Tag: 2013

  • Dominic Grieve – 2013 Speech on Juries

    dominicgrieve

    Below is the text of the speech made by Dominic Grieve, the Attorney General, on 11th December 2013.

    Thank you for that introduction Sheila and for inviting me to speak this evening about trial by jury. It’s a great pleasure to be here and I’m delighted to be speaking to you on the subject of whether jury trial continues to be an effective guarantor of justice. Those of you who know me will not be surprised to hear I am an enthusiastic advocate of trial by jury and I make no apology for saying from the outset I think it is an essential element of the justice system of England and Wales. It is deeply ingrained in our national DNA.

    The protection of historic freedoms through the defence of trial by jury was part of our coalition agreement when the Government came into power and it’s my firm view that trial by jury provides a vital safeguard in a free society.

    I don’t subscribe to the view expressed by the poet Robert Frost that:

    A jury consists of twelve persons chosen to decide who has the better lawyer

    I am only going to consider trial by jury in the criminal justice system this evening, but it is worth remembering that the civil justice system also has juries, for example in some inquest cases. I am also going to confine myself to talking about England and Wales, as jury trial in other jurisdictions, such as the United States, is very different and I think it would be unwise to draw too many parallels.

    In England and Wales some form of trial by jury has existed for probably about a thousand years, although it’s fair to say that in its early incarnation it bore little resemblance to the system we have today. The groups of noblemen assigned to the task were required to investigate the case themselves and it was primarily used as a means of resolving property disputes.

    As you will, I am sure, know, the right for a man to be punished only pursuant to the ‘the lawful judgement of his equals’ was enshrined in King John’s Magna Carta in 1215. The ‘right’ was of course a limited one and only available to men of a certain standing, but I think it does have some resonance even now, because it lays the foundation stone for the principle of judgement by one’s peers. It was certainly preferable to using ordeal by water or fire as methods of proving guilt or innocence.

    By the 17th century the right to be judged by one’s peers was confirmed in the Act which abolished the Star Chamber. The development I want to focus on concerns the right of the jury to return the verdict they consider just and Bushel’s case of 1670, which confirmed that a jury could not be punished by reason of the verdict it returned, is one of the earliest and most important examples. Bushel had been a member of the jury trying Penn and Mead, two Quakers who were charged with unlawful assembly for holding a religious meeting in violation of the Conventicle Act. The jury found the two ‘guilty of speaking in Gracechurch Street’ but refused to add ‘to an unlawful assembly’. The judge reacted by imprisoning them without food, heat or water but this was a jury made of stern stuff and after two days they returned a further verdict of not guilty. The judge went on to fine them for returning a verdict contrary to their findings of fact and imprisoned them for contempt. Bushel petitioned the Court of Common Pleas for a writ of habeas corpus and the subsequent proceedings confirmed the principle of juries’ independence that we value so greatly and which provides an essential guarantor of freedom.

    The operation of jury trial was still a far cry from what we now understand – for example lawyers only became a regular feature at the turn of the 19th century and juries might hear half a dozen cases in a day before retiring to consider their verdicts. Until 1858, the jury would be kept without ‘fire, food or drink’ until a verdict was reached (or, as in Bushel’s case, a satisfactory verdict) so it is perhaps no surprise that it was often a swift affair. The right of the defendant to testify, access to free legal representation and the establishment of an appellate procedure are all recent innovations in this story and make the function of the jury now very different from even a hundred years ago.

    Examples of juries returning verdicts unpopular with the governing regime, or which may appear to contradict the directions of the judge are not confined to the distant past.

    As recently as 2005 the House of Lords confirmed in the case of R v Wang ([2005] 1 W.L.R. 661) that there are no circumstances in which a judge is entitled to direct a jury to return a verdict of guilty. Mr Wang was charged with possessing offensive weapons in a public place. He had a sword and a knife which he claimed was because he practised Shaolin, a traditional martial art. The judge found that the defendant had failed to advance a lawful defence, because his claim could not amount to a ‘good reason’ for having the articles and directed the jury to convict. The Court of Appeal agreed with the trial judge that it had been ‘plain beyond sensible argument’ that the material before the jury could not discharge the burden of proof which the offence placed on the defendant. The House of Lords disagreed and quashed the conviction. Lord Bingham, quoted Lord Devlin (he of the famous declaration that trial by jury is “the lamp which shows that freedom lives”) in an earlier case:

    “I find it difficult to see how a sensible jury could have acquitted. But I do not reach such a conclusion as a matter of law and I cannot accept that the judge is entitled to direct the jury how to answer a question of fact, however obvious he may believe the answer to be and although he may be satisfied that any other answer would be perverse. That in my view gets to the heart of the matter. The right of the jury to return the verdict it collectively believes is the true one is inalienable. Well, you may say, do we want a legal system in which the jury can return a verdict which seems to us to fly in the face of the evidence? My answer is yes, it is essential that juries are trusted to take decisions, with proper direction, even if very occasionally those decisions will not accord with the view that lawyers, judges or the Crown may hold.”

    There is another reason why it is important that jury trial is preserved. This is to do with participation in the criminal justice system. Many people will go through life without any direct involvement in the criminal justice system. Their information will be gleaned from the media, drama, possibly anecdotes from friends or family. Depending on their generation, it may be Rumpole of the Bailey, This Life, or Silks. It seems to me that one way for the system to maintain legitimacy is for people to have a way of genuinely being part of the decision making process. Indeed, it is hard to think of a more serious or important civil duty that virtually any member of the public may be called upon to conduct.

    What do we know about jury trial? In 2012/13, of 97,182 cases prosecuted by the Crown Prosecution Service in the Crown Court, just over 15,000 proceeded to trial. 69,971 guilty pleas were entered (72% of cases). Just to put that in context, the total number of cases dealt with by lay benches or District Judges in the Magistrates’ courts is around a million but the fact that only a small minority of criminal cases are disposed of by Crown Court jury trial in no way undermines the principle that it is an essential safeguard. Crown Court trials amount to a very considerable number of cases, including of course trials for the most serious offences.

    I don’t want to present a rose tinted picture of a criminal justice system in which juries can do no wrong. I am particularly conscious of the fact that jurors are human and fallible; as individuals they make mistakes and they make bad decisions, just as all of us do. I will say more about that a little later.

    Experience of lawyers, judges and others working in the Criminal Justice System however is overwhelmingly that juries almost always do a conscientious job and do it effectively. That is my experience too. Such views are also supported by the fact that appeals against conviction which rely on complaints about failings of jurors are rare.

    It is also supported by recent research into juries, carried out by Professor Thomas of University College London and published by the Ministry of Justice in 2010. I commend this fascinating piece of work to you. It is perhaps surprising that so little research has been done on jury decision making. This is especially the case now that Professor Thomas has shown how despite section 8 of the Contempt of Court Act 1981, which makes it a criminal offence to ‘obtain, disclose or solicit any particulars of statements made, opinions expressed, arguments advanced, or votes cast by members of a jury in the course of their deliberations’, does not in fact, as was commonly believed, prevent meaningful research being carried out.

    The research found little evidence that juries are not fair. It also looked at the effectiveness of juries and found that, once sworn, juries reached verdicts by deliberation on 89% of all charges and that juries were discharged in less than 1% of cases.

    Interestingly, the study found that offence type had an impact on the probability of a jury convicting. Those offences where the strongest direct evidence is likely to exist – such as making indecent photographs of children, or causing death by dangerous driving – had significantly higher conviction rates than offences which more obviously required the jury to be sure about the state of mind of the defendant. An example of the latter might be attempted murder, which requires proof of an intention to kill, making it in one sense more difficult to prove than murder. This suggests that juries do try cases on the evidence and the law.

    It is fair to say that the study identified certain problem areas with jury decision making and in particular highlighted jurors’ uncertainty about what they should do in the event of impropriety in the jury deliberating room. In addition, jurors’ ability to understand the judge’s legal directions increased markedly when written instructions were provided, suggesting that such a practice should be far more routine than it is now.

    Examples of juries struggling with their task to the extent that they are unable properly to discharge it are very rare. You will no doubt remember the Vicky Pryce case, earlier this year, in which the judge discharged the jury because he concluded that they had a ‘fundamental deficit in understanding’ of the trial process. But the trial judge himself, Mr Justice Sweeney, said that in thirty years he had not come across a similar situation.

    There are, too, examples of cases that have collapsed after the expenditure of much time and money – the longest and probably the most expensive being the Jubilee line fraud trial, which resulted in six defendants being acquitted when the jury was discharged after the trial had been ongoing for almost two years. The impact of the collapse of the trial was so keenly felt that my predecessor Lord Goldsmith QC referred the matter to the Chief Inspector of the Crown Prosecution Service to inquire into the circumstances. The subsequent report concluded that there were a number of reasons why the trial had collapsed, including the illness of one of the defendants and the way it was presented by the prosecution, but importantly it was the (unusual) combination of the various factors which proved fatal. It was not a failure of the jury.

    There are challenges to the integrity of jury trial, but I would like to suggest that those we face now are not so very different from those that have always been present. I have, as you will know, a particular role to play in respect of jurors, because I can, and do, bring contempt proceedings against those, including jurors, whose conduct is intended to and does undermine the administration of justice.

    All juries are directed in robust terms about the need not to conduct their own research into the case. It has always been necessary to direct jurors not to discuss the case with anyone, not to visit the scene of the crime, not to research the witness or defendant details. And now such directions extend to not researching the case on the internet. To ignore those directions, intentionally, amounts to a contempt of court. This does not mean that jurors must refrain from reading the news (online or in the traditional way), nor that they should not use the internet as they would normally. It means that they must not seek out extraneous information about the case they have sworn to try in accordance with the evidence.

    About many criminal trials, there may be all kinds of prejudicial information ‘out there’ on the internet. This could be in the form of archived news reports about the defendant’s previous court appearances, or it could be, to use the words of the old authorities in a modern context, mere chaff and banter about the case on someone’s Facebook page or Twitter feed. But the chances of a juror seeing such material are fairly slim, providing they haven’t gone looking for it.

    Let’s say one of the jury trying a defendant for a serious assault decide to take matters into their own hands by looking up archived news reports about the defendant – in defiance of the judge’s directions not to do that very thing.

    Before too long, a bit of internet searching reveals that this is not the first time the defendant has been before the courts, and that he had in fact faced trial for rape. The rest of the jury must be told, the juror says to herself. There is information about the defendant that the judge is trying to withhold from us! From this point onwards, the trial process is undermined. The jury will no longer be able to deliver a verdict based solely on the evidence adduced before them; the role of the judge has been usurped, the defendant’s right to a fair trial is prejudiced.

    The scenario I described a moment ago involving a juror searching for material about the defendant on the internet was, sadly, not fictitious. The juror’s name was Theodora Dallas and the defendant was called Barry Medlock. The trial was at Luton Crown Court in 2011.

    Dr Dallas was found by the Lord Chief Justice to be in contempt of court, and was committed to 6 months’ imprisonment. Barry Medlock had to be retried before a fresh jury, and the victim had to give evidence again. When passing sentence on Dr Dallas, the Lord Chief Justice said:

    “Jurors who perform their duties on the basis that they can pick and choose which principles governing trial by jury, and which orders made by the judge to ensure the proper process of jury trial they will obey, or who for whatever reason think that the principles do not apply to them, are in effect setting themselves up above the jury system and treating the principles that govern it with contempt…”

    The Lord Chief Justice continued,

    “The problem [.. ] is not the internet: the potential problems arise from the activities of jurors who disregard the long established principles which underpin the right of every citizen to a fair trial.”

    I endorse those remarks.

    My recent experience is that the law of contempt is both adaptable and resilient in the face of the challenges of technology. The fundamental principles underlying the need for juror restraint are timeless.

    Another danger is communication between jurors and witnesses or defendants, as was revealed in the case of Fraill and Sewart where a juror, Fraill, initiated contact with a defendant, Sewart, whom she had just acquitted. The contact was made while the jury was still deliberating the guilt of the remaining defendants in what had been a long, multi-handed organised crime trial. Details of the jury’s deliberations were revealed by Fraill in the course of a Facebook chat she initiated with Sewart. In doing so, Fraill breached the prohibition in section 8 of the 1981 Act, in addition to breaching the directions of the judge not to go on the internet to research the case. Both denied the allegations, and a trial took place before the Lord Chief Justice, who, sitting with two High Court Judges, found the case proved.

    The Law Commission has just this week published a report making recommendations to reform elements of the law governing contempt of court. They include creating a statutory offence for jurors who intentionally seek information beyond the evidence presented in court. My office has worked closely with the Law Commission on the proposals which I welcome and which will be given careful thought by the government.

    My personal view is that the proposals seem to have very considerable merit. By creating a specific criminal offence of misconduct by a juror, the proposals emphasise the importance of jurors following judges’ directions, and can give clarity to jurors about what is and is not permissible. But crucially, the proposals also provide jurors with an additional layer of protection when they are accused of such misconduct, as they would themselves be able to advance a defence to a jury of their peers.

    In other words, these proposals are themselves another endorsement for the principle of trial by jury. The Law Commission are saying – and I agree – that we can trust a jury to make a reasoned decision, even in cases where jurors are themselves on trial. You might even say that the Commission has put the principle of jury service itself on trial – and found in its favour. And as I hope my speech has demonstrated, I am both pleased but also unsurprised by that outcome. Jury trial is a bulwark of our freedoms, it works, and I hope and expect that it is here to stay.

  • Dominic Grieve – 2013 Speech on Prosecution Policy

    dominicgrieve

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Attorney General, Dominic Grieve, at Queen Mary University’s School of Law in London on 13th March 2013.

    Thank you Professor Ormerod and good evening Ladies and Gentlemen. I am delighted that this evening’s event is jointly organised by the Mile End Group and Queen Mary’s School of Law as this brings together key strands of my life – history, law and politics. I was a student of history before I was a lawyer and a lawyer before I was a politician.

    The Law Lord, Cyril Radcliffe, believed that

    “you cannot be a good lawyer unless you can cultivate good historical sense. I agree, history and law are natural bedfellows”.

    Knowledge of the one improves understanding of the other.

    This is of particular relevance to my subject tonight: ‘The case for the prosecution: independence and the public interest’.

    There is, I think, an important debate to be had as to the merits or otherwise of an independent prosecution service staffed with professional prosecutors. At a time of reduced and diminishing resources we have to ensure that the criminal justice system is not only fair but is also providing value for money. It is a debate which, to some extent, has already started. Should we reform the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS)? Is there a greater role for the police in dealing with court cases? As the superintending Minister for the CPS I do not seek to shy away from potentially difficult questions and answers, so I welcome this debate.

    In my strong view there is one fundamental truth that underpins a fair and just system and that is prosecutorial independence. The decision to prosecute must ultimately be one taken by the prosecutor acting independently of the investigator.That view is not based on some theoretical principle of the superior merits of lawyers but is based on the clear lessons to be learnt from history.

    In order to understand why we have an independent prosecution service it is necessary to understand the history and work which preceded its creation. And, in deference to my colleague the Secretary for State for Education, I suggest we start at the beginning and consider the history of prosecutions in England and Wales in chronological order.

    The road to a national prosecution service

    Until the last half of the Twentieth Century, in England and Wales, criminal offences were prosecuted by a curious mix of private individuals, police officers or police solicitors, county prosecutors and, oftentimes, local firms of solicitors.

    In 1845 the Criminal Law Commission reported that prosecutions were conducted ‘in a loose and unsatisfactory manner’. The Commissioners continued:

    “the duty is frequently performed unwillingly and carelessly…the direct and obvious course for remedying such defects would consist in the appointment of public prosecutors.”

    It was not the first report of the Law Commission that was slow to be taken up by legislators and I have no doubt from experience that it will not be the last!

