Tag: 2013

Ivan Lewis – 2013 Speech to Labour Party Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by Ivan Lewis, the Shadow Secretary of State for International Development, to the 2013 Labour Party conference in Brighton.

Conference, this is a historic year for our commitment to international development.

And I want to start by saluting you. Without your campaigning, your passion and your values there is no way the United Kingdom would have reached the historic landmark in 2013 of spending 0.7 per cent of Gross National Income on overseas aid.

It would never have happened without you. And it would never have happened without the leadership of a Labour Government.

A Labour Government which tripled aid, transformed DFID into a world leading development agency and ensured the world wrote off debt.

A Labour movement working with the decent majority of the British people in pursuit of social justice at home and abroad. That combination was unstoppable then and can be unstoppable again in the future.

When the cynics say politics doesn’t make a difference. All politicians are the same. Remind them who created the National Health Service, who established Sure Start and who introduced the national minimum wage? And yes conference, who put Britain on the road to delivering its responsibilities to the poorest in the world. Labour, Labour, Labour and Labour again.

Friends, too often we have allowed foreign policy to either be the preserve of an intellectual elite or fundamentalist anti-Europeans. Today, I signal our determination to take the fight and the arguments to the squeezed middle. That the interdependence and interconnectivity of the modern world is not a choice but a reality.

People’s cost of living – their food bills, the costs of their fuel and the jobs which will be available to our kids and grandkids in the future are all influenced by developments way beyond our borders. That is why fair trade, energy security, tackling climate change and tax dodging are relevant to the everyday lives of people in our country.

And to those who say we can’t afford to spend less than 1 penny in every pound on overseas aid, I say you are wrong. The One Nation Britain I love is a compassionate Britain, a Britain committed to fairness, a Britain which wants to see no child anywhere in the world left without food, a decent education or access to universal healthcare. A Britain where people give record amounts to Comic relief year after year in the good times and the bad.

But also a Britain which understands our world is changing. We can’t allow short term austerity to undermine our long term national interests. Our aid recipients of today will be our trading partners of tomorrow. ‘One Nation One World’ is not a slogan but a living breathing expression of today’s interconnected and interdependent world.

So Conference, what of the Tories?

Of course, I welcome their decision to honour our commitment to 0.7. But the difference between them and us can be summed up in one sentence. “I didn’t come into politics to help poor people.” The chilling words not of some rogue right-wing Tory backbencher, but Justine Greening, David Cameron’s choice to be Secretary of State for International Development.

Well, Justine I have a message for you this morning. I did come into politics to help poor people. So let’s bring this election on. And swap jobs as soon as possible.

In only three years the Tories have squandered Britain’s world leading legacy on international development. David Cameron was unwilling to put the time in in the run up to the recent G8. This led to disappointing progress on the tax dodging which costs developing countries millions in lost revenue.

Cameron has also failed to turn up for work at several key meetings where UK leadership on development could have made a real difference.

And in typical Cameron style in retreat from the right wing of his party he has sought to face two ways. One day he says increasing aid is morally right, the next he panders to the right and makes false claims that in future it will be primarily used to plug holes in the defence budget or support business.

A divisive Prime Minister leading a deeply divided party. For him, aid detox for the nasty party; for us, development an expression of our core values.

Last year at Conference I asked Tessa Jowell to launch a global campaign to ensure investing in early childhood is put at the heart of the new post-2015 development framework. This summer Tessa and I visited Malawi where we saw for ourselves how in difficult circumstances and against the odds organisations like Sightsavers are offering hope to disabled children and their families.

Today I can announce that Tessa is launching a global petition to mobilise people across the world to send a clear message to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon that an integrated approach to the early years should be at heart of international development.

If Sure Start and children’s centres are right for our kids then surely their underlying principles must be applied equally to the poorest kids in the world.

And Conference, when we think about the poorest kids in the world let us reflect on what the children of Syria are facing today – witnesses to and victims of horrific violence.

One million children made refugees; almost two million unable to go to school. That’s why it is so important that we not only do our part but galvanise other countries to step up to the plate and fulfil their responsibilities. Unfettered access for humanitarian agencies must now be the immediate top priority for the international community.

Conference, Ed Miliband and Ed Balls have made it clear Labour will apply iron discipline to the use of taxpayers’ money. This will mean a Labour DFID from East Kilbride to offices around the world will only invest in programmes which offer value for money, deliver change for the poorest and seek to support self-sufficiency and end aid dependency. We will always to be the first to respond to humanitarian crises.

A tough independent inspection regime will inspect both DFID programmes and DFID offices. Where programmes aren’t delivering they will be ended, where offices aren’t performing they will be subject to special measures. And we will end the scandal of private consultants inspecting private consultants.

We will work with business and NGOs to invest in the infrastructure and drive the cutting edge innovation deeloping countries tell us they need. But in return business will have to operate decent Labour standards throughout their supply chain, demonstrate a commitment to environmental sustainability and be transparent about tax and profits both at home and abroad.

Conference, the horrendous collapse of Rana Plaza factory in Bangladesh which killed over eleven hundred people should be a wakeup call to us all. Fair rights for workers, progressive trade unionism and decent jobs should be the hallmark of successful economies and civilised societies. They will play a central role in Labour’s progressive development policies for the twenty-first century.

In 2015 the world will come together to agree a new framework to replace the Millennium Development Goals.

A framework which will apply equally to all countries. Where developed, developing and middle income countries have an equal stake in change.

In the aftermath of the financial crisis and with the emergence of new economic and political powers such as China, India and Brazil this is a big opportunity to recast the values which shape our world. For us, business as usual is simply not acceptable. We want to see a focus on inequality, not just poverty, growth which is sustainable and benefits the poorest. Good governance which deals with the responsibilities of donors and multi-national companies as well as governments in developing countries.

We have set out our vision for a new social contract without borders which brings together the world’s poverty reduction and sustainability objectives. Today I can announce we are mobilising global political change from opposition. We are in the process of developing a centre-left progressive coalition of politicians who share Ed Miliband’s belief that now is the time for radical change in the world, not tinkering at the edges. We favour big structural changes on tax, trade, climate change and inequality. We want to see an end to extreme poverty by 2030, but also an end to aid dependency with new relationships between nations built on reciprocity and shared values.

In only 18 months we will be fighting an election in this country. The Tories will try to persuade the British public that international development is safe in their hands, that Britain’s role in the world is governed by cross-party consensus. Conference, don’t believe it. Our commitment is different, deeper-rooted in our history, broader in its ambition, and above all more firmly based on the values of social justice.

When we come to the election, international development won’t be an issue we just tick off and pass by. It is an issue we will have to fight for.

You see Conference, the difference between us and the Tories is we didn’t come into politics to explain the world as it is, we came into politics to change the world.

December 1, 2015
Harriet Harman – 2013 Speech to Labour Party Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by Harriet Harman, the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, to the 2013 Labour Party conference.

Harriet Harman MP, Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, speaking to Labour Party Annual Conference 2013 in Brighton, said:

Conference, this week, we’ve packed in hours of debate; hundreds of fringe meetings; and most importantly delivered a One Nation fiscal stimulus for the bars of Brighton.

We began on Saturday at our fantastic Labour Women’s Conference – with 1,000 women. The biggest political gathering of women at any party conference, ever.

Proving, once again, Labour is the only party for women.

And what a contrast with the other parties.

David Cameron believes that women should be seen and not heard – and that’s especially when it comes to his Cabinet.

And as for the UKIP conference – where to begin?

What can you say about the human car crash that is Godfrey Bloom? A man so unreconstructed, he makes Jeremy Clarkson look like a Fabian.

But Godfrey, all is not lost.

You’ve got some time on your hands now – so we’ve arranged a special emergency session for you.

At the “Harriet Harperson Institute of Political Correctness”.

And Godfrey, the good news is that I, myself, will be there to give you some advanced ‘one to one’ training.

And we’ll start with you whisking that Dyson round the back of my fridge.

And as for the Liberal Democrats – Lib Dem women are an endangered species.

Our Women’s Conference was a women-only event. But Yvette and I decided we would do a bit of positive action and let one man in – our leader Ed Miliband and he got a fantastic reception.

The Shadow Chancellor wanted to come too – but we had to say to him “sorry we’ve already got a man on the platform – and he’s called Ed.”

Conference, in Ed Miliband we have a great leader.

Ed, we hoped you’d do a good speech yesterday, but you gave an amazing speech.

