Tag: 2011

  • Sarah Teather – 2011 Speech to Liberal Democrat Conference

    Below is the text of a speech made by Sarah Teather to the Liberal Democrat Conference on 18th September 2011.

    Good morning conference.

    “Education… beyond all other devices of human origin, is the great equalizer of men, the balance-wheel of the social machinery.”

    The quote is from Horace Mann, the great 19th century American reformer. But it speaks to the instincts of liberals here with as much resonance as then.

    The scandal is that though it should be true, it isn’t.

    LABOUR’S LEGACY

    You will hear many people talk this week about the shocking state of the nation’s finances that was Labour’s legacy. I want to talk about another of Labour’s legacies: the shocking inequality at the heart of the nation’s education system.

    A system where the poorest children start school behind and fall further behind at every stage.

    Where poor seven-year olds are twice as likely to fall short in reading and writing than their richer peers.

    Where the poorest 16-year olds are three times as likely to fail to get five good GCSEs as the richest.

    Labour didn’t only waste money – they wasted the chance to make a difference for our children.

    We have come to expect that poverty will inevitably always go hand in hand with poor attainment. But in other countries it does not necessarily follow.

    Something in the way society functions, in the way education works, makes children elsewhere more resilient, more self confident, more aspirational, better able to benefit from what education has to offer, and so escape their family background.

    Conference, it is not acceptable that poor children to fail. That reflects badly on the complacency of the previous Government, and it reflects badly on the complacency of our society.

    We have to put it right.

    It is our ambition that every child will be the author of his or her own life story, will be able to fulfil his or her own potential, not bound by the confines of their family background, of their parent’s job or wealth, or of other’s expectations.

    To break the link between your birth and your fate: this is our task. It is the reason we are in Government.

    It is the reason I came into politics.

    It is not an easy task. But it is the challenge we have chosen to take on, and carefully, and consistently, we have begun to try and tilt the playing field, back in favour of those children and families who are falling behind.

    EARLY YEARS

    What do we know about how best to make that difference?

    Inequality starts early. A bright child from a poor background in Harlesden in my constituency will already have begun to fall behind at two. Life’s race is too often lost long before they start school.

    Liberal Democrats have consistently argued that we need to intervene early.

    So we’re reviewing the early years curriculum for every child and every nursery.  It will be simpler for parents and more focused on how children develop and learn.  And I’ve just announced a review of workforce qualifications, to make sure the best people are working with our youngest children.

    But that won’t help, unless it reaches the children who most need it.

    So, Liberal Democrats in government have extended the free hours of early years education for all three and four year olds. For the first time, we will make 15 hours of early education available to all disadvantaged two year olds.

    And this early education will become a legal entitlement.

    And today I can make a further announcement.

    I will shortly be launching a consultation on how councils will decide which children are eligible.

    I’ll propose that first and foremost every family who meet the criteria for free school meals should qualify, along with looked after children.

    What’s more, we know that some children with special educational needs and disabilities could particularly benefit from extra support at an early stage.

    So I’m proposing that councils should be free to offer it to these other groups if they choose.

    I have seen the difference this commitment will make.

    Children whose confidence and vocabulary has been radically changed because of these crucial hours of early education.

    Children who will begin school further ahead because of help they had at a critical time.

    Conference, these children will have a fairer start in life because Liberal Democrats fought for it and Liberal Democrats in Government made it happen.

    PUPIL PREMIUM

    That’s not all we’re changing. Since April this year, schools in England have had an additional £625m to spend on the pupil premium.

    Schools up and down the country are already using this extra money to help children who otherwise would have fallen behind their peers.

    Extra individual tuition.

    Parent support advisors.

    Out of school clubs.

    We’ll be sharing evidence about what works, and making sure that schools are held to account on the results they achieve.

    We have to do more.

    Today I can announce that, next year, the amount of money available for the pupil premium will double to £1.25bn. Doubling the amount of support schools are able to offer their most disadvantaged students.

    Conference, five years ago, as your Education spokesperson in opposition, I asked you to support the pupil premium. You went out and campaigned on it. Nick Clegg championed it. It was on the front page of our manifesto. We put it at the centre of our coalition negotiations and we made sure it was protected it in the spending review.

    Conference, children across the country will have a fairer start in life because Liberal Democrats fought for it and Liberal Democrats in Government made it happen.

    EDUCATION SYSTEM

    I’d like here to thank my parliamentary colleagues Joan Walmsley, Dan Rogerson, Simon Wright and Tessa Munt, and Cllr Gerald Vernon Jackson and James Kempton who sit on the Education Department’s advisory group. They have worked tirelessly over the past year to support me in working to close the achievement gap left by Labour.

    A fairer school admissions systems.

    A better deal for children excluded from school.

    Strengthened access to vocational education, and so much more.

    Together, we are tackling Labour’s wasted years.

    Years when youth unemployment increased by over a third.

    Years when thousands of young people were pushed towards qualifications that didn’t lead to college or a job.

    Years when our young people fell further behind their compatriots in other developed countries.

    Conference, Labour may have thought this was a record to be proud of but we do not.

    SUPPORTING FAMILIES

    If we’re going to turn around the entrenched relationship between poverty and life chances, yes, quality education is an important part of the story.

    But it is only one piece of the jigsaw.

    We all know what marks the difference between the 5 year old who begins school confident, sociable, able to read and write their own name, compared with the child who isn’t ready for school. It is as much to do with the head start they were offered at home by their family.

    Strong, stable, confident parenting.

    Mothers and fathers spending time with children, reading them stories, engaging with their education.

    And yet just this week UNICEF published a report showing how our parents feel under so much more pressure than in other countries, so much less confident in their parenting ability.  They struggle in finding time for their children.

    Liberals have traditionally said that it is not Government’s job to interfere in family life.

    But if we are serious about allowing each individual to realise their full potential, it must surely be Government’s job to create the kind of society in which all families are able to flourish. The kind of society which fosters a safe, stable and happy environment in which children can grow and develop.

    Every family goes through tough times, but if you don’t have family close by, if you are bringing up a child on your own, if your health is poor or you are out of work things can be really difficult. If you are lucky, friends and family can step in. But if you aren’t, if we are going to provide that fair start for every child, we need to offer families the support they need.

    That is why the Government is investing in relationship support. £30m over the next four years.

    That is why Ed Davey has proposed to extend parental leave to both parents, to give families more flexibility and to encourage both parents to play their part.

    That is why Children’s Centres are so important – with a new core purpose, clearer that they’re accessible to all, but more focused on what works for the most disadvantaged and needy families.

    And we are now identifying some of the best Children’s Centres to become centres of excellence, training others in offering support, and making changes so that parents and community groups can be more involved in how they are run.

    PARENTING SUPPORT

    But we want to do more. To respond to those parents who say they are under pressure, and would like more information on what to expect, more ideas on how to cope, and more ideas for helping their child learn and develop.

    So I can announce today that the Government will shortly begin piloting an offer of voluntary parenting classes for every parent of a child under 5 in three or four areas.

    This is a direct response to the evidence that the home learning environment is the biggest single determinant of your child’s future success. Where parents support their children to learn, the link between poverty and poor attainment can be broken.

    SOCIETY AFTER THE RIOTS

    But bringing up children isn’t just a job for parents. It is all of our responsibility.

    The riots this summer gave most of us pause for thought. Many theories were proffered in the immediate aftermath, some more ludicrous than others.

    Liberal Democrats in Government have tried to take a more thoughtful approach.

    And in responding to what we saw on our television screens, we also saw differences between the political parties.

    Differences in their values, and what they believed for the future of our country.

    For me, it provoked many deeper questions about the kind of society we are trying to create, the kind of society we want our children to grow up in.

    Our schools – are they places where children are happy and safe, and want to learn or are they places where a macho, and “have that now” culture gets in the way of aspiration and achievement?

    Our families and friendships – are they built on strong relationships, or, as that UNICEF report suggested, are they too often filled with “stuff” we can buy as a substitute for valuable time?