    It was not until 1879 that tentative first steps were taken toward a more formal structure. The Prosecution of Offences Act 1879 created the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). The new Director was charged with the duty to act in cases of ‘importance and difficulty’.

    The Director had only limited resources, with no department of his own and only one assistant and three clerks to help him; although rest assured the official records reveal that at some point a ‘Departmental firearm’, was provided. This was a pistol which was not surrendered to New Scotland Yard until 1953 – worryingly with 14 rounds of ammunition unaccounted for!

    In the 1920s the then DPP, Sir Archibald Bodkin, was said to personally examine 2,000 cases a year and would often personally draft indictments.

    With 107,244 Crown Court cases in 2011 – 12 were I to suggest a return to the ways of the past I suspect the current Director might seek the return of the departmental firearm!

    Slowly the DPP became involved in more criminal prosecutions, but his impact remained limited. Prosecutions continued to be prosecuted on a local basis. The police would decide the charges and make all the decisions as to the merits of a prosecution. Many offences were prosecuted by the police officers who conducted the investigation and the arrest. Even in those cases in which counsel was briefed the police remained the ultimate arbiters as to what should or shouldn’t be proceeded with.

    In 1962 a Royal Commission looked at the conduct of prosecutions and reported that:

    In general, we think it is undesirable that police officers should appear as prosecutors except for minor cases.

    The Commission declared that the regular employment of the same police officers as advocates was to be ‘deplored’.

    The Commission’s report lead to some police forces creating prosecuting solicitors departments and in other areas County Councils assumed the task. Several police forces retained the services of local solicitors to conduct prosecutions. But the solicitor/client relationship meant that the police had the last word. If instructed to go ahead with a case, the prosecutor was obliged to do so. The legal commentator Joshua Rozenberg has aptly described the prosecution solicitor of that time as being akin to a constitutional monarch, with the power to advise and the power to warn but no power of veto.

    The system was haphazard, inefficient and often arbitrary and unfair. Clearly change was needed and in the Seventies action was finally taken. The catalyst for action was a murder and fire in Catford in South East London– the Maxwell Confait murder case.

    Three youths with various learning difficulties were accused of murdering Maxwell Confait and then setting fire to his flat. The youths had been starting fires in the local area and the police concluded they were responsible for Mr Confait’s murder. Through oppressive questioning confessions were obtained and the police closed their minds to there being any other explanation for the murder. The prosecution accepted the police evidence at face value and there was no real effort to assess the strength of the confessions or available forensic evidence. The youths were charged and convicted.

    Those convictions were subsequently overturned by the Appeal Court. It was held that the confessions had been obtained unfairly and, crucially, that the post mortem evidence revealed death had occurred at a time when the youths could not have been present. It was apparent that although the boys might have started a fire at Mr Confait’s address, by the time they arrived he was long dead.

    There had been major failings by the police in the conduct of the investigation and treatment of young, vulnerable suspects. There had also been a failure on the part of a prosecution, too willing to accept the police evidence, reluctant to test and probe its accuracy. There was considerable public disquiet and the government of the day commissioned an inquiry to establish what had gone wrong in that case. The findings of that inquiry prompted, in 1978, a far wider review of criminal procedure by a Royal Commission chaired by Sir Cyril Phillips.

    The Royal Commission on Criminal Procedure

    Ultimately, the Commission’s report was to provide the blueprint for the modern criminal justice system, the twin pillars of its construct being the Police and Criminal Evidence Act and the Prosecution of Offences Act – the creator of the Crown Prosecution Service.

    With regard the prosecution of offences, the Commission found defects which needed urgent redress – there was perceived to be unfairness, inefficiency and a lack of accountability in the process.

    Looking at the role of the police as prosecutors, the Commission found that a police officer who carries out an investigation, inevitably, and properly, forms a view as to the guilt of the suspect. They felt, however, that without any improper motive the officer may then be inclined to shut his mind to other evidence which undermines that view or overestimate the strength of the evidence gathered – witness the Maxwell Confait case. Absent effective oversight, there was also greater opportunity for police corruption.

    Without a truly independent prosecutor, able to ignore police instructions, a weak or poorly investigated case would often proceed only to fail at court. This was unfair to victims who would be given false hope…unfair to defendants whose reputations and liberty may be at stake…and unfair to the public purse.

    The Commission backed their conclusion with cold, hard figures. In 1978 they found 19% of all acquittals in the Crown Court were ordered by the judge and in 24% the judge directed the jury to acquit – 43% of cases resulting in acquittal failed because the prosecution was unable to adduce sufficient evidence to make a prima facie case.

    The unanimous conclusion of the Commission was that the police should no longer retain the responsibility for prosecutions save for the most minor crimes such as traffic and regulatory offences. To the Commission it was self evident that there had to be change.

    The CPS is born

    The Commission reported in 1981 and the then Home Secretary, Willie Whitelaw, introducing the Commission’s report to the House of Commons recognised that, whilst there may be resource implications, there was a need for change.

    In 1983 a White Paper was published entitled ‘An Independent Prosecution Service for England and Wales’. The White Paper proposed a national prosecution service accountable to the DPP. It was stated that it would be neither proper nor efficient to make the prosecutor accountable to local authorities – a national service would be more consistent with the necessary independence of the new service. The result was the Prosecution of Offences Act which created a national prosecution service, the CPS.

    The ultimate decision as to whether a case would proceed was no longer that of the police but rather the Crown Prosecutor, a professional lawyer, separate from the investigation and independent of the police, acting on behalf of the DPP.

    So independence…independence from the police anxious to see a prosecution brought for flimsy or prejudicial reasons, but was this….. is this true independence?

    Is there not still a danger of encroachment by the executive or, to paraphrase Sam Silkin, a former Attorney General, a danger that the Director is little more than the ‘mere creature of the Attorney General’?

    Independence

    Prior to 1985 the Prosecution of Offences Act 1879 charged the Attorney General not only with the superintendence of the DPP but also provided him with the power to direct the institution of proceedings in special cases. The power to direct is not mentioned in the 1985 Act. I continue to superintend the work of the DPP and the CPS and I am answerable to Parliament for their work – I do not control or direct their daily work.

    And I think it is important to emphasise here and now that inevitably there will be times when the DPP and I will not agree. That is the nature of the law and indeed human affairs. There will be healthy and sometimes robust debate and views will be canvassed and exchanged but, save in the most exceptional of circumstances, it is not for me to order the Director to do or not do something and I have not done so.

    The relationship between the Attorney General and the prosecuting departments which he superintends is recognised in a protocol. This is a formal restatement of many of the conventions which hitherto governed the relationship between my predecessors and the DPP of the day. The protocol makes clear I am accountable to Parliament for the work of the DPP and the protocol expressly requires me to safeguard the independence of prosecutors in making prosecution decisions.

    Those decisions are those of the prosecutors under the direction of the Director and the protocol states that I will not seek to give a direction in an individual case save very exceptionally where necessary to safeguard national security – of which more shortly.

    The protocol also recognises that, for certain offences Parliament has deemed that my consent to prosecution is required. With such offences, if the prosecutor believes there is sufficient evidence to proceed then I will be asked to consider the public interest in bringing proceedings. When exercising this role I act independently of government and, as I will shortly explain in more detail, it is for me and no one else to determine if a proposed prosecution is in the public interest.

    Further protection against the encroachment of the State is provided by the Code for Crown Prosecutors.

    By statute the DPP is required to issue publicly a Code for Crown Prosecutors and, in addition to defending the CPS’s independence this is one of the ways in which the national prosecution service provides greater consistency in prosecutorial decisions. A significant improvement on the pre CPS position.

    By providing guidance on the review of cases, the Code also helps ensure that decisions nationally are fair, objective and independent. The Code provides a two stage test known as the Full Code test – is there sufficient evidence to provide a realistic prospect of conviction and is a prosecution required in the public interest – which if applied properly ensures no prosecution will be brought without evidence or for petty, vindictive or improper reasons.

    A further strand, providing protection from state prosecutions brought at the behest of a malevolent and tyrannical government, ably assisted by its cruel henchman, the Attorney General, is the professional and ethical responsibilities of those employed as prosecutors.

    The DPP has issued a ‘Statement of Ethical Principles for the Public Prosecutor’ which sets out the principles which should underpin and guide the work of the prosecutor. Prosecutors are required to act at all times in accordance with the highest ethical standards and, crucially, in the best interests of justice – not the interests of the police or the government of the day, not even in the interest of victims – but in the best interests of justice.

    The statement enjoins the prosecutor to observe the code of conduct of their professional body and to strive to be consistent, independent, fair and impartial. Prosecutors are required to report any improper attempt to influence their decision-making. It is statement which is an important protection against an overweening State, the police or a powerful individual or pressure group which seeks to control a prosecution for their own ends.

    And another cornerstone of the wall protecting prosecutorial independence is the curious nature of my own Office. Although the principal legal adviser to the Government, I perform daily a number of other functions which require me to act not as a Government Minister but as Guardian of the Public Interest – as we have seen from the Protocol with the prosecuting departments, my role in prosecutions falls within this category.

    In this role I act alone, free of government policy or direction.

    This is a valuable protection from an oppressive State. I cannot be ordered either to commence or end a prosecution and, as we have seen, the DPP is not answerable to any politician aside from me.

    He and I consider prosecutions as lawyers and it is firmly established that I am required to act in the public interest.

    The public interest

    So what is the public interest – this shape without form, this shade without colour?

    Lord Radcliffe stated:

    The public interest may often require, I think, that ideal remedies should not be pursued…….it does not always suit the public interest that certain things should be put right by the courts, even if they ought to be adjusted in the ordinary decencies of private life.

    This is an elegant exposition of the principle that not every crime will result in a prosecution – a principle acknowledged and approved by the Code for Crown Prosecutors.

    The Code provides examples of public interest factors to be considered when deciding to bring a prosecution – how serious is the offence, what is a suspect’s culpability, what was the harm caused, was the suspect a youth at the time of the offence, is a prosecution a proportionate response, and are there sources of information which require protection? A prosecutor considering these factors may conclude that the circumstances of a case are such that the public interest does not require a prosecution to be instituted.

    These are some of the factors which guide a prosecutor when applying the Full Code test and considering the public interest – but what of me? What is my approach to such cases?

    To a large extent, remarkably similar to the Crown Prosecutor, when I consider consent cases I too will have regard to the factors in the Code. When performing this role I act in a quasi-judicial capacity and I do not act as Minister, I do not consider government policy or allow my own political views to intrude.

    But I do not act in isolation, in some cases I am required to look, as it were, at the bigger picture – this is particularly true in cases involving National Security….cases which you will re-call, under the terms of the protocol I am still able to make directions.

    These cases may come to me either to consider the issue of consent or because my involvement is required owing to the peculiar sensitivities of the case. If I am considering if an offence of this nature should be prosecuted then it is common sense for me to identify all the relevant facts.

    As one of my predecessors, Sir Hartley Shawcross, informed the House in 1951, an Attorney General, in order to inform himself of relevant considerations may consult with any colleagues in the government and indeed, as Lord Simon once said, he would in some cases be a fool if he did not. But it is important to remember such a consultation – since 1951 termed a Shawcross exercise – is for the provision of information and does not consist of telling an Attorney what to do – that decision is mine and mine alone and cannot be shared or passed to government colleagues.

    Thus if I should provide a direction in a case of national security, although conversant with the facts and fully informed, no decision I make would be as the result of pressure or directions from within or indeed without government.

    This is a vital protection for the independence of the prosecution process.

    Room for improvement

    As I said at the outset, there is a debate to be had as to the future – I do not pretend to see finery where there are only rags, there is scope for improvement.

    So what of that future? How do we carry forward improvements and make justice more efficient whilst preserving those principles which are fundamental to the fairness of that system?

    Occasionally there is talk of a privatised CPS. I do not see this as being realistic or practicable. How would success be measured? How would performance be assessed? Will a prosecutor or his managers truly be independent, acting in the public interest if wary of profit margins and shareholders? And remember – he who pays the piper calls the tune.

    The prosecutorial function is quasi judicial and we must not lose sight of that truth.

    Nor do I think there should be a wholesale return of prosecutions to the police.

    Please don’t misunderstand me, I think there are certain non-contested, regulatory and traffic offences which can be and may well be best handled by the police. These volume offences require little review and CPS involvement adds little value. This was the position recognised by the Phillips Commission and Parliament which allowed for so called specified offences to be retained by the police. Indeed, last year with the agreement of the Home Secretary, I extended the number of low level specified offences which can be handled by the police.

    In doing so the valuable resource which is the prosecutor, is left freer to concentrate on the review and prosecution of serious crime.

    I also believe that there is a greater role for the police to play in terms of charging. When the CPS was established, in line with the recommendation of the Phillips Commission, the police retained the decision as to who should be charged. Over the last decade that position shifted, with the CPS taking a greater role in the decision as to charge. That was, perhaps, a shift too far.

    Too many low level offences were being considered by prosecutors and, inevitably a degree of delay, was introduced. This was inefficient and overburdened the CPS. I believe that the prosecutor is best placed to add value to the charging process when advising police in relation to large scale and serious offences, principally those offences which can only be tried in the Crown Court. There is a balance to be struck and we must ensure that we find the best process for ensuring greater efficiency.

    But ultimately it must be recognised that if we are to avoid a return to the very real unfairness of the prosecution system prior to the creation of the CPS, we must maintain a system of prosecutorial independence. That is not to say there is not more than the police can do.

    I am working closely with the Home Secretary and Justice Secretary to determine where we can turn work to the police without detracting from the vital role the CPS plays or lessening the robust fairness of the system we currently have. I do not see the police prosecuting contested cases but I can see more of the routine, non contested work, thereby freeing the CPS to deal with more difficult cases. But we must avoid parallel systems of prosecutions. To do otherwise would not only be inefficient and chaotic but would run counter to the tide of history and constitutional principle.

    Should the CPS be privatised as some have advocated? Personally I am not persuaded that a devolved system of independent but local prosecutions would deliver the efficiency, consistency and fairness which we require. To break the CPS into local prosecution departments would be to remove the economies of scale which we now see within the CPS. Consistency would also slip away as, inevitably, a varied range of policies, guidance and processes evolve across the country. This would be inefficient and unfair. I agree that the CPS should reflect local concerns and there must be greater engagement with, for example, Police and Crime Commissioners, but the national model is best placed to ensure independence and efficiency.

    The Lord Chancellor, Home Secretary and I recognise, however, that there is a need for reform and we are each working toward achieving greater efficiency within the CJS. The CPS is at the forefront of that process. Only last week we saw the DPP take the lead in introducing new, national improvements to the way that we investigate and prosecute child sexual offences. From its position of independence and knowledge the CPS is a body well placed to provide national consistency, oversight and leadership within the Criminal Justice System (CJS)..

    But the CPS is not the only part of the criminal justice system which needs to improve. The police too have a vital role to play in improving prosecution performance. I think that the relationship between the CPS and police is sufficiently embedded now to allow a frank discussion of the need for mutual improvement.

    There is little point in spending thousands of pounds on an investigation with a wealth of forensic and technical work only for a case to fail because the correct evidence has not been provided to the prosecutor. I fully endorse the Home Secretary’s drive to reduce unnecessary and wasteful police paperwork: we cannot justify the waste of a valuable resource. But in so doing we have to take care to ensure that we maintain a system that works. The Crown brings the case and the Crown must prove the case and to do that sufficient evidence is required. It must be in the right form and there has to be effective disclosure.

    The CPS, courts and police have been very successful in creating and promoting the Early Guilty Plea scheme. We need to be better at identifying those cases that will ultimately lead to a guilty plea. But we all know this is not an exact science! Just because there has been an arrest does not mean we can assume conviction will automatically follow – to make that assumption is to return to the position revealed in the Confait case and deplored by the Phillips Commission.

    Not all paperwork is unnecessary or bureaucratic. We need to identify and concentrate on what is needed.

