Tag: 2013

  • Edward Davey – 2013 Speech to the Scottish Renewables Conference

    eddavey

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, Ed Davey, at the Scottish Renewables Conference held in Edinburgh on 18th March 2013.

    Introduction

    It’s great to be here with you in Edinburgh.

    Edinburgh is one of the great European cities.

    Home to great artists, great thinkers, great inventors, great pioneers.

    Capital city of a nation blessed by the talents of its people, and rich in natural resources.

    And it is this combination of natural resources – the wind, the waves, the geology – coupled with its great human resources – the talents of the people, the work ethic, and determination to succeed…..

    ……it is these things that make Scotland one of the energy hubs of the world and a powerhouse of the new renewable energy industry.

    People in Scotland have embraced renewable technology.

    This chimes with my Department’s recent survey that showed overwhelming support for renewables, across the UK.

    As you will see from the poll published later at today’s conference, the majority of Scots are more favourable towards renewables than other sources of energy.

    Scottish renewables now account for 40% of the installed capacity of the whole of the UK – supporting thousands of jobs, green jobs that provide prosperity, and help cut dangerous emissions.

    This really is truly a Scottish success story – made possible by the drive and determination of many of you here in this room.

    Encouraged by successive Scottish Governments that have recognised the value of green growth.

    And enabled by a United Kingdom Government committed to the vision of a low carbon future.

    Committed to creating a market that incentivises clean energy.

    And committed to going out and getting the capital investment required to build the infrastructure that we need to meet our shared ambition.

    And what is that ambition?

    A green, sustainable and prosperous future for the whole of the British Isles – and for the Europe we call home.

    Playing a leading role internationally in tackling climate change.

    So today I want to talk about how this drive for green growth will benefit people in Scotland – bringing green jobs and green investment.

    I want to chart this Scottish success story in the context of the shape of the market reforms we are working through in Westminster and what they will mean for the future of renewables across the whole of the UK.

    But I want to start by talking about the energy challenge we face together.

    The challenge

    I am the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change.

    Not either/or.

    I am charged with ensuring that we power our United Kingdom and protect the planet at the same time.

    I need to meet both objectives when making decisions.

    And this means recognising some realities – realities of the transition to our low carbon future.

    Let me give you three.

    Energy security, the continuing role of hydro-carbons, and the climate change threat.

    First, collectively we face a huge infrastructure challenge, to keep the lights on.

    With around a fifth of the UKs power stations due to close this decade, including some 2.5GW based here in Scotland, ensuring we have enough reliable capacity to meet demand now and in the future is my priority number one.

    We need around £110bn of capital investment this decade alone to deal with that.

    That is what I am concentrating on in Westminster – and I will come back to this theme later.

    The second reality is that fossil fuels will remain part of the energy mix for some years to come – gas replacing coal, petrol and diesel fuelled transport, for example ahead of the development with low and zero carbon emission vehicles and their roll out to the mass market.

    So, the resources in the North Sea have been and remain a boon to Scotland and the UK as a whole.

    And it’s good to see investment in the North Sea rising.

    It is also right that we investigate the potential that shale gas represents.

    For we will need to continue maximising the recovery of indigenous hydrocarbon resources – on land and at sea.

    Because these domestic resources enhance our energy security and they can be a driver of much needed growth – and they provide a valuable contribution to the balance of payments.

    But let me be clear – these resources are unlikely to provide us with cheap energy bills as some would have us believe.

    Even shale gas is not the silver bullet people think.

    With increasing global demand for gas, the UK’s shale gas resources are highly unlikely to move global prices in any meaningful way.

    Climate Change

    And, of course, there is a third reality.

    Climate Change.

    Climate Change is a real and present danger.

    The scientific evidence is overwhelming.

    It is happening now and it will only get much worse if we don’t act.

    And as our understanding of the changing climate grows, so does our understanding of what those risks might mean for our people.

    An Earth which is hotter, more disaster-prone and more dangerous in the years to come means a more brutal environment for our citizens.

    Just as it is this generation’s responsibility to pass on a healthy economy to the next.

    So it is this generation’s responsibility to pass on a healthy environment to the next.

    Therefore we can’t carry on using unabated fossil fuels at the rate we are now, decade after decade to come.

    We have to reduce carbon emissions.

    And with the Climate Change Act, this is not only a moral obligation, it is a legal one too.

    So this is the energy and climate change challenge we face, together, in the UK.

    Keeping the lights on, getting the investment we need into the system to provide the energy security we need.

    While at the same time accelerating the transition to a low-carbon energy generation.

    Increasing efficiency, reducing waste.

    To achieve this we need to recognise one last reality.

    I am not the Secretary of State for renewables – or for oil and gas or for nuclear – or for CCS or any other technology for that matter.

    I am the Secretary of State for all of the above.

    I need to make sure we are encouraging development in all these areas – making sure we have a wide mix of energy sources in order to ensure a secure and affordable energy supply.

    But within that mix I am also clear, the cleaner the fuel the better, the greener the growth the better.

    I will continue to look at the big picture to see how all sources of energy generation fit together in a market as we transition to the low-carbon future.

    But that transition must happen – and that makes the generation of renewable energy an indispensible part of our strategy.

    And it makes the renewables industry a top priority for investment.

    So let me turn to the renewables industry and the success story it represents here in Scotland.

    Green growth with Scottish renewables

    And what a success story it is.

    You all know the statistics.

    Some 11,000 jobs supported by the renewable energy industry in Scotland.

    Over 35% of electricity used here generated by renewables.

    A massive source of inward investment.

    Over the last 2 years alone Scotland has seen announcements of over £2.3bn of investment in renewables with the potential to support over 4,500 extra jobs.

    Scotland already leads the UK in terms of installed capacity and there are billions of pounds of further investment in the pipeline.

    Across the UK as a whole, the Renewable Energy Association estimate that by 2020, some 400,000 jobs could be supported by the renewables industry.

    This is green growth.

    These are green jobs.

    Areva’s plans for a new offshore wind manufacturing plant in Scotland – 750 new green jobs.

    Gamesa siting its new UK wind turbine manufacturing plant at the Port of Leith – 800 new green jobs.

    Samsung Heavy Industries proposing to base its first European offshore wind project in Fife – 500 new green jobs.

    The new Aikengall 2 windfarm – 100 new green jobs.

    All these projects – based on green investment, creating green jobs, providing huge benefits to communities in Scotland.

    And it’s not just the big companies.

    It’s the small ones too.

    From overseas and home grown.

    Green growth reaching down through the supply chain, creating jobs, encouraging innovation.

    Take some of the members of Scottish Renewables.

    Natural Power – just 7 employees at the beginning of the new century – now with over 200.

    Sgurr Energy – founded in Glasgow in 2002, now a global company.

    Not just hiring in Scotland, but with offices in China, Brazil, India, the US.

    Gaia Wind – the fastest growing private firm in Scotland.

    When I was in Aberdeen earlier this month I visited ROVOP – a new hi-tech start up only a year old building remotely operated diving vehicles to work on offshore wind farms.

    A healthy order book, growing rapidly, exporting too – generating 75% of its revenue internationally.

    This is the future.

    Because the world is not standing still to watch.

    Here in Europe – strong renewables sectors in Ireland, Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden, Germany.

    In America, President Obama has issued a call to arms – seeing green technology as the path to “new jobs and new industries” that will maintain “economic vitality”.

    In China, Australia, Japan, Brazil – targets to increase renewables.

    This is a global boom market of £3.3 trillion, growing at 3.7% a year, with investment in renewables outpacing that in fossil fuels.

    The International Energy Agency foresees some 6.4 trillion dollars of investment in renewables over the next two decades.

    So this is a global race.

    And in some areas – such as offshore wind – the UK has a head start.

    But if we really want to thrive in this new environment of green growth, if we want to continue creating green jobs here in Scotland and in the rest of the UK, we will need to accelerate our own domestic drive to clean up our energy generation system and transition to a low-carbon economy.

    So let me turn to what we are doing to create the framework for investment in renewables and green growth.

    Electricity Market Reform

    Of course, to meet the emissions reductions targets set out in the Climate Change Act we will need action in many sectors – transport, agriculture, waste management – and well as energy.

    But energy is the largest producer of emissions.

    Much can be done through energy efficiency.

    And the £1.3bn Green Deal to help people improve their homes, save money on their bills, and cut their carbon footprint all at the same time, will be a driver of green growth.

    But the centre-piece of the drive for green growth is the plan for electricity market reform now passing through the Westminster Parliament.

    Our long-term vision is for a competitive market where low-carbon technologies, including renewables, participate on a level playing field.

    Where people get value for money because the market is responsive to competition – not just to volatile international fossil fuel prices.

    The current electricity market can’t deliver that.

    First, because it is skewed to fossil fuel capacity.

    And second because the current ways in which we bring on low carbon don’t deliver best value for consumers.

    So it has to be reformed – but in a gradual way, that’s investment friendly, because we need investment now, while we are reforming.

    So we will provide certainty in transition, and encourage investment in renewables and other forms of low-carbon generation, setting a new Carbon Price Floor and guaranteeing contract prices for low-carbon generators.

    And because I recognise that more certainty is required right now for shovel-ready projects, I set out last week further detail on the Final Investment Decision Enabling Programme for renewables.

    This will mean that developers of renewable electricity projects will be able to apply for support, and enable investors to make final investment decisions this year ahead of changes to the electricity market next year.

    This should help construction on a number of projects to start sooner rather than later.

    Looking out to 2020, we have trebled support under the Levy Control Framework to £7.6 billion – sending a strong clear signal that there is plenty of funding for low-carbon investment.

    This will help increase the amount of electricity coming from renewables from 11% today to around 30% by 2020, as well as supporting new nuclear power and carbon capture and storage.

    Here in Scotland, the Scottish Government has a target for renewables to generate the equivalent of 100% of gross annual electricity consumption by 2020.

    I fully support this ambition, but achieving it will be a daunting task.

    The Climate Change Committee estimates that to meet this target installed capacity will need to treble.

    The best way that I, as Secretary of State at the UK level, can help achieve this is to make sure that electricity market reform is successful in incentivising investment in renewables.