Ed has an unerring ability to understand the concerns that people have in their everyday lives.

It was Ed who warned that we are seeing, for the first time, a generation who won’t do as well as the one that went before. That’s something every parent worries about.

Then while Cameron and Clegg wallowed in complacency, Ed was the one who spoke up about the cost of living crisis.

And when Ed sees something’s wrong, he will not shrink from the challenge.

He will never say:

– it’s just too difficult;

– or the odds are stacked against us

– or you’ll have to put up with it – because the energy companies are just too powerful.

Ed fights for what’s right. People often feel that in this day and age there are forces which are just too big and powerful for politics to make a difference.

But Ed has shown – even from opposition – the ability to make change.

He stood up against phone hacking.

He averted David Cameron’s rush to war in Syria.

And he has shown that politics can make a difference.

But Ed is about a new kind of politics. And that shines through in everything he does. Like when he got egged.

You can really see the change.

When John Prescott got egged, he was massively angry and threw a punch.

When Ed Miliband got egged, his immediate thought was ‘Oh God – I really hope this is free range’ That’s just the kind of guy he is.

And Ed is a leader who listens. To the people he meets and the party he leads.

And that’s why yesterday on this stage, he moved Labour from being a party of protest which understands people’s concerns – to a party of policies which will address those concerns.

Better childcare – for mothers who tear their hair out trying to balance work and home.

Freezing fuel bills – how can you feel the warm glow of recovery if you can’t turn your heating on.

And helping the next generation get their first home by putting housing at the heart of our mission and getting Britain building again.

So now – every single one of us – our shadow cabinet, MPs, MEPs, Peers, Councillors, our great parliamentary candidates, representatives from the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly, trade unionists, our members and supporters.

Our whole Labour team in every part of this country, will get out on the doorstep and give people hope that their lives can be better than this. Britain can do better than this.

Our momentum comes not just from our policies – but from the people in our party – the whole Labour team. We are a party that has grown.

Just look at the membership.

Since the General Election, our membership is up by 17 per cent.

Since David Cameron became leader of the Tories their membership is down 40 per cent.

We now have more members than the Tories and the Lib Dems put together.

We are working hard and campaigning in communities all around the country.

But we all know that we could be doing more – particularly to reach out to and involve people at work. After all, Labour is the party of people at work.

The plan for party reform that Ed is proposing is not to weaken the relationship between Labour and trade union members – it is to make it a reality – especially at local level.

And I want to spell out what is obvious and what is true but needs saying.

We are fiercely proud of the link between our party and trade unionists. That link is at the heart of our history and will be an essential part of our future.

Because while the Tories are bankrolled by a handful of millionaires – we are a movement of millions of working people.

But these men and women are under attack.

And so when David Cameron attacks trade unionists and stokes up hatred against them we will stand up for them.

Because we know with the Tories – it’s one rule for them and their privileged friends – and another for everyone else.

The rich will work harder if you cut their taxes.

Make the poor work harder by slashing their benefits.

Under – occupy a mansion – well you need protecting – so of course we can’t have a Mansion Tax.

Under occupy a council home – tough – pay the bedroom tax or face eviction.

Well, not under a Labour Government. We will axe this cruel, useless, hated tax.

And speaking of cruel, useless and hated, let’s spend a moment thinking about how good it will feel to kick out this miserable government.

When it came to austerity, they said “we’re all in it together”.

But they’re not saying that about the recovery.

It cannot be a recovery that’s only for the rich and not the rest.

And what about the Lib Dems?

They say they are in coalition. But look what they do in Westminster?

Week in week out – the Tories bring forward their nasty policies and the Lib Dems – they vote them through.

They call it coalition – we call it collusion.

And then Nick Clegg had the nerve to stand up at his conference and claim that he had been a brake on the Tories.

With the Lib Dems, it’s not just collusion – it’s delusion.

Here’s a little reminder of just some of the things the Lib Dems voted for.

– putting up VAT,

– slashing tax credits,

– cutting police,

– trebling tuition fees,

– tax cuts for the richest

– the bedroom tax and

– let’s not forget the top down reorganisation of our NHS – which no-one wanted and no-one voted for.

One thing they did announce last week at their conference was they were going to bring in free school meals.

But when Southwark Labour Council did exactly that last year – the Lib Dems bitterly opposed it.

So, Nick Clegg, come to Southwark for a free school meal – and I’ll serve you a very large portion of humble pie.

But it’s just not fair to say that Clegg has got no principles at all.

He has got one principle – one that means a lot to him.

That is, regardless of who’s in government, Nick Clegg must be Deputy Prime Minister.

He wants to go on and on and on.

No wonder Vince Cable looks so miserable – you almost have to feel sorry for him.

So Conference – let’s have no talk about us being in coalition.

Labour is not fighting for a draw.

Labour is fighting to win.

Conference, we know we face a huge task.

It’s barely three years since we were kicked out of government.

The Tories will fight a dirty, vicious campaign.

And Lynton Crosby will be the ring-master for the right wing press.

But remember – this is not a popular government.

They stand up for the wrong people.

They’ve failed on the economy.

They’re ruining the NHS.

And people know it.

So yes – it is tough.

We will not lose our nerve.

Because the polls which are most important, are the ones where people actually vote.

And in local councils up and down this country, the Tories are losing seats, the Lib Dems are losing seats and it is Labour who is making gains.

Since Ed Miliband became leader, we have gained 1,950 new Labour Councillors.

Conference – those are the polls you won’t read about in the newspapers but those are the polls that count.

So it is tough – but we can do it.

The General Election is there for the taking.

So, Conference, while we are in no doubt about the scale of our task, we leave here determined to do whatever it takes to kick out this miserable coalition and fight for a Labour government.

December 1, 2015
Harriet Harman – 2013 Speech to Labour Arts Policy Event

Below is the text of the speech made by the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, Harriet Harman, to the Labour Arts Policy Event held on 12th February 2013.

Introduction

Thank you all for coming today and for the Soho Theatre for hosting us.

I think we all feel that we meet at an important moment for the arts and our creative industries

A moment of huge opportunities – matched only by the scale of the threats.

Arts are successful

Stepping back, there is no doubt that the arts are hugely successful, internationally admired and rightly self confident, creating jobs, generating revenue, earning foreign currency, reaching into all parts of the country, extending opportunities and generally doing what art and culture does – enriching the life of the nation and developing the human potential of each and every individual.

Art is something we are very good at in this country. We’ve got great cultural and artistic traditions and are at the cutting edge for the future – the Olympics opening ceremony reminded everyone of that.

There is no shortage of success to marvel at and enthusiasm to go yet further.

But no-one here is lulled by that into a false sense of security. We know that the success that we see now has been built over many years. Above all, by the talent and determination of our artistic and creative community but also, critically, nurtured with the support of public policy, backing from government and local government.

And it is that essential support which is now threatened

Why did Jeremy Hunt think it was alright to cut the Arts Council by 30 per cent?

Why did Gove think it was OK to kick the arts out of the curriculum?

Why did Osborne think it was alright to stigmatise arts patrons as tax dodgers?

Why is Eric Pickles getting away with crushing local government’s ability to support arts in their communities?

And why doesn’t Maria Miller realise that it’s her job to fight back against this – instead just telling the arts they’ve never had it so good?

My worry is that what we have here is a brazen and wholesale government retreat from public policy backing for the arts and our creative industries.

Role of government

No-one thinks that the role of the state is to control or direct art, but the state must play its part:

– ensuring the curriculum has arts and creativity running through it so that for every child and in all schools, education includes the arts

– ensuring that all children have out of school opportunities – after school, in school holidays.

– ensuring that the Arts Council is well supported and funded

– ensuring that local government is able to support the arts locally and regionally, and

– that all of this has to be championed and protected by a strong central government department .

It’s government’s role to underpin the platform on which the arts build other support and to ensure that it is available for all people in all areas.

Importance of speaking up for the arts

But even if the culture department is failing to speak up for the arts – you are – and all credit to you for doing so.

Your voice is strong and important and you have our backing.

If we don’t fight to protect the arts, the price will be paid in the future. Arts and culture takes years to build up. But can easily be so quickly destroyed. The price will be paid in inequality – arts increasingly the preserve of a privileged elite – concentrated in London.

What needs to be done

So, what are we going to do about this?

Or should I say, what next?

I think it’s of the utmost important that you are not only doing your day jobs but also working together for the arts.