    There is a need also to ensure greater integration and compatibility between the computer systems of the courts, police and CPS. The CPS is taking the lead on this as it implements the use of digital files within the CJS. Great progress has been made but more is required.

    Conclusion

    The CPS plays a vital role and, despite the occasional high profile failure or error, we should not lose sight of the fact that the vast majority of cases are prosecuted professionally and successfully in accordance with the principles of fairness, independence, fairness and impartiality. As the most visible player in the trial process the CPS is too often an easy target for uninformed criticism, a scapegoat for wider failings within the CJS. The reality suggests such criticism is very often misplaced.

    In 2011 – 12 there were 891,716 prosecutions in the Magistrates’ Court with a conviction rate of 86.5%; and in the same period, in the Crown Court, there were 107,244 prosecutions with an 80.8% conviction rate. These are impressive figures which show an independent prosecution service which daily delivers justice.

    When I began, I suggested history and law march together and that by looking at the past we can better understand the present and best determine the future. It is sometimes a salutary experience to pause and reflect, as we have this evening, on why things are.

    Do we still need an independent prosecution service? I say yes. It is a matter of both constitutional propriety and common sense.

  • Dominic Grieve – 2013 Speech on Trial by Google

    dominicgrieve

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Attorney General, Dominic Grieve, at the University of Kent on the 6th February 2013.

    As Attorney General I have various roles. I was once described as the “man with two hats”. I have to say, I saw that description and thought – if only it was only two!

    Most, if not all, the hats I wear are non-political; that is to say, I act independently of the Government, and certainly do not act in a political manner: legal advice is legal advice, and must not be calibrated to political considerations.

    Various aspects of the role of Attorney embody the rather broad notion of being “the guardian of the public interest”. This includes having the ability to refer certain criminal cases to the Court of Appeal on the basis that the sentence imposed was “unduly lenient”, being required to consent to certain criminal prosecutions – for example, terrorist offences which impact on the affairs of another jurisdiction, or prosecutions under the Official Secrets Act.

    Being guardian of the public interest also encompasses enforcing the law of contempt. Contempt is, broadly speaking, a jurisdiction to protect the integrity of the judicial system and the courts. Just as the judicial system has many facets, so does the law of contempt.

    And, as we shall see, the nature of contemporary contempt is changing, but the purpose of the law remains the same: in this context, it is to protect the right to a fair trial.

    Allow me to illustrate the point with the assistance of another jurisdiction.

    Late last month, The Economist ran a story about two senior federal prosecutors in Louisiana who resigned in disgrace when it was revealed that they were the source of vitriolic, anonymous blog posts directed at particular Federal judges.

    Their resignation was followed by resignation of their boss, the United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Louisiana, a well respected man with a reputation for campaigning against political corruption and white collar crime.

    The Economist said this:

    “The episode is a cautionary tale about the perils of the internet.”

    Although many people think the anonymity that veils their online rants is absolute, plenty of jurisprudence argues otherwise…

    The piece continued,

    “Naturally, a host of federal targets – including some who have already pleaded guilty or been convicted – are now crying foul, saying the commenting amounted to a campaign to sway public opinion and poison the jury pool…”

    It is an interesting, disappointing story; one which I hope is never replayed by prosecutors in this jurisdiction.

    But it illustrates vividly an important point: what we do on the internet does matter, and it is not only our jurisdiction which is concerned about the impact of the internet and social media on the right to a fair trial.

    Just as defendants in the state of Louisiana are concerned that the jurors who convicted them may have been swayed by improper influence, we too must be careful to ensure that our juries are not improperly influenced, whether through published material they inadvertently encounter, or through conducting their own research – which I have termed “trial by Google” for tonight’s purposes, for such research is usually internet-based.

    The way our legal system mitigates those risks is through the law of contempt.

    To think about this in more depth, I propose to cover:

    Forms of contempt; in particular how the law of contempt protects the integrity of trial by jury

    Contempt is a broad jurisdiction:

    It is the means by which certain court orders are enforced.

    It is the means by which judges regulate proceedings before them.

    Contempt encompasses a summary jurisdiction, unique in our legal system, allowing judges to deal with certain matters as contempt in the face of the court.

    It is more than a mere summary jurisdiction; as well as regulating what happens during proceedings in court, it covers what can be said about proceedings from outside court.

    Some contempts are so serious that rather than dealing with it there and then, the judge refers it to me to consider bringing proceedings in the Divisional Court, part of the High Court.

    The law of contempt regulates the behaviour of those involved in proceedings, including but by no means limited to, the jury.

    As we shall see, the law relating to publication contempt and that relating to the conduct of jurors go hand in hand.

    The Contempt of Court Act 1981 placed on a statutory basis what is known as the “strict liability rule”. That rule provides that a publication – and it must be a publication for the strict liability rule to apply – may be in contempt of court, regardless of intent to do so, for conduct which tends to interfere with the course of justice.

    The strict liability rule is limited by section 2(2) of the Act to apply only to,

    “a publication which creates a substantial risk that the course of justice in the proceedings will be seriously impeded or prejudiced…”

    There is a defence to breaches of the strict liability rule in the following terms,

    “a person is not guilty of contempt of court under the strict liability rule in respect of a fair and accurate report of legal proceedings held in public, published contemporaneously and in good faith”.

    And finally, the rule only applies when proceedings are “active”; a concept about which, as I am sure you can imagine, much legal ink has been spilled over the past 30 years.

    The 1981 Act was enacted following growing uncertainty about the scope of the former common law regime for strict liability contempt, which culminated in considerable criticism from the European Court of Human Rights in 1979 case Sunday Times v UK.

    The Strasbourg Court held that an injunction obtained by the then Attorney against the Sunday Times to prohibit publication of an article breached its Article 10 rights.

    Article 10, of course, guarantees the right to freedom of speech. It is a broad guarantee, and an extremely important one.

    Freedom of speech, and its legal cousin, the open justice principle, feature in the legal system of any jurisdiction which respects the rule of law. Freedom of speech and the rule of law go hand in hand: both are certainly part of our proud common law heritage.

    Freedom of speech encompasses not only the right of the media to speak, as it were, but also their right to gather material in order to exercise the right to free speech. It extends to the right of the public to be informed, by the media.

    But it is not an unfettered right. Article 10(2) of the Convention provides that the right,

    “may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety…”

    The list goes on, and concludes with,

    “…maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary.”

    And the judiciary, of course, includes the jury in a Crown Court trial. Article 6 of the Convention guarantees the right to a fair trial; again, a matter of heritage for our jurisdiction in any event.

    So Parliament, seeking to balance these competing requirements, enacted the Contempt of Court Act 1981.

    Far from being a restrictive enactment, the 1981 Act was intended to shift the balance of the law in favour of freedom of speech. It sought to clarify what could and could not be published about legal proceedings.

    By clarifying the law, restrictions on publication were defined – and thereby limited – by the Act.

    For example, section 4(2) of the Act allows a court to make an order postponing publication of certain reports of the proceedings until some future date or event. This is how the provision was described by Lord Denning in a leading case some time ago,

    [The Contempt of Court Act]

    “is not a measure for restricting the freedom of the press. It is a measure for liberating it. It is intended to remove the uncertainties which previously troubled editors. It is intended that the court should be able to make an order telling the editors whether the publication would be a contempt or not.”

    The paradigm example of this would be where there has been pre-trial legal argument, say to have the case thrown out as an abuse of process. Such argument would take place, of course, in the absence of the jury. It would be highly prejudicial, not to mention nonsensical, for a jury to be sent out of court during that argument, only to read about what happened in report of the proceedings the paper the following morning!

    Or there may be several linked trials relating to the same crime: again, it would be highly prejudicial for the jury in one case to read of the evidence adduced in another. Of course, the same evidence may be common to both cases, but the manner in which it is adduced, the full context which will accompany it and the corresponding directions of the judge are vital components of the adversarial trial process.

    Take away that context, and the evidence may assume an entirely different meaning. It was once said that if you take text out of context, all you are left with is a con, and I think there is some truth to that.

    Underlying the strict liability rule is the recognition that the jury are entitled to – and will – read the papers, watch the news, and listen to the radio, and in doing so, encounter information about their cases, unless the judge directs otherwise. Parliament did not intend that jurors, or witnesses in the case, or even the judge, should be subjected to an automatic media blackout! If that was not the case, we would have a system of wholly secret justice.

    Indeed, courts have a healthy realism about the integrity of jurors, their ability to focus on the evidence and to follow judicial directions. In 2006, the Court of Appeal said,

    “There is a feature of our trial system which is sometimes overlooked or taken for granted… juries up and down the country have a passionate and profound belief in, and a commitment to, the right of a defendant to be given a fair trial. They know that it is integral to their responsibility. It is, when all is said and done, their birthright…”

    We cannot too strongly emphasise that the jury will follow [the judge”s directions], not only because they will loyally abide by the directions of law which they will be given by the judge, but also because the directions themselves will appeal directly to their own instinctive and fundamental belief in the need for the trial process to be fair.

    However, it must be true that by framing so carefully what may or may not be said about legal proceedings in the 1981 Act, Parliament recognised that much harm could be done by juries encountering information that falls outside that framework.

    Put simply, we are not to have trial by newspaper.

    All this poses a question, a rather significant question: How does a legal regime framed when the internet was but a gleam in the eye of Tim Berners-Lee cope when faced with the flow of information that now forms the fabric of our culture?

    More specifically, what does the internet mean for our system of trial by jury? Is the trial process equipped, or even able, to regulate the information that jurors receive? How can we be sure that jurors decide their cases on the basis of the evidence they hear – and not what they looked up on their smart phones on the bus on the way to court?

    To answer these questions, I will first consider two contempt cases I brought under the strict liability rule, before moving to address juror misconduct under contempt of court at the common law.

    One of the first contempt cases I brought since coming to Office was that relating to the trial of a Ryan Ward . It was, the Divisional Court noted, the first time an internet-based contempt had been referred to them.

    Mr Ward faced trial for murder in Sheffield Crown Court. The case had received a considerable degree of local publicity. It was the prosecution case that the defendant had murdered the victim following a gallant attempt he made to intervene in an attack by the defendant against a woman. The nature of Mr Ward’s defence, self defence and the absence of murderous intent, meant that the need for the media to abide by their obligations under the strict liability rule was as important as ever.

    The jury was addressed by the trial judge in the following terms,

    “Also, I would imagine by the nature of this case, and you’ll see there’s obviously press interest in it, there will be some reporting of this case. Again that’s a matter the press are free to report upon but you go on only the evidence you hear in this room, not the view other people may or may not have about it.”

    He added another warning:

    “Please don’t try and get information from outside this room about this case. Don’t, for example, consult the Internet, if there is anything out there on it. I’m not saying for one moment there is but don’t go there, don’t try and get it from anywhere else…”

    During the early evening of the first day of the trial, the Daily Mail published an article under the headline, “Drink-fuelled attack: Ryan Ward was seen boasting about the incident on CCTV, alongside a photograph of the defendant holding a pistol with his finger on the trigger. The photograph remained accessible on the Daily Mail website for just under five hours; it was removed following a request from the police.

    In the early hours of the following morning, The Sun published the same photograph on its website and in its print edition. The photograph in the print edition was cropped to conceal the gun; the online version was partially cropped, but that the defendant was holding a gun remained clear from the photograph. The photograph was taken down that evening, again following a request from the police.

    When the matter was brought to the trial judge’s attention, he carefully asked whether any of the jury had seen the articles or the photographs.They had not. The case continued and Mr Ward was convicted of murder.

    I brought proceedings for contempt. In this case, each defendant publisher conceded that publication of the photograph was wrong, and attributed the mistake to innocent error. But each – unsuccessfully – argued that the photograph did not create a substantial risk of serious prejudice.

    The Divisional Court found the case to be proved; there was a substantial risk that a juror trying the case would see the photograph and be prejudiced by it. Each paper was fined £15,000 with £28,000 costs.

    Far from highlighting any inability of the law to deal with internet contempt matters the Ward case clarifies, helpfully in my view, how the strict liability rule applies to internet publications, and what the consequential expectations on publishers are.

    And although the two publications involved may not have welcomed the ruling, I think the clarity brought by the judgment has been welcomed by the media.

    Such clarity was, after all, was one of the reasons which lay behind the enactment of the 1981 Act.

    Shortly after bringing that case, I brought proceedings against the publishers of The Sun and The Mirror for their vilification of a man named Chris Jefferies during the investigation into the tragic death of Joanna Yeates in late 2010. It was clear from the outset of the press coverage during the investigation that the media “had their man”. Chris Jefferies was later to say that he became a household name, “for all the wrong reasons”.

    There was nothing particularly new with this type of coverage; the media “feeding frenzy” is by no means a modern phenomenon. What was striking about the case was the rigour with which Mr Jefferies was pursued by the media during the period when the strict liability rule in the 1981 Act was supposed to be engaged.

    The coverage sought to portray Mr Jefferies as plainly responsible for the death of the victim, associated him with allegations of child abuse, and referred to him as an “oddball”.

    A melodramatic side piece titled, “1974 strangler never caught”, declared ominously “Last night police refused to rule out a link between the two killings” (which is hardly surprising: find me a single officer who will categorically rule out a connection between two similar unsolved crimes in the same area!). Another headline read, “The Nutty Professor” above a banner stating, “Bizarre past of Joanna Yeates murder suspect”.

    The contempt was proved. What was interesting about the decision of the Divisional Court was that, not only did it consider the residual impact of the extreme publicity on any eventual juror, it also considered that the extent of the vilification may have deterred witnesses on behalf of Mr Jefferies, had he been charged, from coming forward, for fear of being associated with such an obviously guilty man.

    Of course, not only was Mr Jefferies never charged, another man altogether was later convicted of the murder and sentenced to life imprisonment with a minimum term of 20 years.

    So it is clear that the law of contempt does not permit trial by newspaper, whether that is in the print or online editions.

    But neither does the law of contempt permit trial by Google.

    (Of course, I say Google, I mean any internet search platform, Bing, Yahoo, Wikipedia, Twitter, Facebook, blogs, the list goes on…)

    And this brings me onto common law contempt.

    Common law contempt is intentional contempt. It is conduct which tends to undermine the administration of justice, done with the intention of undermining the administration of justice.

    All juries are directed in robust terms about the need not to conduct their own research into the case. These robust instructions reflect the gravity of a juror’s task. Indeed, it is hard to think of a more serious or important civil duty that virtually any member of the public may be called upon to conduct.

    It has always been necessary to direct jurors not to discuss the case with anyone, not to visit the scene of the crime, not to research the witnesses or defendant details. And now such directions extend to not researching the case on the internet.

    To ignore those directions, intentionally, amounts to a contempt of court.

    Intention, of course, is different to motive. While you may not desire, for example, to derail a trial, the law considers that by embarking on a course of conduct that is virtually certain to derail a trial, you have intended to bring about that result.

    Before getting into the detail, a word about the internet and the law: am I trying to reconcile the irreconcilable?

    It is often said that the system of trial by jury was the bulwark of our democracy, a bastion of freedom.

    While few would dispute describing trial by jury in such terms, I wonder if for many it would seem more natural to describe the internet in that way: for many, the internet is now the champion of freedom. The connectivity it provides has gone some considerable way towards uniting the world as a global village. The role of social media in the Arab Spring uprisings is well documented.

    The internet is surely, the argument goes, an unstoppable force for good?

    Taking the argument a little bit further, in contrast to the liberation provided by the internet, we have the law; a rigid framework that is dour, unresponsive, and above all, lacks understanding of the changing role of technology in society.

    I do not accept the premise of either assertion.

    Certainly the internet has been and is a champion of freedom, and has played an important part in opening up some societies, and helping to achieve social change.

    And certainly there have been times when the law has been unable to adapt to modern society, and those responsible for making the law have been unable to see the need for the law so to adapt.