    Our communities – are they places that encourage children to be children, or are they dominated by what adults want and desire?

    Our country – is it one where individual rights are cherished and protected, or where the response to threat is to clamp down harder?  Is it one where your birth is allowed to equal your fate, or where we use the nation’s resources to fight against it?

    Conference, it is time to think again about how we value children and young people, how we portray them, and what part they play in society.

    It is time to challenge Labour’s wasted years.

    It is time to be strong in standing up for human rights, for children’s rights, and for a society that is free and fair for all.

    Liberal Democrats, you fought for a fair start for every child.  And in government, that is what we will deliver.

  • Sarah Teather – 2011 Speech to the Family and Parenting Institute

    Below is the text of the speech made by Sarah Teather to the Family and Parenting Institute on 17th October 2011.

    Thank you very much – it’s a great pleasure to be here today, especially for the start of Parents’ week. I’m really grateful to the FPI for hosting this meeting today.

    This is a really important agenda for the Government, and I hope that you recognise that by the support that’s been given at the highest levels of Government for this week. This is an issue which the Deputy Prime Minister, the Prime Minister and I take very seriously.

    The key point that I want to leave you with, as the Government’s Minister for Children and Families, is that this Government isn’t going to shy away from supporting family life.

    I do recognise that this is a controversial area – and it’s controversial both on the left and on the right. There are some people who will say it’s all about supporting marriage. Then you’ve got people who say it’s nothing to do with supporting marriage.

    Marriage is incredibly important in creating a supportive and happy environment, but it is not the only thing that we should consider when we’re thinking about supporting families, because we know that it is the quality of the family and parent-child relationships that really matter.

    I also think, in reflecting about supporting families and parents at this stage, that there is a tendency too often for families to become the public whipping boy for policy. After the riots, it’s right that we should think and ask questions about how we raise our children. But too often the debate becomes polarised into good parents and bad parents.

    That’s not helpful for anybody. All parents make mistakes. All parents find it a tough job. Most parents are desperate for more advice, more information and more support.

    Bringing up children is something that we all have a stake in, and we knock families at our peril. All of us have a stake in this. That’s demonstrated by the work that the FPI have done – in getting businesses involved as much as in the support that is offered to individual families.

    But I think that there is a very specific role for Government in trying to create the kind of society in which children grow up and develop well and in which family life can flourish.

    The evidence is clear. As Graham Allen and Frank Field have found in their reports, children’s life chances are heavily predicated on their development in the first five years of life. For children’s health, mothers’ health is critical in the early days and weeks.

    Two other factors are really important to children’s life chances: high-quality early years education and what we call the home learning environment. “The home learning environment has a greater influence on a child’s intellectual and social development than parental occupation, education or income.”

    That’s a very stark finding – it means that the way in which parents interact with their children in the very early stages of life can overcome many of the other factors associated with disadvantage.

    We know that this is very important. Supporting parents to do a good job is critical if the Government is serious about accessing the potential that all children have.

    That’s the reason that we have extended the free early years entitlement from 12.5 hours to 15 hours for all 3 and 4 year olds. It’s also the reason that we’re extending it to all disadvantaged two-year olds. There’s also significant, on-going work to improve the quality of the early years offer.

    But we need to do more if we want to support parents.

    Most new parents would expect to attend an antenatal class. They may decide to pay for that, or they may be able to have it for free.

    But parenting support once your child arrives has come to be seen as remedial or punitive. Something that is forced on you if something goes badly wrong or if your child is uncontrollable.

    I don’t think that’s a healthy way forward. I want to see more access and more choice for parents to parenting advice and support. That’s why I announced last month that the Government will shortly begin trialling an offer of parenting classes for mothers and fathers of children child aged 0 – 5 in three or four areas.

    The trial will give parents access to parenting classes during those first five years of their child’s life, so that they can have help with parenting until their child starts school. I hope that will begin to break that cycle that says that parenting classes are only something that happens when things go wrong, and that people will then feel confident, at a later stage, to access information and support.

    Today I am delighted to announce that those trials will run in three areas: Middlesbrough, High Peak and the London Borough of Camden. Officials from my Department have already been in touch with partners in those areas. They’ve been chosen specifically to make sure that we’re able to cover a rural area, an urban area, and areas with a very mixed population that have wealth and disadvantage living side by side. If this offer is going to work then it needs to be available to all parents.

    The classes won’t be compulsory. This isn’t the nanny state. But it is a response to the evidence that says that the home environment is the biggest single determinant of your child’s future success. I don’t think we can afford to ignore that evidence. It would be to squander the nation’s most precious resource – our children’s potential.

    But parenting classes are just one element in the spectrum of family support that this Government is providing.

    Sure Start Children’s Centres continue to play a vital part in their local community, alongside schools and NHS services.

    We believe that these centres should have a clear core purpose, focused on improving outcomes for young children and their families, with a particular focus on the most disadvantaged families – reducing inequalities in child development and school readiness; parenting aspirations, self esteem and parenting skills; and child and family health and life chances.

    We want areas who are trialling parenting classes to think about the role their local network of children’s centres can play – in terms of: children’s centres supporting families into parenting classes, through parenting classes, and after a parenting class has finished.

    And we know how important the support of health visitors can be, especially during those early years. This is why the Government is acting to strengthen the Healthy Child Programme through its commitment to an extra 4,200 health visitors by 2015.

    We’re also investing in relationship support – £30 million over the next four years – because we know that’s critical in supporting parents.

    Last week, we announced an increase in childcare support for families on low incomes.

    In addition, the Government has proposed to extend parental leave to both parents, to give families more flexibility and to encourage both parents to play their part. I believe passionately that this is a vital part of our commitment to families.

    BIS have recently concluded their consultation called the ‘Modern Work Place’ consultation, which addressed this issue. I believe that this is absolutely critical to supporting family life, and I’m very excited about this consultation.

    In the coming weeks, I’ll be announcing more support to help parents navigate through the wealth of information and advice available to mothers, fathers and carers, particularly on the internet.

    If you try Googling “parenting” you’ll receive over 200 million suggestions – not all of which will be relevant. We need to start helping parents navigate the enormous amount of parenting information and support available.

    That is why my Department and the Department of Health are jointly exploring ways of making digital information for parents of children between pregnancy and the age of five more easily accessible. The aim is that parents find specific information and advice when they need it and are signposted to high quality health and parenting content. I expect to be able to say more about this new service very shortly.

    Parenting isn’t just about supporting families in the early years. We know that things don’t always get easier as children get older.

    That’s why the commitment that the Prime Minister made very recently to a family ‘test’ is so critical.

    We want to do everything we can to ensure that policies help families flourish by supporting the financial well-being and work-life balance of families and promoting quality public services for them to use.

    I’m concerned that this test shouldn’t just pick up the broad sweep of issues or only cater for middle class families. If this test is going to work, it has to cater for families of all backgrounds. Families who may be more vulnerable, for example, because they have a child who has a disability, or because they fit into one of the categories which are less popular with the media. How are we supporting families who are involved in the criminal justice system, or who may be affected by benefit reform? These are the critical tests of how a family ‘test’ should work.

    But a family “test” operated wholly in Whitehall is unlikely to be the most effective way of achieving our aims. We need to know what real families think, and not just what civil servants think real families think.

    So that’s why I’ve been so grateful for the help of the FPI in developing our thinking so far.

    And we want to continue working with partners like you in developing the family “test.”

    If you want to make an input to the development of the family “test”, if there are obvious policy areas that you know need highlighting, or things that you think should be addressed by this family ‘test’ I’d encourage you to get in contact with the Families’ Strategic Partner, who offer advice to the Government on families’ issues, via our hosts today the Family and Parenting Institute.

    I just want to finish by saying that I’m incredibly grateful for the support, advice and challenge that everyone in the sector and beyond provides Government on its policy decisions. We are better for it!

    I know that families are feeling under pressure at the moment with the current fiscal situation. I know it’s tight and I know it’s difficult. But this Government is determined to do as much as it can to support families. I’m grateful for your help in making that happen.