You have the authority, the legitimacy, the commitment, to do that and with the respect you command, you are a powerful movement. Gove’s backdown on the EBacc was in no small part due to the leadership you gave from the arts against it.

But because I don’t think he’s genuinely changed his mind we’ll have to keep a close eye to make sure he doesn’t just pause and try and sneak it in again.

Remaking the argument for the arts

I think it’s right that you are remaking the arguments for the arts. The case has always been there – we made it, together, in the run up to 1997. It was the reason we trebled the budget of the Arts Council, strengthened the DCMS, empowered artistic renaissance in the great cities of our regions.

But there is a new generation who’ve emerged during a time of flowering of the arts who now need to hear and be confident in making the case. And there’s a generation of the public who have no idea about the scale and importance of public funding in the arts.

Perhaps it was because no-one felt they needed to draw attention to it, because the funding could be relied upon. Or was it, perhaps, partly out of a hesitation about drawing attention to public subsidy it in case that might jeopardise it.

But whatever the reason, go to any institution or read any programme and the names of the donors are up in lights but the contribution – the collective contribution of the taxpayer – is all but invisible. So the irony is that the cuts have been made easier because most people remain unaware of the important role of subsidy in the arts.

Fighting back against the cuts

I think it’s right that we fight back against the cuts. Even though it’s a very difficult time because the Government’s austerity programme is choking off economic growth and threatening public services. It is a difficult time. When the police are being cut, when home care support for dementia sufferers is being cut back, there is a fear that speaking up for the arts sounds like special pleading, or people not realising how tough it is out there, or that you’ll be making it worse by biting the hand that feeds you.

But it’s not special pleading. You are not doing it for yourselves – you are doing it for all those children who still don’t have access to the arts; for the regions which will get left behind; for the opportunities it affords for economic growth; for the part it plays in our national identity.

And even when it’s tough we still have to think about investment for the future in jobs, growth, opportunities, regeneration – which is what we know arts investment is.

And, as for “biting the hand”, make no mistake, if there is no fight back against the cuts the Government will take that as a clear signal that they can come back for yet more.

There is a great deal of support for that – including many on the Tory back benches concerned about the arts in their own area. So we will be highlighting that in the House of Commons, not just in oral questions to the Culture Secretary, but also make sure that every time Gove and Pickles answer oral questions they are challenged about what they are doing to the arts.

And because there is concern in parts of the Tory backbenches as well as massive concern on our side, we will have, in opposition time in the near future, a full scale debate and vote in the House of Commons and bringing the Culture Secretary to the House to answer all the arguments you are making.

Survival strategy for the arts

As well as making the case for the arts and fighting back against the cuts we need to forge a survival strategy for the arts. And I know you are doing that through innovative thinking and partnerships between you, with the Arts Council, through philanthropy and with local government.

And to help and support our local councillors in playing that role with you, Dan and I have set up the Creative Councillors Network with the LGA Labour group, to bring together, brainstorm and lend support to the Labour councils and councillors to ensure that whilst facing the biggest cuts to local government in a generation they are able to continue to sustain the foundations for the arts in their area.

As their ability to give grants diminishes, they will all be doing more of the non-revenue things that can make such a difference, such as:

– Using the grant of planning permission to leverage investment into the arts

– Using public spaces, buildings, parks, empty shops for the arts

– Allowing their capital assets to be used as security for loans

– Sharing their back office facilities with arts organisations

– Bending over backwards to grant licenses for the performing arts

– Offering market stalls at peppercorn rents.

And they have just set up Core Cities which brings together Birmingham, Bristol, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle, Nottingham and Sheffield and which will discuss how councils – even in the most challenging of times – can and will continue to support the arts.

Planning for a future arts policy

And we need to plan for the future.

We’ve been working on our 5 point plan for jobs and growth in arts and the creative industries:

– young people and skills

– access to finance – including scope for crowd funding of equity and loans as well as gifts

– a strong championing of intellectual property

– a specific focus on our regions

– exporting and inward investment.

In all our discussions on this we work together with Chuka Umunna on Business, Ed Balls on Treasury issues, Stephen Twigg on Education and of course Hillary Benn on Local Government who will be here with us later.

We hope to get back in to government – so now is the time firmly to re-establish the case for the arts in public policy and work up a clear plan for a 21st Century arts policy.

2015 is when we want to start doing it – so the thinking and the planning must be now.

So I hope that we can work together to forge a programme for our manifesto for the vision for arts policy for 2015 and beyond.

December 1, 2015
Harriet Harman – 2013 Speech to the Oxford Media Convention

Below is the text of the speech made by Harriet Harman, the Shadow Culture, Media and Sports Secretary, to the Oxford Media Convention on 23rd January 2013.

This time last year when we met:

Lord Justice Leveson was conducting his Inquiry.

Mark Thompson was Director-General of the BBC.

Jimmy Savile was a national treasure.

Jeremy Hunt was Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, and;

We were eagerly discussing what might be in the Communications Bill.

Today,

We’ve got the landmark Leveson Report.

Mark Thompson is no longer the Director-General of the BBC – and nor is the man who replaced him.

Jimmy Savile is now a national monster.

Following my calls for the sacking of Jeremy Hunt he’s been promoted – Maria Miller is now our Secretary of State.

And it looks as if the Communications Bill is never going to materialise.

What hasn’t changed

But some things haven’t changed.

We still need to tackle the longstanding problems of wrongdoing in the press.

We still need to support the BBC, one of our most important national institutions.

We still need a strong DCMS. The department must not be weakened: if anything, its voice needs to be even stronger at the Cabinet table.

Leveson: the victims

The families who suffered press intrusion and gross violations of their privacy are still pressing for the changes that will protect people in the future from what happened to them.

The harassment, the character assassinations – laid bare before the Leveson Inquiry. These were not mere technical breaches of the rules, victimless crimes.

Just think for a moment about what those victims have been through.

Can you imagine anything worse than your three year-old daughter going missing – you pour your heart out into your diary as you struggle to live your life day to day – and then the most intimate contents of that diary are spread over a national newspaper?

Can you imagine anything worse than to be at your daughter’s bedside as she fights for her life and struggles to cope with paralysis – only to have newspapers reveal she was pregnant?

Can you imagine anything worse than fearing your missing teenage daughter has been murdered – your hopes rise that she might still be alive. But she wasn’t. And you then discover that the News of the World was hacking her voicemail?

These victims have gone through and are still going through unimaginable suffering. But despite that, they were prepared to relive those experiences in the full glare of publicity at the Leveson Inquiry, because they want change.

We often talk of walking a mile in someone’s shoes; none of us would want to walk even one step in theirs.

They remind us why the status quo, unsatisfactory for decades, can no longer be an option.

They want the implementation of the Leveson Report – and so do we.

We must act on Leveson’s proposals for substantial and lasting change.

Importance of a free press

Another thing that hasn’t changed is our strong belief in, and commitment to, freedom of speech and a free press.

Leveson’s proposals are not a threat to the press. They strengthen, not weaken, our press.

For the press can only be strong if it is clean.

How can the press hold to account those who abuse power if they are abusing their own?

How can they have the legitimacy and moral authority, necessary for the press in a free democracy, if they are breaking their own rules and breaking the law?

Leveson’s proposals

Lord Justice Leveson proposes a framework which provides for the continuation of self-regulation by the press, but – and this is the key difference – with a legal guarantee that that self-regulation will be effective, independent and continue to meet high standards.

The role of the law – the legal underpinning – would be limited to setting up a body whose task would be to recognise the self-regulatory system and to check it once every 3 years.

Leveson said this was essential to ensure that, despite all the protestations of change and good intentions, the press did not once again slip back into their old ways – as they have always done after all the other inquiries and reports.

Labour’s support

We strongly support that.

It cannot be just the good faith of the press that ensures the new system remains independent and effective. There was good faith after previous Royal Commissions and after the Calcutt Reports, but they have always slipped back.

The new system must be guaranteed by law.

Arguments in favour of statute

The press have strongly opposed the key recommendation that recognition should be underpinned by law – that statute should set up the recognition body. They say it would cross the Rubicon and pose a fundamental threat to our democracy.

Let me address each of their arguments in turn.

The first is that any statute affecting the press automatically ends a free press. But there are already statutes affecting the press.

The press themselves asked to be included in section 12 of the Human Rights Act 1998.

The press themselves asked for a Defamation Act.