    But I want to argue this evening that the law of contempt is both adaptable and resilient in the face of the challenges of technology.

    The strict liability rule very deliberately only applies to information which presents a substantial risk of serious prejudice or impedance.

    About many criminal trials, there may be all kinds of prejudicial information “out there” on the internet. This could be in the form of archived news reports about the defendant’s previous court appearances, or it could be, to use the words of the old authorities in a modern context, mere chaff and banter about the case on someone’s Facebook page or Twitter feed.

    The strict liability rule can be fairly relaxed about such material – it is unlikely to present a substantial risk of serious prejudice because it is a needle buried away in the haystack of the internet. (I say the strict liability rule can be fairly relaxed – it can be, but is not always!)

    Indeed, most publishers are very careful not to link reports of live cases to archived news reports about the same defendant.

    So the chances of a juror seeing such material are fairly slim, providing they haven’t gone looking for it. So, to use the words of Article 10(2) of the Convention, in view of those risks, attempting to purge the internet of all such material would not be “necessary in a democratic society”.

    Trial by Google, however, is different.

    The reason is this: I mentioned a moment ago that the internet is a haystack of material, scattered with the odd prejudicial needle, as it were. Trial by Google allows a juror to locate the haystack, find the needle, pull it out and ascribe significance to it that it simply would never have had otherwise.

    It takes a minor risk and turns it into a major risk.

    In doing so, trial by Google offends some foundational principles of our legal system.

    The first principle is that a conviction, or for that matter an acquittal, should be based on evidence adduced in court, in accordance with established rules of evidence, subject to the supervision of the judge.

    Let’s say a defendant being tried for grievous bodily harm had previously been tried – and acquitted – of rape. Let’s say the case against the defendant for GBH does not feature details of the rape allegations. And with good reason too: the strict rules of evidence relating to bad character do not allow that kind of highly prejudicial material to be adduced in the circumstances of this case. Even if the rape acquittal was admissible, the judge would have explained the relevance of the bad character evidence in careful terms. The jury trying the defendant are to base their verdict on the evidence adduced before them; the previous acquittal was excluded for good reason. Let’s say the judge has admitted some so-called bad character evidence, but that he was very careful in the way he crafted the directions to the jury about how it is relevant.

    Now, let’s say one of the jury decide to take matters into their own hands by looking up archived news reports about the defendant – in defiance of the judge’s directions not to do that very thing.

    Before too long, a bit of internet searching reveals that this is not the first time the defendant had been before the courts, and that he had in fact faced trial for rape. The rest of the jury must be told, the juror says to herself! There is information about the defendant that the judge is trying to withhold from us!

    From this point onwards, the trial process is undermined.

    The jury will no longer be able to deliver a verdict based solely on the evidence adduced before them; the role of the judge has been usurped, the defendant’s right to a fair trial is prejudiced. The press, who had been scrupulous in their reporting of the GBH matter, avoiding all mention of the defendant’s previous convictions, might as well have not bothered. The defendant may not have been tried by newspaper, but he was certainly tried by Google!

    Of course, it is often hard to tell if the above research has been carried out, which leads us to the next fundamental objection to trial by Google:

    Trial by Google offends the principle of open justice.

    It should be clear to the defendant, the public, the victim and the prosecution what the evidence in the case is. If a jury is exposed to prejudicial material which, for whatever reason, is not before the court, the basis on which the defendant is convicted or acquitted will never be known.

    The principle of open justice is met by our system of trial by jury through proceedings being in open court, through the adversarial scrutiny of the evidence, and through the judge’s directions to the jury before they retire to consider their verdict. All this is undermined by trial by Google.

    A further facet of the principle of open justice is that evidence can be challenged, probed and questioned. Open justice is scrutinised justice. By definition, that is not so with trial by Google; not only is the basis of the jury’s finding unclear, but the parties will have been denied any opportunity to challenge the evidence which the jury itself gathered.

    This returns us to our original question: is the law of contempt fit for purpose?

    After all, we live in an information age. Searching for information about something we are unsure of is second nature for many; how can the law expect jurors to do something different? Surely only Mr Justice Canute would seek to stem the flow of the tide of information in this way?

    Well the law can, and does, expect jurors to show restraint. The principles which underlie this expectation are nothing new.

    All that is new is that there is an additional area in which jurors are required to show restraint.

    The fundamental principles underlying the need for juror restraint are timeless.

    The scenario I described a moment ago involving a juror searching for material about the defendant on the internet was, sadly, not fictitious. The juror’s name was Theodora Dallas and the defendant was called Barry Medlock. The trial was at Luton Crown Court in 2011.

    For conducting her searches which revealed the previous acquittal of the defendant for rape, Dr Dallas was found by the Lord Chief Justice to be in contempt of court, and was committed to 6 months” imprisonment. Barry Medlock had to be retried before a fresh jury, and the victim had to give evidence again.

    When passing sentence on Dr Dallas, the Lord Chief Justice said;

    Jurors who perform their duties on the basis that they can pick and choose which principles governing trial by jury, and which orders made by the judge to ensure the proper process of jury trial they will obey, or who for whatever reason think that the principles do not apply to them, are in effect setting themselves up above the jury system and treating the principles that govern it with contempt…

    The Lord Chief Justice went on to underline that the court’s robust approach was not borne out of lack of understanding of the significance and role of the internet.

    Judges, no less than anyone else, are well aware of and use modern technology in the course of their work. The internet is a modern means of communication. Modern technology and means of communication are advancing at an ever increasing speed. We are aware that reference to the internet is inculcated as a matter of habit into many members of the community, and no doubt that habit will grow. We must however be entirely unequivocal.

    Pausing there for a moment, I think I should highlight that it was our current Lord Chief Justice who, in December 2010, first permitted the use of live, text-based communication from the court room, initially on an interim basis, and later on a settled basis.

    The allegation that the judiciary do not understand the internet is simply without merit.

    Returning to the Dallas case, the Lord Chief Justice continued,

    The problem therefore is not the internet: the potential problems arise from the activities of jurors who disregard the long established principles which underpin the right of every citizen to a fair trial.

    I endorse those remarks.

    Indeed, the internet has made the commission of many criminal offences much easier. It would be absurd to suggest that such conduct should no longer be criminalised on account of the ease with which such offences can now be committed.

    Given the focus of my remarks has been on the need to prevent jurors from accessing prejudicial material, advertently or inadvertently, I have not spent time examining the potential for jurors to use the internet to communicate with defendants, or indeed witnesses, using the internet.

    That is not so much trial by Google, but rather trial by Facebook Friend Request. That the law is apt to deal with such irregularities was demonstrated in the case of Frail and Sewart where a juror, Frail, initiated contact with a defendant, Sewart, whom she had just acquitted. The contact was made while the jury was still deliberating the guilt of the remaining defendants in what had been a long, multi-handed organised crime trial.

    Details of the jury’s deliberations were revealed by Frail in the course of a Facebook chat she initiated with Sewart. In doing so, Fraill breached the prohibition against that very thing contained in section 8 of the 1981 Act, in addition to breaching the directions of the judge not to go on the internet to research the case.

    Both denied the allegations, and a trial took place before the Lord Chief Justice, who, sitting with two High Court Judges, found the case proved.

    Sewart was sentenced to two months’ imprisonment, suspended for two years, on account of her young child and the fact that she had already spent 14 months on remand prior to her acquittal. Frail received a term of 8 months’ immediate custody.

    I mention the case as I conclude because it further demonstrates the flexibility of the existing legal framework law to this very modern form of offending. Save for a brief discussion at the contempt trial about the true meaning of LOL – opinions vary – there could have been no allegations that there was any lack of appreciation in the court room of the impact of modern technology on the trial process, nor what to do about it.

    Avid followers of my contempt caseload will know that I have mentioned only a few of the recent cases I have brought.

    I have also not mentioned the Law Commission’s excellent consultation on this very topic, which is due to close on 28 February. It raises important questions about, for example, whether some of the conduct I have outlined this evening should continue to amount to a contempt of court, or whether it should be classified as a criminal offence. I am sure the Commission would be delighted if you were to respond. I am proud to say that my Office has worked closely with the Law Commission during the consultation process, and I look forward to reading the final report next year.

    But in what I have said, I hope that I have demonstrated that the legal framework for the jury trial in this jurisdiction starts from the premise that the jury are to be trusted, and establishes a framework in which their vital function is to flourish, and be preserved.

    We have never allowed trial by newspaper; and neither do we allow trial by Google.

    The Economist article I outlined earlier concluded with the exhortation to the new United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Louisiana to, and I quote, “stay out of the chat rooms”.

    I can only conclude by imploring jurors in this jurisdiction to do likewise.

  • Justine Greening – 2013 Speech on Tanzania

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening, the Secretary of State for International Development, in Tanzania on 5th November 2013.

    Introduction

    I’m delighted to be here in Tanzania addressing this audience, and I would like to start by thanking Prime Minister Pinda for bringing us all together today, and the Capital Markets and Securities Authority for co-hosting this event.

    This is my second visit here as the UK’s Secretary of State for International Development.

    On my last visit, five months ago, I saw a country that can, and will, graduate from aid and deliver prosperity for its people.

    Thanks to a stable government, growth levels of nearly 7% this last decade, exports of goods and services tripling, and the recent discoveries of off-shore gas: Tanzania is on the verge of an economic transformation.

    The challenge is to keep that momentum going, to accelerate growth even faster and to ensure that everyone reaps the benefits of that growth.

    The UK is determined to help Tanzania to realise its enormous potential and in doing so lift everyone out of poverty. The key to this will undoubtedly be investment, trade and jobs.

    This isn’t news to anyone here. We know it’s jobs that help people lift themselves out of poverty for good. You need investment and trade for economic growth and jobs. And you need a thriving private sector, alongside a proper tax base, to support the health services, education system and infrastructure that everyone relies on.

    This is really the lesson of the last 30 years – it is growth and jobs that defeat poverty, aid by itself is not enough. Which is why since becoming Secretary of State for International Development, I have ramped up my Department’s, DFID’s, focus on driving global economic development, making it a top priority to bring down the barriers that stand in the way of businesses and entrepreneurs creating wealth across the developing world. And in our country programmes, challenging ourselves to do more on the ground directly working with government and the private sector.

    Tanzania is very much one of our flagship countries when it comes to this new approach, I believe things that work here can be replicated across Africa and other developing nations.

    Today, and over the course of this visit, I will be announcing new DFID economic development initiatives that will see us work collaboratively with the Tanzanian Government, and the private sector, to plot a path for accelerated growth and jobs.

    Mutual prosperity

    This is in Tanzania’s interests – and it’s also Britain’s best interests. We share this common ground. As Tanzania develops, our relationship will increasingly move from aid to trade.

    The UK is already the leading investor in Tanzania and there are 35 FTSE companies operating here.

    But I know both our countries want to strengthen those commercial links even further and I’m delighted today, to be formally launching a new economic partnership between Tanzania and the UK.

    Tanzania is one of five African countries, along with Ghana, Mozambique, Cote d’Ivorie and Angola, to be forming High Level Prosperity Partnerships with the UK.

    These partnerships cover sectors where UK expertise matches the partner country’s needs. In Tanzania for example we’re hoping to double the number of UK companies doing business in the renewable energy and agriculture sectors by 2015.

    I know Prime Minister Pinda and the Tanzania Government are determined to make a success of this high level partnership – and so are we. Across the UK government, DFID working with our Foreign Office and UKTI, we will be focusing resources on strengthening economic cooperation between our two countries.

    And DFID will be stepping up work to improve the investment and trade environment for domestic and international investors – as evidenced by my second visit here in six months.

    Business Delegation

    This visit is the first time DFID is leading a high-level business delegation to Africa, reflecting our new market-making approach to development.

    I’m delighted to be joined here by 18 companies, large and small, from Britain and around the world and all active in sectors key to Tanzania’s development, agriculture, capital markets, transport and logistics, renewable energy and construction.

    Some of these companies have already won contracts here. For example Asco, an oil and gas company based in Aberdeen, has won a major contract to provide Supply Base services to BG in Tanzania. This will be operated out of the port of Mtwara and will employ over 100 local people.

    Some businesses joining me are interested in expanding their investments in Tanzania and a number who are exploring opportunities for the first time.

    As a British Minister I’m pleased that so many UK companies have come with me on this trip. I want to see far more British businesses joining the development push and working collaboratively with DFID.

    I should be absolutely clear that this is not about bringing back tied aid. The onus will continue to be on British companies to show Tanzania, and other developing countries, why their offer is the best one – and I believe they are well placed to do this. The UK has been amongst the international leaders in corporate governance, and I know the Dar Stock Exchange is keen to learn from other corporate governance approaches, and disseminate to companies already listed, or planning to list.

    At the same time DFID is committed to working with the Tanzanian Government, and with Tanzanian, British and international businesses, to help overcome the barriers that can stop businesses from investing, growing and creating jobs: whether that’s a difficult business environment, information gaps that hold back investment decisions or financial challenges.

    Co-investment models

    There are a number of ways we can do this. Key areas of partnership include the G8 land and tax initiatives which will see us work hand in hand with the Government of Tanzania. The G8 land partnership will put in place a Land Tenure Unit in the Ministry of Lands which will collect and publish data relating to current and future land deals, and develop a road map for land reform by June 2014. The G8 tax partnership will lead to a more efficient, effective, and fair Tanzania tax administration, and bring experts from the UK’s HMRC to advise on customs modernisation. The Government will also see more UK support to Trade Mark East Africa, which is reducing the barriers to trade.

    But often the last, most difficult barrier to overcome will be getting the lifeblood of enterprise and entrepreneurship flowing – finance.

    On my last visit here I spoke to businesses, including Agrica in Kilombero and Unilever, about how DFID could help collaborate with the private sector to unlock financing projects with clear development outcomes.

    The clear ask from them was for DFID to not just look at traditional grants, but to invest in commercial partnerships on sensible business ventures that would also benefit thousands of farmers, employees, and consumers.

    In this way DFID would share some of the risk that would otherwise stop investment from taking place – and we would also share the reward if the venture was a success.

    Today I’m announcing that DFID is going to trial this new approach of working with the private sector here in Tanzania.

    We’ve selected four local projects, which, following due diligence, will likely see us co invest with commercial and not-for-profit partners using returnable loans and equity, rather than traditional aid grants.

    The first of these projects will see us co invest in a tea project, through a broader partnership with Unilever, and UK based philanthropic organisations, the Wood Family Trust, and the Gatsby Foundation.

    This project is part of the Tanzania Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania programme. SAGCOT, as most of you will know is an innovative public-private partnership, driven by the Government of Tanzania, that aims to catalyse $2.1billion of private investment over twenty years and triple the area’s agricultural input.

    DFID is already investing £36 million in the SAGCOT initiative. We’ve now earmarked up to a further £7.5 million to support this specific project, which aims to boost the incomes of more than 3,600 potential tea farmers spread throughout 27 villages. Importantly the funding will be returnable for subsequent investments with the Wood Family Trust that will generate development outcomes.

    We are also set to co invest in three further projects, through the Africa Agricultural Development Company, AgDevCo, which aims to raise rural incomes and increase food security, and also reinvests all profit generated into further agricultural development in Africa.

    Through AgDevCo, DFID will co invest in Equity for Africa, a UK based organisation that provides leasing finance to SMEs in the agriculture sector. This funding will allow small businesses to scale up, initially in the Mbeya region and in due course throughout Tanzania.

    We’re also looking to finance Tanzanian Tea Packers Ltd who want to develop a site as a £ 1.5MW hydro power plant to directly benefit 430 smallholder households working for the Wakulima Tea Company, and to help raise the incomes of 15,000 further smallholder farmers supplying the tea company. The new plant will end the existing reliance on very expensive diesel generators, and will provide excess power to the TANESCO grid.