    And that is what I am doing.

    I will do everything I can to get capital into the pipeline.

    In my Department, and across Government, working closely with devolved administration, including here in Scotland, my fellow ministers and I are beginning an aggressive campaign to attract global financial investors.

    And this is a powerful pitch.

    Contracts for Difference will give investors a stable and predictable income – not just for a couple of years, but for over a decade.

    As the Prime Minister has said: “What other industry or business anywhere in the world has got that sort of certainty?”

    The United Kingdom offers a uniquely attractive stable, transparent and supportive environment for investment in low-carbon generation.

    Stronger together

    And this brings me to my final point today.

    The future of Scottish renewables is more secure with Scotland as part of the United Kingdom.

    Look – as an Englishman, I feel a little uncomfortable about coming to Scotland and talking about the approaching referendum on independence.

    But as Scotland’s decision will affect all of us in the UK, and as a Liberal Democrat who has long championed devolution, even when it was unfashionable to do so, I feel I have the right to speak up.

    And as the UK Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change – representing the interests of all parts of the UK – I feel I have a duty to do so.

    I have spoken about this before and at length, and no doubt I will do so again before too long.

    So today I want to restrict myself to one simple point on this.

    And that is, I guess, about self-interest – Scottish self-interest.

    As part of the Great Britain energy market, Scotland and its energy industry, as net exporters of energy, have unhindered access to a market of over 23 million households and the integrated energy networks that deliver to them.

    And Scottish renewables benefit from the ability to spread investment costs across the whole of the UK consumer base.

    I have no doubt that if people in Scotland opt to leave the UK, an independent Scottish Government would be committed to giving the Scottish energy industry the support that it needs.

    But commitment and ability to deliver are two different things.

    My point is this.

    An independent Scotland will be just that – independent.

    Treated by the UK as just one of a number of countries it could buy renewables from.

    We are pursuing a number of interconnection projects with our European neighbours, including Norway and Ireland.

    For an independent Scotland, this would potentially represent serious competition.

    If the UK were to look beyond its borders for renewable energy, we would need to consider which sources provide the cheapest and most reliable options for our people.

    Now that could be from Scotland, but it could also be from Ireland, from Norway or elsewhere.

    I am not absolutely saying that Scotland will not be able to compete.

    But it will be much harder for a nation potentially having to spread the costs of investment in renewables across just two and a half million households to keep prices competitive.

    I am sure that an independent Scottish Government would champion its national industries, but the economic reality is that Scottish energy industry would lose the benefit of the UK’s international clout when promoting Scottish products and industries – instead it would be in direct competition to the UK.

    These are the uncertainties that independence will bring.

    We shouldn’t just take for granted critical features like this when deciding our future together.

    It is an easy matter to assert that the Single Energy Market would continue as it is –but independence is independence.

    Divergence isn’t just possible – it is likely.

    Devolution is working for Scottish renewables.

    As part of the UK, Scottish renewables are thriving – with two governments working and collaborating to realise its potential, constitutionally required to do so..

    Allowing tailored support for projects at a local level by the Scottish Government and Scottish Enterprise.

    And, as part of the family of the United Kingdom, retaining unimpeded access to the consumer and tax base to underpin the economics.

    Together we have the best of both worlds.

    I believe wholeheartedly that Scotland is stronger as part of the United Kingdom, and the UK is stronger with Scotland in it.

    And the future for Scottish renewables more secure in the UK that outside it.

    Conclusion

    So let me conclude ladies and gentlemen with this.

    In the UK as a whole, we are embarking on the most ambitious reform of our energy system in generations.

    Working together we can attract the investment, build the infrastructure and develop the technology we need to move towards the secure, affordable low carbon future that we have collectively committed to.

    And with this drive comes growth and jobs.

    Green growth and green jobs.

    Scotland has been showing the way.

    You have been showing the way.

    So, lets, together, continue to Lead the new green renewable energy revolution.

    Powering the United Kingdom, and protecting our planet.

  • Edward Davey – 2013 Speech at the ExCel Centre

    eddavey

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, Ed Davey, at the ExCel Centre in London on 5th March 2013.

    First, let me thank EcoBuild for this opportunity to discuss the progress of our Energy Efficiency Strategy.

    I want to use my time to set out briefly why it’s so important that we get our approach to energy efficiency right.

    And to talk specifically about the Green Deal and the Energy Company Obligation.

    I’m delighted that industry leaders from the UK Green Building Council are meeting tomorrow to discuss sustainability in the built environment.

    Industries views are extremely important and I want you to make your voice heard loud and clear.

    Joint endeavour

    But my key message today is this:

    We, the Government, are setting out to create a market in energy efficiency that will, over time, create jobs and provide opportunities for businesses to thrive in every part of the construction industry.

    Energy efficiency can be a huge boost to your firms.

    But it’s not going to happen overnight.

    It’s going to be a long-term transformation.

    And as the market takes off – so will these opportunities gradually take off.

    Not just in the UK – but there is an export market in energy efficiency too.

    I want you to be ready to take advantage.

    Because this is a joint endeavour.

    We have worked very well together, those of you who have been involved in designing the Green Deal, Government and industry, to get this far.

    And we need to stick together to make sure we build momentum.

    Here today, in this hall, and throughout the exhibition, are the people who have the answers to many of the difficult issues we are working through.

    To succeed we will need to leverage your expertise, your reach with customers, your advertising capacity, your experience of what works and what doesn’t.

    Together, we need to get this right:

    To help people struggling with rising energy costs;

    To help get the economy moving again;

    And to be part of the climate change solution.

    Let me take each of these three key objectives in turn – starting with climate change.

    Climate change

    Heating and powering our building stock is responsible for almost 40% of our greenhouse gas emissions.

    Those emissions must come down if we are to help tackle climate change.

    Be in no doubt – climate change is a real and present danger, it is already happening now and it will only get worse if we don’t act.

    Energy Efficiency and demand reduction are only a part of the response, but they’re a very important part.

    If we get this right, as my Department’s Carbon plan sets out, we could reduce carbon emissions from buildings by between a quarter and two-fifths by the middle of the next decade.

    This will go a long way to making sure Britain is part of the climate change solution, and not part of the problem.

    Energy bills

    The second reason we have to get this right is to help people struggling with the rising costs of energy bills.

    Domestic gas prices increased by an average of just under 8% in the last months of 2012 – on the back of sustained rises over the last 5 years.

    And with the economic situation as it is, we have to help people who are struggling to keep up.

    The Government can’t control wholesale prices in a global market.

    When gas demand is booming to fuel emerging economies like India and China, replacing the nuclear power Japan turned off.

    When even the shale gas revolution won’t get global gas prices lower.

    The best way to help the fuel poor in Britain and to help those facing higher energy bills be they people or businesses, is to reduce the amount of energy they need to use.

    If we get this right, people will have warmer homes for less – with lower bills than otherwise.

    Green growth

    The third reason we need to get this right is because there is a huge positive business opportunity out there.

    An opportunity for green growth.

    Creating green jobs, creating new green businesses, growing the green market, growing green prosperity.

    The energy efficiency sector already accounts for around 136,000 jobs.

    And the sector is likely to expand by around 5% a year.

    With the Green Deal and the Energy Company Obligation we have the tools to open up the energy efficiency market.

    The cumulative value of finance for the Green Deal is projected to be over a billion pounds by 2015.

    By then, we expect to see ECO and the Green Deal together result in over one million separate pieces of home improvement work.

    A lot of the work will be labour intensive which means new jobs – over 30,000 in the insulation sector alone.

    And just look at the size of the market.

    Almost eight million homes potentially needing solid wall insulation.

    Five and a half million that could have cavity wall insulation.

    Over six million could get more loft insulation.

    And this is just the tip of the iceberg.

    There are over 40 different types of home improvements that can be made under the Green Deal.

    You may be interested in the prospect of Green Deals globally.

    I am consistently asked how the Green Deal is developing by my counterparts in other Governments, not just in Europe but around the world.

    If, in the UK, we grow the Green Deal and grow this market properly and sustainably this is, I believe, a business opportunity not just in the UK – but energy efficiency has potential to be a good export market for British business as well.

    The energy efficiency market place

    So what is the Government’s doing to get this market going?

    As part of the kick start to last month’s launch, we awarded £22m to support energy efficiency projects in over 150 English local authorities and cities.

    We launched the use it or lose it Green Deal Cash Back scheme to encourage early take up.

    And we launched a £3m Green Deal communications campaign which will run until April this year to help get advertising off the ground and raise awareness.

    How is it all going?

    Well, we are going to report formally on the Green Deal through Official Government Statistics.

    The plan is to issue monthly and quarterly reports, starting this Spring.

    These will enable people to see how the supply chain is developing and see the progress on take up, for instance through the number of assessments that have been undertaken.

    Over time we will be able to add in more information and show how Green Deal is contributing towards its primary objectives – reducing in carbon emissions and saving on energy bills.

    Because these will be Official Statistics I’m afraid there are legal restrictions about what I can say before formal publication, but there are a number of positive signals I can tell you about today.

    In terms of the trade, there are already 40 approved Green Deal providers.

    Big companies and networks approved to oversee things.

    75 Assessor organisations are registered.

    And over 600 installer organisations too.

    And we know from these bodies, talking to these people, there is a good pipeline of work.

    So even in these early days, these are good signs of growth and market momentum.

    Conclusion

    But to finish let me come back to what I said at the beginning.

    This is a long-term transformation we are talking about.

    In some cases the life of a Green Deal could extend up to 25 years.

    But the benefits – to people, to businesses and in terms of emission reductions – they can be felt immediately.

    This is a joint endeavour, working together.

    We need you to be part of the Green Deal megaphone.

    Help us help you get this market going.

    Help us get you working on people’s homes;

    Replacing their boilers.

    Insulating their walls.

    Double-glazing their windows.

    And as a result, lowering their bills and lowering carbon emissions.

    I know that for you this needs to make business sense.

    And that is why we are creating this market place – for green growth, green jobs and green profits I talked about.

    I know that working together, we can, we will, succeed.

    It will be a fabulous achievement.

    Helping people reduce their bills, helping to grow the economy and saving the planet at same time.