The first argument—that any law mentioning the press undermines freedom—therefore does not and cannot hold.

Secondly, the press argues that the statute Leveson proposes would be the regulation of the press by a ministerially appointed quango. But this is not what Leveson recommends. It does not set up the self-regulatory system. It would be limited to guaranteeing the system of self-regulation. No newspaper would be required by law to join. It would remain voluntary to join, on the basis of incentives.

In that, what it proposes is similar to the Irish system, which has been in place since 2009. That covers all the newspapers operating in Ireland, which volunteer to be part of the Irish Press Council, which includes the Irish editions of the Daily Mail, Daily Mirror, Daily Star, The Sun, The Sunday Times, The Mail on Sunday and the Sunday Mirror.

Why have those newspapers signed up to the Irish system? Why, if as they say, any press law would end freedom of speech, have British editors not chained themselves to the house of the Taoiseach? Why, if they are so worried that any press law crosses the Rubicon, has our Government not summoned the Irish ambassador for a dressing down?

If the Irish system really posed a threat to the freedom of the press, where were the protests in Ireland, a country known for its passionate commitment to human rights?

Thirdly, there is the argument about a press law being the thin end of the wedge, the start of a slippery slope, the beginning of our descent into Zimbabwe.

A central feature of our democracy is that it is the responsibility of elected representatives to make and change laws, and we can do that at any time.

If that is a slippery slope, so is the very existence of Parliament. The only way to address that concern is to abolish Parliament, and we have yet to hear anyone proposing that.

Fourthly, there is the argument that the legislation proposed would inevitably be complicated and cumbersome. But that is simply not the case. We have drafted and published a short bill. Hacked Off have published a short bill. The Government has drawn up two draft bills.

All of these show that a Bill can be drafted in a way to give effect to what Lord Justice Leveson recommended.

Finally, there is the civil liberties argument. I do not believe that Lord Justice Leveson’s central recommendations, for an independent system of press self-regulation guaranteed by law, would undermine freedom of speech.

This is not about politicians determining what journalists do or do not write. The freedom of the press is essential.

But so is that other freedom: the freedom of a private citizen to go about their business without harassment, intrusion or the gross invasion of their grief and trauma. Those two freedoms are not incompatible.

Royal Charter

Since the publication of the Leveson Report, we have been engaged in cross party talks with the Tories and the Lib Dems.

And into those talks Oliver Letwin has brought the proposal that the legal underpinning of the recognition body should be provided not by a single statute, as suggested by Leveson and as agreed by us, but through a combination of a Royal Charter and accompanying statutory provisions.

The most straightforward way of implementing Leveson is to have a single statute.

While the statutory route is straightforward the Royal Charter route is anything but. It is untried and untested and we are unpersuaded that it can do the job that Leveson proposes.

Government has never before sought to legislate through a combination of statute and Royal Charter rather than through a bill in Parliament.

It is as yet unclear how the body established by Charter could be funded.

It would clearly need statute to stop ministers on some future occasion toughening or weakening its provisions by edict of the Privy Council.

There would need to be statute to provide for the exemplary damages regime which would incentivise newspapers to join the self-regulator.

Perhaps the most fundamental concern is whether the recognition body established by Royal Charter would survive the inevitable legal challenge.

As we entered the cross party talks we set the government a deadline of the end of January to publish Leveson-compliant measures.

While the Government has shared their Royal Charter and accompanying clauses with us in the talks, and with the newspaper industry, most MPs, peers, lawyers and others with an interest have yet to see them.

It is now time for the Government to have the courage of its convictions. We have – and have drafted and published our bill.

I now challenge the Government to publish their Royal Charter and accompanying draft clauses by the end of this month, and let them be subjected to public scrutiny.

And while the talks have been useful and will continue, the elephant in the room – statute alone or statute and charter – must be discussed openly and agreed on by parliament.

The public must be able to scrutinise the proposals.

And Parliament – to whom Lord Justice Leveson trusted a key role in setting up the new system – must be able to decide.

That’s why we will ensure that this will come back to Parliament – with, if necessary, a debate and vote at on one of our Opposition Days in February.

Ownership

We all know that it wasn’t just the impunity from the lack of a proper press complaints system that led to phone-hacking and media intrusion.

It was a sense of invincibility arising from the power of the concentration of media ownership.

Monopoly ownership inhibits a diversity of views, and competition. It is bad for our democracy and bad for the consumer.

Above all, it places too much power in the hands of one man.

Rupert Murdoch owns too many newspapers. 34 per cent of national circulation – two of our biggest daily papers, and two of our biggest Sunday papers – is too much.

Despite the financial pressures facing newspapers and people now getting their news online, newspapers are still powerful, still wield significant political influence, and still set the news agenda.

The failed News Corp bid for the whole of BSkyB focused attention on cross-media monopoly. But owning too much within one sector – owning too many newspapers, for example – is also a problem.

The Leveson Report made recommendations on media ownership and plurality. And it is a key issue which we must address.

Work needs to be done. Much important work has already been done. We propose that the Government returns to previous work and builds on it.

A notable example of that is the Joint Committee of Both Houses, chaired by Lord Puttnam, which scrutinised the Communications Bill in 2002. That report made a number of recommendations about the role of Ofcom, about ensuring plurality was a consideration in mergers, and about the level of ownership that should be permitted.

Their expertise must be put to work on the Leveson recommendations on ownership.

BBC

The future of the BBC remains of critical importance.

It is impossible to overstate its importance to us at home, and abroad.

It is an essential part of our national life and our media landscape.

It is a source of national pride, and one of our most trusted and valued institutions, with its unparalleled breadth, depth, reach, and appeal, from Saturday night entertainment to sport, from world-class drama to top-drawer comedy, and of course its news.

We all think we raise our own children, but it’s in partnership with Auntie.

And that’s why the sexual crimes committed by Jimmy Savile were so shocking.

It was so horrifying above all because of what Savile’s victims had suffered and what they still suffer.

But also it was so shocking because the public trusts and values the BBC so much.

No doubt the enemies of the BBC will take this as an opportunity to pounce. Question its funding. Challenge its independence.

We must protect the BBC. This is a time for cool heads and for the BBC to take the steps to restore confidence.

Tony Hall was an excellent choice as the new Director-General, bringing experience from working within the BBC but also from outside it.

He is the right person to bring stability to the BBC, and I hope that he will lead the change mapped out by George Entwistle in his short stint as Director-General, about there being too many executives. Too many at the top and at the expense of a focus on content and output.

I also hope he will address the executive pay situation at the BBC.

Working for the BBC is prestigious, professionally satisfying and it is public service.

When you work for the BBC – paid for by the licence fee payer – you are making a choice not to work in the private sector and to get the huge benefits of working at the BBC.

Tony Hall will have to address the high pay for executives, and especially how much they are paid compared to front line producers.

As the Public Accounts Committee has shown, there must be transparency about BBC pay and pay offs. And if the public object – which they do – then the current system is simply not sustainable.

Communications Bill

Finally, the Communications Bill. Or rather, the lack of the Communications Bill.

We haven’t had a Bill – or even a White Paper – or even a Green Paper – since we met last year.

Just a series of roundtables.

This leaves individuals and our creative industries in a state of uncertainty.

And it is bad news for swathes of our country – particularly rural areas – who still don’t have access to decent speed broadband.

Labour made a pledge – which all judged to be reasonable and achievable – that everyone would have access to 2 megabits per second broadband by the end of 2012.

The Government abandoned that target and instead promised to deliver superfast broadband to 90 per cent of premises by the end of 2015.

But having abandoned our target, the Government looks set to fail to achieve their own.

Too many people across the country are losing out, particularly rural communities.

2.6 million households, 10 per cent of UK broadband connections, still don’t receive basic 2 Megabits per second broadband.

Had Labour been in power almost all of those 2.6 million households would have had access to basic broadband.

Rural areas are almost 50 per cent less likely to receive broadband of at least 2 Megabits per second.

In Ceredigion in Wales, a quarter of premises have no fixed line broadband.

In Teesdale, some farmers have to make a fifty minute round trip to an internet centre to file their online cattle returns.

Conclusion

The Culture, Media and Sport brief is a wide-ranging one.

But we need to keep in mind the common themes.

The need to support innovation and nurture creativity.

The need to make sure that opportunities are available to everyone.

The need to protect people from abuse of power and to hold vested interests to account.