    Finally we’re planning to co-finance with Kilombero Plantations, East Africa’s leading rice producer, to help finance their rice husk gasification plant – a potential first for Africa. This will allow the business to increase its land under irrigation and therefore its yields. KPL already works with over 5000 smallholder outgrowers and plans to further expand this These are all important projects for supporting Tanzania’s agriculture sector and ultimately feeding millions of Tanzanians. Furthermore we estimate that over 80% of the proposed funding will be returned to AgDevCo by 2021 and used for reinvestment in further agricultural projects.

    DFID will be monitoring the progress of these projects and watching their success.

    If we’re sharing the risk of launching or expanding a business venture, it’s right that we should also share the rewards. And by adopting new methods of financing, we will be able to redeploy our aid money many times over, multiplying the development impact.

    I hope this innovative, self-sustaining, job-creating investment, which generates a return that can itself be reinvested, can be a major part of how DFID works in the future and complement the investment that CDC already undertakes.

    Capital markets

    These co investment ventures could be the short-term future for helping businesses to grow and create more jobs. However the long-term future for financing business growth at scale needs the development of capital markets.

    It is capital markets that mobilise long-term finance for the public and private sectors. They also drive improvement in corporate, environmental, social and governance standards. And they give people, through owning shares, a stake in economic growth.

    Tanzania’s capital market is at an early stage, with seventeen companies listed on the Dar es Salaam Stock Exchange, but we’re seeing rapid expansion.

    And it came across clearly from my discussions with CSMA, Dar Stock Exchange and others on my previous visit, that this capital market, when properly developed has the potential to transform the Tanzanian economy.

    I believe the UK, which is a global centre of financial expertise, can play a key role in working in partnership to develop Tanzania and Africa’s capital markets.

    We have already established strong links with Africa. There are 103 sub-Saharan companies listed on London Stock Exchange markets with a market capitalisation of over $70 billion. Since 2007, African companies have raised over $9.9 billion on LSE markets from international investors. But true success lies in having a vibrant capital market right here in Tanzania, in Africa, to meet the rapidly growing demand for investment.

    And DFID, together with other development partners, is funding financial sector development organisations in Tanzania and across the region.

    But we can do more to ensure African capital markets share in UK expertise.

    I am delighted to announce today that DFID will form a strategic partnership with the London Stock Exchange Group (LSEG) to support capital market development in East Africa.

    As a first step, we will look at addressing the very real skills shortages that our country partners have identified as a critical constraint on market growth. We will be providing bespoke training for financial sector professionals, regulators and government officials, in partnership with the world-class LSEG Academy. Our experience, your entrepreneurship should make for a powerful combination.

    Of course we’re not only concerned with financing big business in Tanzania. It is often smaller enterprises that hold the key to creating more jobs in communities across this country and more prosperous economies. But 69% of smaller-sized Tanzanian businesses have no access to finance, and only one in six Tanzanian adults has access to formal financial services.

    The Enterprise Growth Market, that Prime Minister Pinda will shortly be launching, is an incredibly exciting initiative for providing much needed finance for smaller growing companies. The UK, alongside some of Tanzania’s other development partners have supported this initiative through the Financial Sector Deepening Trust of Tanzania.

    Finally, I’m also announcing today that DFID will invest £4.4million in Women’s World Banking, a global network of financial service providers dedicated to achieving women’s economic empowerment by increasing their access to financial services, assets and resources.

    And this investment, in a partnership with three commercial banks in the region including NMB in Tanzania, will provide over one million women across Africa with access to financial services.

    Investing in women in this way is hugely powerful – we know that when a woman generates her own income she re-invests 90% of it in her family and community. Women are an engine of growth and no country can fully develop unless women are economically empowered as well as men.

    Conclusion: Improving the business environment

    Today I’ve outlined a number of new projects that will see the United Kingdom government and my Department, DFID, work with government, with business to help get finance flowing in Tanzania, giving existing and emerging businesses the economic lift-off they need to grow. Of course finance is one of the ingredients for success. There are more. If there isn’t the right kind of climate for trade and investment then businesses won’t prosper.

    Over the next two days I will hope to hear more from businesses on the ground about how the UK can further support the Tanzanian Government to move up the Doing Business ranking – I know there are particular concerns around the complexity of the tax regime and availability of power and electricity.

    Improving the business environment will be a key part of our Prosperity Partnership, and over the course of this visit I will be announcing measures to boost infrastructure in Tanzania and speed up trade across the region.

    The World Trade Organisation Ministerial Conference next month will be a very important moment for Tanzania. The UK is strongly supporting an ambitious outcome including an agreement on Trade Facilitation to cut unnecessary bureaucracy at all borders, which is costing business and ultimately the public.

    This will benefit all those who trade, especially SMEs and firms in developing countries who currently have the least efficient customs procedures.

    If agreed, we estimate this deal would deliver $100billion each year to the global economy – with $10bn of this going to Sub-Saharan Africa. So let’s all do everything possible to shout about the benefits of this deal and make sure we get the right outcome next month. 100% of a 60% perfect deal is better than a failed outcome which gives no benefits to anyone.

    The UK Government will work with Tanzania, building on our new prosperity partnership, developing our commercial links and pushing down the remaining barriers to growth.

    There is no doubt in my mind that with the right support and the political will, Tanzania can complete its success story to a middle income country, a major market and economy of the future, and in doing so, improving the day to day lives and prospects of millions of Tanzanians and generations to come.

  • Justine Greening – 2013 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening to the 2013 Conservative Party Conference in Manchester.

    I’m proud to be a member of a party and a government that is cracking on with the job of turning this great country around.

    Like everyone else in this room – I would have preferred a Cabinet that was a lot more blue and Conservative and a lot less yellow and Lib Dem.

    We all know that Labour left our country in the worst possible state.

    I was with George Osborne in the Treasury team when came into Government in 2010 – so I know as well as anyone the state in which Labour left our nation’s finances.

    We’ve come a long way since then, and we are turning the corner. This Conservative led government is getting things back on track –  we have cut the deficit by a third, capped benefits, businesses have created 1.4 million new jobs, we’ve cut taxes for 25 million people, and more besides.

    And as someone who fought and won a seat off Labour in 2005 I know that what comes up on the doorstep is generally what’s happening at here in the UK.

    But I also know what we are doing overseas matters hugely in today’s complex world.

    I’ve never looked at that world through rose tinted glasses but I believe what we do in development is crucial for a successful Britain.

    We are a nation that’s always engaged with the rest of the world, in every sense: culturally, commercially and politically. Britain has always been a country that matters. That’s in our interest. Doing this role I’ve had the chance to see us from the outside, as others do. They have an overwhelmingly positive view of Britain. We have a standing in this world that is unique. It counts for something. It means always being heard in a crowded world, always being listened to. And critically, as I know from my time in industry before I came into politics, the UK is the ultimate brand that our companies rely on, to open doors to new markets for them.

    How do we maintain that vital advantage? Well, international development is a practical part of that approach – alongside a strong defence policy, which we heard about just now from Philip, and skilled diplomacy, which we’ll hear about next from William.

    Last week, William and I were representing Britain at the United Nations. While we were there, we met the US secretary of state John Kerry.

    If John Kerry didn’t know the Rotherham Yorkshire accent before that meeting, he did by the end of it.

    And we talked about our humanitarian work in Syria.

    It’s our biggest ever response to any humanitarian crisis and it reflects the scale, despair and brutality of the situation.  The face of this Syrian crisis is a child’s face.  Out of school, traumatised.

    Our humanitarian work for Syria is about helping ordinary people – who led lives we’d recognise but have now lost everything.

    When I’ve had the chance to meet Syrian refugees, in camps and communities in Lebanon and Jordan, I’ve met proud people – they don’t want handouts, they just want their lives back. And we should support them to make that happen.

    We’re not a country that just stands by or looks away as people have their lives shattered through no fault of their own.

    When people in need call out to the international community, to the world for help, Britain is one of those countries that they can count on. And I am proud about that.

    I’m also proud of what we’re achieving when it comes to tackling the three big killer diseases: AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. Our investment in the Global Fund is saving literally millions of lives with the help of the British people. One life saved every three minutes over the next three years.

    And for developing countries, healthcare is about economic productivity.

    In a country like Ghana, if you get malaria during the year, and the rest of your family does too, it’s like being badly laid up with flu, only not just once during the winter, but every other month – you get it, your children get it. It can be fatal. And aside from the strain on the health system, a family in Ghana will spend 30% of their entire household income on the medical costs of treating malaria.

    For businesses with a workforce that’s often sick, it’s a big productivity issue too. So if we can reduce malaria, we increase economic productivity. That’s why the UK announced last week that we are stepping up our Global Fund investment in malaria, AIDS and TB with people like Bill Gates. He’s not someone who invests for the sake of it and neither am I – we invest, because we both know this pays back.

    He expects results and so do I.

    As a former Treasury minister I’m not interested in schemes or programmes that fail to make a long term dent in extreme poverty. And I’ve taken decisions to exit aid programmes in countries that are successfully developing and able to invest for themselves, like India and South Africa

    That’s also why one of my top priorities is investing in girls and women. That investment delivers some of the best returns of any development programmes – when a girl gets education she marries later, has fewer children, and the children she does have will be healthier. When she can earn extra income, a woman will reinvest 90% of it in her family and community.

    It may sounds boring to non-accountants out there, but I’m proud that in procurement, last month up against competition from the public and private sector, my department won the annual award for the Best International Procurement from the Chartered Institute for Procurement and Supply

    This is the kind of stuff I’ve been getting to grips with, driving up value for money and driving out waste.

    But it’s not just about a value for money approach to Britain’s commitment to being there for humanitarian crises and being part of the effort to defeat the global diseases that hold countries back.

    We also target our efforts to reduce conflict, and boost the rule of law, which helps make Britain safer at home.

    That’s why I sit with William Hague, Theresa May and Philip Hammond on the Prime Minister’s National Security Council. Because aid has a role in making us safer.

    What the Prime Minister has called the Golden Thread is about building good governance and the institutions that make fairer, more productive and more stable countries.

    In other words, countries where people can go about their business in peace without having to flee violence or poverty.

    Our work in Somalia is a case in point. It’s a country that’s been under siege from the terror group Al Shabaab – a group that the Government of Somalia has been fighting with our help. It’s closely affiliated to Al Qaeda. If you didn’t know of Al Shabaab before the recent atrocity in Nairobi, you sadly do now. It shows you just what they’re up against and why they need our help.

    We are helping train their police force, rebuilding Mogadishu’s crumbling prison and developing their criminal justice system to contain that terror threat as much as they can.

    Similarly in Yemen, my Ministerial colleague Alan Duncan has led the way working with that country’s government to keep their country stable and secure.

    Of course it’s good for those countries, but it’s good for us too.

    It can’t ever make sense to allow terrorists to flourish overseas, and to reach our shores before we do something about it.

    It’s sensible to tackle these risks at source.

    Its overseas aid with a tough objective. In this case, being involved early so that our soldiers don’t have to be.

    In fact about half of our budget now goes on helping countries to have a better chance to remain stable, so in turn we have a better chance to keep safe.

    And key to a stable, successful country with prospects is a thriving private sector, jobs and businesses, trading with Britain and the rest of the world.

    I don’t want countries to continue indefinitely being dependent on our aid. I never have. I want the opposite – an end to aid dependency through jobs.

    That’s why we’re helping developing economies grow faster but can we be smarter about the UK locking into the business opportunities those emerging economies present? Yes. That’s why the work I’m now doing with British industry – the retailers, infrastructure companies, London Stock Exchange, oil and mining companies to name a few – has the chance to be a real win/win situation, helping developing economies grow, but with responsible investment from our British companies aswell.

    Seven of the 15 fastest growing economies in the world today are in Africa.  And while Africa may still have immense challenges, it is a continent now in transition. Development is happening.

    China has already transitioned significantly, lifting millions out of extreme poverty on the way – their purchase of our cars, built here, is one of the reasons why our car industry is a net exporter for the first time since the 1970s.

    So development doesn’t just develop their economies, it develops ours too.

    28 chief execs of some of the UK’s biggest companies wrote to the Financial Times earlier this year to make this very point. As they know, relationships count in business. We can be building those relationships early in the next wave of emerging economies, or we can start building them late after others are already there.

    So yes, we spend 0.7% of our National Income on international development and of course it means that 99.3% isn’t spent on international development.

    But I can assure you that in meeting this manifesto promise, it’s a 0.7%, that’s 100% in our national interest.

    The easiest thing would be to do nothing. To turn our face away from extreme poverty and hardship, to ignore the instability, ignore the effects until they reach our shores, to not worry about getting into emerging markets until after everyone else, but that’s not sensible.

    And in an ever more joined up world – To those who say “stop the world I want to get off” that’s not an option. So reaching out, shaping our world has never been more important.

    We are a country that looks out to the world and shapes it. We don’t just sit back and wait for events to shape us.

    Britain is great because our values, our institutions do stand for something that is real that others want to share, we have a history that means we’re unique in having our Commonwealth.

    And at the end of the day, we’re helping people provide for themselves, building opportunity, growing trade markets, keeping Britain safe and getting a headstart in the global race.

    That sounds like a Conservative agenda for international development to me, and that’s exactly what this Government is committed to delivering.

  • Damian Green – 2013 Speech at College of Policing

    damiangreen

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Home Office Minister, Damian Green, on 16th October 2013 at the inaugural College of Policing Conference.

    I mostly want to celebrate the opening of the college this morning. But I should also make a short comment on recent developments in the Andrew Mitchell case. The Home Secretary has set out the government’s position on the IPCC statement, and while we wait for the CPS decision I want to comment further on the detail.

    The vast majority of police officers do operate honestly; we should also not forget that the police do a dangerous job and put their lives on the line for the public. The Police Bravery Awards, which I will be attending tomorrow, is a testament to the truly courageous and important work that the police do.

    But whilst I can say with confidence that corruption and misconduct in the police are thankfully the rare exception and not the norm, where it does occur – that is, in the small minority of officers whose behaviour is entirely unacceptable – it can have a corrosive effect on the reputation of all police officers, undermines justice and fundamentally strikes at the heart of public confidence in the police.

    It used to be said that policing was the last unreformed public service.

    I don’t think anyone could still cast that aspersion at the profession after the three years of radical reforms instituted by this government. Police and crime commissioners and the National Crime Agency are hugely significant structural changes; the reform of the IPCC will bring about ethical changes; and the empowerment of the public through democracy and transparency are massive cultural changes.

    But, as I set out in my speech to Reform earlier this year, change must be a continuous thing. And while there may be landmarks in the process of change, they must be islands along the way in the gradual flow of improvement – not destinations in themselves.

    Transform policing

    PCCs and the NCA have the potential to transform policing at all levels – from the grassroots work of the neighbourhood officer all the way to the top-level work against international drugs cartels. But that potential will be missed if policing lacks that constant flow of improvement.

    And that is where the College of Policing comes in. The most important constituent parts of the police force are, of course, the 200,000 police officers, PCSOs, specials and police staff that make up its ranks. For our structural reforms to reach the heights of which we think they are capable, we need those officers to come along for the ride, to be a part of the continuous flow of improvement, and, at the risk of extending the metaphor, to help in its navigation.

    The college will increase professionalism across all levels of policing and give opportunities for all ranks to have their say in how the work will be delivered. I hope that will give officers a new sense of ownership of the profession and a new determination to shape it for the better from within.

    But there is another crucial development that I want to see the college help bring about – and that is a transformation in the way policing is perceived by the public at large. Surveys show that public trust in policing remains high despite what has been a difficult year in terms of media headlines.

    I am sure police still retain their well-deserved reputation for bravery, dedication, public service and commitment. But is that enough? Are our sights set at a high enough level? Shouldn’t we also want police recognised for their problem solving ability, their ingenuity, their creativity, their intelligence?

