Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers, at the Spirit of St Patrick Charity Dinner on 12th March 2013 at Ballynahinch.
It’s a great pleasure to be able to speak to you in such magnificent surroundings this evening. I would like to congratulate the Friends of St Patrick, for hosting the second Spirit of St Patrick dinner. I’d also like to thank Margaret Ritchie and Ian Paisley for jointly inviting me tonight – a fine example of cross-community co-operation in action.
The motivation of Friends of St Patrick is to promote the true spirit of Ireland’s Patron Saint by crossing community divides, bringing people together and encouraging people from all backgrounds to help others less fortunate than themselves.
Some might question what possible relevance a figure from the so-called dark ages can have in 21st century Northern Ireland. Well just two weeks ago I had the privilege of visiting St Patrick’s grave at Down Cathedral, Saul Church and the St Patrick visitor centre with Margaret Ritchie. I was struck by two things:
First the great potential that exists to boost tourism here, not least from the millions of people across the world who drink St Patrick’s health every 17th March. But I was also reminded just how much we can be inspired by St Patrick’s life and his message, which still resonates today so many centuries after his death.
As someone whose teaching predates the divisions in Christianity which emerged in Europe from the 16th century, St Patrick can be a genuinely unifying figure. And of course finding ways to reconcile different traditions and bring people together in a cohesive and shared society should be a key priority for all of us in Northern Ireland.
After just over six months in office as Secretary of State I am convinced that there is no greater or more pressing challenge for Northern Ireland’s political leadership. So it’s on this subject that I’d like to focus my remarks this evening.
First, the positives: Over recent weeks I’ve visited many cross community projects and I’ve seen many examples of superb work being done to tackle sectarianism and bridge divisions. I’ve been heartened by the commitment to breaking down barriers shown in interface areas, particularly among young people.
The opening of the Alexandra Park peace gate which I visited a few weeks ago is a real step forward. I also saw great work underway at the Jethro Centre in Lurgan to build mutual understanding between different parts of the community. And the movement towards shared education represented by the Lisanelly campus in Omagh is surely an example of the way forward that brings children together from diverse backgrounds.
These and many other initiatives show what can be done and point the way forward. This kind of work needs to be developed and repeated across Northern Ireland.
And we should not forget Northern Ireland’s well deserved reputation for hospitality and the friendliness of its people. That’s something which has certainly struck me during my first six months here.
As we approach the 15th anniversary of the Belfast Agreement, we should not be shy of trumpeting how life for almost everyone here has been transformed since the dark days of the troubles. The Agreement and its successors settled the constitutional argument and ensured that the future of Northern Ireland will only be determined by democracy and consent.
They established political institutions in which all parts of the community are represented according to their mandate, with all the key public services in local hands.
All parties signed up to unequivocal support for policing, and the rule of law and achieving their objectives by exclusively peaceful and democratic means.
The rights and identities of both main traditions, British and Irish, are fully protected.
We have a police service more accountable and representative than ever before.
Relations between the UK and the Republic of Ireland have been transformed, as was demonstrated again yesterday with the successful summit meeting between the Prime Minister and the Taioseach.
The peoples of our two countries have never been more connected than they are today. And while the dissident threat remains severe, the main terrorist campaigns that cost thousands of lives over thirty years have ended.
All of these are huge steps forward for Northern Ireland and indeed for these islands as a whole. But they were not gained easily. The relative peace and stability that Northern Ireland now enjoys took years of negotiation, many difficult compromises and real political leadership and courage on all sides.
The achievements of the peace process should never be taken for granted and we should all be clear that there must be no turning back. So I say to those who seek to de-stabilise society here, be they so-called dissident republicans attempting to achieve their objectives by terrorism, or those loyalists engaged in riotous protest in the mistaken belief that this is a means of defending our national flag:
You will not succeed in dragging Northern Ireland back to the violence and instability of its past.
And the Government will never shirk its responsibility to keep people here safe and secure. It is our number one obligation and we will fulfil it, not least by giving our full backing to the PSNI who serve this community without fear or favour.
Yet for all the gains of the past two decades, it is clear that we’ve still got a long way to go if we are to build a genuinely cohesive and shared society. That has been so vividly illustrated by the flags protests and by the activities of dissident terrorists over the past days.
The Belfast Agreement talked of the need for ‘reconciliation, tolerance and mutual trust’. But at too many levels, society here remains even more divided than it was when the Agreements were signed.
The number of so-called peace walls has gone up. Over 90 per cent of children are educated separately and the numbers in integrated schools has gone down. Public housing remains largely segregated. And issues like flags and parades still have the capacity to provoke tensions that can too often result in violence that scars the image of Northern Ireland, injures police officers and disrupts daily life in some of our most deprived communities. So tackling sectarianism and division has to be a priority.
It’s an economic priority – the cost of policing the protests is already £20 million, money that could have been spent on community policing or on schools or on hospitals and now never will be. At a time when we are in a global race for investment and jobs we need to be able to promote the best of Northern Ireland. We just cannot afford images of lawlessness and rioting to be beamed across the world.
It’s a political priority – because a more cohesive society will help to underpin devolution and the greater stability that Northern Ireland now enjoys. Ask investors what are the key factors they take into account when taking decisions to locate a business and political stability is virtually always up there near the top.
And, of course, it’s a security priority, because sectarian divisions can make it easier for paramilitaries and terrorists to recruit. So I believe we need to return to the spirit of the Belfast Agreement and look again at how we can build the ‘reconciliation, tolerance and mutual trust’ which it envisaged.
While virtually all of the relevant policy areas are devolved to the Executive, we have always made clear that the UK Government will support Ministers here in taking the difficult decisions needed to make change happen. That’s a message both the Prime Minister and I deliver in all of our discussions with the First and deputy First Ministers, because a shared future cannot be imposed from London. It requires local solutions, local leadership and local drive. And it needs those solutions, that leadership and that drive now.
Northern Ireland has enormous potential. And its already shown how it can shine on the world stage. Last year we saw the successes of the Irish Open at Portrush, the Titanic Centenary and the ground breaking Diamond Jubilee visit of Her Majesty the Queen.
2013 can also be a great year for Northern Ireland. Derry-Londonderry is making a flying start as the first ever UK city of culture. In the summer we have the World Police and Fire Games – the third largest sporting event on the planet. And of course the eyes of the world will be on Northern Ireland in June when the G8 Summit comes to Co Fermanagh.
All of these events provide us with the opportunity to show what Northern Ireland can be – a confident, modern forward looking place whose best days lie ahead. A Northern Ireland that has put behind it the sectarianism and divisions of the past and which is building a genuinely shared future for all its people.
I know that’s a hard task and there are no quick fixes. But it’s a prize worth striving for. And working with organisations like yours, encouraging reconciliation and promoting the true spirit of St Patrick, I know it’s something we can ultimately attain.
Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers, at a British-Irish Chamber of Commerce lunch on 11th March 2013.
Taoiseach, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen; it’s a great pleasure to be here and it’s a great honour for me to be following An Taoiseach, Enda Kenny.
I’d also like to thank Fergal Naughton, Michael Keaveney and the British-Irish Chamber of Commerce for inviting me to address you and for hosting today’s lunch.
The Chamber does a great job in fostering trade links between the UK and Ireland, as the turnout this afternoon highlights.
The economies of both our two countries are inextricably linked. The UK needs a successful Ireland and Ireland needs a successful UK. The flow of goods and services between the UK and Ireland amounts to £1 billion Euro every week. The UK is Ireland’s largest export destination and the Republic is a key market for Northern Ireland, accounting for around a quarter of its exports.
The presence of the Taoiseach here today is testament to the fact that the peoples of the United Kingdom and Ireland have never been more connected. We saw that in the historic visit by Her Majesty the Queen to Ireland in 2011.We saw it in the Joint Statement on UK-Irish relations over the next decade issued by the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach twelve months ago.
And we saw it at the London Olympics – when we cheered the athletes from both our countries and took such pride in all they achieved.
Over the next fortnight, St Patrick’s Day celebrations taking place across the UK will remind us of the huge contribution made by the Irish community to life in our country. In particular, the Irish influence over our culture is unique. The English may have given the world our language but the Irish have shaped our literature in the most profound way over a period dating back hundreds of years.
Rooted in our common history, the relationship between the UK and Ireland embraces cultural, commercial, sporting and family ties. And it’s a relationship that the both the UK and Irish Governments want to see go from strength to strength.
Later today, the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach will hold the second of their annual summits. Our two governments are determined to implement the intensive programme of co-operation set out in last year’s Joint Statement, especially the work to promote jobs and growth.
Here in the UK, the Government has cleared a quarter of the deficit we inherited and over a million jobs have been created in the private sector.There are tentative signs that our economy is healing. The road ahead will be difficult, but it’s the right road.
Our priorities are getting on top of our debts to help keep interest rates low, bringing down business taxes, cutting red tape and creating the right conditions for enterprise to flourish. We are in a global race and only those economies that are fit to compete will succeed.
I welcome the signs of recovery we’re seeing in Ireland’s economy and the huge progress made by the Government there in addressing the debt problems which have beset so many European countries.
The fact that the summit last year and the one today will focus so much on the wider UK-Irish relationship has of course been made possible by the progress that’s been made on Northern Ireland in recent years. And the co-operation between successive UK and Irish governments has been vital to that.
As we approach the fifteenth anniversary of the Belfast Agreement it’s worth remembering what has been achieved:
– Constitutional issues have been settled on the basis of consent
– A devolved government in which all parts of the community represented according to their mandate means that nearly all the key public services are in locally elected hands
– We have a police service more accountable and representative than ever before
– We have a constitutional settlement which guarantees protection of the rights and identities of both main traditions, both British and Irish
– And UK-Irish relations have been transformed
Most important of all the Belfast Agreement has put an end to the main terrorist campaigns that saw so much tragedy and loss during the thirty years of the Troubles. That’s what been achieved as a result of political dialogue in Northern Ireland.
But as the flags controversy has shown, although we’ve come a long way, there’s still much to be done if we’re to build a genuinely cohesive, stable and prosperous society. In meeting those challenges neither the UK nor the Irish Government will shirk our responsibilities. We will maintain our security effort against those who oppose democracy and want to undermine the political institutions in Northern Ireland through terrorism and murder.
And let me place on record here my immense gratitude to the Taoiseach for the unprecedented levels of security co-operation between our countries. That co-operation has undoubtedly saved lives.
I’d particularly like to thank Eamon Gilmore and Alan Shatter with whom I have had many fruitful and constructive discussions since becoming Secretary of State. Indeed one of the bonuses of my job is the excuse it provides to visit Dublin on a regular basis, a city which has retained all its vibrancy and energy even through the depths of the economic challenges of recent years.
In conclusion, ladies and gentlemen, we need to work together to keep people in Northern Ireland safe and secure. We need to rebalance the economy to end our overdependence on the public sector and boost private enterprise. And we need to work with the Northern Ireland Executive to address sectarian divisions and build a genuinely shared future for all.
Those are the UK Government’s priorities and they are shared by our colleagues in the Irish Government. Working closely together, we are determined to achieve them.
2013 has the potential to be a great year for Northern Ireland. Derry-Londonderry has already made a real impact as the first ever UK city of culture. In the summer the World Police and Fire Games will attract thousands of visitors. And in June the eyes of the world will be focused on County Fermanagh when some of the world’s most powerful leaders gather for the G8 Summit.
The decision to bring the G8 to Northern Ireland was very much a personal initiative of the Prime Minister and I know it has the strong support of the Taoiseach. It will give us the opportunity to show off the best of Northern Ireland.
The UK and Irish Governments will be working hard together to seize this opportunity to promote Northern Ireland as a great place to visit and a great place to invest. And I am sure we can rely on all of you here to help send out that message loud and clear on the global stage that the G8 summit will give us.
Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 2nd March 2013.
I’m delighted to have the opportunity to address the Alliance party conference this morning and I’m pleased to be the first ever Conservative Secretary of State to do so.
It’s also a great pleasure to be here alongside your leader David Ford. Given my responsibility for national security, I work very closely with David as Northern Ireland’s Justice Minister.
David’s role in overseeing law and order and the criminal justice system in Northern Ireland comes with grave responsibilities and heavy burdens and I’m sure that you’ll agree with me that he does an outstanding job.
I’m pleased to confirm that the draft legislation I published last month contains provisions to give the Justice Minister exactly the same security of tenure as other Northern Ireland Executive ministers.
That’s a commitment that this government made to the Alliance Party a year ago and it’s a commitment that we’ll keep.
The draft Bill is now being scrutinised by the Northern Ireland Select Committee. It’s the first time ever that a Northern Ireland Bill has been subject to pre-legislative scrutiny.
That’s a far cry from the days when emergency legislation had to be pushed through in response to the latest political crisis or to prop up faltering institutions. Once the pre-legislative scrutiny is complete I hope to bring forward our actual Bill in the next parliamentary session that begins in May with a view to the provisions becoming law by the end of the year.
I should also say that Parliament has been united in its support for Naomi Long, and other Alliance members who’ve been subject to intimidation and threats in recent months. Sadly the list of those who have been threatened and intimidated and had their offices attacked is a long one but I would like offer special support and sympathy to Stewart Dickson, Linda Cleland, Geraldine Mulvenna, Michael and Christine Bower and Laura McNamee.
As I said in the House of Commons back in December, any attempt to prevent elected representatives going about their daily business is an attack on democracy. It is completely unacceptable and it will not be allowed to succeed.
So be clear about this.
This government, working with the Justice Minister and the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI), will do everything it can to ensure that politicians can do the job they’re elected to do. Our overriding duty is to keep people in Northern Ireland safe and secure, whether the threat comes from dissident republicans or loyalist protestors.