The need to build One Nation, where everyone has a stake, whether that’s giving everyone the opportunity to work in the creative industries or making sure everyone has broadband.

Where prosperity is shared fairly, and the powerful – like Murdoch – are held to account.

Where we protect the institutions – like the BBC – that bind us together as One Nation.

December 1, 2015
Stephen Hammond – 2013 Speech on the Coastguard Service

Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Hammond, the Transport Minister, on 30th November 2013.

Thank you for inviting me to join you at Bristow’s 30th Anniversary celebrations in Shetland, and my apologies for not being able to join you in person because of my other commitments.

It was of course, 30 years ago to the day that the search and rescue base in Shetland started operations on behalf of Her Majesty’s Coastguard.

As minister with responsibility for Her Majesty’s Coastguard, it is a great honour to be able to pay tribute to the professionalism and hard work of all those who have been committed to search and rescue over the last 30 years, in Shetland. And it is right that you are gathered there today (30 November 2013) to celebrate this important milestone. You tirelessly venture out in all weathers throughout the year to rescue people in danger. And, of course, operations here could not succeed were it not for the highly skilled engineers and support staff, many of whom I know are there today (30 November 2013) as well.

Sadly, not everyone who has worked on the base can be there today (30 November 2013), but I want this tribute to stand for all those who have helped save lives over the past 30 years through their work on the base. The very high regard in which you are all held by the local communities in Shetland and the enormous gratitude for what you do is shared with me and my ministerial colleagues here in London.

The professionalism and dedication to search and rescue from all who have worked on this base has been the benchmark for the new search and rescue helicopter arrangements that Bristow is now implementing across the United Kingdom. I want to thank all of those who have played their part in the success of this base over the past 30 years, as well as those who are leading on putting in place the new UK SAR helicopter arrangements elsewhere.

I also want to pay tribute to colleagues from Sikorsky Helicopters. Sikorsky’s helicopters have been an important part of the success of this unit over the past 30 years. They are highly visible in the local community in Shetland and will be equally recognisable in other parts of the UK in the coming years.

The fact that I could not be here today (30 November 2013) is a disappointment to me, however I am sure that you will mark this occasion in a manner that is right and correct. So enjoy this day!

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Stephen Hammond – 2013 Speech on Maritime Regulation

Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Hammond at the International Maritime Organisation on 25th November 2013.

Mr President, your excellencies, Secretary-General, ladies and gentlemen it gives me great pleasure on behalf of Her Majesty’s government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to welcome you to London for the 28th assembly of the International Maritime Organization.

I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his words this morning (25 November 2013) and his leadership of the organisation.

Before I begin, I would like to echo the words of the Secretary-General to the distinguished delegation of the Philippines.

All our thoughts are with those who have suffered such devastation, lost loved ones and, in particular, the seafarers who are currently serving at sea and are unable to be with their families during this difficult time.

On behalf of Her Majesty’s government, please pass on my sincere condolences to your government.

Over the last two years I have had the great pleasure of meeting many of you here today (25 November 2013) and that has given me the chance to understand the challenges facing shipping and the vital role of the organisation in meeting them.

So it is a particular privilege for me to address you this morning.

As an island nation, we are a seafaring nation and are proud of contribution to the safety at sea.

Next year we will be celebrating the 500th anniversary of Trinity House, just down river in the shadow of the Tower of London, that was established by King Henry VIII to improve the safety and welfare of mariners using Britain’s ports.

It was the member of Parliament for Derby, Samuel Plimsoll, who deeply concerned by increasing losses of life at sea, fought for maritime safety.

It was his campaign that led to the legal requirement for the Plimsoll line to be marked on all ships, a measure that went on to be adopted globally the first Load Line Convention, that was held right here in London.

And it was in London almost a century ago that the Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea was adopted and established the principle that the most effective way to improve maritime safety was through international agreement.

On those foundations, since 1958 the IMO has transformed maritime safety and done so much to minimise marine pollution.

The size of the global merchant fleet has increased by almost 1 million tons in the last 30 years and world seaborne trade has almost quadrupled in the last 40, while thanks to work of the IMO, the number of maritime casualties is falling.

But as long as, to use Shakespeare’s words, ‘ships are but boards, sailors but men and there is the peril of waters, winds and rocks’ there will be the need for the organisation.

That’s why in the 21st century we remain immensely honoured that the IMO calls London its home and I am delighted to welcome you to this important assembly.

Before we embark on the next biennium, it is appropriate that we acknowledge the achievements of the last.

First, the organisation’s response to the Costa Concordia incident. I believe that the proposals that the organisation has identified will improve the safety of passengers and crew and I am grateful for the close involvement of the industry in this process.

Second, the production of guidance for private maritime security companies and the collaboration with the International Standards Organisation will ensure firms that deter piracy will meet a standard that will be the global benchmark.

I am very pleased on behalf of my predecessor – Mr Penning – that this assembly is being asked to adopt a resolution on the Preservation and Collection of Evidence following an allegation of a serious crime on board a vessel.

This issue was raised by the UK, among others, at the last assembly and that we are ready to adopt these guidelines is a tribute to the hard work and dedication of many of you here today (25 November 2013).

The challenge for all successful organisations is how to maintain their performance while simultaneously renewing themselves so they face the future not the past.

By streamlining administration and consolidating the work programme of the organisation, ‘The review and reform programme’ will make significant steps towards ensuring the IMO is efficient and forward looking.

I would like to take this opportunity to thank the chairman of the committees and sub-committees, the secretariat and interpreters and the many officials who attend IMO with their delegations for your hard work, without you the IMO would not hold the status it does within the United Nations.

Mr President, your excellencies, Secretary-General, ladies and gentlemen, today the biggest challenge we face is economic.

As a result of the 2008 financial crisis world per capita output, which typically expands by about 2.2% annually, contracted by 1.8% in 2009.

Global exports fell by around 12% in 2009.

This was the largest contraction of the global economy since the Second World War.

While the world economy is now recovering, this is uneven.

The IMF predict that in the next decade the current fast growing countries share of global GDP will increase from about half to nearly two-thirds.

So in a world in which more people, in more countries will become part of the global economy, shipping will be more important to economic growth, not less.

Simply put, shipping is an engine for growth.

The OECD estimates every tonne of port throughput is produces around 100 dollars of economic value added and every million tonnes of port activity creates 300 jobs in the region.

That’s why countries across the world are investing in their ports capacity to take advantage with global capacity almost doubling in just 9 years.

That makes this meeting and our work over the next biennium critical.

Our work over the next biennium must continue to focus on ensuring the industry is safe, is clean and develops a highly skilled, highly trained workforce.

However, we need to recognise that, as times change, some regulations can become ineffective and unnecessary. Complying with them costs businesses time and money, and can restrict growth.

Regulations also need to be applied consistently or they could create the perception of unfairness and an unwillingness to engage in international cooperation.

I’m reminded of the story told by Raghuram Rajan, the new governor of India’s central bank, that there is a regulation that all factories in Uttar Pradesh are still required to have snake traps. When the rule came into force the factories were surrounded by dense jungle, now – of course – they are in the city.

So I want to suggest 3 principles that should guide our thinking over the next biennium:

First, is the proposed regulation transparent enough? With a ship’s life cycle being in the region of 25 to 30 years, the maritime industry is particularly vulnerable to changes in legislation and standards. Have we asked whether industry knows why what is proposed is necessary, have they been engaged in its development and are we providing time to plan and adapt?

Second, is the regulation proportionate to what we need to achieve? We should work to ensure that regulation encourages economic progress and only intervene when there is a clear case for protection. Do we know whether it is possible to incentivise change more quickly and effectively than mandating it?

Third, is the proposed regulation fair? For regulation to be effective it needs to be developed and adopted in such a way that regulations are accepted by all, promote a level playing field and reduce barriers to trade. So we should ask ourselves is the burden of a proposed regulation shared fairly between industry and government and between countries and regions?

Mr President, Mr Secretary-General, distinguished delegates.

Fifty-six years ago our forbears met for the first time. Half a century a later, the work of the International Maritime Organization assembly over the coming days will be as vital as it ever has been: for the safety, environmental protection and security of our seas, for the seafarers who work on them, and, for the millions of people whose jobs and lives rely on efficient seaborne trade.

In conclusion, I would like to reaffirm the United Kingdom’s commitment to both the work of the IMO and our honoured role as host government. We will continue to contribute to the critical work of the organisation over the next biennium.

