enjoyable and well rewarded.

Their views on maths and physics were as follows:

– male

– equations

– glasses

– boring

– formula

– irrelevant

They didn’t know that maths is the only A level proven to increase earnings in later life – by an average of 10%.

They were surprised to hear that maths and physics aren’t just about a narrow range of careers – that they open doors.

Just look at the board for Your Life and what they’ve achieved through maths and science.

Edwina, in customer service. Sarah turning marketing on its head. Entrepreneurs like Belinda, Ruth, Sherry or Eben, who jets between Sheffield and Silicon Valley. Engineers like Roma, who helped build the Shard. Ben, sending missions to mars. Melanie, working on nuclear fusion, or coders like Nick.

They have got everywhere and that’s the message they are taking to the next generation.

They are focused on that broken pipeline at 16 – on giving young people, especially girls the confidence to believe that studying maths and physics can be for them and will open up a world of opportunities.

Which is why we’re acting

One of the most important factors in students taking these subjects is teachers encouraging them.

We’ve got 2 pupils here today in the audience. Neither liked maths. They wanted to drop it.

But they then went to Sir Isaac Newton Free School in Norwich. Its inspirational leadership were firm about the importance of maths – and told them to stick with it.

And now Christian, who wants to be a ship captain, knows he needs maths to get there.

And Ellen, who wants to be a child psychologist, has really got into the subject, looking forward to each and every lesson.

That’s what inspirational teachers can do. And we want more.

So today, we’re creating new maths and physics chairs.

These are postgraduate specialists in maths and physics, hired to inject their enthusiasm and subject expertise into schools – to raise standards and get children excited about maths and physics.

We know that in half of all mixed state schools no girls take physics A level.

We want to eradicate these science deserts.

The new chairs will provide masterclasses, online lesson demonstrations. They will help link the classroom to business and universities and complement other great programmes like stimulating physics and maths hubs.

And some great household names have sponsored the scheme, including GlaxoSmithKline, BAE Systems and Samsung.

These chairs will be paid £40,000 – an attractive offer.

Recruitment is already underway, and the first chairs will be in classrooms from this autumn. In due course we want to see hundreds recruited.

So thanks to Researchers in School, who are managing the scheme – to our sponsors – and of course the first chairs – who have the most important job of all.

Conclusion – just think what’s possible

And if we get this right – then the opportunity is huge.

Think of where we could be with dramatically more young people taking maths and science at 16. Think of the impact on productivity and competitiveness.

We’ll set our children up for a future as makers, inventors, coders, yes – but also marketers, journalists, managers too, everything from sea captains to psychologists, broadening their horizons – and giving them the very best start in life.

We want to be a can-do maths and science country.

This is our route to future success. Maths and science can get us everywhere.

December 1, 2015
Elizabeth Truss – 2014 Speech at Big Bang Fair

Liz Truss

Below is the text of the speech made by Elizabeth Truss, the Childcare Minister, at the Big Bang Fair at the NEC in Birmingham on 13th March 2014.

Thank you for that welcome it’s fantastic to be at the Big Bang Fair.

What a range of stalls and activities you’re about to see. From extracting the DNA of a blueberry to building a satellite – you’re in for a treat!

I’m very intrigued by the fact there’s even something claiming to be “the most disgusting show on Earth!”

This is a great celebration of science and maths and where they can get you – the answer is they can get you everywhere.

From fashion to farming, from Snap Fashion’s underlying algorithm to the latest agricultural technology – if you want to launch the next Facebook or be big in the city, it all starts here.

It’s not just exciting, it’s important for career prospects. Maths commands the highest earnings premium in the jobs market, science and tech occupations earn 19% more than other professions.

The OECD has said that half the gender pay gap is down to less use of problem-solving – these are key skills developed in maths and science.

It’s so important that we get more young people studying and enjoying these subjects, particularly young girls.

I’m pleased to say that we’re going in the right direction:

– record number of students taking maths and science A levels

– record number of girls taking GCSE physics – an important precursor of engineering

And I’m pleased to say that a new report on attitudes to science which is being published by BIS tomorrow shows an increasing understanding of the importance of science.

In 2008 fewer than a third strongly agreed that young people’s interest in science was essential for our future prosperity. Now in 2014, more than half think that.

You here at the Big Bang Fair are the trend-setters!

December 1, 2015