  • Hugh Robertson – Speech to the 2nd UN/IOC Forum on Sport for Development and Peace

    Below is the text of a speech made by Hugh Robertson in Geneva on Tuesday 10th May 2011.

    It is a great honour to address the Second Forum on Sport for Development and Peace; I don’t say that lightly.

    Even though I am here as the UK’s Minister for Sport and the Olympics, this Forum brings together two organisations with a special place in my personal affections.

    The first, the IOC, has awarded London the honour of hosting the Olympic Games next year.  I would publicly like to thank the President, and the IOC, for all the help, encouragement and friendship that they have extended to us over the past six years.  The work of the Co-ordinating Commission, the IOC’s panel of experts, headed by Denis Oswald, many of those members are here today, has been invaluable and as a country, we very much appreciate your help in delivering London 2012 and your wider work for world sport.

    I would also like to extend my thanks to the President for his personal lead in the fight against corruption in sport.  If those watching sport ever cease to believe that the contest they are watching is not a fair contest between individuals and teams, then many of the benefits of sport that we will discuss today will be lost.

    Thank you, sir, for your personal commitment to this fight and for the global lead that the IOC is giving over this issue.

    The second organisation, the UN, is also one close to my heart.

    As a young army officer, I served twice with the UN Peacekeeping forces in, first, Cyprus and, later, in Sarajevo, a former Olympic host city, during the siege.

    I also chaired the UN group in our Parliament before I became a Minister so I am a great supporter of the work of the UN.  I am delighted that my government is supporting the work of the UN Sport for Development and Peace movement.

    I think that we are also at an exciting turning point with this agenda.

    The issue is how we use sport more effectively to contribute to the Millennium Development Goals – and, crucially, how we measure and sustain progress.

    So I don’t come here with any definitive answers. But what I did want to do today is –

    Firstly, give you a brief overview of the work we’re doing as part of our Olympic legacy programme.

    Secondly, share some reflections on what has worked well.

    And thirdly, to be honest with you about some things that haven’t worked so well.

    Let me start by saying a little bit about International Inspiration.

    This is the UK’s global sports legacy programme inspired by the London 2012 Games and the Olympic and Paralympic Values and supported by the IOC and IPC.

    It’s run by an independent charity, the II Foundation. And it’s delivered by UK Sport, the British Council and UNICEF – working alongside the British Olympic Association and British Paralympic Association, host Governments and other local and national agencies.

    A variety of projects are already running across 16 countries, spanning all continents, and we aim to reach 20 by the end of the programme.

    And the benefits work both ways.  The school links programme has developed partnerships with 300 schools in the UK helping to foster a greater understanding amongst children of the challenges of their counterparts in other parts of the world.

    The range of programme activities is considerable, but in essence the programme is centred around two key aims.

    The first is to develop the skills of teachers, coaches and young leaders around the world to increase access to high quality PE, Sport and Play

    The second is to help local agencies and partners to influence and improve national policies and programmes so that they can lock in progress and bring about systemic change in their countries.

    What sort of things does this involve? Well, here a few examples.

    In Bangladesh, the programme has helped to train teachers to deliver swimming lessons for more than 80,000 children.

    These are children learning to swim in one of the safe ponds that have been built in local communities. Working with the Bangladesh Swimming association, a new structure of clubs is being supported, and talented young swimmers identified.

    But the backdrop here is the urgent need to reduce the 17,000 children who drown in Bangladesh’s many rivers and waterways every year.

    In Jordan, we’re working very closely with HM King Abdullah’s Awards programme, and the Jordanian National Olympic and Paralympic Committees, to improve opportunities for young people to get involved in sport.

    This includes helping with the development of 15 ‘Sports Hubs’ which provide safe spaces for children to play and practise sport, as well as helping to recruit ‘youth leaders’ – young people who are trained to help other children to get their first taste of sport.

    A particular focus here is among girls who in the past had not been encouraged to take part in physical exercise and sport.

    There’s also some innovative work – strongly supported by the Jordanian Government and the IOC – for example to help more disabled young children to play an active role in the sporting life of the nation.

    And I would like here to pay tribute to the work of the whole Jordanian Royal Family and, in particular, Prince Feisal Al Hussein for his leading role in establishing the Generations for Peace Academy, opened by the king last week.

    Finally, in Zambia, we’re recruiting local leaders to train peers to reach out to disadvantaged children through sport.

    This isn’t just sport for sport’s sake, but an effective medium for spreading crucial messages about identifying and preventing HIV infection and importantly reducing the scourge of stigma attached to the many thousands of people already affected.

    One of the young leaders involved in the programme is a young man called Philip, who has been trained up to deliver support for his community.

    Frankly, he summed up the whole philosophy better than I can.

    He said that, “If you take a fishhook and put it in the water you are never going to catch anything. If you put bait around the hook, you will attract many fish! Sport is our bait and our messages are hidden within the hook.”

    Well, I couldn’t agree more.

    So what have we learnt? Well, let me highlight four things that I think have worked well.

    First, we’ve found that projects must be embedded within, and make a clear contribution to, the wider development agenda.

    For example, in Mozambique, there was already a great opportunity thanks to the country’s commitment to UNICEF’s Child Friendly Schools initiative.

    What International Inspiration was able to do, is review what it was already doing to promote sport and then to make some very targeted and specific interventions.

    The Mozambique Government worked with us, and backed the programme – so much so that the sporting aspect of the child friendly schools programme has been rolled out to seven out of 11 regions across the country.

    That takes me onto a second observation: partnership working is vital.

    It’s perhaps an obvious point, but success isn’t about our agencies working in a specific country, but rather working with that country.

    In terms of:

    – Understanding its agencies, and its government, and in particular the challenges they face in prioritising the needs of young people.
    – Getting to know the key personalities and players.
    – Working with their agenda, rather than trying to impose new priorities on them.

    Frequently, we are dealing with sensitive, cultural realities and challenging some entrenched behaviours or attitudes. Buy-in and support at the highest level is crucial for making the breakthrough.

    In other words, we’ve come to understand that delivering real change through sport is about building coalitions, not mounting crusades. This was a specific recommendation made by the Laureus Sport for Good Foundation in their excellent report on What Sport Can do for Africa.

    Thirdly, you have to be clear about the outcomes.

    In Bangladesh, the priority was quite obvious: as I said earlier UNICEF estimates that 17,000 Bangladeshi children die each year by drowning.

    The Swim Safe programme led by UNICEF, was already working across seven flood prone districts.

    With International Inspiration’s help, it’s been able to expand the number of swimming instructors who have been trained.

    That multiplier effect helps to amplify the impact. In this case: an extra 80,000 children have been taught survival swimming skills since 2009.

    Finally, evidence is key. Without the proof that investing time and effort does pay off, it’s hard to maintain long term support even for the most impressive projects – at a time when all national budgets are under pressure.

    We’ve found that we needed to become more forensic, more exacting in how we measured success – and yes, more critical and honest when things haven’t worked.

    As with any programme of this size and scale, there are things we could have done differently and better. Let me share a few of these too.

    Firstly, in the early days, we tried to develop and deliver the programme in strands, rather than through integrated working.

    Different agencies doing different things with not enough central co-ordination. There was no sense of a grand plan, bringing everything together under a clear and agreed set of shared outcomes.

    Second, I already mentioned the importance of partnership. Again, we found the programmes worked best where the right relationships were built at the outset.

    If you don’t encourage a sense of shared ownership and excitement for the programme, then you don’t get the long term commitment you need.

    Finally, I think we learnt over time, you have to be realistic about what the programme could and couldn’t do.

    The International Inspiration programme is not about achieving elite sporting success. It isn’t a short cut to medal success in the Olympics and Paralympics.

    The schemes may help in the long-term, of course, but it is a very long term prospect.

    Where early programmes fell away, it was because the commitment was superficial and short term.

    These programmes need local enthusiasm and energy to sustain progress and ensure lasting change; collaboration is absolutely vital.