I have no doubt that our discussions over the next 2 weeks will be challenging but productive.

And I hope that you find time in between to enjoy London.

Finally, I look forward to greeting as many of you as possible at our reception on the evening of 3 December.

Thank you.

December 1, 2015
Stephen Hammond – 2013 Speech on Crossrail

Below is the text of the speech made by the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Transport, Stephen Hammond, in the House of Commons on 1st March 2013.

I would like to inform the House about a change in the financing approach for the Crossrail rolling stock and associated depot facilities contract.

The Mayor of London and Transport for London have proposed using the flexibility in the original procurement to move from the current financing model, involving a substantial element of private sector funding, to one that is entirely funded by the public sector.

I can inform the House that the government has agreed to this change. The decision reflects the unique circumstances that apply to Crossrail. As a new route that is currently under construction it has no inherited train fleet and without new trains the service cannot open.

Transport for London and the government believe this decision is an appropriate course of action to deliver a very complex and unique infrastructure project within the delivery timetable. Trains need to be ordered by the middle of 2014, so that testing and delivery of the fleet can start in spring 2017, well ahead of the opening of Crossrail’s Central Tunnel Section in late 2018.

Any delay in the rolling stock order would place this delivery timetable in jeopardy. By removing the private financing requirement and moving to a wholly publicly funded procurement the contract negotiations will be simplified and as a result Transport for London believes this will provide greater certainty that the contract can be awarded in time.

In considering these concerns and the importance of the Crossrail Project to the country, the government has been convinced that – in this specific case – a change in the financing strategy is an appropriate course to pursue.

Within the current Spending Review period this will involve the use of existing TfL budgets. The remaining costs that fall beyond 2014 to 2015 will be factored into future capital spending plans.

The Department for Transport remains committed to the use of private finance in transport projects where it provides value for money and fits with our timetables for planned investment.

The financing of the contract is the only key element of the contract that will change. The responsible procurement requirements set out by my predecessor last February will remain as will the requirements for bidders to set out an estimate of the contract value that will be spent in the UK. While this is not an assessment criterion in the decision process, the successful bidder will be required to report against it following contract award.

Following this decision, Crossrail Limited intends to issue a revised invitation to negotiate in due course. I will ensure that a copy of this is available in the House library as soon as it is available. Bidders will then be asked to resubmit their bids based on this revised financing structure later this year.

I will keep the House updated with progress on this issue.

December 1, 2015
Theresa Villiers – 2013 Speech to QUB Literific Society

Theresa Villiers

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, to the Literific Society at Queen’s University in Belfast. The speech was made on 19th December 2013.

I’m delighted to be able to attend this evening’s meeting of the Queen’s University Literific Society.

I’m not planning to dwell on the issues of the moment which are, as we speak, the subject of intense negotiations in the Haass working group.

With the conclusion of that process imminent … I don’t want to pre-empt the outcome.

But I do want to reiterate that this is an important opportunity to make progress on some of the most divisive issues in our society and I hope that opportunity will be grasped.

And I urge all the parties to try to find a way forward and exercise that “give and take” that the Prime Minister called for yesterday.

But important as flags, parades and the past are … this evening I want to say a few words about the some of the other big challenges we need to tackle if we are going to build a better future for Northern Ireland.

… a Northern Ireland which is a place of aspiration and opportunity … underpinned by a stronger society and a more prosperous economy.

And as I look around the room this evening I’m convinced that’s the priority for most people here … as it is the overwhelming majority of people in Northern Ireland.

I’m sure that many of you will be making important career decisions that could determine how you spend the rest of your lives.

For some … that might mean leaving Northern Ireland, possibly forever.

That has been the number one option for many graduates over the years … meaning their skills and talent are exported to Great Britain, Europe, the United States or elsewhere.

In fact in many places around the world you’ll find young people from Northern Ireland making a big impact … as I did only last month when I was in New York.

We need to find ways of ensuring that for the brightest and best in Northern Ireland, making a life here is an option.

That means building an economy based on enterprise and opportunity.

So let me say a few words about that.

It’s no secret that the last few years have been incredibly tough … across these islands and for much of the developed world … as we all felt the aftershocks of the biggest economic crisis in half a century.

In the UK and the Republic of Ireland we’ve had to deal with huge levels of public and private sector debt and unsustainable levels of public spending.

In the UK’s case, we had the largest structural deficit in our peacetime history.

Today, as a result of some very difficult decisions the UK’s deficit is down by a third … and this week the Republic became the first of the Eurozone countries to exit its EU/IMF bailout.

And I think we can at last see clear signs that our two economies are beginning to turn the corner … back on course for sustainable growth and recovery.

Here in Northern Ireland, the number of people claiming unemployment benefit has fallen for ten consecutive months.

We’ve also seen some welcome announcements on new jobs at places like Bombardier and Harland and Wolff here in Belfast and Fujitsu in Derry.

But it’s also clear that we still have a long way to go … particularly when it comes to issues like youth unemployment which remains far too high.

That’s why for example in his recent Autumn Statement the Chancellor, George Osborne, announced the abolition of employer National Insurance contributions for almost all under 21 year olds.

We are determined to help businesses to grow and create jobs, and help families with the cost of living.

The hard truth is that the only way to achieve a sustained rise in living standards is by growing the economy.

And it’s by growing the economy that we can continue to fund the public services on which we all depend and pay for a welfare system that protects the vulnerable while being fair to taxpayers.

Here in Northern Ireland the economy is still too dependent on public spending.

It’s clear that more work needs to be done before we succeed in the shared goal of the UK Government and the Northern Ireland Executive to rebalance in favour of private enterprise.

So in June the Government and the Executive agreed an economic pact aimed a boosting the private sector and helping businesses here compete in the global race for investment and jobs.

This pact sees the two administrations working more closely together than ever before.

And an important part of that package was the extension of our very successful Start Up Loans scheme to help young entrepreneurs access the finance they need to start their own business.

The reality is that just as labour is more flexible and mobile than at any time in our history … so is business, which these days often has the luxury of choosing wherever in the world it wants to locate.

So we need to highly competitive in the global market place … and demonstrate that we are one of the most attractive places in the world to do business.

That’s why we’re committed to giving the UK the lowest business taxes of any major developed economy … while closing loopholes to make sure all businesses pay their fair share tax.

It’s also the reason for securing special incentives for certain key sectors … such as our tax break for high end TV production which has been crucial in keeping Game of Thrones in Northern Ireland.

And of course our goal of rebalancing the economy is one of main the reasons why David Cameron brought the G8 to Fermanagh in the summer … to showcase the very best of Northern Ireland to the world.

But of course there’s no doubt that things remain difficult for many people … and the jobs market continues to be very competitive.

So the Government is committed to supporting aspiration, hard work, enterprise to give opportunities for everyone who wants to do the right thing for themselves and their families.

And while it’s tough … and there’s a long way to go … our economic reforms are starting to deliver results.

But Northern Ireland is never going to fulfil its potential as a place of opportunity while elements of our society here remain so deeply divided.

Working together, we have to tackle issues like sectarianism and the underlying tensions that lead to division and the kind of violence that can too often disfigure our streets.

So back in May the Executive … which has the lead in this area … published its community relations strategy Together Building a United Community.

The UK Government welcomed that as a promising first step … but the real test is delivery.

I know from my regular dialogue with the First and deputy First Ministers that they are committed to taking this forward … and I would strongly urge them to do so.

As the Prime Minister said at the investment conference in October we want to see a Northern Ireland defined by its shared future and not by its divided past.

Of course I know there are those who say that we can’t build a shared future until we’ve resolved the past.

But nor can we let the past hold us back by acting as a barrier on other initiatives to rebalance the economy and build a more cohesive and shared society.

So irrespective of the outcome of the debate on flags, parading and the past … there is still much pressing work that can and must go ahead.

And this will continue to require real leadership from Northern Ireland’s politicians.

Of course the UK Government can provide support and encouragement in those areas that are devolved … and we will continue to work closely and constructively with the Executive to play our part both in strengthening the economy and healing social division.

But this great task of reconciliation which still faces Northern Ireland also needs the backing of the whole community.

That includes young people who have such an important stake in getting this right.

The young people of Northern Ireland will be an essential component of the change we need.

They must have a real say in moving Northern Ireland forward and that’s why forums like the Literific … the oldest student society here at Queen’s … are so important.

And in conclusion, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to condemn once again the disgraceful attacks we have seen on Belfast city centre in the run up to Christmas.