It’s a responsibility that we will not shirk. And I’d like once again put on record my deep appreciation for the bravery and professionalism of the men and women of the PSNI.
They do a fantastic job and all of us who believe in the rule of law owe them an immense debt of gratitude. The tragic loss of Philippa Reynolds is a very sad reminder of the risks faced by police officers every day.
But we should comfort ourselves with the knowledge that officers of the calibre, integrity and dedication of Constable Reynolds illustrate what an outstanding police service we have in Northern Ireland.
They are probably one of the most highly scrutinised police forces in the world and they do an incredibly difficult job without fear or favour, making the strongest efforts to be fair to all parts of the community.
Flag protests
Over the past number of weeks I’ve spent much of my time out and about meeting people in areas most affected by the protests places like Carrickfergus, the Newtownards Road and the Short Strand. I’ve spoken to politicians, businessmen and women, church leaders and other community representatives in places like North Belfast, Lurgan, Craigavon, Portadown, Lisburn and Londonderry. Many have told me that the street protests reflect a feeling amongst some in our community that they’ve been left behind.
At its most basic level they ask: “What has the peace process done for us?”
Now I’m keen to work with Executive ministers to look at how we can address genuine concerns that people have so that people feel they have a real stake in Northern Ireland’s future. In particular we need to look at how we can encourage more private sector investment and promote jobs in disadvantaged areas. That’s not just in loyalist areas but in nationalist ones too. It’s clear too that the efforts being made by the Executive to address educational underachievement will be crucial in addressing this feeling of disconnection and alienation.
But on one thing I am sure. This government will not be moved by people who wrap themselves in our national flag and engage in unlawful rioting and attacks on the police. Respecting democratic decisions and obeying the law are two of the hallmarks of our United Kingdom.
This applies to flags. It also means complying with the decisions of the Parades Commission, as the only lawfully constituted body with the authority to make determinations on parades in Northern Ireland. We cannot afford a repeat of scenes that we saw in parts of Belfast last summer. At a time when we’re in a global race for jobs and investment we need to be able to market the best of Northern Ireland.
That’s one of the reasons why the Prime Minister took the personal decision to bring the G8 here in June. It offers global branding that money simply could not buy. By the same token it’s hard to put a price on the damage done to Northern Ireland’s reputation by the flag protests over recent months. So I say again , let’s finally get these protests off the streets and start a proper political dialogue about how we resolve issues like flags and identity.
It’s dialogue that has resolved so many of the deep seated problems of Northern Ireland’s past and it’s dialogue that’s crucial to building a successful and cohesive future for Northern Ireland and all its citizens.
Benefits of the peace process
And as we approach the 15th anniversary of the Belfast Agreement all of us who support the political settlement here, and want it to work, need to stand up for what it’s achieved. Of course it wasn’t perfect – it involved some very difficult compromises on all sides. There were elements that many, including in the Conservative Party, found hard to swallow.
But in answer to the question “what has the peace process done for us?” let me suggest the following weighty list of achievements.
– it has settled the constitutional position of Northern Ireland on the basis of consent, leaving its place in the United Kingdom probably more secure than at any time in its history
– it contains robust protection for the rights and identities of both main traditions in Northern Ireland, both British and Irish
– it has established political institutions in which all parts of the community are represented according to their political mandate and all can have their say
– it has vested responsibility for virtually all the key public services in locally elected hands
– it has delivered a police service more representative and accountable to the community than ever before.
– it has left relations between London and Dublin and between north and south better, stronger and more productive than they have ever been before
And above all it brought to an end the main terrorist campaigns that over 30 years saw more than 3,500 people killed and many more maimed or injured, including those who lost their lives in a ball of fire that 35 years ago engulfed the venue in which we meet today, in one of the most shocking and brutal terrorist attacks of the Troubles.
That’s what the peace process has done for Northern Ireland. As any Secretary of State learns early in their tenure, political discourse here isn’t always suffused with optimism with a tendency perhaps to focus on what has been lost rather than on what has been gained.
But we should never allow people to forget just how far forward this place has moved in the past 2 decades. We should never stop reminding people of just how much has been achieved and just how dramatically the Belfast Agreement has transformed life for the better in Northern Ireland.
And we should never cease our efforts to keep going forward to complete the work that started with the peace process.
Shared future
The events of the past few months have reinforced the urgent need to tackle sectarian division and build a genuinely shared future for everyone in Northern Ireland. It’s an economic priority because Northern Ireland cannot afford to spend a million a week on policing riots and protests.
It’s a political priority because a more cohesive society will help to underpin devolution and political stability. And it’s a security priority because sectarian divisions can fuel grievances on which terrorists and paramilitaries prey. Under the devolution settlement most of the key policy responsibilities for dealing with these issues rest with Northern Ireland’s elected representatives.
In my regular discussions with ministers here, I’ve been keen to stress the UK government’s willingness to support them in coming forward with bold and imaginative solutions. We’ll back them in taking the difficult decisions that may be necessary to make progress.
A shared future cannot be imposed from London, it requires local solutions, local leadership and local drive. Nobody doubts that this is an immensely difficult task.
With some divisions dating back centuries, there are no quick or easy fixes. But Northern Ireland’s political leadership has been able to solve problems just as difficult as this over the last 20 years and I welcome the commitment that the Alliance Party has shown on this issue over so many years.
So I say to the Executive today, let’s work constructively and positively on this – let’s give it the urgency it genuinely requires – and let’s get on with the projects and the goals that need to be delivered if we’re going to fix this problem and complete the work that started with the Belfast Agreement.
Economy
Another area where progress is needed is in rebalancing the economy by ending our over-dependence on the public sector and promoting a stronger private sector. And we have to do this against the backdrop of the biggest deficit in the UK’s peacetime history.
There might be some who argue that the government should ease up in its efforts to reduce the deficit, and possibly even spend a little more to give the economy a short term boost. I disagree. While the road on which we are embarked is a difficult one, it’s the right one. To change direction now would risk a repeat of the mistakes of more borrowing and more spending that got us into this mess in the first place.
So when my shadow at Westminster calls for cuts in VAT he ought at least to spell out how he’d raise the extra £15 billion his policy would cost. The simple truth is that you don’t solve a debt crisis by creating more debt. We’ve cleared a quarter of the deficit in a little over 2 and a half years. Across the UK, the private sector has created over a million new jobs.
At long last there are tentative signs that the economy is healing. I realise how tough things are here in Northern Ireland. And that’s why we’ve taken measures to help hard-pressed families.
For example, the government has cut income tax for over 600,000 people and we’ve taken over 30,000 of the lowest paid out of tax altogether. And pensioners have benefited from the biggest ever single cash increase in the state pension.
Those are the actions of a coalition government that’s on the side of those who work hard and want to get on while protecting the most vulnerable in society. I fully recognise that here in Northern Ireland unemployment remains far too high, particularly among young people. Many of the key policies to promote local growth and jobs, such as planning, training and skills are devolved. And I commend the work that your minister, Stephen Farry, is doing at the Department for Employment and Learning on the matters such as skills and apprenticeships which are so crucial both for our economic competitiveness and for delivering opportunities to young people.
But there are things the UK government can do to help. In the Autumn Statement last December we made an additional £132 million available to the Executive for capital infrastructure projects. We’ve also exempted Northern Ireland electricity generators from the carbon price floor a key demand from the business community here. And we are continuing to look at the case for devolving the power to set corporation tax to the Assembly in order to help attract new investment.
Fulfilling our potential
I’m the first to admit that we’ve hardly had the ideal start to 2013. Northern Ireland has hit the headlines for all the wrong reasons. But it doesn’t have to be like this. As a place to live, work and do business, Northern Ireland has so much going for it. And 2013 still has the potential to be a great year for Northern Ireland.
Derry-Londonderry has already got off to a great start as the first ever UK city of culture. The World Police and Fire Games will bring thousands of competitors and spectators here in the summer.
And the G8 in Enniskillen will see the eyes of the world focused on Fermanagh. All of these events give us an opportunity to demonstrate how far Northern Ireland has come, and what we have to offer as a positive, modern and forward looking place that’s open for business.
So let’s show that side of Northern Ireland to the world this year.
Below is the text of the speech made by Elizabeth Truss on childcare reform on 12th December 2013 to the Family Childcare Trust in London.
Thank you, it’s a pleasure to be here – and thanks for the Family Childcare Trust for putting on today’s conference.
I’ve just come from a visit to Ephraim nursery in Peckham. They’re a private nursery, with their premises actually inside the school building of a primary and secondary academy, and I was meeting their staff with Boris Johnson.
It’s always impressive to see a funny, warm, charismatic professional in action – charming children and media alike, in a high-quality nursery.
And it was good to have Boris there, too.
Seriously, though, it’s good to have such a dedicated champion of early years in City Hall.
He knows it’s really important – for making sure the next generation do really well, and also for helping working parents in the city.
And one of the things that really impressed me this morning was the way the nursery works with parents.
It’s open from 8 until 6. Sandra, its leader, told me about how they talk to each individual parent about their needs, and what sort of care is right for them. There’s one mum who wants to do a degree – so they’re working with her to offer funded places across 2 days, rather than in one block, to allow her to do her course.
It’s a great example of catering to all age ranges at a single location, with everyone working together to give parents the flexibility they need.
That’s the sort of childcare I want to talk about today.
Flexibility and choice
Because families where both parents work are now in the majority in the developed world.
Here in England, a third of mothers stay at home and two-thirds go out to work. Fathers are increasingly involved in the upbringing of their children.
We need to support all these families in the choices they make – making life simpler and more fulfilling.
That’s why we’re introducing flexible parental leave, for example, so that they can decide how to manage their lives when they have a baby.
Likewise – I want families to have a range of flexible options when it comes to childcare and schooling, to suit their family circumstances.
We all know that even as the economy is picking up, childcare is a big item on tight family budgets.
And it’s not just a question of costs: all too often, childcare is too inflexible.
Whether it’s not being able to find a childminder, or a nursery in the right location with available places, or a school that offers after-hours care, we know that too many parents can’t get the mix of childcare that they need.
We want a system that gives them real flexibility – that gives more choice to more parents.
So what are we doing to achieve that?
I want to focus on 3 big things today.
First, we’re increasing the amount of childcare that’s available, and its flexibility – across schools, childminders, and nurseries.
Second, we’re driving up quality.
And finally, we’re helping parents with the cost of care.
Increasing availability is crucial
I believe increasing the amount and flexibility of childcare is the single most important thing we can do to help parents. That’s where the biggest difference is going to be made.
It creates more types of childcare, for parents to get the choice of care that they want – whether it’s in schools, or nurseries, or childminding.
And offering that choice – increasing supply – will help us get value for money, too.
At the moment, we spend a lot – more than the OECD average – yet parents are paying some of the highest costs in Europe.
When parents find their options limited, the real problem is that over-complex funding and unnecessary bureaucracy have stopped childcare providers growing and flourishing.
So that’s what we’re reforming.
Childminders
Look at childminders, for example.
They are popular, flexible, and local. Many parents prefer home-based care, especially for the youngest children. They also suit parents who work shifts.
But the number of childminders almost halved over the past decade.
Becoming a childminder meant a mass of paperwork.
Funding rules meant it was hard for childminders to access government funding – just 1% of funded early years places were provided by childminders
And there are also fewer young people entering the profession.
So our solution is first, to level the playing field in funding for independent childminders.
Since September, any good or outstanding childminder can automatically offer funded places for 2- to 4-year-olds.
Fewer than 4,000 childminders were accessing funding. Now, 32,000 are now automatically eligible.
We’re also creating new routes to becoming a childminder in the first place.
We’ve had a number of roundtables at the department with childminders. And they tell me that setting up is a lot of work.
Childminders have to register with Ofsted. They have to spend about £80 on a medical check. About £100 on a pre-registration course. Up to £100 for paediatric first aid training. Public liability, car and home insurance, professional membership, DBS checks, buying equipment, toys, books, creating a website, sorting marketing and accountancy.
I could go on – but I think I would probably bore you.
It’s a lot of money – we estimate at least £800 – and a lot of time.
That’s one of the reasons we’ve enabled the creation of childminder agencies.
By helping with that admin, agencies will simplify the process for becoming a childminder. They could spread the cost, reduce the hassle, and use economies of scale to make it cheaper.
If existing childminders want to join an agency – and it’s completely optional – then they will benefit from that shared invoicing, marketing and training support too.
And for parents, they’ll make it easier to find and employ a childminder – taking vouchers, and giving access to lots of childminders in their area.
At the moment, 20 organisations across the country are working with us to trial childminder agencies. I know that some of them are here today.
Some are private businesses, some are led by local authorities, one’s a children’s centre, some are school based, one’s a charity, one’s a joint venture between a business and a council.
All of them are committed to seeing what works.
And in time, we expect agencies to increase the numbers of childminders – France, where creches familiales have similar functions to agencies, has 5 times as many childminders per person than England.
We want to see more childminders – both independent and agency, working with other types of provision – so that parents have flexibility and choice.
Nurseries
Nurseries are equally essential, giving a really important, valued service to parents, and making up about a quarter of all childcare.
So parents need to get good use from them, too.
We’ve simplified funding. Any good or outstanding nursery will be able to access money – just like childminders – without jumping through any further bureaucratic hoops – and we estimate about 80% of nurseries will automatically get funding.
And we’re making it easier to expand.
We want planning rules – a long, cumbersome process that’s a big frustration for many nurseries – to be much more straightforward too, so they can convert office and shops without requiring additional planning permission.
And we’re replacing a patchwork of local quality and registration standards – with single, national quality and registration standards – so that expansion across more than one authority is easier.