    So, based on our experiences, I would say that co-ordination, partnership and realism are key to successful delivery.

    In conclusion, yes, there are challenges. Yes, the financial situation is difficult for many, if not all, of us.

    In the UK, we are increasing our overseas assistance to 0.7% of our Gross National Income by 2013, but we do need to think carefully about priorities.  It is always a challenge to make the case for sport for development against other development priorities.

    But that makes it all the more important that we fix on the things I’ve been talking about: effectiveness, relevance, sustainability and, above all, evidence of value.

    And let me say this to you finally.

    If we get our collective approaches to sport and development right.

    If we work together and learn from each other, I’m confident we’ll see this agenda expand and mature in the years ahead.

    Sport can achieve great things for people around the world.

    – To strengthen and reinforce those founding values of the Olympics and the Paralympic.

    – To give renewed life to de Coubertin’s vision of sport as an agent for justice and social progress.

    But more than anything else, to support many thousands more young people across the world.

    We all want to involve, engage and inspire young people to use sport as a path to a better life for themselves, and many others in their communities.

    That’s what International Inspiration is all about, and I hope it will leave a valuable legacy long into the future, certainly long after the Olympic torch leaves London for, first, Sochi and then Rio.

    To both the IOC and the UN, co-hosts of this forum, thank you for all that you have done – and good luck for the remainder of this exciting forum, and beyond.

  • Andrew Robathan – 2011 Local Government Association Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Minister for Defence Personnel, Welfare and Veterans, Andrew Robathan, to the 2011 Local Government Association Conference on 1st November 2011. This speech was released by the Ministry of Defence and these are speaker’s notes and not a full transcript.

    Thank you Sir Merrick for that introduction.

    My congratulations on organising a fascinating day with some excellent speakers – they’re still to come..! -and workshops.

    I used to be a Councillor myself, and my wife is currently – within Westminster – so I have some understanding of the issues you face.

    It’s fantastic to see so many representatives from across local government, and the voluntary and charitable sector.

    You are in the vanguard of our plans to cement the bond between our communities and the Armed Forces through the Armed Forces Covenant and Community Covenant.

    Not everyone down the years would have embraced such localism.

    General de Gaulle once observed of France, “How can you govern a country which has 246 varieties of cheese?”

    He would have really struggled in Britain which – according to the gloriously named British Cheese Board – boasts over 700 distinct local cheeses!

    And he would have despaired at your job, Merrick, representing as you do hundreds of councils and thousands of councillors.

    Because, in part, De Gaulle’s complaint seems to have been that localism interferes with the smooth pursuit of the national interest.

    Perhaps so in France, but in Britain I’ve always believed that’s the wrong way round.

    This Government believes in ‘small government’.

    Of course Westminster and Whitehall should lead on those issues which are truly national in scope.

    But, at most, they should complement – not substitute – local efforts on everything else.

    It’s why decentralising power is at the heart of this government’s agenda.

    Yet Britain’s Armed Forces straddle the national and local divide.

    At one level, they are rooted in lock communities.

    For instance, the British infantry system of county regiments helped to forge deep ties between those who serve – often alongside neighbours and friends – and the communities they left behind.

    At another level, our Armed Forces are woven into the fabric of our nation’s history and psyche.

    Nelson on the quarterdeck; the Pals on the Somme; the SAS on TV as they stormed the Iranian Embassy.

    Courage, sacrifice, excellence.

    It’s why the British public have a deep respect for, and pride in, our Armed Forces.

    But respect and pride are not the same as understanding.

    Our Armed Forces Community may be an integral part of our society, but in recent decades the link has declined.

    When World War II ended in 1945, there were around five million men and women in uniform.

    Almost everyone in the country knew someone close who had served.

    My parents and her generation gave up their youth in the service of this country.

    The National Service generation only added to the ledger.

    But for many years, our Armed Forces have been a professional, volunteer force – declining in number – while the older generations have dwindled.

    Public understanding of our Armed Forces has declined as a result.

    This matters hugely.

    The effectiveness of our Armed Forces depends on them knowing that they have their country’s support.

    Parliament has taken to welcoming home units of the Armed Forces, and yesterday we welcomed 3 Commando.

    We asked them to go to war, and it is right that we welcome them home.

    Such support requires the public to understand the role of our Armed Forces, and the sacrifice our men and women in uniform make with their families.

    We should never take public support for granted, even in times of plenty.

    Nor should we under-estimate their principled conviction that our Armed Forces Community should get the support they need and the dignity they deserve.

    That they should suffer no disadvantage as a result of serving; indeed should receive special consideration in some instances.

    And that they have a right to expect a whole of society approach – not just a top-down, or bottom-up one.

    So I’m pleased to say that in the 18 months since the General Election we’ve taken action over a very broad canvas.

    For the first time ever, the principles I have mentioned (no disadvantage) will be recognised in the law of the land through the Armed Forces Bill.

    On the front line, we’ve doubled the operational allowance and extended it to Libya.

    We’ve improved the Rest and Recuperation leave.

    And we’ve doubled Council Tax relief from 25% to 50% for all personnel on operations, including Libya.

    In May, we set out – in the ‘Today and Tomorrow’ paper – what we’re doing to give the Covenant practical effect.

    For instance, we have endorsed all of Andrew Murrison’s recommendations for improving mental health care.

    We have allocated resources for 36,000 Service children as part of the pupil premium, and introduced a separate fund for schools with high proportions of Service children.

    And we are giving our personnel a high priority in Affordable Housing Schemes.

    Yet, as I’ve said, the Armed Forces Covenant is not just about action from the centre.

    There are fewer than 200,000 serving members of our Armed Forces, whereas there are still more than four and a half million people who have served.

    With their families, our Armed Forces Community is roughly one in six of the total population.

    Providing support to this vast number of people involves all areas of local government working with communities up and down the land.

    The 10 NHS Armed Forces Networks have proved particularly useful in ironing out local healthcare and adult social care issues through their extensive local networks.

    For example, an RAF couple were devastated to hear that their application to adopt a child had been scuppered by orders posting them overseas.

    The Local Authority had withdrawn from the process as ‘suitable’ counselling services would not be available.

    By contacting their regional Armed Forces Network lead, they were able to get SSAFA Forces Help to liaise with the Local Authority until the issue was resolved and the adoption went ahead.

    This is the ‘no disadvantage from service’ principle in action.

    It also shows the importance of local authorities forging links with Service charities and the wider voluntary and charitable sector.

    And in June, four counties became the first in Britain to demonstrate community-led support for the Armed Forces through the Community Covenant scheme.

    You’ll hear more about best practice later this morning from three of the counties involved so far – Oxfordshire, Hampshire, and North Yorkshire.

    A further seven councils have signed, with over 30 in the pipeline.

    The Community Covenant has been well-received, and my hope is that every community will sign one.

    It’s important as a symbol of our beliefs, and it’s important as a commitment to action.

    This afternoon you will hear more about the Community Covenant Grant Scheme.

    We have allocated up to £30 million until 2015 to fund projects which support the aims of the Community Covenant.

    A panel considered the first bids last month.

    I am delighted to announce that we have approved 11 superb bids in full, and another two in part, totalling over £400,000.

    I am particularly pleased to see that those bids will draw in matched funding of over a quarter of a million pounds.

    As to the successful bids themselves, they include help towards a new Scout and Guides Headquarters in Bedale; supporting the Dover Diamond Jubilee Tattoo; and helping elderly residents in their village during adverse weather.

    Decisions on another 14 applications will be made once we have received some additional information.

    If they are all approved, it would take total project funding past £1 million in just this first round.

    Panels are due to sit again in December and March, and quarterly thereafter – so it’s not too late!

    Ladies and Gentlemen, Defence is a very human endeavour – and the consequences of Service life are very human too.

    I hope that today inspires you to deepen the relationship between our Armed Forces and the communities they’re drawn from.

    Because that relationship is as important now as it’s ever been.