    I hope you’ll agree that this sounds like a good deal.

    I hope you’re in.

  • Edward Davey – 2013 Speech at the Royal Society

    eddavey

    Below is the text of a speech made by the Secretary of State for Energy, Ed Davey, on 12th February 2013 at the Royal Society.

    Let me start by congratulating all those involved in the AVOID programme on their hard work over the last four years:

    Highlighting the challenge we face in tackling climate change;

    Identifying the potential impacts.

    This has been a unique multi-disciplinary research programme.

    Including the Met Office, the Walker Institute, the Tyndall Centre and the Grantham Institute among others.

    And it has been an impressive demonstration of successful collaboration between academia and Government.

    And it has had concrete outcomes.

    For example, materially supporting the UK’s international engagement and informing our negotiating position at Copenhagen and beyond;

    Contributing to the UN’s Environmental Programme with robust, credible and timely research;

    And supporting the setting of our carbon budgets.

    Listen to the experts

    It is fair to say that trust in politicians is not something the public has in abundance.

    That is why, when it comes to climate change, it is so important that all the rigours of the scientific method are applied.

    That it is the science that drives policy.

    And that we hear loud and clear from the experts.

    When the scientists tell us that the evidence proves that smoking is addictive and can cause a whole host of deadly medical conditions from emphysema to heart disease, we believe them.

    We try to give up, we hope our children never start.

    When scientists tell us to that prolonged exposure to the sun’s ultra-violet rays can lead to cancer, we believe them, because their views are based on strong evidence.

    We take precautions, we avoid sun burn, we cover up, use sun cream.

    So if we have this trust in scientific evidence, why would we make an exception when it comes to the science of climate change?

    When it comes to assessing the health of our planet’s eco-system – we should listen to the scientists – and we should believe them.

    The message of the science

    We heard earlier from the Chief Scientist Sir John Beddington, and from other distinguished guests about the overwhelming scientific evidence for climate change.

    Overwhelming evidence, yes.

    But of course there are uncertainties.

    You are scientists.

    You know that good science is all rightly cautious.

    Not jumping to conclusions based on weak evidence, but identifying uncertainties and from them learning more about how systems work and change.

    So, I understand that, what we don’t know is at least as important as what we do.

    Good science is questioning, sceptical, analytical – testing theories and understanding risks.

    Two hundred years of good science – teasing out uncertainties, considering risk – has laid the foundation of what we now understand.

    It screams out from decade upon decade of research.

    The basic physics of climate change is irrefutable.

    Greenhouse gases warm the atmosphere and cause changes to the climate.

    Human activity is significantly contributing to the warming of our planet.

    Sir John talked about some of the impacts that are already being felt.

    While we would not want to attribute every extreme weather event to climate change – the pattern is building and the costs are rising – the human costs and the financial costs.

    The costs of the 2012 floods here in the UK could easily top £1bn.

    And last month the US Congress passed a $50bn bill for relief for those affected by Superstorm Sandy.

    As President Obama said last month:

    “Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires and crippling drought and more powerful storms.”

    And Sir John also talked about how our hope must be to limit climate change – preventing us passing a potentially catastrophic tipping point – a great threat to life.

    Because the stark fact is this – climate change is happening.

    We can’t reverse it, but we can limit it.

    AVOID highlights the importance of keeping temperature increases below 2C

    To do so global emissions need to be reduced urgently and sustained deep cuts are required long term.

    This points to the importance of a comprehensive global deal in 2015.

    It may be as I mentioned earlier that the art of politics is not greatly revered.

    But we will need every piece of political artistry we can bring to bear to make sure that we translate this scientific understanding into concrete and effective action to keep climate change within manageable levels.

    Action based on the science, the risks and the impacts.

    Action to deliver a low carbon way of life.

    Rewiring the global economy, becoming more resource efficient while continuing to deliver the economic growth that improves people’s lives.

    So let me turn to the actions we are taking, first, here in the UK, and the actions we are taking with our European partners on the world stage.

    Getting ahead in the green global race

    Over the last decade in the United Kingdom, there has grown and solidified, a political consensus for domestic action to curb our emissions, and for seeking a legally binding international treaty to provide for the same at a global level.

    What we have done here in Britain has been quite an immense achievement.

    It has not been easy and it has been a long journey in which all political parties have, at times, shown courage and leadership.

    We can all be proud of the Climate Change Act of 2008 – the first comprehensive economy wide climate legislation of its kind.

    Committing the UK to achieve at least an 80% cut in carbon emissions by 2050.

    With 5 year carbon budgets to help us stay on track.

    And robust accountability with independent auditing through the Committee on Climate Change.

    The latest estimates for the UK’s greenhouse gas emissions in 2011 show a 7% fall compared to 2010.

    Yearly figures can fluctuate depending on a number of factors from the state of the economy to the state of the weather.

    But the overall trajectory is in the right direction, recording emissions reductions of more than 25% since 1990 – the base year measure for the Kyoto Treaty.

    The real prize, the real prize, is to design in long-term emissions reduction through systemic change.

    Designing out carbon.

    And that is where this Coalition Government has been building on the framework created by the last Labour Administration.

    Putting muscle and flesh on the bones of the Climate Change Act.

    Turning theory into practice.

    Taking forward the practical polices that will create a low carbon economy.

    Maximising energy efficiency by overhauling the housing stock through the Green Deal.

    Setting up the Green Investment Bank to leverage private sector investment into low carbon.

    And now before Parliament a new Energy Bill – an ambitious long-term plan for a major reform of our electricity market to help ensure we deliver on our emissions reductions commitments, and attract the right investment for low carbon infrastructure – creating jobs and growth in the process.

    Too often, we are told that those who go low-carbon first will sacrifice their competitiveness.

    But as the Prime Minister set out last week, reaffirming our shared commitment to being the greenest government ever:

    “We are in a global race and the countries that succeed in that race, the economies that will prosper, are those that are the greenest and the most energy efficient.”

    The real danger we face is being outpaced by other countries who are investing in clean, low-carbon economies.

    This is a boom market of £3.3 trillion, growing at 3.7% a year, with investment in renewables outpacing that in fossil fuels.

    For our businesses this means opportunities, for our governments tax revenues, for our people jobs, for our societies insulation from the volatility of fossil fuel prices.

    So this drive for low-carbon energy is a real engine of growth for hard-pressed economies around the world.

    We are not alone

    The UK is not alone – we are not somehow risking our competitive edge because others aren’t doing their bit.

    Over the next year, I will be part of a concerted push by like-minded countries at EU level to commit to a 30% reduction target in 2020 and to agree a further strong emissions reductions target for 2030.

    And looking wider than Europe, I recently attended the GLOBE International legislators summit.

    The GLOBE study catalogues the action already being taken in over 30 countries.

    South Korea creating the legislative framework for emissions reduction targets, cap-and-trade, carbon tax, carbon labelling, carbon disclosure, and the expansion of new and renewable energy.

    Australia’s Clean Energy Act, and now linking its emissions trading system to the EU’s.

    China adopting targets to decrease both the energy intensity and the carbon intensity of its economy by 2015.

    And I am encouraged by President Obama’s inauguration address in which he challenged America to claim the promise brought by low carbon technology – new jobs, new industries, economic vitality.

    So those who advocate the view that ‘no one else is doing anything, so why should we’ have not opened their eyes to the real world.

    2015

    Of course incremental, nation specific action is very welcome, but we need to sustain and increase the emissions reductions on a global scale over the long-term.

    AVOID has shown that to achieve a 50% chance of limiting warming to 2°C, global emissions need to peak in the next few years and be followed by rapid long-term reductions.

    Some look at the negotiations for a legally binding successor to the Kyoto Treaty and despair.

    I am given hope: The Doha conference in December 2012 has re-affirmed the international commitment to reaching a 2015 agreement.

    I am given hope, by the actions taking place all around the world in developed and developing economies, that we can agree a global, binding treaty, because it will be the next obvious, natural step to consolidate the actions we’re already taking.

    And I am given hope by our human ingenuity – to find a way through problems and develop solutions.

    And this brings me back to the politics and the science.

    We now have three critical years leading to the end of 2015 to get the international politics aligned.

    To bring into agreement those representing the huge mega economies of Europe, America, China, Russia, India, Brazil, Japan – those representing developed countries and developing countries, those representing the most threatened by climate change, and those who believe, quite wrongly, they are cushioned from the impact.

    Politicians have to make balanced choices.

    Meeting their responsibility to look after the interests of those they directly represent, while trying to work for the greater good.

    The result is rarely clean and neat.

    But it is much easier to come to a reasonable and altruistic position if the technological challenge is in hand and the results are beginning to show.

    So my message is this.

    We can’t leave this to the politicians to save the planet.

    This has to be a whole of society effort, and no contribution will be more crucial than that of the scientific community.

    Conceiving solutions, engineering new efficiencies, bringing new energy sources to the market.

    We share a positive vision of a green, clean energy and transport – and a better, healthier way of life.

    And the progress of science will help us get there.

    Conclusion

    Thanks to programmes like AVOID the science, the risks, the impacts and the way ahead have never been clearer.

    You know, when I am confronted by some of the most dogmatic and blinkered people who deny that climate change is happening, I am reminded of the sentiment of the famous USA Today cartoon.

    “If we really are wrong about climate change, we will have created a better world for nothing”.

    In reality, those who deny climate change and demand a halt to emissions reduction and mitigation work, want us to take a huge gamble with the future of every human being on the planet, every future human being, our children and grand children, and every other living species.

    We will not take that risk.

    Thank you.

  • Margaret Curran – 2013 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Margaret Curran, the Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland, to the 2013 Labour Party conference in Brighton.

    Conference,

    On 18th September next year, people in Scotland will decide their future.

    And they will decide the future of Britain too.

    This is a decision that matters to every Scot, but it also matters to every person here today.

    And to each one of you, who have campaigned, leafleted, made the case and taken the argument to the SNP.

    I say thank you.

    This is your campaign, and I pay tribute to each and every one of you today.

    Because what we are fighting for;

    – a future of working together and not apart,

    – a future of shared hopes,

    Is based on the same values that brought together in 1900 the men and women who created the British Labour Party.