These were reckless and callous crimes which could have cost lives as well as damaging the economy just when it needs all the help it can get.

But I know that the PSNI are working incredibly hard to do everything they can to keep people safe.

The terrorists have no support and the condemnation of these recent attacks has been widespread and emphatic.

The people of Belfast will not be scared out of their own city centre by the actions of a violent minority.

So I wish you well with your debate this evening.

I commend the Literific Society on the contribution you make the debating the great issues facing our society today.

And I would like to wish you a very Happy Christmas and a successful and peaceful 2014.

December 1, 2015
Theresa Villiers – 2013 Speech on 75th Anniversary of the Irish Association

Theresa Villiers

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in Belfast on 9th November 2013.

I am delighted to be with you to mark the 75th anniversary of the Irish Association and I’d like to thank your President, Rev Brian Kennaway for inviting me to speak at this special event.

I’d also like to mention 2 other people who are with us this evening. The first of those is Daithi O’Ceallaigh, your Vice-President, was a very distinguished Irish Ambassador to the United Kingdom and he has made a great contribution to the strengthening of relations between our 2 countries over many years.

And secondly, I would of course like to warmly welcome the presence of An Tánaiste, Eamon Gilmore with whom it has been a pleasure to work since I was appointed Northern Ireland Secretary just over a year ago. Eamon of course combines a number of roles, Foreign Minister, Trade Minister and leader of the Labour party within the coalition government.

As experience at Westminster shows, leading 1 of 2 parties in a coalition comes with its tribulations.So I should say how grateful I am that Eamon will always find time for engagement on Northern Ireland matters, which he approaches in such a constructive way and with such enthusiasm for further progress on key challenges we face here.

Work of the Irish Association

And I am in no doubt that some of those challenges can be ably assisted by the work of our hosts the Irish Association. A key objective of the Irish Association is the promotion of communication, understanding and co-operation between all the people of Ireland and, I quote:

To make reason and goodwill take the place of passion and prejudice in Ireland, North and South.

And this has echoes of spoken statement made in 1926, just 5 years after the Treaty and twelve years before this body was founded:

…the North and South have got to live together as neighbours and the prosperity of Northern Ireland does undoubtedly affect the prosperity of the South of Ireland.

So it is for the government of the South and the Government of the North, to turn their hands rather from the matters which may have divided them in the past, to concentrate on the matters which really affect the welfare of the people in their own area with a view that the whole of Ireland, and not one part of it, may be prosperous.

These words come from someone who is inextricably linked with Parliament Buildings where we meet today and who might be regarded as a rather unlikely champion of North-South co-operation.

They were actually spoken by Sir James Craig, Viscount Craigavon of Stormont and Prime Minister here from 1921 to 1940.

Of course for a variety of reasons the aspirations set out by Craig back in 1926 did not immediately come to fruition and for many years the relationship between North and South was an uneasy one. At least one historian has referred to it as a cold war.

So I pay tribute to the work of the Irish Association, which since 1938 has tried to provide a bridge to facilitate debate and discussion of cultural, economic and social issues across this island. Over the past 7 decades you have played a valuable role in the furthering the growth of tolerance, understanding, trust and reconciliation. And today in large part due to the efforts of organisations like yours the cold war between North and South has been consigned to the past and relationships across this island have never been closer.

Political Progress

Just consider this.

20 years ago it was considered ‘historic’ when a unionist leader led a delegation to Dublin for face-to-face talks with the Irish government for the first time since partition. Today, it’s commonplace for the unionist ministers to be in Dublin discussing issues of mutual interest with their Irish counterparts or indeed for Irish ministers to be here in Northern Ireland.

Only a few years ago, it would have been unthinkable for a unionist leader to attend an event to mark the contribution of the GAA to society here. Yet last month I had the privilege to attend a Co-Operation Ireland dinner at Queen’s University where the DUP First Minister delivered a speech that did precisely that.

And until recently, nobody would have believed it if anyone here had suggested that a Sinn Fein leader would be shaking the hand of Her Majesty the Queen. Yet that’s precisely what happened at the Lyric Theatre in Belfast last year.

North-South Co-Operation

So for all the difficulties we might still have, and whatever the imperfections of the current settlement don’t let anybody suggest that Northern Ireland hasn’t come a very long way.

I frequently choose to refer to establishment of devolved government here at Stormont now mid-way through its second term without suspension as an example of progress. But I’m also conscious that the Belfast Agreement covered 3 strands not only the internal arrangements for the governance of Northern Ireland but also the relationships between North and South and those between East and West.

Let me be clear the UK government, while continuing to fully support the Union and Northern Ireland’s place within it, also regards the North-South institutions as an integral part of the political settlement here. There is no contradiction here as Sir James Craig recognised all those years ago in the speech I quoted and as you in the Irish Association have also understood for decades. In fact the Agreement states clearly that:

The North-South Ministerial Council and the Northern Ireland are mutually interdependent and one cannot successfully function without the other.

In the government’s view, North-South Co-Operation on issues of common concern is a matter of simple, practical common sense that threatens nobody’s political identity or aspirations.And I know that’s the position of the Irish government too.

So the UK government sees no reason why democratically accountable North-South Co-Operation cannot continue to prosper, just as the relationship covered by the third strand of the Agreement, between the UK and Ireland also goes from strength to strength. We are seeing a visible manifestation of that this very weekend.

Decade of Centenaries

Tomorrow, the Tánaiste will be joining the First Minister at the Cenotaph in Belfast for the Remembrance Sunday service while I shall be in Enniskillen standing shoulder to shoulder with the Taoiseach. All of us will be united in remembering people from all sections of the community – Protestant and Catholic, Unionist and Nationalist – who made the supreme sacrifice in war. And participation in these events forms part of a wider programme of co-operation as the UK and Irish governments work together to find a common approach to the decade of centenaries.

This began last year with an exhibition to mark the Third Home Rule Bill in Westminster Hall, which was attended by the Taoiseach and which subsequently was shown in Dublin and Belfast. And it will include other often tumultuous episodes in our shared history the outbreak of the Great War next year the Somme and the Easter Rising in 1916 and culminating in the events of 1921 to 1922.

I’m conscious that all of these have the potential to be very divisive an opportunity for some to re-live the battles of the past or pursue a particular political agenda. So our task, working alongside colleagues in the Executive and in Dublin is to be faithful to history while encouraging greater respect and understanding in a way helps us to move forward.

And in this we can have no better example of how to handle sensitive historical events than the example set in 2011 by Her Majesty and the then President of Ireland, Mary McAleese. They demonstrated that in looking at centenaries one can be generous to another tradition without in any way abandoning ones own cherished beliefs. That’s the spirit that I hope will guide us through this decade of centenaries just as it has the work of this Irish Association over the decades.

In his speech to the British-Irish Association in September, Eamon issued a very generous invitation to the Royal Family, the UK government and unionists to participate in events to commemorate the Easter Rising in 2016. We greatly appreciate that offer and I look forward to discussing with him how we might take it forward.

UK-Irish Joint Statement

But it’s not just on the decade of commemorations that the UK and Irish governments are working closely. In March 2012 the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach issued a joint statement, setting out a framework for how our 2 countries can work together in a range of areas over the next decade. And of overriding importance is economic growth and job creation. That’s essential when you consider the interdependence of our 2 economies.

Something like £1billion of trade takes place between the UK and Ireland each week and that trade supports over 400,000 jobs. But there’s a whole range of other areas too such as energy, transport, travel and the EU where there’s scope for us to do more. We are, for example, working to establish a visa waiver pilot, which would mean that tourists from certain countries with an Irish visa can include both north and south in their trip without the need for a UK visa.

There’s an intensive programme of work underway on a range of economic matters, which the Prime Minister and Taioseach will review at the next of their annual summits in March.

Shared Future

Another key priority is to work with the Northern Ireland Executive here to rebalance the economy and help to build a more cohesive and united society. For our part the government launched an ambitious new economic pact with the Executive in June.

The G8 summit showed the world the very best of Northern Ireland and last month the Prime Minister attended an international investment conference where he made an unashamed sales pitch to business to come and invest here. That conference built on the immensely successful work done over the years to attract foreign investors to Northern Ireland.

Many of those investors may come here initially because they are attracted by a low cost base but I think a key reason why they stay here and expand here is because of the abilities and skills of the people of Northern Ireland and the warmth of the welcome they offer. But it’s clear to me that the Northern Ireland economy will never reach its full potential unless we address the community divisions that still too often spill over into disgraceful acts of rioting and violence.