    How we, as a nation, treat our Armed Forces Community is a litmus test of who we are as a nation.

    I’m confident that the nation will respond to the challenge.

    And that it will be driven in part by localism in the national interest.

  • Andrew Lansley – 2011 Speech to King's Fund Leadership Conference

    andrewlansley

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Health, Andrew Lansley, to the King’s Fund Leadership Conference on 18th May 2011.

    Thank you Kate [Lobley, Director of Leadership, The King’s Fund].

    As the Prime Minister set out so clearly this week, the NHS faces some significant long-term challenges. An ageing and increasing population, increasing burden of chronic disease, rising costs of drugs and treatments, and growing, almost insatiable public expectations.

    If we choose to ignore these pressures, if we stick with the status quo, then in the years ahead the NHS will face a genuine crisis. One that would threaten the core values of a comprehensive health service, available to all, free at the point of use and based on need.

    This government will not allow that to happen.

    But given the financial context, how to ensure the NHS is not only sustainable in the long term, but that it gets better? That it gives the people of this country healthcare that is consistently among the very best in the world?

    I think the answer is straight-forward.

    You put the right people in charge.

    You make it crystal clear what it is they are trying to achieve and how they will be held to account.

    And you then do everything in your power to support them in what they are doing.

    Where they need extra powers or resources, as far as you can, you supply them. Where there are obstacles, you remove them.

    That is what happens every day in successful organisations around the world. And it is what I want to happen in the Health Service too.

    Leadership

    Today is about leadership in the NHS. About what good leadership can do for patients and about how we can support and nurture current and future leaders within the Health Service.

    Note that I say ‘leaders’ – not leader. For leadership in the Health Service cannot be about one person at the very top. The leadership style of Henry V on St Crispin’s day – the man on horseback- as dramatic and inspiring as it is, just isn’t appropriate for something as vast, as complex or as subtle as the NHS.

    The Health Service needs far more than that. It needs leaders at every level, in every institution and in every profession.

    And the people that I believe, first and foremost, should be leading the NHS are clinicians. GPs, hospital doctors, nurses, pharmacists, allied health professionals, scientists.

    We need people in every area to step up to the plate and lead.

    No profession can be left out if we are to deliver truly integrated, high quality healthcare for everyone in the country.

    Managers

    And when I say that, I include managers. But leadership and management are not the same. Some managers are leaders in the service now, like David Nicholson. Others will be leaders in the future – but not just because they rise up the managerial ladder. Management is one of the professional disciplines inside the NHS, but it is a support to clinical leadership, not a substitute for it.

    Just so there is no confusion, I know that high quality managers are essential to the effective and efficient running of the NHS.

    No fundamental change in any NHS organisation ever came about without the support of managers – people who are every bit as committed to the health service and to improving patient care as clinicians.

    The problem is not the people, it’s the system. Managers are placed in an impossible position.

    Too often in the Health Service, change is seen as a process whereby managers tell clinicians what to do. But why is this the case? It’s because people like me in government are constantly ordering them to do it.

    So you end up with a top-down, command-and-control system with the Health Secretary driven more by that day’s headlines than the best interests of patients.

    He then gets his officials to come up with some ploy that he can sell to the press, tells all NHS managers to carry it out and then claim to be saving the day.

    Managers are then left to force it through on the ground – whatever the clinicians might think and whatever the consequences down the line for patients.

    So you get new initiatives with exciting names. Policies that sound great, but amount to little more than hot air.

    The result? Emasculated and frustrated clinicians, overstretched managers caught in the middle and patient care that is at the political whim of whoever happens to have won the previous election.

    And over the years, the accumulated weight of countless…

    – initiatives to implement,

    – targets to meet,

    – reports to produce

    – and boxes to tick…

    …means that the NHS isn’t managed. It’s bureaucratised.

    Managers are no more free to run their organisations than clinicians are. Over these last seven years, it was as often managers who told me to get rid of the top-down culture as it was nurses or doctors.

    And while those who work in the Health Service add “frustration” to their job descriptions from day one, it’s patients who lose out on the potential benefits of a truly clinically-led Health Service.

    It’s been like this for decades. It cannot continue for another. It’s time that politicians and managers handed the controls over to the people who really understand the needs of patients and how to serve them best – to clinicians.

    King’s Fund report

    Today, the King’s Fund’s Commission on Leadership and Management in the NHS has published its report.

    I very much welcome the report. It speaks to the same ambition that I have for the NHS. For a Service led from the front. An integrated NHS that is focussed on improving clinical outcomes and nothing else. A Service that is well managed, not overly administered.

    I understand the caution around the size of reduction to the management and administration budgets. But most of these will come from the abolition of Primary Care Trusts and Strategic Health Authorities.

    Across the public services, similar reductions in administrative costs are required. In the NHS, we can see how we can achieve this by changing the shape and burden of administration, not just the numbers of administrators – not keeping the system the same and asking fewer people to run it, but reducing the scale of administration alongside the cost.

    By handing power to clinicians and by ending the constant micro-management and over-burdensome performance management of the NHS, much of this work will no longer be needed.

    Where I fully agree with the report is in the vital importance of high quality leaders and managers. The gains made in recent years must be maintained and built upon. Every NHS organisation and provider must take their staff development role incredibly seriously, especially new entrants from the charity and independent sectors.

    I’m keen to continue the excellent work of the National Leadership Council. Just last week, I announced that we would fund a further 60 Fellows as part of the Council’s Fellowship programme, developing tomorrow’s leaders from all parts of the Health Service,.

    Every one of whom will make their own individual mark on their local NHS, and collectively make a real and lasting difference to the level of leadership within Health Service as a whole.

    The King’s Fund report says that the NHS needs a national focus on leadership and would welcome a national leadership development centre.

    I am now considering the idea of a national centre. I know there are some interesting and novel schemes already running. For example, the innovative programme at UCLH, which has drawn on models of leadership from the armed services. We’ll respond to this and the other recommendations once the listening exercise has closed.

    Outcomes

    I said at the beginning that if you want to achieve success in an organisation you first have to put the right people in charge. But that’s not all. You then need to be clear about what they are trying to achieve and show them how you will hold them to account for that.

    So let me ask you a simple question. What’s the NHS for? We all know when we see it: supporting childbirth; promoting good health; treating illness and injury and promoting recovery; care for those with chronic illness; care when dying.

    But if this is what the NHS is for, why have we never measured in a systematic way how well it’s achieving these aims? Of course, these things are not always easy. But they are worth the effort.

    What is the gain if you treat people in a shorter period of time if the quality of the care and the quality of the outcomes were to be poor? Too often we measure the success of the Health Service by the number of units it processes, not by how well it improves people’s lives.

    So from now on, I want all parts of the NHS to be judged on the clinical outcomes they achieve. We published the Outcomes Framework in December to help all clinicians to pull in the same direction.

    – Reducing avoidable mortality;

    – enhancing recovery after treatment;

    – improving the quality of life for people with chronic conditions;

    – maximising safety and cutting the number of infections;

    – and continually improving patients’ experience of their own healthcare.

    To flesh out the detail, NICE is developing a library of condition specific Quality Standards. These will mean that, over time, every clinician – and every patient – will be able to see just what excellent care really means and judge whether they are receiving it. These aren’t targets by another name. They state what should be achieved, not how clinicians should achieve them.

    As General Patton once said, “Don’t tell people how to do things, tell them what to do and let them surprise you with their results.”

    And because all providers of NHS care will be aiming for the same high quality outcomes, I, the NHS Commissioning Board, General Practice Consortia, local authorities and, most importantly, patients themselves will be able to hold providers to account for delivering that excellent care.

    Integration

    And more often than not, delivering excellent care will mean delivering integrated care.

    But unfortunately, the NHS is not particularly good at integration. What it is good at is episodic care.

    If you’re young and relatively healthy but fall ill with a specific disease, or have a particular injury, the Health Service is excellent at taking you in, making you better and sending you on your way.