    A gathering of people from Glasgow, from Cardiff and Liverpool, from the north of England to the valleys of Wales.

    They watched Kier Hardie – a proud Scot – make the case for the creation of our party.

    Hardie believed passionately in a Scottish Parliament but he knew then, as we know now, that to advance the cause of working people, to overcome those who would divide and rule, we had to work together across Britain.

    Not split along national or regional borders and compete against each other, but work shoulder to shoulder for our cause.

    And, friends, time after time, the Labour Party – influenced, shaped and led by Scots – guided by those values of solidarity, fairness and equality have built lasting monuments to what we can achieve together.

    Social housing and equal pay,

    The welfare state,

    The National Health Service.

    These are the pillars that support our society and join the Labour Party of Hardie, Wheatley and Jennie Lee with the Labour Party of Brown, Dewar and John Smith.

    Labour giants who we pay tribute to today.

    Conference, I don’t look to our past because I think the best times are behind us.

    I do it because it reminds me of what we have achieved together.

    And it tells me how much we can still do in the future, if we stay together, and work together as a united Labour Party and a united people.

    Because we aren’t like Salmond’s Nationalists who think that a problem pushed over the border is a problem solved.

    Nor like David Cameron’s Tories who want to set us all against each other in a race to the bottom.

    But, Conference, if the SNP have their way their plan will mean the breakup of the Labour Party.

    And I want to send a clear message from this conference.

    That after 113 years, Alex Salmond is not going to bring our movement to an end.

    Because, Conference, we are the party of Scotland.

    Whose values are the values of the Scottish people.

    The party that shaped a generation and made good on the promise of a Parliament.

    That didn’t sit through 18 years of Tory rule nursing a grievance, but became the true voice of our nation.

    Conference,

    Don’t let Alex Salmond fool you or the SNP delude you.

    They are nationalists and their entire mission is independence.

    To them, the only division that matters is the one they think exists between Scotland and the rest of the UK.

    Every action they have taken since the start of this campaign has been with separation in mind.

    Not the people of Scotland.

    So Alex Salmond will attack the Tories one day.

    And then he’ll turn on Labour the next.

    He tells people that he wants to continue all the best policies we started.

    But we could never call on his support when we were in power.

    He’ll promote every other union, like the EU and NATO.

    But won’t support the union on our own doorstep even when jobs and opportunities are threatened.

    Conference, don’t be fooled.

    The SNP have many masks, but behind them all there is nationalism.

    Conference, you’ve probably heard that Johann Lamont has been taking on the SNP with energy and focus.

    She’s taking Alex Salmond down a peg or two every week in the Scottish Parliament.

    Now, Conference, I’ve known Johann for a long time.

    And I really should have warned Alex Salmond that her specialty has always been sorting out arrogant men whose self-regard knows no bounds.

    Under Johann’s focus arguments for separation are beginning to wither.

    The realities are being exposed.

    We now know the SNP say one thing in public, and another in private.

    And they’ll go to any length to keep the truth away from the Scottish people.

    Remember, this is a government, when challenged about their legal advice on Scotland’s EU membership, went to court, using taxpayers money, to cover up advice they were forced to reveal didn’t even exist.

    This is a government that tells us in public that when we’re independent our state pensions will be guaranteed, but in a leaked paper admit they don’t know how they will be funded.

    This is a government that can’t answer the shop stewards at Rosyth and Govan when they say independence will cost thousands of jobs in Scottish shipbuilding.

    And, Conference, unbelievably, the Nationalists can’t even make up their mind about what currency an independent Scotland should use.

    Alex Salmond says the Pound, but the head of the Yes Campaign wants something different.

    Conference, we all know Alex Salmond likes a day at the races, but don’t let him gamble with the future of Scotland.

    We all want to change Scotland.

    We want to see a better future for our country.

    But Alex Salmond is putting his party’s interests above those of the Scottish people.

    It’s now time to make our Governments understand what is really happening in our homes, our businesses, and our communities.

    Families struggling, looking in disbelief, as they see that bankers’ bonuses are back but their wages are going down.

    Young people who can only see a life of short term contracts ahead of them.

    Businesses with shattered confidence and empty order books.

    Parents across the country who fear that they won’t be able to give their children what only a few years ago they took for granted.

    These are the realities that both the UK and Scottish Governments can’t address.

    That’s why people are looking to Labour to set out a new way.

    And this week in Brighton, people across Scotland will see our alternative.

    An alternative that demonstrates we have the plan to deal with the cost of living crisis facing hard working families.

    And a plan that shows it’s only One Nation Labour that can rid Scotland, and Britain, of the Tories.

    Conference, this week people in Scotland will see there is a clear choice.

    A clear choice between Labour and the Tories.

    And between Labour and the SNP.

    You have to ask yourself – who do you trust with your future?

    Ed Miliband – a Prime Minister who will repeal the bedroom tax?

    Or a Scottish National Party who want to slash tax for big corporations?

    Johann Lamont who fights for carers and college students?

    Or Alex Salmond who fights for constitutional change?

    Do you trust a Labour Party whose story is the story of Scotland’s communities?

    Or a Scottish National Party who, after eighty years, can’t even get their story straight?

    Conference, this is the choice we face.

    And at this key moment in Labour’s story and Scotland’s history.

    With Johann Lamont in Scotland.

    And Ed Miliband across the UK.

    We will reject the division of nationalism.

    And fight together united for a better future for all of Scotland’s people.

  • Margaret Curran – 2013 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Margaret Curran, the Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland, to the 2013 Labour Party conference in Brighton.

    Conference,

    On 18th September next year, people in Scotland will decide their future.

    And they will decide the future of Britain too.

    This is a decision that matters to every Scot, but it also matters to every person here today.

    And to each one of you, who have campaigned, leafleted, made the case and taken the argument to the SNP.

    I say thank you.

    This is your campaign, and I pay tribute to each and every one of you today.

    Because what we are fighting for;

    – a future of working together and not apart,

    – a future of shared hopes,

    Is based on the same values that brought together in 1900 the men and women who created the British Labour Party.

    A gathering of people from Glasgow, from Cardiff and Liverpool, from the north of England to the valleys of Wales.

    They watched Kier Hardie – a proud Scot – make the case for the creation of our party.

    Hardie believed passionately in a Scottish Parliament but he knew then, as we know now, that to advance the cause of working people, to overcome those who would divide and rule, we had to work together across Britain.

    Not split along national or regional borders and compete against each other, but work shoulder to shoulder for our cause.

    And, friends, time after time, the Labour Party – influenced, shaped and led by Scots – guided by those values of solidarity, fairness and equality have built lasting monuments to what we can achieve together.

    Social housing and equal pay,

    The welfare state,

    The National Health Service.

    These are the pillars that support our society and join the Labour Party of Hardie, Wheatley and Jennie Lee with the Labour Party of Brown, Dewar and John Smith.

    Labour giants who we pay tribute to today.

    Conference, I don’t look to our past because I think the best times are behind us.

    I do it because it reminds me of what we have achieved together.

    And it tells me how much we can still do in the future, if we stay together, and work together as a united Labour Party and a united people.

    Because we aren’t like Salmond’s Nationalists who think that a problem pushed over the border is a problem solved.

    Nor like David Cameron’s Tories who want to set us all against each other in a race to the bottom.

    But, Conference, if the SNP have their way their plan will mean the breakup of the Labour Party.

    And I want to send a clear message from this conference.

    That after 113 years, Alex Salmond is not going to bring our movement to an end.

    Because, Conference, we are the party of Scotland.

    Whose values are the values of the Scottish people.

    The party that shaped a generation and made good on the promise of a Parliament.

    That didn’t sit through 18 years of Tory rule nursing a grievance, but became the true voice of our nation.

    Conference,

    Don’t let Alex Salmond fool you or the SNP delude you.

    They are nationalists and their entire mission is independence.

    To them, the only division that matters is the one they think exists between Scotland and the rest of the UK.

    Every action they have taken since the start of this campaign has been with separation in mind.

    Not the people of Scotland.

    So Alex Salmond will attack the Tories one day.

    And then he’ll turn on Labour the next.

    He tells people that he wants to continue all the best policies we started.

    But we could never call on his support when we were in power.

    He’ll promote every other union, like the EU and NATO.

    But won’t support the union on our own doorstep even when jobs and opportunities are threatened.

    Conference, don’t be fooled.

    The SNP have many masks, but behind them all there is nationalism.

    Conference, you’ve probably heard that Johann Lamont has been taking on the SNP with energy and focus.

    She’s taking Alex Salmond down a peg or two every week in the Scottish Parliament.

    Now, Conference, I’ve known Johann for a long time.

    And I really should have warned Alex Salmond that her specialty has always been sorting out arrogant men whose self-regard knows no bounds.

    Under Johann’s focus arguments for separation are beginning to wither.

    The realities are being exposed.

    We now know the SNP say one thing in public, and another in private.

    And they’ll go to any length to keep the truth away from the Scottish people.

    Remember, this is a government, when challenged about their legal advice on Scotland’s EU membership, went to court, using taxpayers money, to cover up advice they were forced to reveal didn’t even exist.

    This is a government that tells us in public that when we’re independent our state pensions will be guaranteed, but in a leaked paper admit they don’t know how they will be funded.

    This is a government that can’t answer the shop stewards at Rosyth and Govan when they say independence will cost thousands of jobs in Scottish shipbuilding.

    And, Conference, unbelievably, the Nationalists can’t even make up their mind about what currency an independent Scotland should use.

    Alex Salmond says the Pound, but the head of the Yes Campaign wants something different.

    Conference, we all know Alex Salmond likes a day at the races, but don’t let him gamble with the future of Scotland.

    We all want to change Scotland.

    We want to see a better future for our country.

    But Alex Salmond is putting his party’s interests above those of the Scottish people.

    It’s now time to make our Governments understand what is really happening in our homes, our businesses, and our communities.

    Families struggling, looking in disbelief, as they see that bankers’ bonuses are back but their wages are going down.

    Young people who can only see a life of short term contracts ahead of them.

    Businesses with shattered confidence and empty order books.