    The recent flood of applications for a handful of jobs at Wiltshire Police and the 4,000 applications for 200 jobs at Avon and Somerset Police shows policing also still retains its reputation as an attractive career. I cannot draw here on any public polling, but I am guessing those applicants were attracted by the public service elements of the job, the excitement it offered and the long-term stability of the career. I wonder how many of them thought of the opportunities to develop management and leadership skills, the chance to join a dynamic and changing profession and the possibilities of developing transferrable skills that could allow them to move backwards and forwards between high-powered private and public sector jobs.

    Ambition

    Again, I would ask, are we setting our sights high enough?

    I do not think, traditionally, policing has been ambitious enough in this area. And I want the college to change that ambition, to put it on a higher plane, to build a profession that is truly attractive to all. In my constituency duties I am often called upon to speak to students in Years 12 and 13. In these discussions, we sometimes talk about their hopes for the future. In among the usual desires to be a barrister, a doctor, or, even sometimes, a politician, it would be nice to hear more of them speak of their hopes to become a detective, or a chief constable?

    We often talk about a need to make policing more representative – especially in terms of sex, race and sexual orientation – and I will return to the general theme later in my speech. But they are not the only differences that make up the rich tapestry of the diverse society that is modern-day Britain. Policing needs to become more representative in other ways too, both culturally and socially.

    A huge expansion in higher education in this country has mirrored changes in the jobs market. A university education is now seen as a staple for the career choices of many of our young people. So it is no surprise that 49% of all school leavers now go on to study for a degree. But that aspiration for more education is not being matched in the police, where levels of graduates remain way below the near-half of all young people going to university. Research shows that fewer than a third of those assessed by the police recruitment centre over the last three years had a degree. Of those who went on to pass the assessment and enter the police force, 189 had no formal educational qualifications, with 282 earning a post-graduate degree. Entry to the police is clearly not keeping pace with changes to the country’s education patterns.

    Now, some people will say that policing should be a job restricted to graduates only. I am not one of them. Policing is a huge profession which calls for a similarly large range of skills and abilities. And I would never regard academic attainment in itself to be a sufficient qualification for all the challenges that policing holds. But what I would say is that the world has changed. Two decades ago, investigating a computer crime would probably have involved arresting a shoplifter at Dixons. Now it is more likely to refer to a complex internet-based scamming operation, potentially spanning many different countries. There is clearly a role there for people with significant academic ability, ideally those trained in computer science. That is obviously just a snapshot of the challenges faced by modern policing – in the 15 minutes I have to address you I could not hope to encompass them all. But think of the other degree-level qualifications that could assist in a career in policing – economics, languages, management, law.

    Great professions

    As I said, I would never argue for a degree-level entry to be introduced to policing, but I want the college to turn it into a career that is more attractive to the right sort of graduates. Policing should be regarded as one of the great professions, alongside those of the law and medicine. And as much as I would like to hear sixth form students talking of their ambitions to enter it, so I would like their parents to have that aspiration for their children. The proposals we announced earlier this week on direct entry will make it easier for people with private sector skills (with or without degrees) to bring them into policing at senior ranks and to advance more quickly through the profession. But the real work to make a long-lasting change to the perceptions of policing as an aspirational career choice will come through the college.

    Of course, the challenge to the college goes way beyond simply making it a more attractive career option for school leavers. It must also change the culture of policing from within. As well as conducting its core duties of improving overall professionalism, it will lead a transformation in the way police officers do their jobs, and, crucially, how they do their jobs.

    The public expects, rightly, only the very highest standards of integrity from police officers. You do not need me to tell you that there have been several incidents that have hit the headlines in the last year where those standards have not been met. The vast majority of police officers do their job with the utmost dedication to the oath they swear when taking the Office of Constable. The College will ensure the small minority who do not reach the required standards becomes even smaller. It is developing a Code of Ethics to underpin policing throughout the profession, one which will be just as relevant to a Chief Constable of 30 years’ experience and a new starter in their first day in the job. The code will have statutory force and will be used as the basis for testing throughout policing careers.

    The public also expects policing in Cumbria to be carried out in the same way that it is in Cornwall and that of Norfolk to be the equal of Northumbria. While people might like to see a familiar badge when they greet their local neighbourhood officer, they will have no truck with the 43-force model being delivered in different ways if it means their force is falling behind standards elsewhere. Our police.uk website gives people the opportunity to compare force performance and our introduction of PCCs gives them a way of expressing dissatisfaction if they don’t like what they find. But the College has the ability to ensure those regional variations are few and far between. Experts within the College itself already studying ‘what works’ in policing and will produce a new evidence-based model for forces to adopt. And, crucially, they will identify the best work going on across the country and ensure it is shared swiftly with the other forces.

    Taken together, I hope all these transformational elements will help produce a revolution in the way policing is delivered. Although, on reflection, perhaps revolution is the wrong word. Perhaps it would be more apt to describe it as a evolutionary process. For while I hope – and indeed expect – the College to produce far-reaching results, I very much hope they will be delivered in a collaborative way and with all police officers using their skills and experience to help shape the process of modernisation.

    And I also hope, to return to my earlier theme, that it will make policing a more attractive profession to all, to make it more representative of the people it serves. So more representative of the proportion of the population going on to degrees and post-graduate education; more representative in terms of race; more representative in terms; more representative in terms of sexual orientation. And this is not just a hope rooted in some sort of politically correct notion of what is right (although clearly this must be right), but also in a selfish notion of what is more productive. For having a police force that more accurately represents the people it serves can only strengthen the link between officer and civilian and that can only strengthen policing.

    The College’s Releasing Potential programme should mark a significant step towards these long-running aims and, again, it will be able to share best practice across all 43 forces wherever it finds good work.

    You may think my words today have set out an ambitious wish-list. Indeed, I hope you think it is ambitious wish list, my desires for the future of policing require no less than great ambition. We already have a very able police force, one that has produced a drop in crime rates of more than 10% under this government despite the difficult decisions we had to take on funding. But I want an even better police force, one that can continue its recent successes into the future and confront head-on the ever-changing nature of criminality.

    And I want the College of Policing to be at the vanguard of that transformation.

  • Damian Green – 2013 Speech on the Role of Magistrates

    damiangreen

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Minister for Policing and Criminal Justice, Damian Green, on the 14th August 2013.

    I’m very pleased to be here at the first of a series of events with magistrates across the country. When we began to think about the role of magistrates, as part of our wider reforms of the criminal justice system, I was adamant that we should involve magistrates themselves as early as possible in shaping our reforms. I want their thoughts and ideas to be at the heart of our policy.

    I think that the speed with which the places on these events were booked up is testament to the appetite to engage with the change going on in the Criminal Justice System, and to inform how we go about it.

    This government has already made big changes to Criminal Justice:

    – we have brought in Police and Crime Commissioners

    – we are transforming the way we rehabilitate offenders;

    – we’re reforming legal aid;

    – and we’ve made important improvements to support for victims.

    However we still have much more to do to make sure the system continues to serve the public as well as it should. And the Strategy and Action Plan, which we launched in June, announces wide ranging changes to streamline and digitise the way we work, as well as to make the system more accountable, and more transparent, to victims and to the public.

    At this time of significant change in the CJS, this is the right time for everyone to contribute to a debate on how to ensure magistrates remain central to our criminal justice system. We have an opportunity here to both strengthen and widen the role of the magistracy as part of our reforms, and also to use the expertise and unique position of magistrates to help us make the criminal justice system better.

    Magistrates in England and Wales play a vital role in our judiciary. In 2011, magistrates’ courts dealt with around 19 out of every 20 defendants in criminal cases. Only 6% of defendants had a trial in the crown court.

    In addition, magistrates use civil jurisdiction to help the police and local authorities combat anti-social behaviour and gang-violence; and to protect thousands of children from abuse each year.

    Magistrates with their legal advisers and district judges share a breadth and volume of work which is not matched by any other judicial office-holder in England and Wales. They are volunteers, are truly the cornerstone of our justice system. Not only that, they are a model of what a good citizen should be. The 23,500 magistrates are the best of our country. They want to give their skills, expertise and time for the good of others, for nothing. We are lucky to have them, and we should be proud of them.

    Our summary justice system was founded with the magistracy at the centre. Magistrates have dispensed justice in their local communities for more than 650 years, since Justices of the Peace Act introduced the novel proposition that decent members of the community, not themselves lawyers, should be vested with the power to administer justice.

    That’s not to say that the magistracy hasn’t changed since then. Thankfully, it has. They are a vibrant and diverse group, which much more closely represents the communities they serve. I am particularly impressed by the improvements which have made terms of gender and ethnicity. There is still though more to do to ensure that the magistracy is truly representative of the country.

    The role has also changed over time, and will continue to do so, as communities change. But the qualities of today’s magistracy – fairness, good character, understanding of people and the application of sound judgement – have been constant for decades.

    Magistrates are impressive people. They perform a vital role, bringing the valuable experience and common sense of ordinary people to the justice system, and devoting large amounts of your valuable time to serving your communities. Volunteering to be a magistrate is a prime example of the kind of commitment from people to improve their own communities that this Government has sought to promote.

    But we could be doing much more to make better use of this knowledge and expertise. That is why I want to ensure that we equip the magistracy with what they need to enable them to continue to make a real difference in an ever changing landscape, and ensure that they are used where they can provide maximum benefit.

    In my relatively short time as Minister for Policing and Criminal Justice I have seen the considerable problems in the criminal justice system – too many delays, and too much waste. And I am sure that all magistrates must have witnessed this time and time again as they have sat in court over the years.

    There would be outrage if fewer than half of hospital operations went ahead on time, or if children turning up at school found that their lessons only went ahead less than half of the time. I can only imagine how frustrated magistrates’ must feel when after volunteering their valuable time, they find that only 44% of trials proceed as planned – not even half of them.

    The reforms that we’re making in the Strategy and Action Plan aim to cut out much of the waste, and reduce the delays. I hope that this will mean a more fulfilling experience for magistrates on the Bench, and this also provides an opportunity to make better use of their skills and expertise.

    That is why today I am launching a piece of work that will involve them directly in developing a new statement of the role of the magistrate.

    Of course a magistrates core role is, and will remain as judicial office-holders, dispensing justice for the benefit of the communities they serve. That won’t change. However, I am keen that we should maximise the value which they bring to those communities, and to emphasise the value that the Government places on their services and skills.

    In order to make sure that we maximise the value of magistrates and get their role in a twenty-first century justice system right, I want to ask them three questions:

    How do we ensure that Magistrates are dealing with the right cases in court?

    The time magistrates spend in court should be focussed on those cases where they make a real difference to their communities. Their core skills of deciding on bail, fact-finding and sentencing should be put to best effect.

    For example, three magistrates needn’t spend time rubber-stamping foregone conclusions in simple road traffic cases where the defendant doesn’t contest the matter, and doesn’t even turn up. One magistrate could deal with this much more efficiently in an office.

    That’s why we announced that we will be legislating to remove those cases from traditional courtrooms, so that magistrates can focus their time in court on the more serious and contested cases which best use their skills.

    For some the obvious way to keep more cases in magistrates’ courts will be to increase their custodial sentencing powers, and there is an attractive logic to this. However, there is also a risk that this could cause additional pressure on the prison population, because sentencing practices could change.

    We have done some work analysing the potential impact of increased powers – as have the Magistrates Association – and we agree on the numbers involved. We perhaps disagree on how easy it could be to realise any savings and on the costs of additional prison places. So we will keep the case for increasing magistrates’ custodial sentencing powers under review and in the meantime we will retain on the statute book the provisions that enable the increased powers.

    Our priority at the moment though is to tackle the unacceptably high reoffending rates – especially reoffending by those serving custodial sentences of less than 12 months. We have already announced our intention, in the Offender Rehabilitation Bill, which is currently before Parliament, to ensure all adult offenders are supervised for at least 12 months on release from prison. This means introducing new licence and supervision measures for offenders serving short custodial sentences.

    These proposals also include a new role and powers for magistrates to deal with offenders who breach the conditions of their supervision. That means courts will have powers to deal with those who fail to comply with their supervision conditions, including being able to commit an offender to custody for up to 14 days.

    We want to work with magistrates to deliver these new provisions, to get right the training and support they need to deal with these offenders and to involve them in how we rehabilitate offenders.

    Around 40% of defendants that are convicted in magistrates’ courts and then committed to the crown court for custodial sentences receive no more than six months imprisonment. These are cases which magistrates could have sentenced; no, these are cases which magistrates should have sentenced; they already have the skills, capability and powers to do so. This is why I want to work with magistrates to find out why these cases are being escalated, and address that. This is particularly important for young people, where the Youth Court is set up specifically to deal with children involved in criminal proceedings, whether as witnesses, defendants or both.

    We also need to get the balance right at the lower end of the spectrum as well. There is definitely a place for out-of-court disposals in ensuring justice is brought in cases which may otherwise not have come to court and as a proportionate response to some low-level offending. But we need to make sure that it is only these cases which are getting out-of-court disposals, and that all cases which should properly be brought before a court are brought to court.

    There is a role for magistrates in scrutinising the police’s use of out-of-court disposals, and I am pleased that the Senior Presiding Judge supports this, and has recently issued guidance, encouraging magistrates to get involved.

    These are some examples of where we can bring more of the right cases in front of magistrates, but there is more that we could do and I want to hear Magistrates suggestions and views.

    This brings me onto my next question, which is:

    What other ways are there for Magistrates skills and experience to be used for the benefit of their communities?

    In the Offender Rehabilitation Bill we are giving magistrates more powers to help reduce reoffending. I am also very pleased to hear Magistrates are getting involved in their communities’ Neighbourhood Justice Panels, and in scrutinising out-of-court disposals; taking their valuable experience from courtrooms and using them in new and different settings.

    I want to explore whether there are other appropriate roles, compatible with Magistrates core role as judicial office-holders, which would benefit from their knowledge and experience, and help to reduce crime and reoffending, and make communities safer.

    Another area where Magistrates have become much more involved in recent years is in community engagement. Activities like the Magistrates in the Community initiative, the Local Crime: Community Sentence project, and the National Mock Trial Competition which John Fassenfelt of the Magistrates’ Association recently informed me about, help to strengthen the links between courts, communities and the wider justice system. They build public confidence in sentencing, and teach young people about the law and the way that the justice system in England and Wales operates.

    These are great examples of the sort of local justice that we need to move towards – visible and continuous engagement with communities, working with local criminal justice agencies to understand the issues that affect those communities, and what can be done to resolve them. I want to make sure that we are doing everything we can in this area, and that we are taking every opportunity we have to raise public understanding of summary justice. I’d like to hear Magistrates views on what more we could be doing help the magistracy forge closer links with their communities.

    And my last question is:

    How can we ensure that Magistrates are in the driving seat of improving performance of the justice system in their communities?

    I’d like to hear views on how we could harness Magistrates experience to help us improve the performance of the CJS.

    The CJS needs to work in partnership to improve performance and provide a better service for victims. Not through top-down targets and measures but through a common understanding that a well performing criminal justice system is good for victims, is good for communities, and is good for the rehabilitation of offenders.

    Back in February, I launched a set of seven shared outcomes for the CJS. We developed them with practitioners across the system and this has enabled us, for the first time, to state clearly a common view of what we are all working towards:

    – to reduce crime;

    – to reduce re-offending;

    – to punish offenders;

    – to protect the public;

    – to provide victims with reparation;

    – to increase public confidence, including among victims and witnesses; and

    – to be fair and just.

    I would like to have a discussion about what magistrates role is locally in making these outcomes happen, for the benefit of the system, and for the benefit of their communities.