    The problem with this is that the vast majority of the people the NHS looks after don’t fit that description. Most of today’s patients are older and with one, or often more than one, long-term condition.

    So you have the typical example of an older person with terminal cancer, having to rely on her daughter to coordinate care between her GP, community nurses, hospitals and social care because they can’t quite seem to join up the dots by themselves.

    And what about the many who don’t have someone to fight their corner? What happens to them?

    The needs of patients are too often not catered for by the strengths of the Service. The result is that, far too often, care today in the NHS is fragmented.

    A patient with COPD might be treated by her GP, by a pulmonary specialist, and by a community nursing team.

    – Three separate groups of people to contact,

    – three separate sets of forms to fill in,

    – and three separate notes to keep track of.

    All this with the patient in the middle, often the one who has to try and coordinate their own care between them.

    Or look at end of life care. At the end of their life, most people want to die in their own home. But the fact is that most people actually die in hospital.

    This isn’t because of the high level of intensive, hospital based care they need.

    It’s not because the people who work in the NHS don’t want to provide the very best care to their patients.

    It’s simply because the system isn’t set up to provide the quality of out-of-hospital care needed to help patients die at home.

    – The system of tariffs doesn’t encourage hospitals to do it.

    – The people with the money, the PCTs, often aren’t aligned properly with clinicians.

    – It’s hard for the voluntary sector – organisations that can add so much at the end of a person’s life – to offer their services.

    – Patient experience and outcomes aren’t measured.

    And all too often, health and social care organisations just don’t join up.

    But there are examples where people have joined together to beat the system. Since 2004, the Marie Curie Cancer Care’s ‘Delivering Choice Programme’ has taken a whole system approach to end-of-life care. Working across all those involved – the NHS, the voluntary sector, social services and carers – to provide 24-hour, patient centred care for those at the end of their lives.

    The evaluation of the first scheme in Lincolnshire, carried out by the King’s Fund, found that deaths at home rose from 19% to 42%, while deaths in hospital fell from over 60% to just 45%. All the while being cost neutral.

    Another important opportunity for joined-up services is in urgent care. Services are too often fragmented, varying in quality across the country and often confuse patients into using inappropriate services – like going to A&E rather than seeing their GP.

    But by adopting new technologies to encourage greater self-care, by introducing the ‘111’ telephone number as a single point of contact for non-emergency care and by giving local commissioners the freedoms they need, we can change this.

    We can deliver a properly integrated urgent care system that turns the NHS into a 24/7 service, and makes phrases like “out of hours” feel redundant.

    Care needs to be organised not around the needs of a particular provider, but around the needs of the individual patient.

    To have good care, care needs to be integrated.

    Choice and competition

    Another thing that is essential for achieving excellence is involving the patient in their own care. This means more than just explaining things to people. It’s bringing them into the decision making process. It’s giving patients a choice.

    Now patients already have a degree of choice. They can choose the hospital that will carry out an elective procedure. Or at least they could if they were able to distinguish to any meaningful degree the quality of care offered by one hospital from another. But whether you’re going in to have an in-growing toe nail removed or for radical cancer treatment, if you don’t know how good a particular provider is, how can you – or your GP – decide which to choose?

    And even if you look at the current overall hospital ratings, they won’t tell you how good their clinical outcomes are at the one thing that you’re most interested in – at the procedure you’re about to have.

    So while patients today theoretically have a choice. In reality, it’s hardly a choice at all.

    So is it any wonder that although almost all GPs maintain that they always offer their patients a choice, according to research by the by Anna Dixon here at the King’s Fund, less than half [49%] of them recall being offered one?

    We need to offer choice where appropriate; but even more so we can make the framework for choice more robust. If you could see not only how good a hospital was, but how good a specific department or even a specific consultant-led team was, wouldn’t that change things dramatically?

    That is when GPs and other clinicians can really draw a patient in to the decision making process. For with the right sort of information, choice becomes meaningful.

    And patients will choose the care that offers the best results for them.

    Last month the National Cancer Intelligence Network published, for the first time, mortality rates 30 days following surgery for bowel cancer. Across the country, the figure was 5.8%. Not bad, perhaps. But that national figure masked huge variation. From just 1.7% to 15.6%.

    Now this doesn’t automatically mean that care at one place is necessarily better or worse than elsewhere. As you know, there will be all sorts of factors at play. But it does give clinical teams pause for thought. To ask the question, is there more that we can do? To look at those with the best performance and see if there are things that they are doing that we are not.

    Making this information available to the public will also have an impact. Patients, with their doctor, will be able to make a more informed choice as to by whom they wish to be treated. And given the choice between one hospital with a very high survival rate and another with a lower one, which would you choose?

    Integration through competition

    Now choice, real choice, means that providers will be sometimes, in effect, competing for patients. They do now. Strengthening information and accountability will encourage all providers, however good they may be, to raise their game and to offer patients the best possible care.

    No provider, whether from the NHS, charity or independent sector will be competing on price. As we extend tariffs prices will either be fixed for all providers nationally or locally by commissioners. The only way to distinguish yourself as a healthcare provider is to provide a higher quality service than everyone else.

    But at this point, some people start to question whether competition isn’t utterly at odds with that other essential ingredient I’ve mentioned – proper integration of healthcare.

    I would like to explain not only why this is not the case, but why competition can actually lead to a far greater degree of integration than would ever be the case without it. And to do that I hope you will forgive me if we leave the realm of healthcare for a moment.

    We live in a complex world where we take for granted the minor miracles of integration that we see and experience every day. Integration that is so seamless that we don’t even notice it.

    Let me take just one example. I bet virtually everyone here today has a phone in their pocket or handbag. Some of you will have more than one. It might be a basic model where you can make calls and send texts and that’s about it. Or it might be one of the latest smart phones that can do just about everything bar the washing up.

    Either way, you are enjoying the fruits of countless individual companies operating in a wide range of individual, highly competitive markets, all working together to deliver that one complex, ubiquitous product.

    Mining companies, designers, chip manufacturers, haulage companies, marketing agencies, precision engineers, logistics companies, data management, network providers, warehouses and, finally, the place that sold you the finished product.

    Each one competing fiercely for business at every step of the way. Each one successful in large part because of the high degree of integration they can offer with the other parts of that supply chain.

    When organisations compete but don’t offer to integrate their services, the result is clear… they don’t get the business.

    It is in the interests of every provider to offer the greatest possible degree of integration. Even with those they are competing directly against. Vodafone and T-Mobile both rely on common standards. Whether you have a Nokia, an iPhone or a Samsung, the same SIM card will work in all three.

    The same can be true of healthcare. Only here we don’t call it a supply chain, we call it a care pathway.

    Of course, the NHS isn’t a mobile phone. It’s infinitely more important than that. If things go wrong on your phone, you can’t make a call. If things go wrong in the Health Service, people’s lives are at stake.

    Modernisation isn’t about competition. It’s about improving results for patients. It’s about building quality services for patients. It’s about extending information and choice. It’s about competition as a means to an end, not an end in itself. And it means ensuring that the service is patient-centred, not provider-centred.

    I know the clinicians in charge of commissioning will demand nothing less.

    Because it will be an essential element of every contract within the NHS.

    Because they will be rewarded by the outcomes they deliver and they will be better if they are deeply integrated within the wider pathway of care.

    So a hospital that doesn’t go out of its way to integrate its general surgery with community nursing teams and with local GPs will quickly run into problems.

    The community dialysis provider that does not link up with specialist community nursing, with hospital renal specialists or with social care organisations will find it very difficult to convince commissioners to pay for their services.

    And if nothing else, if they don’t prioritise integration, their competitors certainly will.

    And in those circumstances where the best care is be provided by commissioning a single provider across the whole pathway, that’s allowed too. The Bill doesn’t prevent that. It will support that. This is about doing whatever it takes to produce the best outcomes for patients.

    Listening

    If we agree that the whole point of the NHS is to provide the very best outcomes for patients, then I believe we must have a fully integrated NHS that is clinically led and that gives patients a real choice.