That frees up nurseries that want to grow.
It means that local authorities can focus on encouraging the best providers to their area, and support the weakest providers.
School nurseries
There’s one final part of the puzzle here – schools.
Schools nurseries are an under-appreciated part of childcare.
Half of London places are provided in schools, and they make up fully one-third of the national childcare market – some 800,000 early years places.
But the hours are sometimes inflexible. Most only do 9 to 3. That’s if parents are lucky.
Just imagine if they did 8 to 6. That extra 4 hours a day – two-thirds more time – it would revolutionise parents’ options.
We want to encourage that model.
That’s why I was with Boris this morning, and I’m delighted that Wandsworth want to lead the way, and want to encourage their school nurseries to offer places from 8 to 6.
Some are already showing this model works. Like Oakwood school in Eastbourne. They have a mixture of funded and fee-paying care – which in turn, makes local government funding go further. They now generate income from their nursery, and by clever timing of sessions, they’ve filled almost all their spaces.
And there are others – like Parbold Douglas C of E Academy in Wigan, who have a nursery from age 2 up, and are open from 7:45 to 6. Or St John Vianney RC Primary School in Hartlepool – who run from 7:30 to 6:30.
Many of you will have seen Sally Morgan arguing for school nurseries to start offering places at age 2.
I agree with Sally. And we are helping 50 schools trial places for 2-year-olds, in on-site nurseries.
Because as Sally said, by the time they start school, poorer children have already fallen the equivalent of 19 months behind their more affluent peers.
I want to make it absolutely clear that these children aren’t sitting at desks studying trigonometry.
I recently visited Oasis Academy Hadley, for example, which is offering 2-year-old places. They were painting their feet to make patterns on the floor, running up and down this enormous strip of paper. The point is they were engaging with their teachers and nursery nurses, and learning. That’s what I’m talking about – not mortarboards and blackboards, which is sometimes what people have in their minds.
About 375 schools now offer funded nursery places for 2-year-olds – many of them for the first time – a welcome development.
School-based childcare for the over 5s
And of course it doesn’t stop at age 5.
Schools are already trusted locations, and are obviously convenient for parents who only have to do one school run.
But often, their facilities sit empty for hours each day.
One man who saw the potential to change that was Jack Hatch. He’s headteacher of St Bede Academy, in Bolton.
He saw there was a need for childcare in the area, and felt St Bede’s had a mission to help local families beyond the day-to-day running of the school.
So they started providing childcare, from as early as 7am, up to 6pm, up to 52 weeks of the year, to 7 other local schools – as well as 3 full daycare nurseries. All of St Bede Services’ settings are rated good or outstanding.
But that was in the face of red tape.
If a school wanted to offer care before 8 or after 4, they had to bring in more staff. They had to meet different qualifications rules. They had to consult locally, get permission from the local authority – and meet different planning requirements. And they had to make anyone providing childcare elsewhere register separately at each site.
We want to make it easier – and encourage school-based childcare.
Over the summer we consulted on making it easier for schools to bring in other providers, without that unnecessary red tape.
We’ve already made it much easier for schools to extend the school day – reducing the hours that parents need to cover – and want to do the same for their term dates, too.
We want to align the rules for during and around the school day – so that it is a much simpler operation.
So now, you don’t have to be a complete hero like Jack Hatch – this is something all headteachers can do, and ought to think about.
The new rules will make it easier to bring in private or voluntary sector childcare providers on-site – buying in their specialist expertise.
Or if schools want to, then it will be easier for them to provide the services themselves.
So across schools, childminders and daycare nurseries, we’re expanding availability.
The latest figures show the total number of primary schools, nurseries or childminders offering childcare rose from 88,000 in 2010 to 90,000 in in 2011.
That’s 2 million early years places – a 5% increase on 2009.
Children’s centres
I want to talk briefly about children’s centres.
They’re often mentioned in the childcare debate.
Just to be clear, they provide 1% of all daycare places – compare that to school-based childcare, which is 30%, and it’s a much smaller number.
They are an important part of the support we provide for children and families. But that support is primarily about pre-natal, post-natal care, parenting classes, stay and play, providing support and networks for those parents – I was part of my network, after I had my daughters.
We have to be clear that they’re there for everybody in the local community. And in our guidance that we put out earlier this year, we made it very clear that local authorities have a responsibility to make sure children’s centres are accessible to all parents.
Of course we want focus on disadvantaged families – but unless we get all parents through the door, how are we to know which are those that need most help?
And I’m delighted to see a lot of children’s centres working much more closely with their local health services.
I met children’s centre leaders in Watford recently, and it was great to see the range of services they provided – maternal support, antenatal classes, midwives on call – and more. So parents are getting a seamless service, from expecting a baby, through birth, right through early childhood.
Because the wider purpose of children’s centres is to improve outcomes for children. And that’s what we want them to focus on.
There’s this rumour that hundreds are closing. It’s not true. Figures from local authorities tell us about 1% of the total number have closed since 2010 – and a few have opened, too.
And we know from 4Children that 1 million parents using them – so they are thriving.
But I think we can go further. I want to see them even more integrated with health services – especially with health and wellbeing boards.
And DCLG have announced a fund, which local authorities can bid for, to make sure services suit parents – so that parents can find all the services in one place, for example, by sharing sites – rather than having to travel from service to service. We all know how important that sort of local, accessible service is.
I want to encourage everyone to apply – or get their local authority to apply – because it’s a great opportunity to make sure more money gets to the frontline and services work for parents.
Improving quality
Availability is a big issue for parents. So is quality. But the 2 are linked.
By simplifying funding for good and outstanding providers, for example, we’re creating a race to the top. We’re funnelling money towards the best. That gives providers a good reason to get better.
And clarifying the rules means providers are focused on children – not on meeting the demands of red tape.
Take registration. At the moment, we have 2 registers, for different ages; each has different requirements; the older register is compulsory if you do more than 2 hours; but you can still register if you do less.
That’s so complicated, in one of our policy papers we resorted to showing this using a Venn diagram.
Or take inspection, where we have overlapping Ofsted and local authority rules.
Or qualifications. We used to have 400 early years qualifications, a majority of which have no maths or English requirements.
All of this duplication is confusing for parents, time-consuming for providers, and the purpose of these rules – ensuring quality – actually becomes harder when people focus on box ticking, rather than what matters: children.
So we’re improving how it works.
We’re improving registration – we’ve consulted on introducing a single, clear set of safeguarding and welfare requirements.
We’re improving inspection – and want Ofsted to be sole arbiter of standards, with consistent quality standards. Local authorities can support weaker providers, using the issues identified by Ofsted – so the two work together.
And we’re improving qualifications.
The new, more rigorous early years educator qualification will be available from 2014.
We’ve made 1,000 bursaries available for apprentices aspiring to a career in early years education. Just a fortnight ago, we announced these were increasing from £1,500 to £3,000 for the first 200 successful applicants.
And I’m pleased to say that this September, we recruited more than 2,300 trainees to become early years teachers – a 25% increase – despite strengthening the entry requirements.
All of this moves us towards a single training, regulation and quality system from 0 to 18, that’s clearer for parents, and puts better outcomes for children at the heart of reform.
Helping with costs
So that’s how we’re increasing availability and improving quality.
Our third priority is to offer support for parents, to help with the costs of childcare.
We already fund 15 hours of free childcare for every 3- and 4-year-old – worth £2,400 to each family.
And we’ve made it much more flexible so parents can take it in blocks.
And we’ve increased funding for low income 2-year-olds.
Just one month after launching the scheme, 92,000 children have benefitted – we’ve already reached an estimated 70% of the deprived children we want to.
On top of this basic entitlement, low income working families can get help for up to 70% of their additional childcare costs.
And under tax-free childcare, those on middle incomes will get up to 20% of their additional costs paid.
Our vision
So there are 3 elements to our plan.
We’re increasing the availability and flexibility of childcare – of every type.
We’re improving quality – by clarifying standards.
And we’re helping with costs.
All of those things fit together.
They create a much more coherent, less fragmented market.
They aim to create a system where parents are in the driving seat, and children get what they need.
Our vision is of childcare where families want it, at the time they need it, provided by people they trust, at a cost they can afford.
I know that families are under pressure. I know they face tough choices about how to balance work and care – not least at Christmas time.
I want it to be a real choice.
So that each family – of any shape and size – can work out what’s best for them, and their children.
Below is the text of the speech made by Elizabeth Truss at the Institute of Physics on 9th December 2013.
Thank you very much for the introduction – I’m delighted to be here at the Institute of Physics for the launch of another excellent report.
I think ‘Closing doors’ is a great name for this report, because what we’re talking about here is the way young people, particularly girls, are dropping subjects which could offer very good prospects for them and which lead to fulfilling careers.
Last week, the PISA education test scores hit the headlines, where England ranked 26th in the world for maths, 21st for science, and 23rd for reading.
If we are to do better in the PISA rankings, it’s vitally important that we particularly improve the performance of girls in critical subjects like maths and science. One thing that’s particularly interesting from the PISA report is that we had one of the lowest gender gaps in reading, where girls traditionally do better than boys, but we had one of the highest gender gaps for science, where boys traditionally do better than girls.
Too often we focus on maths and science separately, but this report gets across the broader message to parents, teachers and the wider public that all these subjects together are very important, very high value subjects.
For school pupils, that means that studying maths and sciences opens up their career options, whatever field they want to work in. In this country maths has a higher earnings premium than in other countries, which demonstrates that we are not producing enough qualified individuals in these areas to go on and work in industry.
If we think about any industry now, people with maths skills, physics skills and computer science skills are vital, because technology is transforming those industries. If we look at agriculture, often seen as a traditional industry, you will see people programming computers and doing advanced engineering. Likewise in the fashion industry; these skills are equally as important, whether it’s media or marketing.
We need to get away from the idea that it’s just a few scientists in a laboratory who need these skills. Maths and science are universal skills that all our young people need. This is shown up in the earnings premia. At age 10 and 18, those with good maths skills earn up to 10% more as adults than those without. Maths and computer science and engineering are among the top 5 degrees for future earnings.
We also know there are increasing returns to education across the OECD. If you look at the data from the 1960s to the present day, the correlation between education and economic growth has increased by a third. So educational underperformance is increasingly important for our country’s economic performance.
The Institute of Physics has pointed out the problem we have. In 2010 to 2012, 4 times as many boys took A level physics as girls did; 60% of the entries to A level maths were boys. In 2012 alone, 12 times as many boys did A level computer studies. Just 4% of state schools have equal numbers of girls and boys progressing from GCSE to A level for the subjects covered in the Institute of Physics’ report.
We also know that there’s a performance difference between girls and boys in this country. In PISA, our boys outperformed girls in maths by 13 points, 2 points bigger than the international average gender gap. In science, boys did a full 14 points better, when the OECD average gap is just 1 point.
And the issue for girls is not competence, it’s confidence. TIMSS, another international education study, tells us boys are already more confident in maths than girls at age 10. By 14, girls have actually lost confidence, and the gap with boys has grown.
This is borne out by the PISA results, which shows that we have high anxiety levels for girls in these subjects.
We need to be more conscious of the messages we’re giving to girls.
Even with the highest-performing girls, fewer of them will go on and take physics at A level. Almost half of boys who get an A* in physics GCSE go on to do the subject at A level, but for girls, it’s just a fifth. We know there is a clear relationship between a pupil’s confidence in a subject and attainment – and we have a generation of girls who are nervous about maths and science.
This is a very worrying picture. It means we’re missing an opportunity: because improving the performance of girls wouldn’t just improve their individual earnings potential. It would improve the country’s economic and educational performance, too.
But the international comparisons give us hope: none of this is inevitable. Top-performing places like Singapore or Shanghai have a negligible gender gap. In the PISA science scores, all but 4 countries that equalled or outperformed England had no significant gender gap.
So this shows us that addressing our gender gap will help us improve our PISA performance, as well as helping those girls open the doors to more careers.
I also think there’s a cultural issue in England. We can see it in the chemistry sets marketed as boy’s toys or a wider culture towards maths and science thinking that it’s something for specialists or geeks, parents saying to our daughters ‘oh, I’m useless at maths’, as if that won’t discourage them. Or perhaps the Top Gear Formula 1 feature where boys were engineers and technicians – and girls, hostesses and press officers. Relentless stereotyping is still going on.
Too often, narrow conceptions of maths or sciences convince girls that they can’t or shouldn’t do these subjects. That feeds the cycle where it’s harder for the few girls who do want to do these subjects.
This is starting to change. Thanks to our English Baccalaureate – the performance table measure that encourages pupils into the most respected subjects – the number of girls doing GCSE physics is now at a record high and has almost caught up with boys. 73,000 girls are now taking the subject compared to 76,000 boys. The critical thing is to make sure those young people continue doing the subject at A level.
A lot of the evidence shows that young people make up their mind about their career aspirations before the age of 16. We need to work with the grain of young people’s aspirations – not persuade everybody they want to be a research scientist, desirable though that career option is, but acknowledge that 60% of children want to go into business. We need to show them that maths and sciences are an excellent basis for these careers too.
Look at the CEO of Prudential, Tidjane Thiam, a nuclear physicist. Let’s have more of these examples of people who have succeeded in busineas by using their analytical skills and the knowledge they’ve gained by studying maths, physics and computer science. These aren’t just subjects for brainboxes who want to do research sciences. It’s a really important background for a career and will give you transferable skills to help you succeed.
As the institute’s report shows, schools can make a big difference here. They can use their influence to challenge gender stereotypes – or reinforce them. Many are using the new curriculum to show girls what they could do. They’re using design and technology to demonstrate the vast range of applications of maths and science, or taking advantage of programmes like Stimulating Physics Network which champion these subjects.