    Parents across the country who fear that they won’t be able to give their children what only a few years ago they took for granted.

    These are the realities that both the UK and Scottish Governments can’t address.

    That’s why people are looking to Labour to set out a new way.

    And this week in Brighton, people across Scotland will see our alternative.

    An alternative that demonstrates we have the plan to deal with the cost of living crisis facing hard working families.

    And a plan that shows it’s only One Nation Labour that can rid Scotland, and Britain, of the Tories.

    Conference, this week people in Scotland will see there is a clear choice.

    A clear choice between Labour and the Tories.

    And between Labour and the SNP.

    You have to ask yourself – who do you trust with your future?

    Ed Miliband – a Prime Minister who will repeal the bedroom tax?

    Or a Scottish National Party who want to slash tax for big corporations?

    Johann Lamont who fights for carers and college students?

    Or Alex Salmond who fights for constitutional change?

    Do you trust a Labour Party whose story is the story of Scotland’s communities?

    Or a Scottish National Party who, after eighty years, can’t even get their story straight?

    Conference, this is the choice we face.

    And at this key moment in Labour’s story and Scotland’s history.

    With Johann Lamont in Scotland.

    And Ed Miliband across the UK.

    We will reject the division of nationalism.

    And fight together united for a better future for all of Scotland’s people.

  • Alistair Carmichael – 2013 Speech on Scottish Independence

    alistaircarmichael

    Below is the text of the speech made by Alistair Carmichael on 13th November 2013.

    It is a pleasure to be here in Inverness today – as an MP of 12 and half years I’m used to making speeches, but this is my first key-note speech as Secretary of State. In terms of where and when to make it I gave only one wish for my speech it was not going to be in the central belt!

    It is an enormous pleasure for me to be here in the city of Inverness, capital of the Highlands. This is a city that has seen enormous growth and change over the decades and is now home to many businesses in a wide-range of fields, but which is still identifiably a Highland community in its feel.

    This seat is home to my friend and colleague Danny Alexander, I have been privileged to work closely with Danny over the years and we have both been Ministers in this coalition Government and he has become an enormously influential politician.

    When Danny tells people in Government to listen they do – and Danny takes every opportunity in his job to speak up for the Highlands.

    Now in Cabinet a boy from Colonsay sits across the table from a boy from Islay who represents Orkney and Shetland – two island men both represented at the heart of this Government.

    Proud

    I am very proud to take up the role as Secretary of State for Scotland particularly at the current time. Right from the start I got to see how quickly the labels get put on you on this job.

    Their labels as a ‘bruiser’ or any of the rest of it are all a predictable part of how the press covers politics: plenty of reminders of what I look like dressed as a Viking warrior for the Up Helly Aa (and I can let you into a little secret – it’s not an outfit I wear every day) to being described as a ‘supposed Scot’: all in the space of four weeks!

    The latter description was, I suspect, designed to provoke. It certainly did tell us something about this debate – that I’m not alone in experiencing.

    Not content with trying to divide the UK, the supporters of independence also seek to divide our fellow Scots – depending on their voting intentions in the referendum.

    I tell you this – once you start mixing up politics and patriotism you can quickly get into dangerous territory.

    I am proud to be a Scot and come from a family that as far back as we can trace, have always lived in Scotland. My father is a native Gaelic speaker and as a child and a young adult I competed at local and national Mods.

    I was educated in the Scottish state sector and studied Scots Law at the University of Aberdeen and qualified as a solicitor in Scots law. I have held a commission as a Procurator Fiscal Depute – one of the great ancient offices of the Scottish legal system.

    Since 2001 I have represented a Scottish constituency in the House of Commons. I look forward to Hogmanay as much as Christmas Day. I drink malt whisky and I’m partial to the occasional tunnocks teacake.

    What else do I have to do for these people to regard me as a “true” Scot as opposed to being a “supposed” one?

    Scottishness

    No one has a right to question my Scottishness or anyone else’s come to that.

    Polls would suggest that most people in Scotland want to remain part of the United Kingdom. Many others do not.

    A few weeks ago, in yet another effort to have a debate about the debate rather than having the debate itself, Alex Salmond called on David Cameron to debate independence. He wanted, he said, to see the Prime Minister “argue against Scotland”. Not, you note, “against Scottish independence” but “against Scotland”. In the nationalist mindset it seems to be the same thing.

    Let me be clear: You are not a better Scot if you support independence. Nor are you better if you don’t.

    Being a part of the UK doesn’t undermine our Scottishness – our identity as Scots is not and never has been at threat.

    This is not a debate about patriotism – It is a debate about whether or not we should continue to work together across the United Kingdom, or whether we should go it alone.

    A lot of airtime gets devoted to what independence would mean for Scotland – and rightly so – there are plenty of questions, I’ll return to just some of those later.

    But before we make a choice about our future, we need to understand what it is we have right now as part of the United Kingdom.

    The nationalists like to take us right back to 1707 and even further to Bannockburn. Don’t get me wrong – history is important: but our recent history is just as important as the more distant. That recent history has been one of collaboration, of partnership, of working together.

    Best of both worlds

    I’m not going to turn this speech into ‘the greatest hits of the UK’ – but I will say this: we have achieved a great deal working together. And I don’t think those of us who believe in a strong Scotland within a strong United Kingdom spend enough time talking about that.

    So next time someone asks ‘what has the UK ever done for me?’ I want you to remember this….

    Together our economy is stronger and more secure.

    We have a domestic market of 60 million individuals rather than just 5, 4.5 million companies rather than 320,000 – with no boundaries, no borders, no customs, but with a common currency, single financial system, and a single body of rules and regulations.

    I am in no doubt: businesses right across Scotland have no wish to change this system.

    I put it like this: we have a stronger place in the world with a great and wide network of embassies and diplomatic offices across the globe – supporting our businesses overseas and looking after Scots abroad.

    As part of the UK we are a major player on the international stage: with significant influence in the EU, UN, G8 and other international institutions. We can and do make a real difference to people in other parts of the world in times of trouble, as our work in the Philippines is showing right now.

    Benefits of the UK

    At home the benefits of our United Kingdom can be seen not just in the make-up of families like mine and many others right across the UK, but also by the more than 700,000 Scots who live and work in other parts of the UK and the 30,000 people who travel between Scotland and the rest of the UK each day to work. All of us benefit from a common passport, tax and national insurance system, meaning that people as well as goods and services can move freely.

    Where it makes sense to have decisions taken in Scotland by the Scottish Parliament responsibility has been devolved to Holyrood. It is a constructive and positive approach. Devolution within a United Kingdom really does give us the best of both worlds.

    Week two of the job and the crisis at Grangemouth petro-chemical plant landed on my desk. That illustrated well what the best of both worlds gives us: working together John Swinney and I could bring together the resources of government to secure the future of the plant more effectively than we could working separately.

    That is why at the start of this year we embarked upon a detailed programme of work to examine Scotland’s position in the UK today and to make clear the choices that would face all of us if the UK family were to break up.

    These papers have been detailed and evidence based and together set out a detailed case that shows every part of the UK makes a valuable contribution and that together we are greater than the sum of our parts.

    When we go to the polls next year we’ll be asked the question: ‘Should Scotland be an independent country?’. We’ll be asked to put our cross in a box saying yes, or a box saying no.

    That simple act – will be replicated right across Scotland from the highlands and islands, to the borders; in our great cities and our rural communities.

    Each of us will be asked the same question. And when we answer – we will all do so on the basis of what is best for us as individuals, for our families and for our communities, now and in the future.

    And the benefits of being part of the United Kingdom can be seen in our future as much as our past:

    There are the challenges we already know about: by pooling our resources we are better placed to meet some of the demographic challenges that we will face in the future: funding pensions through contributions from the working populations of Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland is more sustainable than simply trying to fund our ageing population in Scotland alone: you don’t need to be an expert economist to work that one out.

    Then of course there are things that we can’t predict:

    Fifteen years ago the idea of broadband roll out across the UK, including our remotest areas would have sounded like a pipe-dream.

    And yet here we are, with UK wide funding helping to join us up and bring us all closer together. Twenty per cent of the UK broadband budget is being spent here in Scotland – that’s more than our fair share – and we can do this because we pool our resources across the UK.

    We need to ask ourselves: what will the next broadband be? And will it be more sustainable to fund it by clubbing together as the UK or doing our own thing in a separate Scotland?

    It is this past, present and future United Kingdom that we need to think about when we go into the polls next year.

    White Paper

    But right now attention is turning to the Scottish Government’s White Paper which will be published in just less than two weeks. And rightly so.

    This is after all a long awaited document.

    Whilst we have published our analysis – on the legal implications of independence, on financial services, on the economy, on the challenges of an oil fund, or on the currency – what we’ve so often heard in response is ‘wait for the White Paper’.

    The First Minister tells us that this Paper will resonate down through the ages and Nicola Sturgeon has said it will answer all the questions – boy does it need to.

    But before we get to the detail let’s start with ‘The ‘why?’. Why do the nationalists want independence?

    Since signing the agreement with the Prime Minister over a year ago to ensure that we would have a referendum, the answer to ‘why’ seems to have become less clear, rather than more.

    In the few areas where the Scottish Government have sought to offer any answers, they – ironically – seem obsessed with UK wide solutions. According to them:

    We will leave the UK…but have a shared currency and keep the Bank of England working as lender of last resort;

    We’ll leave the UK…. But continue to share a UK welfare system;

    We’ll leave the UK….. but still get UK warships built in Scottish yards;

    We’ll leave the UK…but still share a single set of financial regulations….

    The logic of the Scottish Government’s position has left many scratching their heads in puzzlement. But in truth it is just part of a pattern we see from the Scottish Government: They are doing this to offer false reassurance. Independence would prove very different in practice and they know it. Right now all they are proving is that they are prepared to say anything and promise everything to try to win votes.

    But let’s be generous and leave that most fundamental question of ‘why become independent’ to one side for a moment.

    The Scottish Government have another duty in the White Paper: to explain how independence would work and what it would mean. This is an important decision for us all. The details matters. We cannot be offered a prospectus of ‘it will be alright on the night.’