    I am very clear that this is what we must achieve, but I am also very open to views and ideas as to how we achieve it. To my mind, nothing is more important than getting this right. The law of unforseen consequences can play no part in NHS modernisation.

    That’s why we have paused after the Health and Social Care Bill has left committee to listen and reflect on what people are saying and to see if there are things we can do – substantive things – that will mean that our ambition is matched by the reality on the ground.

    The Bill is necessary not to give more power to the centre, but to give it away to clinicians. You cannot have a clinically led system without the legislation necessary to give them that lead. And if you want the NHS to be truly run from the bottom-up then you do at some point need the people at the top to let go the direct reins of power. That is what the Health and Social Care Bill is about.

    Conclusion

    I don’t want the future of the NHS to be determined by me or any other politician. I want it to be determined by the millions of choices made by millions of individual patients and by the healthcare professionals responsible for their care.

    By local NHS and social care organisations working with local authorities and patient groups to bring cohesion and integration to local patient services.

    And by the many thousands of clinical leaders in GP surgeries, hospitals, cooperatives and independent sector providers all across the country.

    The government will put the right people – clinicians – in charge. We will make it clear what they need to do and how they will be held to account. And we can do everything possible to support them in this difficult role.

    This is our vision for the NHS. A vision of an NHS led from the bottom-up. A vision that puts patient care above news headlines.

    A vision that I believe in and that I fully expect to deliver outcomes that are consistently among the very best in the world.

  • Andrew Lansley – 2011 Speech on Hospices

    andrewlansley

    Below is the text of the speech by Andrew Lansley, the then Health Secretary, given on 26th September 2011 at Help the Hospices.

    Thank you Michael [Howard].

    There are few people better qualified than you are to talk about the relentless cut and thrust of British politics.

    We all know what we’re getting into, of course, but there are still times when all the press, the interviews, the meetings and policy documents can feel like a bit much.

    But there was a reason why I first asked you if I could be health spokesman for our party eight years ago.  It’s because nothing is more important than the care we give to people when they are at their most vulnerable; and nothing more inspiring than the people who give that care.

    As the Secretary of State in charge, it’s important never to lose sight of that.  That’s why I visit the NHS and other health and care providers every week.  I recently visited three hospices in one day up in the North West.

    Each of them had received funding from the Department of Health’s £40m capital grant scheme.  So I went up to see how it was being put to use.  A proper thing to do from an accountability point of view …but it was also very moving personally as well.

    I saw places where the hospice workers give excellent levels of care and support.  Where patients, their families and their carers get the best experience that their circumstances allow.

    For me, the quality of the interaction and relationships between patients and the professionals who work with them defines good healthcare.

    I know how important hospices are to local communities and what excellent work they do.

    In 2007/8, hospices in England, Wales and Northern Ireland cared for around:

    – 41,000 new adult in-patients,

    – 18,000 new day care patients

    – 102,000 patients at home

    – as well as supporting 110,000 patients in hospital.

    In every single case, they play an essential role:

    – providing specialist care to those who need it,

    – educating health and social care professionals,

    – innovating in service provision,

    – and supporting services for people who want to get their care in the community.

    Hospices play a valuable role in giving people choices.

    They’re well placed to provide, or be a part of, many of the community-based end of life care services set out in the End of Life Care Strategy.

    They’re essential in ensuring that the needs of patients and their families are met, whatever their circumstances.

    That’s why I – and the coalition government as a whole – want to see hospices flourish and develop.  We have already taken action to support that, and we’re going to do more as well.

    End of life care

    It’s said that you can judge the civility of a society based on how well it treats its most vulnerable citizens.  On the basis of some cases that have recently come to light, we need to do a lot better.

    There’s more work to do to develop better end of life and palliative care services, to make sure that all of the people that need that care always get it.

    Care that is compassionate, appropriate and a high quality. And care that always takes account of patients’ choices and their personal preferences.

    Quality

    The health reforms currently being put in to place will put improving the quality of care truly at the heart of the NHS.

    We are developing a new indicator for end of life care, to help assess its quality and to inform the improvement of services.  It will be based on a national survey of the bereaved, who will report on the deceased’s, and their own, experience of care, so that developments will be based on the evidence of those who know.

    And NICE is developing a quality standard for end of life care.  Due in November, it will set out – based on the evidence – the characteristics of what a high quality services.  It will help commissioners and providers see what the best care looks like.

    Already today, end of life care comes from a range of providers, including hospices.  As we move into the future, with an NHS based around patients rather than process, I want to encourage new partnerships and more organisations to get involved.

    Because I believe that, where it’s appropriate, patients should be able to choose from a range of groups, all offering services that are high quality, consistent, and delivered in a way that the patient likes.

    We are asking the NHS to listen to patients, and if they hear a strong call for more choice about who provides care at the end of life, then commissioners should make that happen locally.

    If providers meet strict qualifying criteria, and if they’re ready, it’s right that they should be allowed to offer care to people who want that choice.  It will mean more innovation in the sector, which will benefit patients, because their care will keep getting better, and it will benefit the best providers who will then attract more patients.

    To secure continuing improvements in quality, we must empower people with information, shared decision-making, and choice.  “No decision about me, without me” is, I know, already integral to hospice care.

    I really can’t overstate how important choice is, particularly when it comes to end of life care.

    We want to make sure the wishes of the patient and the family come first.  Moving towards a system where everybody is supported in how they want to die.

    The recent report from Cicely Saunders International on local preferences and place of death told us yet again that most people would prefer to be cared for and to die at home.

    But sadly, it also found that for many people, it just doesn’t work out that way.

    For some, Hospital will continue to be the appropriate place to die.

    But many more people could be cared for and die at home or in a ‘home from home’ such as a hospice…

    – if the system allowed it.

    – if money was available,

    – if services could be provided where and when they were needed,

    – and if some of the red tape could be cut back.

    I want this to happen.

    People need more choice and control about the care they get when they are dying. In particular, services should be set up to help people who want to die where they live, including in a care home if that has become their usual home.

    We want to introduce a right that will make this happen.

    And if it is going to happen, we need to fully implement the End of Life Care Strategy, particularly around delivering improved services in the community.

    Children

    Hospices have a particularly important role to play for children

    When it comes to palliative care, their can differ greatly from those of older patients.  It’s not just a matter of end of life care, but also helping children with life-threatening or terminal conditions to live as full a life as possible.

    We are working with children’s hospices to improve palliative care for children and to develop a more sustainable and patient-centred funding system.

    This year, the Department of Health gave £10m to forty children’s hospices in England through the children’s hospice and hospice-at-home scheme.  The grant, introduced 5 years ago, has now provided £57 million to children’s hospices.

    Last year, we also give up to £30 million to support local projects to develop children’s palliative care services, bringing together local commissioners and providers, including voluntary sector organisations.

    Time

    Altering the system to allow more choice can’t be done overnight.  Everything must be re-aligned and that takes time.  For example, commissioners need to be sure that the right services are available to support people to be looked after at home.  Effective co-ordination of care will also be essential.

    To support this, we have piloted End of Life Care Locality Registers, also known as Electronic Palliative Care Co-ordination Systems, as a way to ensure that all professionals involved in a person’s care at the end of their life have access to key information about a person’s care and their care preferences. And we are now working with partners to help this practice become more widespread.

    There’s a lot of work to be done.  In 2013, we’ll review our progress and see how we’re doing.  See how close we are to giving everyone greater choice.

    Palliative Care Funding Review

    A huge part of all of this is getting the system of funding right.

    The coalition’s Programme for Government says we will introduce a new per-patient funding system for all hospices and providers of palliative care, for both adults and children.

    It’s right there, in black and white, on page 26.

    I’m sure you all have a well-thumbed copy on your bedside tables, so have a look when you get home.

    To help drive forward our commitment to innovative, integrated services, I set up the independent Palliative Care Funding Review.

    In a nutshell, the Review’s job was to develop funding options that would be fair.  Fair to patients, ensuring that they have access to the care they want, where and when they want it. And fair to all providers of dedicated palliative care, including hospices, giving them the means to make it happen.