It’s vital that we improve the quality of teaching in these important subjects. Last week I announced new maths hubs which will work on improving the quality of teaching of mathematics at primary. We’re also offering very high bursaries to aspiring teachers in maths, physics and computer science.
A lot of it comes down to encouragement of all children, especially girls. All of us – politicians, parents, professionals – need to communicate that maths and science aren’t just useful for niche careers. They’re the foundation of the modern world.
If we do that, then we will open up options and eventually, better jobs, for our children. And this time, not just for the boys.
Below is the text of the speech made by Elizabeth Truss in London on 17th October 2013.
Thank you. It’s a pleasure to be here.
I want to start by talking about Kevin Spacey.
After a hard day at the department, one of my guilty pleasures is watching the American political thriller, House of Cards.
The 90s BBC series was updated by Netflix – a service where viewers can watch TV and films over the internet.
Their version, with Mr Spacey starring as Senate Chief Whip, Frank Underwood, won critical acclaim and helped Netflix gain some 2 million customers.
Less well known is how they commissioned the series.
Most shows have to persuade editors to take a gamble, based on a pilot episode or series.
But Netflix scan audience behaviour on all their content. They knew exactly what they like, how they watch, when they pause, what they want.
So they could commission an entire series with confidence, and release it all at once – because they looked at the numbers, and knew it would work.
Of course a TV series in which a super-ambitious politician schemes, slanders and bumps off colleagues on their way to the top has little relation to reality.
You might well think that; I couldn’t possibly comment.
But anyway, the way that this show – an innovative, award-winning, profitable show – was created says so much about how the world has changed.
A changing world…
Netflix would scarcely have been imaginable 10 years ago – we were all going to Blockbuster to pick up videos then.
Now, it’s one of a generation of online businesses, ripping up the rules on how people buy and consume and invent.
And we live in a smaller world, too. Borders mean less. Companies are foot-loose, able to move and sell to almost anyone, anywhere.
They have vast new markets expanding across the world – just this week, the Chancellor is in China. Young, hungry countries are changing the shape of the global economy with millions of new middle-class consumers, professionals, and graduates.
…which needs good education
And in this world, good education is more important than ever.
The association between test scores and growth rates increased by a third between 1960 to 1980 and 1980 to 2000.
Technology and globalisation have created a ‘hollowed-out’ labour market – with demand for lots of manual jobs, demand for lots of high-end jobs, but far fewer of the old manual-skilled jobs in between.
This rewards those who develop a highly-skilled, highly-educated population.
And leaves behind those who don’t – or won’t.
Risk of relative decline
In Britain, we have a lot to do.
Last week, the OECD published results of adult literacy and numeracy tests in 24 developed countries.
It confirmed the link between education and economics: across all countries, people with the best numeracy scores were almost 4 times as likely to enjoy high wages as those with the bottom.
To quote the report: ‘incomes are higher in countries with larger proportions of adults who reach the highest levels of literacy or numeracy proficiency.’
It found that in England, 25- to 54-year-olds did much better than 16 to 24s.
Our young people came 22nd out of 24 for literacy, and 21st for numeracy.
What’s interesting is that 90% of the variation in skills across the study was within, rather than between, countries – in other words, we have a huge gap between our top – and bottom-placed adults, and a long tail of poor performance.
The case for reform
We can’t afford this. To put it in the words of the OECD’s Andreas Schleicher – the study has ‘serious economic implications’ for England.
Studies like this confirm the case for the changes we’re making.
They’re the motivating force behind our reforms. They’re evidence we have more to do – and that if we don’t, we won’t take advantage of the new world order – we won’t pay our way in the world.
That’s why we are making big changes: with a new national curriculum in 2014; new exams from 2015; and accountability reforms from 2016.
Learning from the best
We’re learning from the best in the world here.
After Germany received bad results in PISA – an international assessment – it experienced what was known as ‘PISA schock’. Over several years, they introduced reforms – lengthening the school day, strengthening the core curriculum, giving greater autonomy to teachers, creating nationwide performance standards.
Germany has since overtaken us in the rankings.
So our reforms are designed to do the same thing – to look at our results, learn from the best, and improve.
Take our EBacc – which encourages students to keep studying an academic core into late secondary, just like the best countries.
We’ve started to see its effects. In 2013, the number of GCSE entries in languages was its highest in 5 years. Individual entries in the 3 sciences were the highest in more than 16 years. We saw the highest number of history entries since at least 1997. Record numbers of girls did chemistry and physics.
Curriculum – maths
And lessons from abroad inspire changes to individual subjects, too.
Take maths – where PISA ranks us 27th.
TIMSS – another international benchmarking assessment – showed that children in England were better at data and statistics than arithmetic and algebra. So we’re removing calculators from primary tests, and encouraging children to become fluent in their times tables at a younger age, so that they get to grips with these more fundamental concepts and processes.
TIMSS also ranked us 39 of 42 for maths teaching time at age 14 – so we’re encouraging an increase in time spent on maths.
At primary, the new curriculum gives a stronger foundation – with more time on vital concepts like arithmetic or fractions.
At secondary, new GCSEs in 2015 will be more rigorous, with pupils covering more content and more challenging problems – in areas like ratios, proportions, or algebra.
Post-16 maths
And we’re transforming post-16 maths.
The best countries keep their students studying maths later. According to the Nuffield Foundation, in England just over 20% of students carry on with maths into upper secondary.
In countries like Japan – which had the highest average numeracy score in the OECD study – or Hong Kong, it’s over 95%. In Germany, it’s above 90%; in Singapore, it’s 66%.
In England, most students who do carry on with maths in England to a higher level are A-grade students. For those that want to pursue advanced maths, new A levels in 2016 will be more challenging, and we now have the first maths free schools as well.
But almost all other pupils drop the subject after GCSE. Only 33% of students who got a B, and just 24% of those with a C, kept on doing maths – worryingly, many at a lower level than they’d previously done.
That’s largely because they haven’t had appropriate courses for their ability range.
So we’re introducing core maths. Pupils who haven’t yet achieved a C at GCSE will keep studying, and those who got a good GCSE but don’t want to pursue an A level will do a range of new mid-level qualifications, specifically developed for intermediate, post-16 study.
We will spend £20 million in 2014 to 2016 to help schools and colleges prepare to teach the new courses.
We’re looking for organisations to pilot then – and I’d encourage anyone here that wants to, to get in touch with the department.
We’ve had a good response from organisations like the CBI, and are encouraging universities to start looking for core maths in their entry requirements. And last week, the International Baccalaureate Organisation announced that their maths standard level will be available online, from 2015 to 2016.
And we’re also funding Maths in Education and Industry to work with Professor Tim Gowers at Cambridge University to devise a whole new problem-solving course, based on intriguing, real-world questions.
Just to give you a few examples of the sorts of question we’re looking at:
– roughly how many people could fit into the Isle of Wight?
– British vegetarians have, on average, higher IQs than the general population. Does this show that meat is bad for your brain?
– how do Mexican waves start?
and one that’s appropriate for this place
– how much can we trust opinion polls?
Obviously, there’s only one answer to that last question – you can’t – and these are just examples from Tim’s website. But you get a sense of the type of imaginative thing being explored.
All of this means that by 2020, the vast majority of young people will be studying maths right up to 18 – to the highest standard each can achieve.
Curriculum – science, computing, design and technology
In the sciences, we’re increasing the maths element, and deepening the content on key topics like evolution, or mechanics.
The computing curriculum now includes coding from a young age, and children will learn 2 programming languages – preparing for lives in a digital world by learning complex, abstract processes from a young age.
And in DT, they will be exposed to the most exciting new technologies, from 3D printing to biomimicry.
Curriculum – English, languages and EBacc
In English, younger children will have better checks to spot those falling behind, and a renewed emphasis on spelling and grammar and punctuation across secondary school.
In the languages, primary schools will be required to teach a foreign language from age 7 – and we’ve encouraged much higher take-up at secondary, through our English baccalaureate, introduced in 2011.
Freedom for teachers
You’ve had a chance to digest, and no doubt to contribute, to the new curriculum.
But I want to be clear that we want to trust your professional judgement.
We might be clarifying what knowledge children should learn: but we will not interfere in how.
That means there is no one-size-fits-all national roll-out of the curriculum.
Resources for teachers
Still, we are making information and support available to help.
If you go to the website of the National College for Teaching and Leadership, they have an online resource, developed with headteachers, to help schools plan curriculum change.
Teaching schools are receiving additional funding to help with the transition in their alliances. If you’re not in an alliance, I encourage you to contact your local teaching school.
We fund subject-specific resources – like the National Centre for Excellence in Teaching Mathematics, which has a range of support available for schools, or the National Science Learning Centre which will shortly have more materials for the new science curriculum.
We have announced £2 million funding for master computer teachers – while ‘expert subject groups’ drawn from teaching schools, subject associations and higher education have looked at how to support the new curriculum. The computing and geography groups have already published their work – and others will follow soon.
All of this is on GOV.UK – or you can always follow DfE on Twitter – and will help you introduce the changes.
Reforming exams
The same goes for exam reform. On the department’s website, and Ofqual’s, there is a very clear timetable showing what we’re changing, when, and what you need to know.
And again, the case for reform is clear: over the past decade, even as our international rankings stagnated, exam pass rates went up.
So new, more rigorous exams will be less predictable and more stretching. Teaching of new GCSEs for English and maths will start in 2015, with other subjects starting in 2016. New A levels in most of the key subjects will be available from 2015, with maths and language A levels available from 2016.
Last month, we stopped early entry into GCSEs counting towards league-table performance.
And from 2014 GCSEs and from last month A level exams will all be sat in the summer – ending the culture of endless modules and resits.
Reforming accountability
This is a based on an essential lesson from the best systems.
They show a combination of autonomy and accountability: letting teachers get on with their job, but holding them to account.
That requires respected qualifications.
And it’s why we’re changing wider performance measures, too.
At the moment, secondary schools are judged by the proportion of pupils awarded 5 GCSEs at grade C or more.
That created perverse incentives. We all know it encouraged disproportionate focus on moving pupils over the C/D borderline. It rewarded schools where pupils met the C grade targets, rather than excelled them. And with just 5 subjects, pupils often studied a narrow curriculum.
So from 2016, schools will publish pupils’ performance across 8 subjects, with maths and English double-weighted, and with reserved slots for EBacc subjects.
Achievement will not be measured by crossing an arbitrary threshold, but by pupils’ progress – whether they under- or over-perform, given a reasonable target.
That gives children a much broader curriculum, with a solid academic core. It’s a better test of schools’ ability to get each child to do their personal best. And it’s much fairer for those with a challenging intake.
Conclusion
We are midway through our reforms.
And we can see from countries like Germany that reform takes a decade. It’s an inherently long-term task.
But across these 3 big areas – the curriculum, exams, and accountability – our approach is consistent. We will accept nothing but the highest quality. We are learning from the best in the world. And we will combine more autonomy for schools with better accountability.
I encourage everyone here to spread that message.
Think about the OECD and its reports showing other countries racing ahead. That’s the challenge we face.
Think about Netflix and the sort of high-end, advanced, all-digital business they represent.
Below is the text of a speech made by the Education Minister, Elizabeth Truss, at the Policy Exchange in London on 29th January 2013.
Thank you very much Lucy (1). It is always a pleasure to attend an event at Policy Exchange, and I congratulate you on your typically rigorous and informative report on childcare.
You make a number of highly pertinent observations, not least in highlighting how much quality varies across the country and especially between richer and poorer areas. You are also absolutely right to stress that making it easier for parents – and mothers in particular – to be able to combine family with work matters enormously – to them as individuals, to families, and to the wider economy.
Many mothers want to stay at home and of course we are fully supportive of that. It is simply that my job is to help make sure that they have a genuine choice.
Much of the debate about childcare provision centres on cost. Of course this has a massive impact – many parents feel that childcare is so expensive that they cannot afford to work at all, let alone build a career.
I am determined to address this, and will have a lot more to say on the matter soon.
But today I want to outline our vision for early years childcare – and specifically to talk about quality, which is every bit as important as cost and which we ignore at our peril. Or, to quote the title of our paper published today, More Great Childcare. It is partly our response to Professor Cathy Nutbrown’s Foundations for Quality, which looked in detail at the qualifications regime for the early education and childcare workforce.
It also addresses some of the structural issues in the childcare system, because before making fresh demands on resources we need to make sure every penny parents and governments spend is used effectively.
This morning I visited the superb nursery at Durand Academy in Lambeth – a brilliant educational establishment that shows that the most effective institutions are every bit as life-changing as the worst ones. By driving up standards and focusing on quality, I want every child in the country to be given the sort of early education I saw this morning – and the best possible start in life.
The critical importance of early years
The Jesuits famously said “Give me the child for his first seven years, and I’ll give you the man.” As my colleague Andrea Leadsom has observed, science now suggests that the Jesuits may have been significantly overestimating. As people like Baroness Greenfield – Professor of Synaptic Pharmacology at Oxford – have made clear, how the brain develops – or fails to develop – in the first few years of a person’s life is utterly critical. It never makes sense to give up on anyone, but the fact is that much of what a child experiences well before the age of seven has an enduring effect on their life chances.
Research for the Foundation Years Action Group (2) by academics from UCL, the Institute of Education and Bristol University has laid this out in stark terms. At the age of 15 or 16, English pupils score 492 on the average PISA maths score, compared to 555 in Hong Kong, 562 in Singapore and 600 in Shanghai. Yet the gulf in attainment is evident way before that age. The gap between England and East Asia does not differ between the ages of nine or ten and 15 or 16. It’s already there by five years old.