    Now we know that for many issues all the White Paper can do is provide a wish-list of what the Scottish Government might like to secure in negotiations:

    An independent Scotland would need to sit down at the negotiating table with the rest of the UK – who would then be a separate state from us.

    Sit down with the member states of the EU and the Allies of NATO to thrash out an enormous amount of very important detail.

    In each case an independent Scottish state would be pursuing its interests, just as the other states would pursue their interests.

    So the Scottish Government should take the opportunity in the White Paper to tell it straight about the fact that many important issues will need to be negotiated and they need to be upfront that there can be no guarantees in advance.

    Fundamental questions

    But that does not excuse the First Minister and his team for dodging some fundamental independence questions that they can answer.

    The White Paper must be frank on a few fundamentals of independence if they are serious about bridging the credibility gap that exists with their plans.

    Today I am posing three very straight-forward questions that need to be answered if people in Scotland are going to get any closer to knowing how independence will work and what it might mean for them.

    Let’s start with the pound in our pocket. Or, to be precise, the UK pound sterling in our pocket.

    This is fundamental.

    The First Minister is fond of saying that the pound is as much Scotland’s as it is the rest of the UK’s. It is now, but if Scotland decided to leave the UK, we would also be leaving the UK currency.

    Public international law is clear: the UK would continue. The UK’s currency would continue and the laws and institutions that control it like the Bank of England would continue…for the continuing UK

    But if Scotland became an independent country, we would need to put in place our own currency arrangements; new currency arrangements.

    Currency union

    The First Minister says he wants a currency union with the rest of the UK.

    The UK Government – and plenty of others – have pointed to the challenges of currency unions between different states. You only need to look at the Euro area to see that everything can appear fine in year one, and how quickly circumstances can change.

    And there are plenty of examples of currency unions that have failed. When Czechoslovakia broke up the Czechs and Slovaks tried it. It lasted 33 days.

    The bottom line is that a currency union may not be in the interests of Scotland or the continuing UK and it is highly unlikely to be agreed – not because of any malevolence, but because it wouldn’t work. It would be very foolish for anyone to vote for an independent Scotland on the basis that they will get to keep the pound. It’s high time that the Scottish Government stopped claiming that a currency union is a given and instead answer this first question: will the White Paper set out a credible Plan B on currency?

    Pensions are another fundamental building block of any state. The UK and other developed countries are facing rising pension costs because of ageing populations. Independent forecasts by the ONS confirm that the demographic challenge Scotland faces is greater than the rest of the UK. We will have more elderly and retired individuals receiving pensions compared to those of working age who are paying taxes.

    So my second question is will the White Paper set out how much more pensions will cost each of us in the future if we leave the UK and leave behind 90 per cent of the people that are currently paying into the larger UK pension pot?

    Price tag

    Finally, the overall price tag of independence is something we never hear anything about. John Swinney’s private paper to his Cabinet colleagues said a new tax system alone would cost more than £600m each year. Setting up a new Scottish state from scratch will not be cheap. The White Paper must tell us how much it will cost us to set up.

    But in truth it’s not just the one off set up costs we need to think about.

    In public we see the Scottish Government promising more and more ‘goodies’ for an independent Scotland. But people aren’t daft: we know that every goodie has to be paid for.

    So I want to know how much we are expected to pay to go it alone as an independent state. Rather than making empty promises, the White Paper has to tell us how an independent Scotland would fill the black hole.

    OK – I’ll admit – that’s more than three questions – trust me I could ask plenty more.

    But what I’d really like to hear are the questions you want to see answered when you open up the White Paper.

    Because this must not be a document that Governments alone pour over – as much as Alex Salmond might like it, this isn’t a debate between the UK and Scottish Governments.

    Indeed despite the approach of those SNP members who question the right of ‘supposed Scots’ like me to speak out, this is a debate that each and every one of us has a right to be involved in: we each have a voice in this debate.

    I hope to hear yours.

  • Lynne Featherstone – 2013 Speech on HIV

    Below is the text of the speech made by Lynne Featherstone on 28th November 2013.

    Introduction

    I’d like to start by thanking the All Party Parliamentary Group on HIV and AIDS, and STOPAIDS for hosting this event and for inviting me to come and speak once again. I’d also like to thank our speakers so far; Dr Loures for your interesting overview of achievements and challenges, and Emma; thanks to you for reminding us all why we are here with your insightful and moving description of what it is to live with HIV.

    This weekend sees the 25th World AIDS Day, so today we come together to show our support for people living with HIV and to commemorate the estimated 36 million who have tragically lost their lives to the virus.

    The UK’s Contribution

    Today I would like to reflect on the UK’s contribution to the HIV response, and invite you to join us in celebrating achievements so far also readying ourselves for the work that remains.

    This Summer I visited the Dedza region of Malawi to see for myself the opportunities and challenges that we face in the HIV response. I was able to visit the region’s main hospital where, thanks to DFID support, HIV testing and counselling, and prevention of mother to child transmission services are being offered.

    I also met the Umodzi support group; an inspiring network of people living with HIV who meet to support each other and provide HIV education activities in surrounding villages. One lady told me how the group has not only managed to reduce stigma within the community, but has shown its members that ‘there is still a life to live’. Involving communities and people living with HIV in our work is central in addressing stigma and structural barriers.

    This year has included an important process of reflection on our HIV portfolio at DFID. With contributions and support from many of you here we have conducted an internal review of our 2011 HIV position paper and I am delighted to be launching the review here today.

    HIV Position Paper Review

    So what did the review highlight?

    Two years on from the HIV Position Paper, DFID is making good progress against its expected results. Treatment related commitments have already been achieved, and the remaining targets set out in the HIV position paper are on track to be met by 2015.

    Shift in Funding: Bilateral to Multilateral

    Over the last two years we have been sharpening our focus. As the 2011 position paper predicted, the balance between multilateral and bilateral funding has shifted. This review demonstrates how we have focused our bilateral efforts to fewer countries where the need is greatest. We now have some exciting new programmes in Southern Africa, the region hardest hit by the epidemic. Given the urgent need to reduce new infections we have prioritised the critical prevention gaps.

    Civil society have been, and remain, an essential partner for DFID in addressing these gaps.

    We are also proud to be supporting key multilateral organisations to ramp up their efforts in the global HIV response. I hope you will all join us in celebrating the recent commitment of up to £1 billion to the Global Fund replenishment, and agree that it will go a long way in reaching many more countries at a much greater scale than the UK alone could help. This support depends on others joining us in ensuring the Fund meets its target of $15 billion and our contribution is 10% of the total replenishment; by doing this we hope to see a still greater total replenishment.

    In addition, I am delighted to announce today we will be increasing our annual core contribution to UNAIDS by 50% to £15 million in 2013/14 and 2014/15. That’s an extra £5 million per year to support its critical role in co-ordinating the world’s response to HIV and AIDS.

    These contributions secure the UK’s place as a leader in the HIV response and demonstrates our commitment in providing a considerable share of total global resources to universal access to HIV prevention, treatment care and support.

    Areas of Focus Going Forward

    The review paper highlights three areas of particular focus for DFID going forward: being a voice for key affected populations; renewing efforts on reaching women and girls affected by HIV; and the integration of the HIV-response within wider health system strengthening and other development priorities. This includes tackling the structural issues that are driving the epidemic.

    Key Affected Populations

    In countries with generalised epidemics, HIV prevalence is consistently higher among key affected populations: men who have sex with men, sex workers, transgender people, prisoners, and people who inject drugs. Over the years, DFID has spearheaded support to HIV programmes for key populations. They have been and will remain a policy priority for us. We will use DFID’s influence with multilaterals to be a voice for key populations and to push for leadership and investments. We will focus on evidence-based combination prevention services, such as condoms, HIV testing and counselling, and comprehensive harm reduction services. Of particular importance is supporting initiatives to reduce stigma and discrimination. Our ultimate vision for key populations is for their human rights and health to be recognised, respected, and responded to by their governments. The UK is proud to be a founding supporter of the Robert Carr Civil Society Networks Fund, through which we support these particularly vulnerable groups.

    Valuable lessons have been learnt from the Fund’s first year and we are excited that this World AIDS day will see the second round of grant announcements by the Fund.

    Increased Focus on Women and Girls

    Putting women and girls at the centre of the HIV response is a second area of focus. Gender equality and women and girls’ empowerment lies at the heart of DFID’s development agenda and we know that women and girls bear a disproportionate share of the HIV burden. Yet globally the pace of decline in new HIV infections among women and girls has slowed.

    Since 2011, each of our bilateral programmes has seen a greater focus on HIV prevention that addresses the needs of women and girls.

    We are supporting research to improve outcomes for women and girls, including the development of female initiated HIV prevention technologies, and into how gender inequality drives epidemics, with a particular focus on improving what works for adolescent girls in Southern Africa.

    We know that in a crisis girls and women are more vulnerable to rape and transactional sex. The highest maternal mortality and worst reproductive health is in countries experiencing crisis. Contraception, prevention and treatment of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections and safe abortion are life-saving services, yet they are often ignored in humanitarian responses. That is why DFID is currently developing a new programme on sexual and reproductive health in emergency response and recovery. This will include services to reduce the transmission of HIV.

    Integration within wider health system

    Thirdly. We know that, for the response to be lasting, we must integrate HIV within other sectors and find concrete solutions to sustainable financing. We recognise that a strong health system is an important way to improve the reach, efficiency, and resilience of services. By integrating HIV services within TB services, sexual and reproductive health services, and the wider health system, people living with and affected by HIV, including children and people with disabilities, are treated holistically and not just as a series of health problems.

    Addressing gender inequality, stigma, discrimination and legal barriers which prevent many people from accessing the prevention, treatment and care they need is an important step in this regard.

    Conclusion: Leaving no-one behind

    This review has given us the opportunity to highlight areas where DFID can add value, and where we need to work with partners to make progress. We will take forward the many lessons we have learnt so far from the HIV response, and from your valued contributions. We at DFID will strive to ensure that MDG 6 is not left unfulfilled. We remain firmly committed to the goal of universal access and the targets set out in the 2011 UN Political Declaration. Increasing both our funding and policy focus to where it is most needed, while addressing stigma and structural barriers can help to ensure that no one is left behind and getting to zero becomes a reality.