So both of our governments have welcomed the community relations strategy launched by the First and deputy First Ministers in June: Together: Building a United Community. And we strongly support the establishment of the All-Party Group under Richard Haass to look at flags, emblems, parading and the past.

Now we all know that tackling these issues is very difficult. But Northern Ireland’s political leadership has solved many seemingly intractable problems over the past 2 decades. And with the same determination and leadership I believe that progress can be made once again. But politicians also need encouragement and support in taking difficult decisions.

For any elected representative, reaching out beyond your power base, beyond your traditional supporters, and beyond that part of the community from which you come, can be a hard road to take. So the UK and Irish governments stand ready to provide some of the support and encouragement needed to help Northern Ireland’s leadership take that path forward as can our great friends and allies in the United States.

But that support also needs to come loud and clear from people throughout this island who want to move Northern Ireland forward the kind of people who want to see an end to the tension, division and rioting that can too often disfigure the streets of this great city where we meet this evening. Ordinary hard working people who, as the Prime Minister put it in his recent speech, want to Northern Ireland to be defined by its shared future, not its divided past.

And that’s where organisations like the Irish Association can continue to perform a hugely positive role. For 75 years you have played your part and I wish you well in your continued work to build respect, mutual understanding and reconciliation throughout the island of Ireland.

December 1, 2015
Theresa Villiers – 2013 Speech on Investing in Northern Ireland

Theresa Villiers

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 7th November 2013 at Lancaster House in London.

Your Royal Highness, your Excellencies, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. On behalf of the UK government it’s a pleasure to be able to welcome you all to Lancaster House and to this investment seminar.

I am delighted to be co-chairing this seminar with Arlene Foster who is the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Investment in the Northern Ireland Executive.

The government and the Executive are working together on our shared goal of promoting Northern Ireland as a great place to live work, visit and invest. And that is why Arlene and I are jointly hosting this event today. We would like to thank you for coming to take part today.

Our aim is to tell you more about Northern Ireland and the business opportunities that it offers. Alastair Hamilton, the Chief Executive of Invest NI will then give you a presentation on why Northern Ireland is an excellent place for your country to invest in and do business with.

We also want you to come and see Northern Ireland for yourself and make your own minds up. So after this seminar, Arlene and I will be writing to your Head of Mission to invite the Ambassador, or High Commissioner or High Representative to lead a delegation of companies from your country or region to come to Northern Ireland next year.

We would like to give you the chance to see for yourselves the opportunities that Northern Ireland can offer your respective countries. And I’d be delighted if you were able to be my guests at Hillsborough Castle. Hillsborough is the residence of Her Majesty the Queen whenever she or members of the Royal Family are in Northern Ireland.

And when you do visit, you will be able to see the success story around inward investment that has been part of the extraordinary political progress of recent years.

Northern Ireland has a fantastic manufacturing pedigree. Dunlop tyres, Massey Ferguson tractors and Short Brothers planes are all pioneering examples of a great manufacturing tradition that continues today. And now Northern Ireland can boast fresh achievements in the modern era.

The world’s top city for the technology that drives global stock markets isn’t London or New York or Hong Kong – it’s Belfast, where you’ll find the systems behind the New York Stock Exchange and Chicago Mercantile Exchange.

Northern Ireland is the place which produces a quarter of the world’s marine energy devices, over 1 in 3 of all computer read/write heads and almost a third of all business class aircraft seats.

Of course, we all know about Scotch whisky, but the world’s oldest licensed whiskey distillery is actually in Bushmills in County Antrim which has a licence dating from 1608.

London’s red buses are famous across the world and a third of them are made by Wrightbus in Ballymena, a company which is also exporting buses to China.

And some of the strongest advocates for Northern Ireland are those who’ve already set up business there. For example, Suren Gupta, the Executive Vice President of Allstate, told a recent investment conference that their operations in Northern Ireland had saved the company more than a billion dollars.

And Pierre Beaudoin, the CEO of Bombardier, recently said:

I would strongly recommend Northern Ireland as a place to do business and a good place in which to grow that business.

Over recent years, Bombardier have invested a £520 million in Belfast to design, manufacture and assemble the advanced composite wings for its new CSeries commercial aircraft. That brings Bombardier’s overall investment in Northern Ireland to more than £2 billion.

So it shouldn’t come as a big surprise that with over 800 foreign investors, Northern Ireland is now second only to London as the top UK destination for inward investment, with almost 8,000 jobs created through foreign investment in just the last three years.

Northern Ireland is increasingly becoming a destination of choice, for business, for culture and for tourism. It is a place that has been transformed since the political settlement agreed 15 years ago under Belfast Agreement. Once known chiefly for its divisions and conflicts, Northern Ireland is a now a heartening, even an inspirational example, of how seemingly intractable problems can be resolved through dialogue.

Yes there is still terrorist activity by so-called dissident republicans. But they have almost zero public support and no mandate whatsoever. The overwhelming majority of people have chosen peace and democracy as the way to resolve their differences and the PSNI and their partners are doing a highly effective job in countering the residual threat from terrorism.

In fact its low levels of crime make Northern Ireland one of the safest places in Europe in which to live and work.

The foundations underpinning the political settlement in Northern Ireland remain solid. That is not to say that all the difficult issues have been resolved. But Northern Ireland’s political leadership is committed to finding lasting solutions in the interests of the whole community.

That is why they have asked the distinguished US diplomat, Richard Haass to chair all-party talks on some of the most controversial questions which are still capable of sharply dividing opinion in Northern Ireland. And in doing that they have the firm support of both the UK and the Irish governments.

And as you will hear today, Northern Ireland has much to offer potential investors:

– It has a highly competitive cost base making it a great base from which to sell into the rest of the EU and the EU

– It has excellent transport links, particularly to Heathrow, but also to destinations in Europe and the US

– Its telecoms infrastructure is second to none, including Project Kelvin which delivers ultra-fast connectivity with North America through the Hibernia North Transatlantic cable

– Its education system has the highest rankings for reading and numeracy of any English speaking part of the world

– Its two world renowned universities produce 4,000 business and technology graduates every year

And of course, investors in Northern Ireland benefit from a time zone which enables them to trade with Asia in the morning and America in the afternoon, and all the while using English as the global language of business.

But there are significant challenges which remain for the Northern Ireland economy, not least of which is its over-dependence on public sector spending. To help drive forward with the goal of rebalancing the economy and boosting the private sector, the UK government and the Northern Ireland Executive agreed a far reaching economic pact in June in the run-up to the G8 summit in Fermanagh. This pact will see our two administrations working more closely together than ever before.

Both the UK government and the Northern Ireland Executive are strongly pro-business. We are determined to deliver a business-friendly tax and regulatory climate. So the main rate of UK corporation tax will be down to 20% by April 2015 giving us the lowest rate of company taxation of any major developed economy.

The Chancellor’s tax credit for film and high-end TV has been crucial to securing a fourth series of Game of Thrones, which is now being filmed in Belfast’s Paint Hall studios and which has done so much to highlight the scenic beauty of Northern Ireland.

Our employment laws give us one of the most flexible labour markets in Europe and we’re also determined to encourage and reward innovation with initiatives like the patent box for which we have legislated.

We’ve also secured EU Assisted Area status for Northern Ireland meaning there is an attractive range of grants and support on offer from Invest NI.

But Northern Ireland has an asset which is even more valuable than all of this put together – its people. It’s not just the fact that Northern Ireland offers a highly skilled, dedicated and loyal work force with low attrition rates. It’s more than that. The climate of friendliness, warmth and hospitality is one of the reasons why the Prime Minister called Northern Ireland: “this very special part of the United Kingdom”.

When the G8 summit came to town, even the protesters commented on the friendly welcome they received.

Belfast recently hosted the third biggest sporting event, the World Police and Fire Games. The accolade that Northern Ireland was given at the end of the Games by the World Police and Fire Games President was not only that they were the the best games ever, they were the friendliest games ever. So maybe it shouldn’t be so much of a surprise that the Office for National Statistics recently concluded that Northern Ireland is the happiest part of the United Kingdom!

Your Royal Highness, your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, thank you once again for coming to this seminar. I look forward to continuing our discussions over lunch and I very much hope to be able to welcome you to Northern Ireland in the very near future.

December 1, 2015