If we look at international comparisons of how many children could complete early numeracy tasks when they started primary school, we see the same countries at the top of that table as we would expect to see when comparing the abilities of adults – countries like Chinese Taipei, Hong Kong and Singapore (3).
So when parents hand their child over to the care of a childminder or nursery they are not just entrusting them with their child’s physical safety; they are also entrusting their child’s brain. It is vital that staff have an adequate vocabulary and numerical ability.
The 21st Century will belong to those countries that win the global race for jobs and economic advantage. In order for every adult to fulfil their potential, they need to be properly equipped with essential skills from the very beginning of their lives.
A world-class childcare system
All of which leads to an inescapable conclusion: childcare in this country must be world-class. Quality is first and foremost about people. No school is better than its teachers. I am grateful to Professor Cathy Nutbrown for all her work in assessing the overall landscape of qualifications for those working in early education and childcare.
She has said very clearly that too many people who work with young children are under-qualified and that the system for qualifications is confusing and inadequate, with over 400 different qualifications available.
I agree with her.
And given what we know about early years development, it is no longer acceptable that childcare professionals are not required to have a GCSE grade C or above in English and maths.
Professor Nutbrown says in her report,
If we are going to improve the quality of early childhood education and care, we cannot allow individuals to ‘slip through’ without their level 2 English and maths in place.
The international context underlines all this.
In France, at least 40 per cent of staff in crèches must hold a diploma, which demands a three-year, post-16 course.
In the Netherlands, certified childcare workers must train for three years post-18. Childcare professionals in Denmark need three to five years of vocational or tertiary education before they can work with children in their early years.
These and other countries recognise that looking after children is an extremely important job – and that attitude is reflected in higher levels of skills and pay. Contrastingly, Professor Nutbrown’s report raises serious concerns about the quality of training and qualifications in this country.
In her interim report, Professor Nutbrown wrote:
The ‘hair or care’ stereotype still exists for many considering a course in the early years; yet many other sectors have raised their expectations in relation to enrolment. It must be a cause for concern that early years courses are often the easiest to enrol on and the courses that the students with the poorest academic records are sometimes steered towards (4).
The interim report quotes Helen Perkins, Head of Early Years and Childhood Studies at Solihull College, who said:
We demand that students need a relevant level 2 qualification before they are able to handle animals independently on our animal care courses at Solihull College. Nobody demands the same level of qualification before you can be left alone with a baby (5).
Plainly this trend is both extremely worrying and insupportable.
I want a high-quality, highly qualified workforce here too. I want their work to be underpinned by effective regulation and inspection that targets support where it’s most needed – but I also want them to be trusted to use their professional judgement and experience.
We won’t get where we want to be overnight, but we are moving in the right direction on quality and qualifications. But we cannot overlook the fact that the commitment to make further improvements means giving providers the headroom to pay higher salaries.
I also want to be clearer to nurseries and parents about what these qualifications are and what they mean.
So we will introduce graduate-level Early Years Teachers specifically trained to teach young children. The Effective Provision of Pre-School Education Project – known as the EPPE report – showed that children make much better progress in pre-school centres where trained teachers are present (6). We will also seek more crossover between primary school teachers into early years and early years teachers into primary.
There have been strong and persuasive calls to bring back the Nursery Nurse Diploma, and we will create Early Years Educators, backed by improved level 3 qualifications. This will offer strong practical experience and require candidates to have at least a C grade in English and maths GCSE.
In order to improve this we have to attract people into the profession. Too many make it through sheer dedication, finding it to be a terrific slog. I am convinced that this will be tough given existing wage levels.
Staff in this country earn about £6.60 an hour on average, only a little above the minimum wage. This speaks volumes for how much those working in the early years have hitherto been valued.
But there is further to go, and we have learned from other countries that deliver better value and better quality childcare. We have looked across Europe and beyond. The aim is not to replicate another country’s approach but to learn from and apply best practice.
I have been struck by the high status and trust afforded to childcare professionals in continental Europe. In particular, I am impressed by much of what happens in France.
The well-established system of écoles maternelles is being expanded to offer spaces for more two-year-olds, while a mixture of crèche and childminder provision is in high demand for younger children. Many French families put down their child’s name for a French crèche as soon as they discover they are pregnant. Nursery workers are paid around £16,000, compared to about £13,000 here. In return, candidates are expected to have higher qualifications. We are at the bottom of the league table of our near neighbours.
Inspired by examples like Durand Academy, I want far more schools to offer childcare and early years education. We will facilitate this by abolishing the requirement on schools to register separately with Ofsted if they want to provide for children under the age of three. And we will reform the burdensome statutory processes schools must follow if they want to take younger children.
I hope that some schools will want to run childminder agencies, which would allow well-qualified childminders to offer both group-based and home-based care and to employ their teaching expertise. This will have the added benefit of allowing children to engage with school early. Being able to take children to the same place will make life more convenient for many families too.
Greater flexibility for professionals
It is telling that I am often asked whether I would be able to look after a certain number of children. I think this line of thinking betrays an attitude that “anyone can do the job”. I don’t start from the premise that anyone can be an early educator. It is an extremely demanding job that requires great and specific expertise.
I am not trained to do the job. I am equally sure I would not be able to walk into a class of 30 fourteen-year-olds and teach them German.
My ministerial colleagues at the Department of Health don’t get asked if they would be willing to perform keyhole surgery.
Those at the MoD aren’t asked if they would fancy hopping on a helicopter and going into battle.
Although I suspect that Andrew Robathan and Mark Francois would be up for that.
Working in early education isn’t for everyone. Those who do it well are special – and they deserve our thanks. It is a professional career.
Other European countries have taken a different approach on ratios. They think that the quality of staff is the most important thing. Whereas in England nursery staff may look after no more than four two-year-olds, in France they can be responsible for eight – and there are no limits in Denmark, Germany or Sweden.
That is why we are encouraging nurseries to use their professional judgement and enjoy greater flexibility. Where there is an Early Years Educator leading a group of children, we plan to allow ratios for two-year-olds to rise from four children per adult to six children per adult. And for ones-and-under to rise from three children per adult to four children per adult.
We are not changing the ratios for three and four-year-olds but we would like to see more nurseries in the private and voluntary sector using the full allowance of 1:13 with a teacher to have traditional-style nursery classes. Many of our leading providers are successfully delivering this model, including Durand Academy.
We think teacher-led groups with structured activities are a good thing. Ofsted has made it clear to me that they do too and want to see evidence of well qualified staff engaging directly with children. Of course parents may demand other learning styles but I think it is important that parents have the choice of this model that works well.
We also want to see parents have the choice of more structured group care for their two year olds like the French crèche system. These groups would be led by qualified Early Years Educators. We know two is a crucial age where children are learning the structure of language and vocabulary.
We are hardwired to be inquisitive, to want to learn and to take pleasure from learning. Think about the joy on a toddler’s face when they take their first steps, or how proud a four-year-old is when they earnestly tell you what the French word for “yes” is.
I totally reject the idea that children in a nursery can either have an educational day or an enjoyable one. Ros Marshall of Kids Unlimited has proved that this is bunk. She does outstanding work, for example in encouraging children to learn how to count when they are playing musical instruments.
Far from killing any pleasure that a child might get out of learning, structure and clear guidelines provide reassurance and safety. Rather than crushing spontaneity and discovery, they offer an essential framework for precisely those things. This is fully compatible with the EYFS .
My insistence that children are well-educated from the very beginning of their lives isn’t just about getting ahead in the global race – crucial though that is. It is a recognition that children’s lives should be complete and fulfilled. This is not just about the economy – it is also about personal happiness.
We also want to see more options for home-based care.
We have seen a decrease in the number of childminders over recent years – this is, in part, because childminders have to be business owners as well as child carers. When setting up, this means registering with Ofsted, the local authority, finding training, marketing the service to parents and collecting fees. As well as the role of caring for and educating young children, there is a lot of paperwork, administration, chasing up parents for payments and jumping through hoops set by local authorities involved.
Some people want a simpler way to enter the profession. So we are setting up “one stop shops” called childminder agencies to do the practicalities.
This will mean someone interested in becoming a childminder can go to a local agency, have their premises checked out, receive training and be approved all by a single organisation which itself will be regulated by Ofsted. This agency will deal with the government funding, market services, place children and collect fees from parents. Similar organisations in France and the Netherlands have created a good entry route for childminders, meaning that there are many more childminders relative to population size than there are in Enlgand.
These measures coupled with the removal of hoops to jump through from local authorities to receive Government funding should see a revival in this important form of care.
This will be particularly important for parents in rural areas who have a lack of facilities nearby, for those who are working shifts or irregular hours (like MPs!) who are looking for flexible, home-based childcare. And what’s more, agencies will be able to offer cover if a childminder is on holiday or ill. And we have all been in those situations where childcare arrangements have fallen through at the last minute. Mine normally involves a phone call to my parents in Leeds.
We also want to give childminders more flexibility. At present the ratio of one child under the age of one per childminder means that twins are a no-no without special permission. The limit for under-fives is three children – which is fewer than many families have to cope with.
This gives rise to the situation I saw where two qualified childminders are looking after six children between them, where if they need a pint of milk one of them has to drag three children to the shop to comply with the rules.
In France a childminder can look after up to four children under five. In Denmark they can look after five. There are no ratios in Sweden.
We will bring our rules in line with France so that childminders can look after up to four under-fives of which no more than two are under one. This is of course a maximum not a requirement and we would expect childminders to do what they or their agency are comfortable with.
We will also give flexibility on changeovers. This will help parents too. If one person is late picking up their child, another parent will not have to wait because the childminder isn’t allowed to look after two children even for a few minutes.
Rigorous and fair inspections
It is vital that the inspection and regulatory regime is rigorous, comprehensive, clearly understood and fair. It must focus solely on what matters and not distract providers from looking after children.
We are working with Ofsted to implement further improvements to the current regime including increasing the number of HMIs covering the early years and to concentrate inspection on those weaker providers that need the most attention.
Ofsted alone will be the arbiter of quality. At the moment, local authorities also check the quality of provision, which is both a waste of resources and creates extra barriers for new providers trying to set up. Although we fund three and four-year-old places at £2,200 per head which is enough to cover the costs to nurseries, not enough of this money is reaching the frontline.
Local authorities retain £160 million annually of the funding intended to deliver early education to three and four-year-olds, some of which is spent on duplicating work Ofsted is already doing. Ending this situation will mean that as much money as possible goes to the front line.
Our commitment to a fair regime is such that we have heeded calls from those who asked for a new route allowing paid-for re-inspection.
If a nursery that received a satisfactory rating has taken steps to reach good or outstanding, I want this to be recognised and updated swiftly.
Lifelong learning applies to the very young as well as the very old
Professionals should also be given the chance to think creatively about how they help children to learn. Better qualified staff will be better able to do that.
For some years now politicians have stressed the importance of “lifelong learning”. But the term tends to be used to remind us that a person’s education shouldn’t end when they leave school or university. I believe that learning should be genuinely lifelong – which means that it should start from the moment a child enters the world.
We know that the first few years of our life shape the development of our brains. The evidence is clear that qualified teachers are best placed to offer strong developmental learning. Therefore we need to increase the number of teachers involved with the early years.
This is all part of our efforts to increase the quality of teaching across the piece for all ages.
Conclusion
We will shortly publish the report by our commission on childcare, looking at ways to tackle the high costs for parents and to get better value for money. The status-quo is neither fair to providers nor allows enough money to reach the front line. I appreciate your patience in waiting to hear more about this.
Getting the funding right is a necessary condition of providing world-class childcare but it is not sufficient. It is not good enough to carry on with an unreformed system. A greater focus on quality and value for money matters enormously as well.
Some children enjoy more advantages than others, but all children are vulnerable. Of course parents want their child to have the very best start in life possible.
I want every child to spend their early years learning, exploring, enjoying and growing – and for them to arrive at primary school well-prepared and confident. By driving up standards right across early education, we can give parents the sense of security they crave and every child the care and attention they need.
Thank you very much indeed.
(notes to speech)
1 Lucy Lee, Head of Education at Policy Exchange.
2 Foundation Years Action Group, The vital importance of early development to later life outcomes, 15 November 2012.
3 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), TIMSS 2011 International Results in Mathematics.
4 Professor Cathy Nutbrown, Review of Early Education and Childcare Qualifications: Interim Report, March 2012, p.9.
5 Professor Cathy Nutbrown, Review of Early Education and Childcare Qualifications: Interim Report, March 2012, p.29.
6 Sylva, K. et al. (2004) Effective Provision of Pre-School Education (EPPE) Project: Findings from the pre-school period. Department for Education and Skills. Research Brief RBX15-03.
Below is the text of the speech made by Edward Timpson at the Sexual Exploitation Conference held by the LGA on 13th February 2013.
Thanks, David [Simmonds, Chair LGA Children and Young People Programme]. I’m glad to be here.
I’d firstly like to say how extremely grateful I am to the LGA, Ann [Coffey] and others here today from many sectors for their efforts to combat child sexual exploitation.
I would echo much of what Ann has just said, especially her emphasis on how pivotal local agencies are to the fight against this most horrific of crimes. I know how deeply Ann cares about this subject – her thoughtful insights on it are always greatly valued.
Now, let’s begin with some good news.
More perpetrators are being prosecuted and jailed; sending out the message, loud and clear, that those who prey on children face stiff punishment.
And there’s also increasingly focused and effective work underway to fight this most horrific of crimes – we’ll be hearing more about this from speakers representing councils in Birmingham and Kent. It’s also good to see Rochdale represented here today, to share lessons learned from when things do go wrong.