    Thank you.

  • Chuka Umunna – 2013 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Chuka Umunna, the Shadow Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills, to the 2013 Labour Party conference in Brighton.

    Conference, as I’ve travelled round the country, visiting our town centres, talking to our local businesses, I’ve seen what you and I know to be true: many people – too many – are losing faith in politics.

    Perhaps it is not surprising: costs are rising, wages are falling, yet the Government doesn’t seem to care.

    And it couldn’t come at a worse time.

    Our world has never before experienced so much unpredictable change:

    Population shifts;

    Climate change;

    Huge advances in technology;

    Growing competition from emerging economies;

    Leading to increased insecurity at work.

    These are big issues and big economic forces.

    And they are already having a massive effect.

    For every single one of us, they are going to completely transform what our life looks like every day.

    It’s why we need politics. A politics back in touch with working families.

    Because as people;

    As businesses;

    As an economy – and as one country – we’ve got a decision to make.

    Will we just allow the future to happen?

    Let these forces run riot, and let opportunities vanish?

    Or will we stand together as one United Kingdom – including Scotland – to shape these forces of change, to build the future we want for our children, our families, our communities?

    We joined this party because we believe that together we can shape the future. We can empower people to meet their aspirations and dreams:

    Thriving businesses providing decent jobs;

    A more secure life for people and their families;

    Shared opportunities and shared prosperity.

    If we want that future then we – this Labour Party – have got to win in 2015.

    Because we know it matters who is in government.

    Because we know what is happening right now: a government led by David Cameron that brings discord where there was harmony;

    Doubt where there was faith;

    And above all despair where once there was hope.

    And we’ve got less than twenty months to show it’s only us – this Labour Party – that can deliver a better future.

    We’ve done it before, and we will do it again.

    Think of what we inherited in ‘97:

    Overflowing classrooms;

    University for the lucky few;

    Mass youth unemployment;

    Few apprenticeships to speak of;

    Some people earning as little as £1 an hour;

    Little support for entrepreneurs or local economies.

    A legacy left by a Tory Government that taught David Cameron and George Osborne everything they know.

    That was why I joined our Party in 1997.

    Because we had a better vision and we rose to the challenge of a changing world.

    We set the country on a new and better track:

    Millions of young people with a better education;

    Record numbers going to university;

    Apprenticeships quadrupled;

    More than a million new businesses created;

    The New Deal;

    A first-ever national minimum wage.

    That is our legacy and we are proud of it. And then came the global financial crash caused by irresponsible behaviour in the banking sector.

    Jobs and incomes fell, causing tax receipts to plummet.

    That’s what caused the deficit to increase not public investment in our schools and hospitals.

    And because of the crash the world was suddenly a very different place.

    Our response to the crash – what Alistair and Gordon did – stopped many repossessions and saved many, many jobs.

    We are proud of that too. Of course we should have better regulated the banks.

    But we learn from these things – we become better – and we adapt to the changing world around us.

    And that’s the real problem with Cameron and Osborne.

    It’s not because they’re Tory – I mean – it’s not ideal – but I can live with that.

    The problem is that they are wrong.

    The worst economic recovery in history;

    University tuition fees trebled;

    Young people starting an apprenticeship down.

    Youth unemployment up.

    Small businesses struggling.

    Prices rising faster than incomes.

    Due to their failed plan.

    You see – they never learn: stuck with old methods which didn’t even work in the old world.

    They’re certainly not working now.

    Their ‘me, myself and I’ philosophy will let the global forces of change wreak havoc on our country and our communities.

    They’re out of touch.

    They have the wrong philosophy for the future.

    They have the wrong policies for the future.

    And we know growth for the few at the expense of the many is no growth at all.

    With their approach any old job at any low wage will do.

    But that doesn’t do enough to improve people’s lives.

    It means many are working harder than ever for less money.

    Being sucked into a downwards spiral of job insecurity, zero-hour contracts, payday loans.

    A life of worry and stress.

    Ed Miliband wants better.

    The Labour Party wants better.

    The country deserves better.

    Our belief is that through progressive politics, cooperation;

    Through people, trade unions, companies and countries working together we can harness these global forces to work for everyone.

    Here are just three things a Miliband Government will do:

    First – we must invest in the skills and industries of the future.

    Let’s never forget: a high-skill workforce is a secure workforce.

    We can’t compete with China and India on pay. It’s bad economics and it’s bad social policy.

    But we can compete on quality if we have the right skills.

    That means we maintain our world class universities: important drivers of innovation, but – as Ed said last year – we must improve vocational skills too.

    We will increase apprenticeship numbers but not – as this Government has done – at the expense of quality.

    So we will change the system so all apprenticeships are Level three qualifications and last a minimum of two years as our Skills Taskforce recommends.

    Quality apprenticeships for quality jobs.

    Second we will take action to promote good and sustainable businesses that value their people and invest for the long term.

    I believe society and business depend on each other – we rise and fall together.

    And that’s why Ed Balls and I asked Mike Wright of Jaguar Land Rover – a real British success story – to lead a review of manufacturing supply chains in the UK.

    Society working with business for the common good.

    In that spirit we want people to value their work and we want companies to value their people.

    That’s why we will act to outlaw zero hours contracts where they exploit people.

    And it’s why if this government won’t launch a full inquiry into the disgraceful blacklisting in the construction industry, we will.

    Third, we believe in a fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work – that’s why we introduced the minimum wage.

    But there have been too many who think that paying the minimum is a choice not a responsibility.

    So – we will toughen the regime.

    If you don’t pay you’ll pay for it.

    We will increase the fine.

    We will give Local Authorities the power, alongside HMRC, to enforce the law.

    Bad business practices have no business in a One Nation economy.

    And of course we will go beyond the National Minimum Wage – towards a real living wage.

    Three principles: good skills; good business, and good jobs.

    The Labour Party’s values in action;

    Optimistic about what we can achieve together.

    Ambitious for the future.

    Before I finish, let me say this: friends have no doubt, over the next twenty months we are facing a Tory party that will launch the most personal, negative, aggressive campaign we have seen in a generation.

    We know we have to win in 2015.

    But we won’t win by descending to their level.

    That’s not how we do things in Ed Miliband’s Labour Party.

    We will beat them with hope and optimism for what our country can be.

    Because we know politics is important.

    Because we have a better vision for our future.

    So from now until 2015 we will work every month, every week and every day to give people all over the country:

    The faith in politics;

    The faith in the Labour Party;

    The faith in this country;

    To make the right decision for our future: a One Nation Labour government.

    Thank you.

  • Queen Elizabeth II – 2013 Queen’s Speech

    queenelizabethii

    Below is the text of the speech made by HM Queen Elizabeth II at the State of Opening of Parliament on 8th May 2013.

    Her Majesty’s most gracious speech to both Houses of Parliament at the State Opening of Parliament.

    My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,

    My government’s legislative programme will continue to focus on building a stronger economy so that the United Kingdom can compete and succeed in the world.

    It will also work to promote a fairer society that rewards people who work hard.

    My government’s first priority is to strengthen Britain’s economic competitiveness. To this end, it will support the growth of the private sector and the creation of more jobs and opportunities.

    My ministers will continue to prioritise measures that reduce the deficit – ensuring interest rates are kept low for homeowners and businesses.

    My government is committed to building an economy where people who work hard are properly rewarded. It will therefore continue to reform the benefits system, helping people move from welfare to work.

    Measures will be brought forward to introduce a new Employment Allowance to support jobs and help small businesses.

    A Bill will be introduced to reduce the burden of excessive regulation on businesses. A further Bill will make it easier for businesses to protect their intellectual property.

    A draft Bill will be published establishing a simple set of consumer rights to promote competitive markets and growth.

    My government will introduce a Bill that closes the Audit Commission.

    My government will continue to invest in infrastructure to deliver jobs and growth for the economy.

    Legislation will be introduced to enable the building of the ‘High Speed Two’ railway line, providing further opportunities for economic growth in many of Britain’s cities.

    My government will continue with legislation to update energy infrastructure and to improve the water industry.

    My government is committed to a fairer society where aspiration and responsibility are rewarded.

    To make sure that every child has the best start in life, regardless of background, further measures will be taken to improve the quality of education for young people.

    Plans will be developed to help working parents with childcare, increasing its availability and helping with its cost.

    My government will also take forward plans for a new National Curriculum, a world class exam system and greater flexibility in pay for teachers.

    My government will also take steps to ensure that it becomes typical for those leaving school to start a traineeship or an apprenticeship, or to go to university.

    New arrangements will be put in place to help more people own their own home, with government support provided for mortgages and deposits.

    My government is committed to supporting people who have saved for their retirement. Legislation will be introduced to reform the way long term care is paid for, to ensure the elderly do not have to sell their homes to meet their care bills.

    My government will bring forward legislation to create a simpler state pension system that encourages saving and provides more help to those who have spent years caring for children.

    Legislation will be introduced to ensure sufferers of a certain asbestos-related cancer receive payments where no liable employer or insurer can be traced.

    My government will bring forward a Bill that further reforms Britain’s immigration system. The Bill will ensure that this country attracts people who will contribute and deters those who will not.

    My government will continue to reduce crime and protect national security.

    Legislation will be introduced to reform the way in which offenders are rehabilitated in England and Wales.

    Legislation will be brought forward to introduce new powers to tackle anti-social behaviour, cut crime and further reform the police.

    In relation to the problem of matching internet protocol addresses, my government will bring forward proposals to enable the protection of the public and the investigation of crime in cyberspace.

    Measures will be brought forward to improve the way this country procures defence equipment, as well as strengthening the Reserve Forces.

    My ministers will continue to work in cooperation with the devolved administrations.

    A Bill will be introduced to give effect to a number of institutional improvements in Northern Ireland.

    Draft legislation will be published concerning the electoral arrangements for the National Assembly for Wales.

    My government will continue to make the case for Scotland to remain part of the United Kingdom.

    Members of the House of Commons,

    Estimates for the public services will be laid before you.