    There has been some great work so far; stop delaying justice is a sentiment we can all support. Delay is bad for the victim, bad for the accused and bad for justice itself. Magistrates are central to the success of our justice system and initiatives designed to improve the way cases are managed should have the training and support of JPs at the heart of them. This I believe is true of the Stop Delaying Justice programme which began last year and enters its second phase this summer, and is why I am really impressed with the way in which the magistracy and wider judiciary have taken the initiative with this work.

    I know that the magistracy is already working locally to change listing patterns to enable the police to present a greater range of cases in court, releasing the CPS to concentrate on the more serious and complex cases. This is another great example of where I can see Magistrates working effectively with the wider CJS to improve the way that the justice system works in all our areas.

    Those are the three questions that I would like to put to magistrates today.

    This work is the start of a new way of working with the magistracy in matters which affect summary justice. That is why we are holding these events now, at the beginning of the policy process, to ensure that it is their thoughts and ideas which form the heart of our policy building a world-class justice system.

    Today we are also launching – for the first time – an online tool that will allow magistrates to put forward ideas on how they can become more involved in their communities to make them safer. Crucially the tool will allow magistrates to collaborate and develop these ideas so we can come up with a shared solution.

    This is an exciting time of change for criminal justice. And I want to involve as many magistrates as I can in helping us to shape their role in the 21st Century. I know that in 650 years the role of the magistracy in England and Wales has changed as much as society has, but magistrates are still as important and highly valued as ever. Magistrates have been an essential part of the backbone of a successful society for centuries, and the changes I want to bring about will strengthen that vital role.

  • Damian Green – 2013 Speech at the Association of Police and Crime Commissioners Events

    damiangreen

    Below is the text of a speech made by Damian Green at the Association of Police and Crime Commissioners event on 23rd January 2013.

    Introduction

    I would like to thank the APCC for inviting me to speak to you today.

    I’d like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to Paul McKeever, the chair of the Police Federation who sadly died last week. Some of you may have known Paul – I  did for a short time – he was a dedicated police officer and chair of the federation and my condolences and thoughts are with his family, friends and colleagues at the federation.  The federation has its differences with the government, but Paul was always willing to listen to our views as we were his.

    We are in the midst of the most significant and wide ranging programme of reform to policing. And you – the first Police and Crime Commissioners – are at the heart of this change.

    Benefits of having a single association

    I know that the APCC have been seeking your views on how best they can assist you to play a full part in shaping and leading this wide ranging programme of reform at the national level. When I spoke to you a few months ago I talked about the clear benefit of having a single representative body that acts on your behalf and in your interests at the national level.

    Clearly how that body is formed and what it does, is for you to determine. But, as one of the individuals likely to be most affected by such a body – and you may not catch me saying this once I feel the impact of such a body-  I see no better way of ensuring, during this period of significant change, that your collective voice can be heard and acted upon at all levels. Particularly obviously inside central government.

    I am of course realistic, you won’t always be able to speak with one voice, but as many of you will know  MPs from all parties manage to come together on issues that require collective change and so do local councillors. So there are times when I expect you will see the value over coming together irrespective of your political backgrounds or particular views.

    The local government association obviously represents councils of every colour so it is an example of how a desire to improve services for the public and influence national policy has gone beyond political divisions.

    You have a powerful mandate. You are the voice of the public on policing and crime in your force areas and through a single body you will be able to amplify that voice at a national level.

    Already, we have been consulting on a new pay review body and many of you as individuals have contributed to this important process. But on top of the value of these individual responses, that he will rightly take full account of, I was very grateful to receive the formal response from the APCC which demonstrated to me that there was indeed a consistency in your individual responses, and most importantly that when presented as a collective, they really do make a very direct impact.

    So, there will be clearly times when it is in your interest to talk with a shared voice and these will increase over time.

    New initiatives

    Before the elections last November some people questioned what impact PCCs would make. I am glad to stand here today and say that already due to some of the decisions you have taken, and your dedication and drive, those voices have started to fall silent.

    The public can already see evidence of innovative, and in some cases, radical ideas and initiatives , from you and your offices to tackle crime, the causes of crime, and to promote the police service in your communities.

    It is simple: these positive developments, developments that will make a real difference to people’s lives in the communities you serve, would not be happening without you.

    Some of the most recent ones that have struck a chord with me are:

    The impressive amount of engagement that is happening with the public in setting plans and priorities;

    Plans, for example in Dorset, to set up community and victims forums for the public to raise issues about policing;

    The setting up of a youth commissioner in Kent;

    Plans in Staffordshire to explore recruitment of 200 new special constables and unlocking millions of pounds tied up by the force’s failure to sell its former HQ.

    Each of you will have other examples of how you are making a difference that I would like to hear about.

    Of course there was great work going on before the elections and many of you will already be drawing on what works for your area.

    Effective practice esp. IOM

    It is also impossible not to mention the huge amount of engagement that you are doing with partners across the criminal justice system and beyond.

    I know that many of you are ahead of the game and in the acronym you are using, PCC, the ‘C’ is important as well – you’re not just police commissioners you are crime commissioners as well.

    In many areas the police, working closely with probation, prisons and other partners, have put in place local arrangements to tackle offending under the banner of Integrated Offender Management.

    These arrangements bring a joint focus on the offenders who commit the most crime locally, or whose offending causes the most damage to the local community. Through effective joint working in this way, many areas have been able to turn around the lives of some of the most difficult and chaotic prolific offenders, whose offending obviously had such a negative impact on local communities.

    If there aren’t such arrangements in place in your area, you may have already be asking: ‘why not?’.  And the opportunity to share best practice is another benefit of coming together in forums like this.

    When we all work together, which is at the heart of the IOM approach, we can all make the best changes for the greater public good.

    For our part, the government has set out its commitment to supporting these approaches as part of the reform proposals set out in the consultation paper ‘Transforming Rehabilitation: a revolution in the way we manage offenders’.

    And I know that you will be a powerful and new voice in the dialogue which will form the process of consultation.

    Looking ahead, I hope there are plenty more opportunities for innovation. One example is the work being done to create the new Police IT company.

    Police IT Company

    Whenever I meet police officers, one of the first things they complain about is the poor IT in many forces.  I am sure that in your conversations with officers they will have made the same point to you.

    We all know that technology and communications is a vital part of front line policing and in implementing change.

    With significant cost pressures, many forces are now increasingly using digital and mobile technology to improve operational performance and as a lever for wider business change.

    With police forces spending over £1bn per annum and employing over 4,000 ICT staff.  I believe that the Police ICT Company gives you the opportunity to secure critical services for your force, to accelerate innovation and to help to make savings.

    This is your Company, set up to deliver what you want for your force. But to get this company to work in the way you want, you need to take control. The choice is yours but this is an opportunity for you to take ownership.

    I hope you see this as a real opportunity to achieve tangible results by working together. I urge you to take up the offer of the Company and use ICT as an enabler to keep officers on the front line.

    College of Policing

    There are obviously a number of challenges facing the new College of Policing and one is helping the police become more like the totality of Great Britain.

    The recently released Census figures for 2011 show how our society is changing faster than ever before.  The police must be able to respond to the needs and aspirations of this more diverse society.

    I am struck by how far we still need to improve representation of women, black minority ethnic populations and other protected groups in the police, especially at senior levels.

    And I also want to see the wider culture of the police strengthened so that it becomes more open, more inclusive and welcoming to people from all backgrounds.

    Police forces must also be better able to relate to the communities they serve. This is a key area of building trust and confidence in local communities.

    My firm belief is that the police must take ownership for these issues. I am therefore pleased that the newly formed College of Policing, which will have responsibility for standards in the police, will be a key driver for this work.

    In the spring they will release a new equality strategy for the police.  I hope that many of you can engage with the development of this strategy.

    I know that there is a huge interest from you collectively in the College and I welcome this.   It will have an essential role in professionalising policing. There are a limited number of places for formal involvement on the board, but I will be encouraging the College to look at what else you can do to get involved.

    Funding

    Moving onto the key subject of money, you will all now be aware of the provisional police funding allocations that were laid in Parliament on 19 December.

    First we decided to protect the police from further reductions to Departmental budgets for 2013/14 that were announced in the Autumn Statement.

    Secondly we will protect the police from reductions announced by the Chancellor in November 2011 relating to public sector pay restraint. Without this protection on pay restraint, central government funding for the police would have been reduced by £66m in 2013/14.

    These two decisions mean the police will receive the same amount of total government funding in 2013/14 that was agreed at the 2010 Spending Review, giving you confidence as you make your plans.

    I hope you welcome that and some of you already have but I understand you will have concerns about funding allocations in 2014/15. You will be aware that the Chancellor announced a further 2% cut to Departmental budgets. As mentioned in my Written Ministerial Statement, we have decided to defer publication of police funding allocations for 2014/15 in order to fully scrutinise all Home Office budgets and see what can best be done.

    The other key funding decision that was announced was on damping. As you know the government held an informal consultation on this. In deciding how to apply damping over the next two years we took account of the concerns expressed by respondents who called for a full review of the Police Allocation Formula before changing damping policy, given that the two are inextricably linked. This is why the Home Secretary will be commissioning a fundamental review of the Formula.

    I know you have strong views on this, and some of you have already raised them with me, so we are obviously keen to hear your ideas on this and we will engage with you as part of this review.

    I recognise that the funding settlement remains challenging. But as HMIC have made clear, police forces have risen to the existing financial challenge, cutting spending while largely maintaining the service they provide. The proportion of officers on the frontline is increasing, crime continues to fall – a point often lost in the wider policing debate, victim satisfaction is up and the response to emergency calls is being maintained. I am confident that you can build on this and continue to push your forces to drive out waste while maintaining and improving the level of service that the public receive.

    Despite inheriting the largest peacetime deficit, our decisions regarding funding for 2013/14 demonstrate that we are committed to ensuring that the police continue to have the resources they need to carry out their important work.

    Looking now at pay and conditions, you will have seen last week our decision to accept the recommendation of the Police Arbitration Tribunal (PAT).

    This includes proposals around pay scales and allowances.

    This represents another more step forward in what amounts to the most radical overhaul to policing pay and conditions for 30 years.

    But these reforms are not yet complete.

    We remain committed to the principles and objectives set out in the Winsor Review, in particular to the modernising of management practices and to developing the vital link between pay and professional skills.

    This is something that the College of Policing will take forward in line with the timescales recommended in the Winsor review.

    We want to ensure that the police are able to draw on the best pool of talent available to strengthen the workforce. And I am also determined to ensure that police forces are able to attract the brightest and the best, at all levels, including senior levels.

    We are convinced of the merits of enabling the most able people to join at senior ranks to open up the culture of the police to outside experiences and perspectives and will be consulting shortly on the development of effective direct entry and fast track schemes for talented individuals.

    This is about opening up the police to promote a diversity of experience and professional skills at all levels.

    And I am also committed, as I know you will be, to ensuring that the police set the best example of integrity.

    Police integrity

    With the publication of Giving Victims a Voice, the report on the Jimmy Saville case, the issue of police professional standards and integrity has once again come to the fore.

    We touched on this issue briefly at the PCC briefing event, back in December. I’d like to return to it today while we are considering how to address police integrity at the national level.

    This also seems an especially appropriate moment, given that so many of you are engaged in recruiting new chief constables.

    You will have received the guidance on recruiting chief constables from the College of Policing that was sent out in November, together with the note on vetting requirements. I’m sure I don’t need to remind you that you have a responsibility to assure yourselves of the integrity of anyone you are considering appointing as a chief constable.

    But I should however remind you of the need to establish their formal vetting status – the note sent to the APCC, as well as Chief Executives and communicators, gives contact details should anyone like further advice on this matter.

    The integrity and professional behaviour of chief constables and their senior teams are the foundation of public confidence in policing.

    This is an area where you can make an impact locally, providing clarity to your communities about what they have a right to expect – that they will be treated fairly, honestly and with respect.

    Both the public and officers need to see the senior team leading by example. Underpinning this, there also needs to be comprehensive and rigorous governance – of integrity as well as finance and other issues – to provide the mechanisms by which professional standards can be monitored and enforced.

    Recent reports from HMIC, the IPCC and Transparency International have all highlighted a lack of consistency between forces in, for example, applying guidelines on hospitality.

    Integrity is one aspect of policing in which there should be no room for local variation.  It is so important that clearly every force, every officer needs to maintain the highest standards.

    Working with you

    I am in no doubt that the British police force is committed, dedicated and well respected. I know we all want to ensure that we keep it like that.

    And as I look forward to how we are going to make this happen, I know that working with you and the APCC will be key to our success.

    But what is also important is how we will do this. And I think this means speaking with you regularly without dragging you to London, eating into your valuable time and the public purse.

    I have asked officials to work with your offices and the APCC to come up with ways we can do this making the most of technology such as video conferences to maximise our time and minimise the effort we spend in making these meetings regular and as convenient as possible for all of us.

    You are only a couple of months into your new roles, but I have no doubt that by this November both you and I will be reflecting on where we have succeeded and identified areas where we must continue to work together, in order to realise a modern, trusted professional police service that not only ranks as the best in the world, but is indeed the leading standard for policing.

    It is a great and important goal and I very much hope that together we can achieve it.

  • Chris Grayling – 2013 Speech on Crime

    chrisgrayling

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, Chris Grayling, on 13th June 2013 at Civitas.

    Introduction

    Crime is down, and that’s something we should celebrate.

    All the indicators… whether police recorded crime, the activity in the courts, or the British Crime Survey’s reports of victims’ experience of crime…they all show things moving in the right direction.

    But as Justice Secretary, in charge of prisons, probation and the public money spent on them, I am confronted with a very difficult truth.

    Reoffending rates haven’t changed. The last government threw a lot of money at the system generally, but there is hard core of persistent offenders keep coming back to serve time in our prisons over and over again.

    This means we have a smaller group of more prolific offenders.

    That’s bad for society, it’s dreadful for the victims of crime, and it’s something I’m determined to tackle.

    Someone once made the ‘causes of crime’ into a soundbite. We should be clear that the causes of crime are the choices made by the criminals who commit them, and there is no excuse for those who break the law. But that is not to say we should be blind to the context of crime – the often difficult, chaotic and in fact tragic backgrounds of those passing through our criminal justice system time and time again.

    To understand this is not to excuse criminal behaviour, nor to put the needs of the criminal above the suffering of the victim. There are many people who face big challenges in life and never commit a crime.

    But without a proper analysis of the common threads that run through the lives of offenders in Britain today, we have no hope of either helping them get their lives back on track, or stopping them coming off the rails in the first place.

    It is this context of crime that I want to talk about today.

    First, we have to understand who the offenders are… who are those serving sentences in our communities and in our prisons.

    I want to look at the factors that have influenced their behaviour – and how those factors impact on the chances that they will reoffend too.

    And finally, I want to look at what this means for how we best tackle their behaviour, to try and end their careers of crime once and for all.

    Back in 2002, around 20 percent of those convicted of indictable offences had 15 or more previous convictions or cautions to their name. A decade later, that’s shot up to 34%, while the proportion of first time entrants has stayed the same – it’s actually come down a little (11.2%-9.8%).

    What that means is that crime is increasingly being committed by fewer people, going round and round the system more and more.

    In short, Britain’s problem is less about offending, and more about reoffending.

    Who is committing crime?

    Look into the statistics and you’ll find patterns emerging about the characteristics and the backgrounds of those committing crime.

    Today we’re publishing the results of a study that looked at the more serious offenders – who started community orders between October 2009 and December 2010 [the Offender Management Community Cohort Study].

    Some of the findings you could predict. Others are quite shocking. But all bear close scrutiny.

    Community sentences

    So when the judge hands down a community sentence, who is it that’s facing them in the dock?

    He – it’s overwhelmingly likely that they’ll be male (84%), and a little younger than average (31 v 39 average in England).

    For offenders covered by today’s survey, it’s also highly probable he’ll be out of work. Just a quarter have a job in the week before the survey.

    There’s every possibility that he won’t be in good health. He will be slightly more likely than not to have a long-term medical condition (51%) and nearly one in three will have a mental health condition.