But there’s clearly much more to do.
I was very interested to hear what you had to say, David, about doing some further work to raise awareness of child sexual exploitation and producing more resources for councils on this.
I very much welcome this because, as we know, greater recognition of this despicable form of abuse is fundamental to the fight against it.
It’s fair to say that awareness has improved locally, but we know there are still too many areas that haven’t got to grips with the problem, even though it’s become increasingly apparent that it’s a much more widespread than previously thought.
Barnardo’s – which, of course, has done much to highlight this issue and is being represented here by Anne Marie Carrie later today – recently reported an alarming rise in the number of cases known to them, with increasing numbers of children being trafficked around the country and victims getting younger.
So, as a first step, it’s crucial that local areas urgently establish the true scale and nature of the problem.
Key to this, I believe, is the need for a major re-think of our attitudes towards victims and their families.
Understanding that this manipulative and coercive abuse can happen to any family and that the children affected are to always be treated as victims means that this abuse is less likely to go undetected – making it easier to track what is really is going on the ground.
This greater awareness and understanding is also more likely to galavnise the partnership work that’s so vital to tackling this issue.
Because it’s a poor understanding of the issue; particularly disbelieving attitudes towards the young victims, that has largely kept this scourge in the shadows for so long.
Having grown up with many foster children and worked in the care system as a family barrister – including on cases involving sexually abused children – I have some experience of living and working with traumatised and damaged children.
But it’s hard to comprehend the extreme violation and suffering to which these children have been subjected.
They deserve our every support and yet, too often, agencies haven’t listened to them or believed their allegations, meaning more children being abused for longer. It is clearly completely outrageous and unacceptable for the young people affected not to be treated as victims.
I’m absolutely determined that we should do all we can to change this. To make sure we punish and prevent child sexual exploitation wherever and however it occurs. And, crucially, put victims and families first.
Progress so far – national action plan, CSE round table and LSCB meeting
This is why that we’ve made raising awareness of this abuse and promoting partnership work central elements of the national Child Sexual Exploitation Action Plan we launched last year.
Last July, we published a progress report on the plan and followed this up with a roundtable meeting in December, which I chaired, involving other Government Ministers and a range of organisations.
We discussed the progress we were making, but also challenged each other on whether we were all really doing everything we could. I’m keen to hold more of these meetings so we keep up the momentum.
And just a few weeks ago, I chaired a meeting with the Association of Independent Local Safeguarding Children Board Chairs (LSCBs).
I was pleased to hear that they’re taking a number of important steps to prioritise action in this area – for example, making it easier to share the best approaches to tackling child sexual exploitation through the creation of a Practice Development Group. And through regional leads on child sexual exploitation, supporting all Local Safeguarding Children Boards in addressing the issue.
Given their key local role, I’ll be watching the progress made by the Boards with great interest.
Raising awareness
There’s much positive work for them to build on.
Over the past year…
Over 8,000 professionals, from health, social work, the police and other agencies, have benefitted from sessions to raise awareness delivered by the National Working Group (for Sexually Exploited Children and Young People).
We’ve just re-issued a step-by-step guide for frontline professionals on what to do if they suspect abuse, so they should be better placed to intervene.
Frontline police officers will also be better equipped to deal with child sexual exploitation thanks to a new training film on the subject issued by the Association of Chief Police Officers. The film is also freely available online for others to use.
And we’ve also raised awareness among young people by, amongst other things, re-running a Home Office teenage rape prevention campaign in December and January. We will also be re-running a teenage relationship abuse campaign from this month to the end of April.
Partnership work – prosecutions, criminal justice system
Much of what’s being achieved powerfully demonstrates the benefits of partnership working.
An impressive illustration of this is the work of Engage, a multi-agency team from Lancashire. Since it was set up in 2008, the team has secured almost 500 years of custodial sentences and achieved a 98 per cent prosecution success rate. And in working with over 1,500 children experiencing or at risk of sexual exploitation, the team has also driven down school absence and cases of children missing from home or care.
A fantastic example of what can be done, even against a difficult economic backdrop, when agencies come together and are determined to act.
It’s good to know that other Local Safeguarding Children Boards around the country; in Rochdale, Bradford, Sheffield and Oxford, are following Lancashire’s lead and setting up similar multi-agency teams. I want to see others following suit.
An important lesson that local areas would do well to heed from Engage’s experience is the team’s decision to involve parents in developing a “victim and witness care package”. This has not only helped boost conviction rates, but reduced the distress of victims going to court, a significant factor in their chances of recovery.
It’s true that court appearances can heap further trauma onto children who have already been through so much. So I want to see the criminal justice system continuing to strive to make sure victims of child sexual exploitation are treated with much greater understanding.
Work is underway in this area. The Crown Prosecution Service will be publishing new legal guidance on prosecuting child sexual exploitation cases early this year, which will include advice on information sharing and improved support for victims. This complements existing work to make it easier for young victims to navigate the criminal justice system – such as giving child witnesses more choice about how they give evidence.
Action on missing children, NHS database
Engage’s success in reducing the numbers of children going missing is also highly significant.
Because as Ann has said, these absences are one of the key warning signs that a child is being groomed or exploited. It’s a risk factor that’s also been highlighted in checklists issued by several organisations, not least my own Department, and by Sue Berelowitz, as part of her inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Gangs and Groups.
We know from Sue’s inquiry and Ann’s work on the Joint All Party Parliamentary Group Inquiry, that children who go missing from care are at particularly serious risk of being exploited and harmed.
As a first step to keeping them safe, it’s clear we must have robust data on the numbers going missing.
The Working Group we set up last year to look at this has now reported and I announced last week that we will begin piloting a new data collection in the next few months.
This will, for the first time, collect information on all children who go missing from their placement – not just those missing for 24 hours – enabling better analysis and more effective practice to prevent and combat the problem.
In addition, we will shortly issue revised statutory guidance on Children who go Missing from Home or Care based on the best local practice. This will complement guidance issued to police forces by the Association of Chief Police Officers.
Ofsted’s new looked after children inspections and the new multi-agency inspections, which will begin in June, will also shine a powerful light on agencies are working together to protect children.
Sharing information about children at risk is a vital part of this joint work. We can see this happening, for example, with the launch of a new project, in December, that will help the NHS do more to protect vulnerable children.
This initiative will link local authorities’ children’s social care systems with systems in the NHS; making critical child protection information available to healthcare professionals who suspect abuse or neglect when treating children in emergencies and unscheduled care. And making life harder for sexual predators.
Residential care reform
Predators who, as well as benefitting from gaps in information, are also exploiting weaknesses in the residential care system – particularly an “out of sight out of mind” culture, which has seen too many children being placed in children’s home many miles from family and friends.
In March 2011, children’s homes in 15 local authorities were entirely occupied by children from other local authorities.
At the same time, 13 other local authorities, which had children’s homes in their area, made no placements in these homes; instead preferring to send their children to homes in other areas.
Good children’s homes provide young people, for whom other placements aren’t suitable, with just the intensive, caring professional help and stability they need.
But we know that there are some homes where support for children and security are poor. Which are located in parts of the country with meagre facilities and, worse still, where there are disproportionately large numbers of sex offenders often synonymous with organised criminal activity.
We know that these children in these homes, many of whom are already damaged, are especially vulnerable to these dangers. We’re determined to do much more to protect them.
We’re already on track to make it possible for Ofsted to share information on the location of children’s homes with the police and we will be urgently consulting on a number of further changes…
That require local authorities, at a senior level, to take more responsibility for out of area placements that are a significant distance away.
That ensure there’s rigorous independent scrutiny of the quality of care in each home.
And that clarify the roles and responsibilities of the placing authority, the children’s home and the area where the home is located, so there’s a real, shared responsibility for safeguarding the child and promoting their welfare.
We’re also proposing to reform the qualifications framework to address the low level of qualifications among staff in children’s homes.
By this summer, we’ll publish a revised data pack on residential care which will include more detailed information about children’s homes by local authority and region. This should go some way towards helping local authorities make much better choices.
Given the vulnerability of children in care to these and other kinds of dangers, it’s crucial that we do all we can to keep them safe which is why I’m delighted that Sir Martin Narey, the government’s adoption advisor has agreed to expand his role and will advise us more generally on children’s social care. His experience and expertise will, I’m sure, make a significant contribution to progress in this area. As a first step, the Secretary of State has asked Sir Martin to look at the quality of education and training for child and family social workers as part of the on-going reform of social work. Today we have also advertised the Chief Social Worker posts; they will play a pivotal role in driving up quality and the status of the workforce.
Conclusion
In all of this, we will continue to work with you all to find the best way forward.
Because, as the national action plan makes clear, what happens at a local level is absolutely critical. It makes clear that child sexual exploitation must be seen in the context of wider safeguarding responsibilities that cut across sectors and agencies.
So it’s vital…
That local authorities and LSCBs map the extent and nature of the problem in their area as a matter of priority.
That they work together and share information; across children’s social care, health services, education, the police and the courts, to spot the warning signs early, take swift and co-ordinated action and reduce the opportunities for abusers.
And that they transform attitudes, at a senior level and on the frontline, towards victims and their families.
Doing this will not only help save young people and their families from terrible suffering, but, as Ann has said, should help save money in the long run.
I would urge you, wherever possible, to work in partnership with young people and parents – their experience and insights are critical to battling these abhorrent crimes- and, of course, in the long, hard road to recovery.
Statutory agencies and voluntary organisations need to be mindful that those affected may need support to avoid becoming victims again and to pick up their lives for a long time after the abuse has ended.
I recently met a group of parents whose children had, tragically, become victims of this abhorrent abuse. Their heartbreak at this appalling betrayal of childhood innocence was tangible. But I was also deeply moved by their courage and determination – to support their children, but also to make the world a safer place for all our children.
They’re counting on us. To change our mind set and see the child in need of protection. To act and fulfil our first duty to keep them safe.
I know you’re as committed as I am to doing this; to fighting this abuse head-on; ensuring perpetrators pay for their crimes and making sure children and their families get the support they so desperately need and deserve.
Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Twigg, the Shadow Education Secretary, to the Policy Exchange Conference on 23rd January 2013.
I am delighted to have the opportunity this morning to set out my thinking on the future of vocational education in this country.
I want to thank David and Policy Exchange for providing me with this platform and for the important contribution that you are making to this debate.
The report that you published earlier this week reveals both the challenges and opportunities we face in delivering a vocational education system that will strengthen our country’s standing in the world.
We can only achieve lasting and sustainable reform if there is a coalition of support across politics, business and of course amongst parents, teachers and students themselves. Policy Exchange is playing an important role in building a coalition that is both in the best interests of young people and future economic growth.
It is great to see that Labour’s plans to improve the status and quality of practical and technical skills in this country, which Ed Miliband announced last September, are now gaining cross-party support. Our plans for a gold standard Technical Baccalaureate qualification are supported not just by this leading right of centre think tank, but also by the Conservative former Education Secretary Lord Baker, and albeit belatedly, by the Minister for Skills.
It’s this kind of consensus that can create long term education reform. It’s the kind of consensus that is totally lacking in Michael Gove’s plans to introduce EBacc Certificates. Or I should say there is a consensus, just not in favour. It spans the CBI, the designer of the iPhone, the head of the Tate gallery, the leading private schools, the head of Ofqual and many teachers and their associations. It’s not often they can all agree. Their opposition to EBacc Certificates reflects Labour’s concerns – that the plans are narrow, risk creating a two tier system and are not fit for the 21st Century.
As the former Education Secretary Lord Baker put it “The EBacc is exactly the same to the exam I sat in 1951 when I was 16, the School Certificate. And that was changed, even in 1951, because it simply wasn’t broad enough for a large number of children. And only seven per cent of young people went on to post-16 education, I was part of a privileged elite. And the EBacc is a throwback to that.”
Instead of seeking to recreate the past, the central question we need to address is: how do we reform our education system so that it equips young people with the skills, knowledge, resilience and character that they need to play their part both as active citizens and as future business leaders and entrepreneurs?
Tim Oates, who has been advising the Government on the national curriculum, has talked to me about Britain’s strength in skills, innovation and creativity. We need to ensure we play to our strengths, rather than undermine them.
For me, strengthening the skills of young people in Britain is a great patriotic cause. It should be seen as part of our economic mission – at the heart of our drive to maintain our competitive edge in the world.
The problem, as Tim has noted, is that our vocational education system was designed in this country after the Second World War only to be exported to Germany, where today, it continues to prosper.
Today, Britain risks losing the global race on skills. We need to be as strong as Germany and Switzerland on vocational education, and as competitive as Singapore and Japan on Maths. Our future national competitiveness is at stake.
Rab Butler’s 1944 Education Act sought to make progress. The introduction of technical schools – known as County Colleges was set to offer 15 to 18 year olds technical education to supplement their apprenticeships. But this ambition was never realised.
Ever since we packaged up and sent off our post-war blueprint for technical and practical education, successive governments have failed to deliver the step change that our education system and economy need.
While Britain was once the workshop of the world, we have seen a de-industrial revolution in recent decades. When Margaret Thatcher came to power, manufacturing accounted for almost 30 per cent of Britain’s national income and employed 6.8 million people. By 2010, it was down to just over 11 per cent of the economy, with a workforce of only 2.5 million.
Since the 1980s, there has been a focus on school standards and expanding Higher Education. However, successive Governments have not done enough to help the 50% of young people who don’t go to university. We would now focus our reformist zeal on the skills agenda – driving up the standards of vocational and technical courses by getting employers to accredit them.
That is why Labour has placed vocational education front and centre in our plans for One Nation Education.
My fear is that without a clear drive and focus on raising the standards of practical and technical skills in this country, we will condemn ourselves to a decade of economic decline.