    My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,

    My government will work to prevent conflict and reduce terrorism. It will support countries in transition in the Middle East and North Africa, and the opening of a peace process in Afghanistan.

    My government will work to prevent sexual violence in conflict worldwide.

    My government will ensure the security, good governance and development of the Overseas Territories, including by protecting the Falkland Islanders’ and Gibraltarians’ right to determine their political futures.

    In assuming the Presidency of the G8, my government will promote economic growth, support free trade, tackle tax evasion, encourage greater transparency and accountability while continuing to make progress in tackling climate change.

    Other measures will be laid before you.

    My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,

    I pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon your counsels.

  • Eric Pickles – 2013 Conservative Party Conference Speech

    ericpickles

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, Eric Pickles, on 30th September 2013.

    Conference.

    It is always a delight to be working with our yellow chums inside Whitehall, but it’s great to be back at a Conservative Party conference.

    Conservatives share common beliefs – a smaller state, lower taxes, trusting the people and championing hardworking families.

    After three years in government, it is easy to forget the toxic legacy that Labour left behind.

    They mortgaged away our future.

    Labour allowed the benefits bill to double, creating a something-for-nothing culture.

    We have been cleaning up Labour’s mess ever since.

    But imagine if the last three years had not happened, and David Cameron had not walked through the doors of Downing Street.

    Imagine a parallel universe of a Lib-Lab Government clinging to power today.

    Labour would have quickly lost the confidence of the markets for failing to tackle the deficit.

    Mortgage rates would have soared, and after that, taxes too.

    The Chancellor, Ed Balls, would be extending his so-called “mansion tax” to ordinary family homes.

    Hitting your garden, your patio and your home improvements with soaring council tax.

    The Business Secretary – Unite’s Baron McCluskey of Mersey Docks – would be abolishing Margaret Thatcher’s trade union reforms and turning the clock back to the 1970s.

    The Deputy Prime Minister, the ever-cheerful Vince Cable, would still be urging an economic Plan B.

    The Equalities Minister, Harriet Harman would be making welfare benefits a Human Right, assisted by her new human rights czar from the Brazilian Workers Party.

    And the Home Secretary, Chris Huhne, the newly-elevated  Lord Huhne of Wormwood Scrubs, would be championing that great Liberal Democrat cause:

    Votes for prisoners!

    And in the dark, over-cast offices of Downing Street, candles would flicker during the 3-day-week electricity blackout

    The walls battle-scarred by the years of flying Nokias and smashed keyboards

    A dour Scotsman would be quietly cursing Tony Blair for his legacy of boom and bust.

    To his left, Damian McBride, his spin doctor, whispering sweet poisons into his ear.

    To his far left, Ed Miliband, his policy wonk, urging higher taxes, price controls and land grabs.

    In reality, Gordon may be absent. But they are the same old Labour Party.

    A vote for Labour still means:

    – More spending

    – More borrowing

    – More debt

    – More taxes

    – And a return to the culture of spin.

    I don’t know if you’ve been reading the McBride memoirs.

    It’s twenty quid for a signed copy. The unsigned ones are even more expensive

    So let me give you the condensed version.

    Yes – there is a Nasty Party.

    And it’s called the Labour Party!

    At the next election, there will be a clear choice.

    Between a modern Conservative Party or back to the future with Red Ed.

    Look at the records of both parties.

    Under the Labour Government, council tax more than doubled.

    We have worked with councils to freeze it, cutting bills in real terms.

    Under Labour, house building fell to the lowest rate since the 1920s.

    Under Conservatives, house building and first time buyers are back at their highest rate since Labour’s crash, thanks to schemes like Help to Buy.

    The economy is turning the corner.

    We have built over one-hundred-and-fifty thousand new affordable homes since the election, with more to come.

    And we are supporting new family-friendly tenancies in the private rented sector.

    Labour build nothing but resentment.

    Take Ed Miliband’s latest plan? To confiscate private land and build over the Green Belt.

    Resurrected eco towns: the zombie policy that will not die.

    It’s the same old Labour.

    Hardworking people are still paying the price for Labour.

    John Prescott told councils to hike up parking charges, cut the number of parking spaces and use parking fines to punish motorists.

    It’s no wonder that nine million parking fines are now issued every year.

    Shoppers drive to out-of-town superstores or just shop online, rather than face the high street.

    So we will make it easier for hardworking people to pop into the local shop to buy a newspaper or a pint of milk.

    We will empower local residents to challenge the excessive yellow lines and unreasonable fines.

    We will switch off the parking ‘cash cameras’ and spy cars.

    We are helping families with the cost of living, and supporting local shops.

    But it’s not only Labour that wastes taxpayers’ money and interferes in people’s lives.

    Increasingly the EU interferes in local communities.

    Take the EU programme, INTERREG. You have probably never heard of it.

    It replaces our national boundaries with pan-European regions.

    Such as the “TransManche” –merging the southern counties of England with the north of France.

    Last week, at a road show at the Jules Verne Circus in France, the Eurocrats celebrated this region.

    Over a hundred million pounds of taxpayers’ money has been wasted on vanity projects.

    And what gifts the new citizens of TransManche have received.

    A new Atlas, renaming the English Channel. It’s now called “Le Pond”.

    “Franco-British master-classes” in circus training.

    Giant puppets and cross-border contemporary dance.

    And to top the lot, a bold piece of 21st Century transport infrastructure.

    The Cross-Channel Cycle Lane.

    I struggle to see how Labour Ministers ever thought this was a good idea.

    Mind you, Tony Blair did think he could walk on water.

    These Euro projects are a symptom of a wider problem.

    In quangos and town halls across the land, public sector bureaucrats think ‘Euro funding’ is somehow ‘free money’.

    It’s not.

    Every cent of EU grant we get back was British taxpayers’ money in the first place.

    But there are strings attached.

    To get the money, grant recipients must praise the European Union.

    If they don’t, they are punished with fines.

    Even in this great city of Manchester, a grave injustice has been committed.

    Down the road is the People’s History Museum.

    The home of the Labour Party Archives,

    Containing papers from Kier Hardie, and a Frederick Pickles from Bradford – one of the earliest members of the Labour Party a century ago.

    Labour’s Museum took the EU cash, but failed to fly the EU flag.

    The punishment?

    A seven thousand pound fine.

    An outrage. But not a peep from the Labour Party.

    Where was Peter Mandelson when Labour needed him?

    But now the Commission wants to go further.

    Using Lisbon Treaty powers, it wants councils to stamp the EU flag on birth, marriage and death certificates.

    It’s optional say the Commission.

    We’ve heard that one before. Just look at the EU flag on your driving licence.

    Will branding Britons from cradle to grave with EU flags drive economic growth?

    No.

    Will fining local community groups help balance the EU budget?

    Non.

    Will barmy cycle lanes and the EU’s flying circus make us love Brussels more?

    Nein.

    Brussels says it needs ‘more Europe’ to save the Euro.

    As Ronald Reagan might have said …

    More EU government is not the solution to our problems.

    The EU is the problem.

    As David Cameron has said, it’s time to return powers to Britain and to let the people decide.

    Like Labour, the EU doesn’t care about wasting taxpayers’ money.

    But this Government has led from the front in the war on waste.

    In my department, we’ve cut our administration by a cool FIVE HUNDRED AND THIRTY-TWO MILLION POUNDS, from savings big and small.

    Our corporate credit card spending fell by three-quarters after we published every transaction online.

    We’ve cut back the consultants, the temps, the marketing budget.

    We’ve stopped translating documents into foreign languages.

    And shortly, to save NINE MILLION POUNDS A YEAR, my whole department is going to bunk in with Theresa at the Home Office.

    Conservative councils have also led the way in producing quality services at a much lower price.

    Sharing back-offices, better procurement and more joint working.

    But Labour councils continue to burn money – from their union pilgrims to their Town Hall Pravdas.

    Their councils make lazy choices – a “bleeding stump” strategy of axing the frontline, all so they can wave the red flag.

    Let one Labour authority speak for them all – Newham.

    This council, in one of the most deprived parts of our capital, has spent over one-hundred million pounds on a luxury headquarters, including thousands on designer light fittings.

    Three years on, it’s moving back to its old building. All that money wasted.

    By an historic accident, the council’s housing arm – Newham Homes – has houses in my constituency in Essex.

    Former Right to Buy tenants who bought their own home are being hit with leasehold repair charges of up to fifty thousand pounds.

    The local Conservative council charges a tenth of that for the same sort of maintenance.

    That’s where I met Florence Bourne.

    Florrie was a woman in her nineties, full of energy, full of fun and full of the joy of life that belied her years.

    She was proud to have brought up a happy family.

    When Mrs Thatcher gave her a chance she bought her own 2 bedroom flat over the top of the local parade of shops,

    Then Newham gave her a fifty thousand pound bill.

    A crushing sum for a proud woman who had never been in debt before.

    Right across the estate former tenants were billed for work that was not done, work that was poorly done, work that was overpriced.

    Most shocking of all work that was not necessary, including a replacement roof she didn’t need.

    We went to the Valuation Tribunal, and eventually they over-turned the bill.

    But too late for Florrie.

    The last time I saw her she looked every one of her ninety-three years, weighed down by the drilling, the banging, the dust, the mess, but above all the debt and the worry.

    She died a couple of weeks later still believing she owed fifty thousand pounds.

    Ninety-three is a good age, but I’m convinced she had a few more good years in her and I blame Newham for its lack of care.

    Newham: A council more concerned about the roof over its head rather than the roof over an elderly woman.

    This case highlights the scandal of leaseholders being ripped off by inefficient municipal landlords who kick those who took up the Right to Buy.

    We need to increase protection for former Right to Buy leaseholders like Florrie.

    But this story shows the true face of Labour when in power, locally and nationally.

    In May’s local elections, don’t let Labour do to your council what they did to our country

    Conference,

    Conservatives will always be on the side of those who work hard and do the right thing.

    We trust the people.

    We believe in a smaller state.

    We stand up for the ordinary guy in the face of state bureaucracy.

    And we believe in cutting taxes and charges, helping hardworking people with the cost of living.

    We promised change.

    We’ve delivered change.

    Conservative change for the better.