    There’s some chance that he’ll have no fixed base. A significant proportion – over a third – will be experiencing problems finding a permanent home and over one in ten will have no fixed abode.

    Nearly a third (29%) will describe themselves as having financial difficulties.

    Already, at that quick glance, there are some common threads we’ll see with offenders across the board: mental health problems; worklessness; no fixed and stable anchor of a home life.

    Custodial sentences (adult)

    That reflects what we already know about those serving custodial sentences.

    Again, if you’re a prisoner in this country, you’re highly likely to be male (95%). You may well have a chequered work history. Indeed, you might be one of the 13% of prisoners who claims never to have had a job in their lives.

    And again, there’s a decent chance you’ll be struggling with a place to stay. Around one in seven (15%) describe themselves as homeless, and over one in three (37%) say that they will need help finding a place to live when they’re released.

    The chances are you’re single. As a prisoner, you are highly unlikely to be married – fewer than one in ten are (just 8%). Only a quarter reported that they were living with a partner when they went into prison.

    And there’s a strong chance that drugs are a part of your life. Nearly two thirds will have used drugs in the month before entering prison, and just over half (55%) will have a serious drug problem.

    Young offenders sentenced to custody

    Looking to the younger generation of offenders, we can see the patterns emerging that will later solidify in the adult prison population. There are fewer young people entering the criminal justice system, but those that do will be regular visitors to our courts in the years ahead.

    Overwhelmingly, young offenders in custody are likely to be male (95%). Black and minority ethnic groups make up about a third (34%) of the youth custody population – a higher proportion than in adult jails.

    If you look at their educational profile, skills and academic abilities, there’s a clear disparity between them and the population as a whole.

    They are something like ten times more likely to have learning disabilities (23-32% v 2-4%).

    A high proportion of them – maybe more than half – will have dyslexia (43-57%). That compares with just 10 percent in the population as a whole.

    Astonishingly, it’s far more likely than not that if you’re a young person in custody you will have experienced a traumatic brain injury. Somewhere between 65 and 70% [65.1-72.1%].

    It’s unsurprising that, on the whole, their educational attainment is so bad.

    Around half of 15 to 17 years olds entering custody had the literacy or numeracy levels you would expect of children in the last years of primary school.

    All of which is a reminder that the problems faced by young offenders – and then those who go on to offend as adults – are ones that have their seeds sown early on.

    Where they’ve come from

    What seems overwhelmingly clear from all studies is that criminality is not something that descends overnight on people. It’s something that has its roots in where they’ve had their start in life: family breakdown, abusive relationships, and instability.

    Despite this, many prisoners say they have strong family ties. That’s a double-edged sword: strong, supportive families can be a very positive influence.

    But when offenders return to the same streets, the same associations that led them to commit crime in the first place, those links can be destructive.

    Their families

    It may not be the norm that prisoners’ families were engaged in criminal activity per se – but it’s an influencing factor for many.

    It seems to be the case for over a third (37%) of prisoners. Usually the family member who has committed a crime will be a male relative: for most (56%) it’s a brother or step-brother.

    And if you’re a prisoner with a family member who does have a criminal record, you’re more likely to reoffend on release (59% v 48%).

    Beyond simple criminality, the sorts of homes that prisoners may have come from are vital to understanding where they’ve come from and where they may be headed.

    Around half of those getting prison sentences, and of those getting community sentences covered by today’s study, will have grown up in a household with both their natural parents.

    We may be seeing a changing society increasingly reflected when we look at younger offenders.

    Looking at the youngest group of adult offenders with community sentences in the study, 18 to 20 year olds, just under four in every six (38%) grew up in households with both parents.

    But for our average young offender, it’s far more likely than not (75%) that he will have grown up in a household with an absent parent.

    Dig deeper and the background to his life makes for a disturbing picture. It’s probable (51%) that he’s deemed to have come from unsuitable accommodation, and a fair possibility (39%) that at some point he’ll have been on the child protection register or have experienced abuse or neglect.

    Tragically, abuse and violence form the backdrop to the lives of many of the people in our prisons.

    A large proportion – something like four in ten (41%) – of adults in prison will have seen violence in the home firsthand when they were young. Nearly a third would have been abused themselves.

    And where they have experienced or observed abuse in the home the figures show that they are more likely to reoffend on release (58% vs 50% [experienced] and 58% v 48% [observed]).

    Yet one of the most shocking figures I have encountered is the proportion of offenders who have been through the care system. About a quarter (24%) of adult prisoners were taken into care as a child.

    For 15 to 17 year olds in custody that goes up to about one in every three [30% of young men, and 44% of young women].

    And what’s more, those adults in prison who had been in care were quite significantly more likely to reoffend on their release (61% v 49%). I find those statistics incredible, and for me they just cement the link between a solid family background and a life away from crime.

    Of course, there are broader risk factors – environmental and psychological – that show the challenges we face if we’re to prevent young people turning to crime: hyperactivity, the bad influence of those in their peer group, and dysfunctional communities are all part of a picture which puts children at risk of turning to crime.

    There’s one more crucial area of risk that shows a link with future offending: education.

    Education

    Under-achievement, suspension and exclusion: that’s the standard school report of a young man entering the youth estate.

    Nearly nine in every ten (88%) of young men aged 15 to 17 entering custody had been excluded from school at some point. A substantial majority will have skipped school (72% of young men; 84% of young women).

    We’ve already seen that literacy and numeracy is woefully low among young offenders and of course this trend of underachievement is common to the adult prison population as well.

    Hardly surprising that nearly half (47%) of adult prisoners said they had no qualifications, and that worklessness is such a prevalent theme in offenders’ lives.

    Previous offending

    There’s another thing that offenders will have in common in their backgrounds: there is a strong chance they will have committed crimes before.

    The slide into criminality starts young. For the average adult prisoner, his first arrest came at 15…his first conviction or caution came at 16… and he got his first experience of prison life when he was 18.

    These may have been his first experiences of the criminal justice system. Sadly, they won’t be his last.

    Of those convicted for indictable offences in 2012 over a third (34%) had fifteen or more previous cautions or convictions. This is our hardcore of reoffenders. As you’d expect, nine in every 10 of this group are men. Most of their latest offences (51%) were theft or handling stolen goods.

    Quite rightly, given their habit of reoffending a decent proportion (39%) will get a prison sentence. If you are serving time in prison, on average you will have committed an astonishing 41 previous offences.

    How we respond

    So how do we deal with this profound and deep rooted challenge?

    The answer is a jigsaw puzzle of different solutions, in early intervention, improved education, work with troubled families, programmes to tackle endemic worklessness and benefit dependency, improved public health and much more.

    As a Government we are focusing efforts across that challenge – and so are countless voluntary sector and other projects seeking to help tackle the issues we face. Our troubled families initiative, and efforts to strengthen early years provision in nurseries and Sure Start centres are part of that. So are efforts like Labour MP Graham Allen’s Early Intervention Foundation.

    Then there’s education. Of course, low education achievement by itself might not be the root cause of offending – there may be underlying reasons behind both. But our education system needs to be one that drives up participation, aspiration, attendance and attainment.

    The Government is providing over £1.8 billion in 2013-14 through the Pupil Premium so schools can support disadvantaged pupils, including those most at risk of offending. From April this year we’ve given Pupil Referral Units control of own budgets, so they can best respond to the needs of young people.

    Our welfare reforms aren’t simply about saving money. They are also about saving lives, by creating a system where all the incentives and support are around getting people back into the workplace, so we no longer sit at the top of the European league table for the number of children growing up in workless households.

    By the time people reach my Department, the challenges are rather different though. The days for early intervention are past. But the job to be done is no less important.

    Education with detention

    Firstly, education. We’ve seen how fragmented young offenders’ educational histories are. That’s why I’m convinced that education must be put at the heart of our approach to youth custody.

    We’ve consulted recently on the future of the youth custodial estate in England and Wales, and I’ve been clear from the start that we need to aim for a system of education in a period of detention – not incarceration with education tagged on as an afterthought.

    It’s an opportunity we can’t afford to miss. A period in detention actually gives us the chance to get a grip on patterns of failure and exclusion that have blighted these young lives.

    When I’ve met young people in custody what they’ve told me is that they’re keen to take part in courses that they know are going to get them out of the cycle of reoffending.

    They know that this is their chance to pick up a skill, to get the education that will help them to get on and become employable on the outside.

    Given what we know about the emotional and psychological make-up of these young people, we need an estate made up of establishments where they are kept safe and which inspire a culture of learning.

    I saw a good example at Warren Hill Young Offenders’ Institution in Suffolk. The Raptor Project there has groups of young people looking after flying display birds – it’s education, but not in a traditional setting.

    They’re getting the hard literacy and numeracy skills that might have evaded them at school, weighing birds and working out how much to feed them. They’re improving their communication abilities by co-operating; and they’re growing in their self-confidence, looking after something other than themselves and taking responsibility for once.

    Some of the young people there have gone on to employment working with animals. That is a testament to the skills they’ve picked up on the project, but it also highlights another of its real strengths: the connections they make with the community on the outside.

    Above all, what matters is equipping these young people with the self-discipline and ambition to learn that will set them on a new path in life, away from crime.

    The adult prison regime

    We’ve also seen that unemployment is a persistent problem and one that contributes to the vicious circle of offending.

    This was one of the reasons Jeremy Wright and I announced a rethink of the Incentives and Earned Privileges regime in our prisons, including the working day for prisoners.

    One of several problems I had with the system of incentives in prison was that it was a wasted opportunity. It rewarded offenders for simply abiding by the rules and keeping out of trouble.

    In future, prisoners will have to work towards their own rehabilitation to get privileges. They’ll be expected to take part in courses to plug the gaps in their skills and to make up for the lost time when they were skipping school.

    If they don’t engage in that, then they won’t get the same privileges as those who do.

    Work is a central pillar of this. Last year prisoners worked 11.4 million hours in our prisons. Every day we’ve got around 9,000 prisoners employed in industrial work doing a whole range of activity. Some leading prisons are already achieving regular working weeks of 30 to 40 hours.

    That’s a good start, but it is just a start. There’s more that can be done, getting prisoners used to something a significant proportion of them weren’t experiencing on the outside: the discipline and routine of work.

    When you ask them, the majority (68%) of prisoners say that having a job would be important in stopping them reoffending, and the stats bear this out. We know getting a job after release reduces the chances of reoffending by some margin [9.4% 1-year reoffending rate for those serving under 12 months]. That’s also why since last year we’ve been getting those released from prison onto the Work Programme right away, on Day One.

    Rehabilitation

    So custody can help to get offenders the skills and employment that they have otherwise missed in life.

    But that leaves something else – a solid home life. Not just a family, not just a permanent place to stay, although those things are important and they have to feature in our response.

    More broadly, it’s about getting offenders proper support when they leave the prison gates, getting them the basic life management skills they need, so we can class them as ex-offenders and keep it that way. And that’s at the heart of our plans to transform the way rehabilitation is delivered.

    There are a number of different strands to this. We’re putting in place a new ‘through the gate’ service across the country. That means most offenders will get continuous support – starting in prison and carrying on with the same providers when they leave – with the basics you and I might take for granted but which, offenders most need help with. Things like housing and healthcare.

    We’ve seen how the majority of those going into prison have a drug problem, but at the moment too many prisoners serving short sentences can’t get access to recovery programmes. It is no wonder so many are slipping back into a life of crime.

    That’s why my Department are linking up with Health to trial a new approach to drug and alcohol rehabilitation. Up to 5,000 offenders a year released from prisons in Greater Manchester, Cheshire and Lancashire will get support for their addictions, in custody and on their release.

    That continuity of care is important. Under our plans, there’ll be new resettlement prisons so offenders are released into the place where they’re going to live, to build a sense of continuity.

    But even that by itself won’t fix every problem. We saw the depressing backdrop to the lives of those who are in prison – the unstable family life, the abuse and violence, the mental health issues, drug and alcohol problems.

    Who is there to make sure those underlying difficulties don’t push someone leaving prison back into chaos, back into crime?

    Supervision till now has been reserved for those who served prison sentences of a year or more. That simply doesn’t make sense when it’s those serving short sentences of under 12 months that are most at risk of offending.

    To pay for this extension, we’re opening up the market to rehabilitation providers in the voluntary and private sectors so they can innovate and deliver what works. And they will be paid on the basis of what works.

    Today we’re publishing the interim figures from the pilot undertaken in Peterborough, which tested a through-the-gate, payment by results approach for those serving prison sentences of under 12 months. Just what we’re proposing under our reforms.

    It’s too early to make a definitive assessment. But the headline my statisticians are telling me is that the Peterborough early figures are promising. They suggest that the reconviction rate for Peterborough is coming down, while the national rate is actually going up.

    So those are positive signs, and we await the full results next year with interest.

    Now, it’s not for me, sitting in Whitehall, to tell the local voluntary group how to get results – that’s for them. They have the expertise, and ultimately – under Payment by Results – it will be down to them to deliver what works.

    But I do believe mentoring will feature heavily in turning ex-offenders’ lives around. And for me, it will be the ex offender gone straight who can best get under the skin of the person looking to move on from a life of crime.

    He will have faced the same challenges. He might well have come from the same sort of background. He knows the dysfunction passed down from generation to generation like an heirloom, and knows that the circle is a hard one to break. He knows the complexities; he knows it’s a hard hill to climb.

    Conclusion

    I’ve never pretended there’s a simple solution to the complex and – in some cases – hardwired difficulties that offenders face.

    But our response must be one that takes into account the themes we’ve seen running through their lives: poor health, drug addiction, homelessness, underachievement at school and unemployment.

    There’s an economic argument for doing all this. Reoffending costs the UK somewhere between nine and 13 billion pounds a year. The taxpayer has so far got a poor return for the money invested in rehabilitation, which is why we need a new way of approaching the problem.

    But there’s a broader reason why more-of-the-same isn’t an option. It’s the duty we have to society, the families looking to work hard and live honestly whose lives are ruined by crime.

    Because when it’s you who’s the victim, it’s no comfort to be told that crime rates are coming down.

    And when you find out that the person who burgled you, the person who attacked you in the street, has already been round the system scores of times, you’re entitled to ask why the system didn’t do more to prevent you getting hurt, as others had before you.

    My belief is that by understanding the context of the choices that an offender makes, we can understand far better how to get them on to a better path, and get more and more offenders off the depressing merry go round of crime.

    That’s precisely what I hope we can achieve with our reforms.

  • Nick Griffin – 2013 Speech on Russia

    Below is the text of the speech made by Nick Griffin, the Leader of the BNP, in the European Parliament on 23rd October 2013.

    All this fuss over the activities of an unelected pressure group, which was warned in advance not to invade the waters of a sovereign nation and break legitimate laws.

    No Russian citizen has ever voted for Greenpeace. They have no democratic mandate whatsoever.

    But imagine how much bigger the fuss would be if Russia launched a totally illegal assault on a legitimately elected political party.

    Imagine if the Russian government were to use the excuse of waves of lies from a controlled mass media to arrest the leaders of the opposition.

    Imagine if President Putin were to tear up the constitutional rights of democratically elected parliamentarians and spit in the face of a growing body of opinion of up to 20% of voters.

    We’d never hear the end of it – and rightly so. But when these things happen in Greece, you hypocrites either say nothing or actively applaud the repression.

    No one ever voted for Greenpeace, but half a million Greek voters have been disenfranchised by the attempted murder of Golden Dawn at the behest of EU bureaucrats, German bankers and Zionist gangsters.

    This looters´ coup against the Greek people, by the puppets of the privatisation criminals, is a thousand times more important than this artificial hysteria on behalf of an unrepresentative group of watermelon green cranks.

    You really should stop lecturing Russia about a speck of dust in her eye, when you have a large splintered beam in your own.