If we look at the leading countries for vocational education, it becomes clear the sort of step change that we need in this country.
In Switzerland, which I plan to visit later this year, nearly two-thirds of Swiss upper-secondary students enrol in vocational education and training. In a study of the 2000 cohort of Swiss youth, vocational study was the choice of 42 per cent of the highest academic achievers.
In Germany, around half of all young people under the age of 22 have successfully completed an apprenticeship, and they are offered by around one in three companies.
According to the OECD, the dual system in Germany “offers qualifications in a broad spectrum of professions and flexibly adapts to the changing needs of the labour market” with a “high degree of engagement and ownership on the part of employers and other social partners.”
If we are to match countries like Germany and Switzerland we need a major reform programme of vocational courses and qualifications.
The CBI has argued that improving the quality of vocational courses could add as much as a percentage point to economic growth.
Instead of having courses designed by politicians, Labour would involve businesses in accrediting the quality of vocational courses as part of a new gold standard qualification at 18, a Tech Bacc.
One gold standard qualification that exists today is the Engineering Diploma. In fact you could say it was a Rolls Royce qualification – having been designed by the company along with the Royal Academy of Engineering, BAE Systems and JCB. Sadly, the Government decided to downgrade the qualification from being worth 5 GCSEs to only 1.
Bizarrely, the Chancellor now says they intend to reinstate a diploma worth 4 GCSEs, but only from 2016. This u-turn illustrates the incoherent and shambolic approach to vocational education from the Government. To secure Britain’s economic future, we must do better.
We need to give students a clear route so they can progress. There are too many young people who go through a revolving door of low qualifications, suppressing their potential.
Alison Wolf noted in her report that 350,000 young people gain little or no value from the education system. Simply getting a few level 1 or level 2 qualifications often leaves students at risk of ending up not in employment, education or training or finding that there is little return from the labour market for such a low level set of qualifications.
Incredibly, the system can actually reduce their potential. Young males with Level 2 NVQs actually earn less than their contemporaries with fewer qualifications. That is staggering if you think about it for a moment – their courses have made them worse off.
There are complicated factors behind this revolving door of low qualifications. Prior attainment and engagement in the early years plays its part, as do wider social and economic issues. But getting rid of careers advice, and the EMA have played their part.
We need to get the incentives right. We must give young people a clear route and a gold standard to aim for at 18. One that is respected by employers, universities and parents.
So Labour’s Tech Bacc will provide a rigorous set of qualifications to motivate young people to progress well beyond Level 2.
We also need to provide more quality, high level apprenticeships from which school and college leavers can progress into. I was interested to note the recommendation of 3 year apprenticeships in Policy Exchange’s report this week.
On the Government’s watch, while the number of apprenticeships has increased, not enough have been of high enough quality, and too few have gone to young people.
Often apprenticeship starts have been about re-badging training courses for existing older workers, rather than giving young people a foot on the employment ladder.
So Labour would engage employers in designing high quality apprenticeships, giving them a greater say in spending £1 billion worth of funding to target apprenticeships at young people.
We would ensure that groups of employers, coming together in regions, sectors and supply chains, have the resources and powers they need to improve training. These would be powerful, employer-led partnerships working with our FE colleges and bringing together industry stakeholders, building on our landscape of employer associations, professional bodies, Sector Skills Councils, Local Enterprise Partnerships and local chambers of commerce.
Nearly half of employers say that the prospect of trained staff being poached by rival firms deters them from training employees. So Labour will ask business what incentives they need to ensure they can deliver the expansion in apprenticeships we need to rebuild the economy. It would then be up to groups of businesses themselves to decide which of these powers they will use.
We want to see a new ‘Fast Track’ for apprentices into the civil service, matching the Fast Stream for graduates. And Labour would make it a requirement for all large firms with government contracts to provide apprenticeships.
We also have to raise the status and profile of apprenticeships. Too many young people go through school without anyone providing quality advice to them on an apprenticeship. Given the reduction in funding for information and guidance, it is no wonder.
Policy Exchange has brought the challenges to light by illustrating that nearly one in three young people drop out of their A Level courses, reflecting the fact they may not have had the best advice to begin with.
Labour are looking at how we can improve the quality of advice to young people, including better awareness of apprenticeships.
I want to see schools and colleges providing Apprenticeship Taster Days to teenagers. If pupils are able to take a few days out of the classroom to visit universities, then I don’t see why the same principle shouldn’t apply to apprenticeships.
Young people from age 14 should be able to get the opportunity to visit companies who have apprenticeships to see what is involved in the programme, and understand the training and career opportunities open to them.
I want children to aspire to a high quality apprenticeship, just as much as they might aspire to go to Oxbridge. It might surprise you, but in fact a high quality apprenticeship can be more competitive. In 2010, BT had nearly received nearly 24,000 applications for 221 apprenticeship places, more than the 17,000 applications to Oxford University, which has around 3,000 undergraduate places.
I also want to strengthen the relationship between employers and schools and colleges.
This includes businesses being involved in the design of the curriculum to ensure young people are work-ready, and more local employers sitting on school and college governing bodies.
I am also delighted to announce today that Labour is looking to reform the provision of work experience in schools and colleges.
The Government have sidelined work experience, ending the statutory duty for schools to provide work experience for 14 to 16 year olds.
Instead, I want all schools to develop partnerships with local employers. At secondary school that means offering a quality work experience placement linked to the curriculum. The work experience placement must be more than just two weeks of photocopying and tea making. It must be a rigorous programme providing experience of workplace skills and followed up with teaching and learning in the classroom.
And Labour would go further. We are looking at how businesses can provide ‘work discovery’ programmes to inspire primary school children about the world of work. This would involve businesses conducting visits to primary schools to talk about their sector, and organising factory and office trips for pupils.
There are already innovative programmes happening to inspire primary school pupils about the world of work. The YES Programme is a work-related teaching resource that provides bespoke films and lesson materials to primary schools. It provides primary pupils with a window into the world of work, directly linked to the curriculum.
And there is Primary Engineer, a non profit programme which encourages primary pupils to consider careers in STEM related professions, by providing teacher training, interactive resources, and competitions for school children.
It is clear if we are to develop a generation of entrepreneurs and innovators we need to capture their imagination early.
Creating a symbiotic relationship between schools and businesses is one of the tasks of Labour’s One Nation Skills Taskforce.
Led by Professor Chris Husbands from the Institute of Education, we are taking advice from distinguished figures from business and skills. The Taskforce’s remit spans 14 – 19 education and will flesh out rigorous academic and vocational routes in order to improve the confidence of young people, parents, education providers and universities.
One of the areas we need to consider is how to improve the quality of careers advice and guidance to young people.
Since the Government decided to give responsibility to schools for careers advice, we have seen 8 in 10 schools dramatically cut the careers advice they provide, according to a survey by Careers England.
Today, the Education Select Committee has produced a withering assessment of the Government’s record on careers advice. They say that both the quality and quantity of careers advice and guidance has deteriorated, at a time when it is most needed.
The removal of face to face careers advice by the Government could be hugely damaging in the long term. I’m interested to note the recommendations by the committee to restore face to face provision and for schools to provide an annual careers plan so they can be held accountable to parents for the advice they provide. As the committee notes, young people deserve far better than what is currently on offer.
To get young people ready for the modern world of work we have to overcome the crude divides which set young people irreversibly down either the vocational route or the academic route.
Vocational versus academic is one of the many false choices in education. Overcoming the divide is critical to building a One Nation Education System.
Michael Barber, in his recently published essay Oceans of Innovation challenged educationalists and policy makers to reject the sort of ‘either or’ thinking that has held this country back.
Labour would provide more flexibility for young people to do both traditional and practical courses.
As part of our reforms to exams and the curriculum I want to ensure that there are more opportunities for young people to switch between different courses, to ensure they play to their strengths and get a broad and balanced education.
That means schools developing partnerships with FE colleges and employers to ensure young people doing GCSEs and A Levels get access to equipment, expertise and training in vocational subjects. I have seen this first-hand in schools like the City Academy Norwich which has a partnership with their local FE college.
It also means ensuring that those who get our new Tech Bacc at 18 see university as a possible option for their future as much as employment or a high quality apprenticeship.
I want to ensure there is rigour in the core subjects such as Maths and English, but not confined to them. Rigour must be applied right across the curriculum, so we will drive up the standard of vocational courses and academic ones.
As well as matching countries like Germany and Switzerland on skills, we need to ensure we are competing with the East Asian nations like Singapore, Japan and Hong Kong on the core subjects.
That means improving the quality of teaching and learning in English and Maths. We did much in Government to improve standards in literacy and numeracy.
At the end of primary school, eight in ten pupils achieved the required level 4 in English and a similar number in Maths in 2010, compared to only six in ten pupils in 1997.
And at the end of secondary school, the proportion of students getting a C grade or higher in A Level English went from just over half in 1997 to nearly eight in ten. And at Maths the proportion of students getting a C grade or higher went from six in ten, to eight in ten.
Ah – that’s just grade inflation I hear you cry. Well, not according to the TIMSS independent international survey conducted by Boston College. This shows that England was ranked 25th in the world for Maths in 1995, but in the most recent study in 2011 we were ranked 9th, the second highest in Europe.
There’s some way to go still, but one of the programmes I am most proud of were the ones that allowed one to one tuition in English and Maths for primary school pupils – known as ‘Every Child a Reader’ and ‘Every Child Counts’.
These were innovative programmes, backed by solid research evidence and supported by businesses like KPMG.
Unfortunately they have been cut by the Government, despite the fact they got a return on investment of 17 to 1. Already we are seeing 9,000 fewer primary school pupils – a 40% drop – get access to specialist reading tuition.
As well as focussing on the early years, I want to see all young people continuing to study English and Maths to 18. We know, as Professor Alison Wolf observed, that almost half of young people are leaving formal education at 16 without reaching the expected level of reading, writing and arithmetic. Of those who stay on after 16, only 3% go on to reach that level.
The Government claims it is addressing the Wolf report, but in fact it only provides re-sits for those who don’t get a C grade at GCSE. I want to go much further and create new courses and qualifications so all pupils, whatever route they take continue studying English and Maths to 18.
There are a lot of pupils the Government is overlooking. Of those pupils who get a B or a C grade in GCSE Maths, only 16% will go on to study AS-Level Maths. Put another way, every year there are more than a quarter of a million students who achieve a grade B or C at GCSE, but who do not, or cannot, continue studying the subject.
Labour is examining how we could create new courses and qualifications for those who want to continue studying English and Maths, but don’t feel a whole A-Level is the right option for them.
We are one of the only countries in the developed world that doesn’t require pupils to study Maths and their own language until they leave school. Only one in five students in England studies Maths to the age of 18, whereas the figure in the US, New Zealand and Singapore is over six in ten, and in Germany and Hong Kong it is over nine in ten.
The raising of the education participation age, which will increase to 17 this year and to 18 in 2015 provides us with an opportunity to fix this once and for all.
The University Technical Colleges, which started under Labour, prove that it can be done. They require Maths and English to age 18, and are proving popular and successful.
If you want to succeed in life, you have to be confident and secure in the foundations.
But you also have to play to your strengths.
Our strength as a nation is when we combine a drive for academic rigour with the creativity and innovation that powered our success through history.
It is a strength that will only continue if we have schools, colleges, a curriculum and exams that are forward looking and not regressive.
If we end that false divide between the academic and the vocational. Ensuring young people are inspired about the world of work from an early age.
With a relentless drive for reform, across the whole education system.
Below is the text of the speech made by the Shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury, Rachel Reeves, to the Resolution Foundation on 4th September 2013.
Thank you so much for having me today.
The Resolution Foundation has been rightly recognised for its role in placing the pressures faced by ordinary working households at the centre of political debate.
And it’s a great credit to the work of Gavin and his team that the next general election will be about living standards.
Let me start by saying it’s welcome that we are now finally seeing growth again in our economy – growth that is essential to making up the ground we have lost over three wasted years during which the economy stagnated as a result of the Tory-led Government’s mistakes.
David Cameron and George Osborne would like us to think that our troubles are over, good times are here again.
But most families know that this complacency is misplaced.
Not just a few families on the lowest incomes – but many who thought they were doing alright, yet now find themselves struggling.
They know that things are getting harder, not easier.
They feel the effects of real falls in wages that are down an average £1,500 since David Cameron became Prime Minister, and are taking the hit from tax rises and cuts to benefits and tax credits.
They can see that prices continue to race ahead of their pay.
They worry about the prospects for their children when almost one million young people are out of work.
It’s an economy that no longer seems to offer the promise of a better life for the next generation.
And it’s an economy that, for far too many people, seems only to offer work that is insecure, poorly paid, and in the worst cases simply exploitative.
Just this week, on my first official day back from maternity leave, I visited a family in Thurrock who told me what they were up against.
The father, once a partner in a thriving small business, lost his livelihood during the recession three years ago.
Desperately trying to keep up their mortgage repayments, he has spent the past three years taking whatever work he could get through employment agencies, often on zero hour contracts.
And only recently has he found a permanent job as a driver that, topped up with evening shifts doing deliveries, gives them a bit more security but falls far short of making full use of his talents and experience.
His wife abandoned her dream of training to be a primary school teacher so she could hold onto her relatively secure, but modestly paid, job in retail.
Their daughter is studying for university and should do well, but worries about the fees.
All of them pointed to a gaping and growing disconnect between their rates of pay and the costs they faced – for travel, housing, and other basic necessities.
They all, it was clear to me, had so much to contribute to our recovery and to our country – but weren’t being given a fair chance to play their part.
This family’s experience is all too illustrative.
There are now more than one in ten people who want to work more hours, but can’t get the extra shifts.
At the same time there are 700,000 people working more than one job – more often out of desperation than choice.
One million people are thought to be on zero hours contracts.
And today we learn in this incredibly important report from the Resolution Foundation, a surge in the number of people paid less than a Living Wage – up from 3.4 million in 2009 to 4.8 million today.
The report provides worrying evidence that the problem of low pay – which we know is not a new problem in the British economy – is becoming exacerbated and entrenched under this Government.
Indeed, figures provided for me by the House of Commons library show that almost 60 per cent of new jobs created since the Spring of 2010 have been in low paid sectors of the economy.
This contrasts with the record of the last Labour Government under which such jobs made up around 25 per cent of new jobs between 1997 and 2010.
Why does this matter?
First and foremost, for moral reasons. We simply can’t be satisfied with a situation where an honest day’s work does not bring a decent day’s pay.
It’s about parents who want to spend more time with their family and children, but hardly see them because they have to take on a second job.
It’s about a young worker who wants to go to evening classes to improve their chance of progression, but instead has to take a shift in the pub on the side to make ends meet.
It’s about the women who are cleaning the offices of a building like this while most of us are just getting out of bed, and when we are on our way home are still at work, perhaps on the supermarket tills.
It just isn’t right that these people – real strivers, putting in the hours and doing the right thing for themselves and their families – are, in Ed Miliband’s phrase, “working for their poverty”.
Too many people not making the most of their skills and talents is a missed opportunity for Britain.
And as Shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury, this issue is of huge fiscal importance too. Research from the Resolution Foundation and IPPR shows that if everyone was paid a living wage or above, then the Treasury would gain £3.6billion a year.
And all of these problems – falling or stagnating living standards for the majority; widespread insecurity, underemployment and low pay, are interrelated aspects of an economy that isn’t working for ordinary families.
For three years, we have had weak demand, high unemployment and underinvestment , which is doing damage to Britain’s competitiveness and productivity.
And instead of doing whatever it takes to support Britain’s families, this government has focused on the fortunes of those at the top, hoping prosperity trickles down.
Average wages have been falling behind prices for 37 out of 38 months of David Cameron’s Premiership.
Which month is the odd one out?
April of this year – when the bankers reaped the rewards of deferring their bonus until George Osborne’s decision to cut the top rate of tax was implemented.
Meanwhile not one firm has successfully been prosecuted for non-payment of the National Minimum Wage over the past two years
This government are on the side of the wrong people.
The difference with Labour is clear.
Ed Miliband has argued that we need to rebuild Britain as a One Nation economy where everyone plays their part, and everyone has a stake.
Ed Balls and I have continued to press the case for action to secure the recovery and create the sustainable growth that will be essential to raising living standards at the same time as getting the deficit down.
We have urged the government to boost capital investment now in areas such as housebuilding, as the IMF has recommended, and a compulsory jobs guarantee for young people and the long-term unemployed.
We have also been clear that, while the next government will face tough choices on public spending and taxation, Labour would find a fairer way to get the deficit down.
We wouldn’t be cutting income tax or increasing pension tax relief for the very wealthiest while cutting tax credits for hard pressed families, and we will seek to reintroduce a 10p starting rate of tax funded by a mansion tax on properties worth more than £2 million.
A Labour government would also tackle vested interests to ensure that every part of the private sector plays its part in easing the squeeze on ordinary families.
That includes proposals already set out for ending rip-off rail fares, getting the energy market working properly, standing up for tenants in the private rented sector, curbing pay day lenders, and reforming the pensions industry so it works for ordinary savers.
And we have made clear that tackling insecurity and exploitation in the labour market is central to this agenda.
Ed Miliband has set out how a Labour government would prevent exploitation of agency workers through loopholes in the rules, and prevent the use of migrant workers to undermine pay and conditions.
But my main topic for today is Labour’s agenda for tackling low pay.
Confronting low pay is part of the very DNA of the Labour movement.
Our party was born of the self-organisation of workers in the nineteenth century who fought for a share of the fruits of the industrial revolution.
It was Sidney and Beatrice Webb who made the argument that the livelihood of ordinary people could not be left to market forces alone, but that a “doctrine of the living wage” must be applied.
But it was not until 1998 that we finally implemented a policy that we know would have featured on Keir Hardie’s own preferred pledge card, a National Minimum Wage
– a legacy that sits alongside the creation of the NHS as one of Labour’s greatest achievements.
It raised the pay of millions, reduced income inequality and helped to narrow the gender pay gap – all the while flouting the predictions of doomsayers – not least in the Conservative Party – that it would stifle business investment and create unemployment.
So I am pleased that Sir George Bain, the founding chair of the Low Pay Commission and someone who says his back still bears the scars of its original introduction, is leading the Resolution Foundation’s work on how best to build on this achievement.
The success of the National Minimum Wage depends critically on government coming together with representatives of both employers and employees to find consensus and work jointly towards a shared goal.
In that sense, its success and durability provides evidence of the effectiveness of the One Nation approach that Ed Miliband has espoused.
But a One Nation economy also has to be built from the bottom up.
The living wage movement exemplifies this spirit.
The work of community organisers like London Citizens and Citizens UK has been central to this – building relationships through dialogue, and involving and empowering ordinary workers.
The success of their campaign has demonstrated that there are people on all sides willing to play their part in tackling low pay.
First and foremost we can be proud that the best of British business has always sought to do the best it can by even its lowest paid workers.
In 1851 Titus Salt, the highly successful textiles manufacturer in Bradford, was so appalled by the pollution in his home town that he built Salt’s Mill – purposefully built to minimise noise pollution with houses for his employees, schools, hospitals, libraries and a bath house.
Joseph Rowntree appointed a welfare worker in 1891, introduced sick funds in 1902, and a pension scheme in 1906. He also built four hundred homes for his employees with educational facilities attached.
These and so many other pioneering industrialists were philanthropic characters but wily businessmen too. They understood the importance of fairness in the workplace, to encourage workers, build morale and team work.
And the same insights are well appreciated by the best employers today – including those in sectors such as care, cleaning and retail where rates of pay have traditionally been the lowest.
For example, the British Retail Consortium has highlighted the efforts that many of its members put into improving job quality and providing good opportunities for training and progression.
And the British Cleaning Council, which brings together employers and expert bodies from across the contract cleaning industry, has been vocal in its support for a living wage.
Now we all know that paying the living wage is a big ask for many businesses, especially in sectors such as these. Many employers say they would love to do it if they could but face formidable challenges.
And yet progress is being made. Not only have we seen the commitment by the large financial services companies who were the early targets of living wage campaigns.
Intercontinental has now become the first hotel group to pay the London living wage, with Whitbread, the UK’s largest hotel and restaurant group, have said they want to move towards it.
And the Joseph Rowntree Foundation has been taking forward the traditions of their founder by paying the living wage in the four care homes it runs in the north of England.
This progress should encourage us to think that, whatever the challenges, there need be no “no go” areas for the living wage.
In many cases employers have found ways of improving wage rates for lower paid staff by working with trade unions.
Of course a significant feature of low paid segments of the British labour market is often low levels of union membership. But again there are areas where we can point to progress.
The innovative methods of recruitment and organisation developed by unions – like Unite in the hospitality sector, USDAW in retail, or UNISON and GMB in the care sector, are helping build momentum and commitment to modernise business models and invest in lower paid staff.
And at the heart of this, of course, are the workers themselves, who gain so much more than a boost to their pay – valuable though that is – when they take part in, or lead, campaigns to win a hearing, and discussions with employers to secure the living wage for themselves and their colleagues.
As well as employers and employees, and their representatives, we are seeing an increasingly pivotal part played in this movement by shareholders.
ShareAction have been mobilising UK and international investors and pension funds to encourage the adoption of living wage standards by FTSE 100 companies since 2011.
In the future one of the most critical roles will be played by consumers, who thanks to these campaigns are becoming increasingly aware of the issues affecting workers who provide the goods or services they enjoy.
The brilliant work of the Living Wage Foundation in encouraging and helping employers to win formal accreditation is already moving us towards a time when the Living Wage kitemark could function in a way similar to the Fair Trade badge – encouraging and enabling ethical choices.
But I haven’t provided this overview so that we can sit back and wish them all well, satisfied that government need do no more.
On the contrary – for me, the progress and the potential we can already see is an invitation and an imperative for government to get involved, play its part, do whatever it can.
That’s why it’s such a point of pride that, even while in opposition at Westminster, the Labour Party is playing its part.
Across the country, Labour councils have been leading the way in signing up to the living wage – even amid unprecedented cuts to their budgets.
15 Labour Local authorities, from Lewisham to Preston; Norwich to Cardiff; Oxford to Selby; have now been accredited by the Living Wage Foundation, and dozens more have made commitment to pay the living wage.
And many councils have used their procurement powers to extend the living wage into the private sector. Islington Council, for example, has now built a living wage requirement into 97% of its contracts.
And Labour councils have acted as champions and leaders for the living wage across their local economies – promoting its benefits to local businesses and encouraging collective commitments to make progress as Birmingham City Council is creating with its Birmingham Business Charter for Social Responsibility.
Ed Miliband wants Labour to learn from this experience so we can build on this work in government.
It means learning from what Labour councils have done in the area of procurement to see how central government could further extend the requirement to pay the living wage through public sector supply chains, as well as requiring greater transparency from employers on the numbers of their staff paid less than a living wage.
And one of the most exciting ideas is that of “living wage zones”. Local employers coming together to pay the Living Wage, in exchange for government sharing some of the tax credit and other savings that it makes from the higher wage being paid.
This could be through time-limited cash rebates, or funding for the costs of training or new equipment that would mean firms can move to the higher wage business models that mean a living wage makes business sense.
Or it could be through support provided locally – involving for example councils, LEPS, education and training providers, and local chambers of commerce – for businesses looking to develop their staff or invest in training to enable productivity-enhancing work reorganisation.
This is an idea that perfectly exemplifies a One Nation Labour approach to tackling low pay.
It means employers, employees, communities, local authorities and others working together to improve pay and strengthen businesses.
But it is also based on government recognising the fiscal, economic and social benefits of higher quality, better paid jobs and higher productivity businesses too.
There remain questions and challenges over how this could be put into practice.
So I am delighted to be able to announce that Alan Buckle, Deputy Chairman of KPMG international, has agreed to lead a consultation with employers to better understand the barriers that they face in improving pay and prospects for their staff, and the way in which government can best encourage and enable them to do so.
KPMG was one of the first major UK employers to commit to paying all staff a living wage in 2006 and has since been a key advocate of the idea in alliance with the Living Wage Foundation. So I am really pleased that Alan is leading this work for us.
This is just one example and illustration of Labour’s approach to tackling low pay, and getting this economy working for everyone:
– from Ed Balls’ work with Sir George Cox on overcoming short-termism and raising levels of business investment,
– or Larry Summers on the economic reforms needed to more fairly share prosperity;
– through Stephen Twigg’s work with Chris Husbands on revolutionising our skills system;
– to Chuka Umunna and Andrew Adonis’s work with small enterprises and key growth sectors;
– working together with stakeholders and social partners to build a One Nation economy that brings benefit to all.
Underpinning and driving all of this work is a determination to reverse the squeeze on living standards we have seen and build a fairer and more inclusive economy.
This is the goal upon which government’s sights should be focused – and it should be reflected in the measures by which we judge our success.
Every quarter we pore over the GDP data – rightly so, because growth is the precondition for raising living standards for the majority.
But as Gavin and his team have argued, while growth may be a necessary condition, it is not sufficient for raising living standards for all.
And an exclusive focus on GDP can blind us to what is happening to ordinary families, and the divisions and inequalities in our economy.
Unlike GDP, data on median household income and on how the bottom quarter and decile is faring, is published only annually, and with a lag of more than a year.
This was a point raised by the LSE Growth Commission earlier this year, which argued that:
“Prosperity is strengthened when everyone has the capacity to participate effectively in the economy and the benefits of growth are widely shared”
and recommended:
“reforming the way we measure and monitor changes in material wellbeing and its distribution, including regularly publishing median household income alongside the latest data on GDP.”
And I know the Resolution Foundation are planning to carry out some preparatory work on this, looking at whether this can be done from the existing data.
This simple change could have a powerful and profound effect, informing public debate and focusing policymaking – putting pressure on government to find ways of ensuring that we are growing in a way that benefits ordinary households and leaves no one behind.
So I will be writing to Andrew Dilnot, the Head of the Statistics Authority, to ask if he will look at the feasibility of preparing statistics on real household incomes – the median and wider distribution – more frequently and promptly so that we can better monitor them alongside the GDP numbers.
In conclusion, let me return to my starting point.
The cost of living is a real problem for too many families and the economy is not working for the majority of working people.
Deep problems in the way our economy has been developing – or, more accurately, not developing – over the past few years are resulting in stagnant real wages and increasing insecurity for the majority, and persistent low pay and outright exploitation for far too many.
Fixing these problems is in everyone’s interest – essential both to relieving immediate financial pressures, and securing a better future for our country.
None of this is on the current Government’s agenda.
It is central to Labour’s.
We have begun to set out policies to tackle the squeeze on living standards, the spread of insecurity, and, my particular focus today, low pay.
It’s an approach based upon bottom up solutions – but where government does not shy from playing its part.
It’s an approach in which the mutual benefits of solving these problems are recognised and shared – but where we are ready to challenge those who are not upholding their own responsibilities.
It’s an approach where we join together and work together to build an economy that allows us to grow and prosper together, as One Nation.
We have already begun the journey – and I am very excited about where it could take us.
The next election will be a living standards election. Thank you.