    Per-patient funding should be sustainable; it should provide stability; and it should actively encourage palliative care to be given in the community, so people can stay at home or in a care home if they want.

    But for it to be a viable option, it also has to be affordable.  Fair to the taxpayer, if you will.  Particularly when you look at the financial situation at the moment.

    I have welcomed the Review’s final report, which has made a really positive start at looking at what is an incredibly complex issue.

    Data

    It came up with a range of significant proposals.  They now need detailed consideration, and, crucially, they need to be backed up with new information and data.  One key conclusion of the review is that “There is a stunning lack of good data surrounding costs for palliative care in England.”

    For example, at present there is no data on individual patients receiving specialist palliative care.  Work is underway to change that, but it may well need to be extended to include the points recommended by the Palliative Care Funding Review.

    The pilots, the next stage in taking this forward, will collect a range of data covering different age groups, different diagnoses, and different settings.

    And they will be designed to consider questions that are central to the development of per-patient funding.

    Questions like:

    – Can clinicians classify patients easily and reliably?

    – What care did patients receive during each phase of their illness?

    – And what will their treatment cost?

    I’m under no illusions about the scale of that task.  But at the same time, I know it’s a hugely positive step.  We’re going to work out how it might best be carried out, and then there will be extensive engagement through piloting.

    A key outcome of the pilots will be to develop the building blocks – the currencies, as the jargon has it – that we’ll need to construct a tariff – a set of NHS prices for services delivered.

    A national tariff will provide a clear and transparent method of reimbursing service providers.  The introduction of a tariff for most acute services has helped to shift discussions between providers and commissioners onto quality and away from price.

    Linking payment to better patient outcomes drives improved quality, encourages efficiency and supports patient choice.

    I’ve been hugely encouraged by the numbers of organisations already offering to help with the pilots.  Already, over 25 had said they want to be involved, and we’re always on the lookout for more.

    Getting per-patient funding off the page and into practice is not going to be easy.

    But without losing sight of the practicalities, we should all recognise the potential benefits.

    We have an opportunity to give people the best care at the end of their lives.  We need to push forward with reform and I want a new system in place by 2015.  Moving forward faster than the review proposed.

    We also want to get people’s opinions about what our priorities should be when we reform the care and support system.

    On 15 September, the Government launched Caring For Our Future: Shared Ambitions For Care And Support, an engagement with those who use care and support services, carers, local councils, care providers, and the voluntary sector about the priorities for improving care and support.

    Both the National Council for Palliative Care and the National End of Life Care Programme will organise events where you can give your views on how to improve end of life care through social care reform.

    As part of this, we would also value views on the Palliative Care Funding Review.  In particular, we’d like to be able to explore in more detail its recommendations on free health and social care at the end of life.

    Conclusion

    As progress is made, we need to move forward together.

    Today we published the Third Annual Report on the End of Life Care Strategy, which provides more information on work and developments over the past year.

    It’s available on the Department’s website and it’s a good and encouraging read.

    Of course, there is much more to be done.  But if patients are to receive the care they deserve at the end of their lives, then hospices are going to be central in delivering improved care, providing an expanding range of vital, high quality, compassionate services in the community.

    I look forward to continuing our partnership with all of you in the hospice movement.

    Thank you.

  • Andrew Lansley – 2011 NHS Modernisation Speech

    andrewlansley

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Health, Andrew Lansley, on NHS modernisation to NHS staff at Frimley Park Hospital in Surrey on the 5th April 2011. The Prime Minister, David Cameron, and the Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg, were both also in attendance.

    There is no more important institution in this country than the NHS. This is true for everyone, not least for me. I am passionate about improving our NHS; for today and for generations to come.

    As David and Nick have said, there is widespread support for the principles of our proposals:

    – For a patient-centred service with ‘No decision about me, without me’;

    – For clinical leadership,

    – And a relentless focus on what matters most, clinical outcomes and results for patients;

    But while there is agreement on the principles, people also have genuine concerns as to the detail. So in the coming weeks we will pause, listen, reflect and improve with the professions and the public to make the Bill better in four areas.

    First, we need to make sure that we have the right sort of competition in the Health Service. Not competition for its own sake, not cherry picking the lowest hanging fruit, not giving preference to the private sector over and above NHS or charities.

    Fair competition that delivers better outcomes for patients.

    Second, we need patients and the public to play an active role in the NHS. Local decisions should not be made behind closed doors, but open to the genuine influence of the people they serve.

    Care should be integrated and designed around an individual’s needs. The needs of the patient, not the convenience of the system, should come first.

    Third, commissioning should mean GPs coming together with their colleagues across the NHS – nurses, allied health professionals, hospital consultants – to design the best possible services for patients. That is the idea. The Bill must make this a reality.

    And finally, education and training. The new NHS must build upon what works for the benefit of patients.

    Today heralds the first of a series of listening exercises and events with the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and me. This as a genuine opportunity to shape the future of the NHS.

    The NHS Future Panel, a team of top health professionals, will help lead the process and be chaired by Professor Steve Field, former head of the RCGP.

    And anyone can go to the Department of Health website to put forward their ideas on the four areas.

    By taking advantage of this natural pause in the legislative process, taking us up to late May or early June, we can be sure that we achieve what is our ultimate goal:

    – a health service that is free;

    – that is based on need and never a person’s ability to pay;

    – and an NHS that, on what matters most – on outcomes for patients – is consistently among the very best in the world.

    I want to thank the more than 6,000 GP practices already taking the lead in improving local services and to thank the 90% of local authorities who are starting to bring a greater degree of local democratic accountability and coordination to the Health Service.

    I encourage everyone to take part in this and to help make the NHS as good as we know it can be.

  • Justine Greening – 2011 Speech to the Economic Research Council

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of a speech made by the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, Justine Greening MP, at the Economic Research Council, held on 15th March 2011.

    Introduction

    Thank you.

    It’s a pleasure to be here this evening and it’s always nice to see a few familiar faces.

    Although I think it’s fair to say that today’s event is a little more complicated than I originally thought it would be.

    The week before a Budget is not usually the best time for a Treasury Minister to be out delivering lectures on what the Government is doing.

    If last year is anything to go by, we’re usually holed up in Westminster; pouring over submissions; and weighing up rather difficult decisions.

    In fact, that’s largely how the last month has been.

    So this is something of a welcome reprieve.

    Yet that doesn’t distract from the fact that now really isn’t the time for discussing domestic policy.

    Which is why I’ve had to think quite hard about what I what I want to talk about today.

    Initially, I thought I should review some of the Government’s ongoing initiatives.

    For example, our strategy for updating Whitehall’s accountancy frameworks.

    But just by mentioning this as a possibility, I can see that some of you are already starting to nod off.

    Which is why, in the end, I thought better of it.

    Instead, I’ve decided to deliver my own Budget speech, 8 days before the Chancellor.

    Unfortunately, I’m afraid I won’t be giving anything away.

    For today I want to talk about my own experiences in negotiating the EU Budget.

    The difficulties I’ve faced when trying to reach an agreed position.

    And how I’ve found working with Minister’s from across the European Union.

    Because there’s sometimes a perception that venturing across the Channel is quite a fun and carefree pastime.

    I often read about Ministers ‘going off to Brussels’, and I think ‘if only you knew’.

    I’m afraid it’s nothing like a relaxed jaunt around mainland Europe… taking in a few sites… and seeing a few old friends.

    It’s more of a test of endurance.

    Where you rarely venture outside your conference chamber.

    And sleep becomes something of a luxury.

    I’m sure this hasn’t always been the case.

    But things have certainly moved on since the early days of the economic union.

    History

    Which is where I’d like to start, by giving a very brief history lesson.

    The Second World War clearly demonstrated the costs of a divided Europe.

    No one wanted to see a repeat performance.

    And in the wake of all this turmoil, what people needed was to know that this could never happen again.

    Closer economic and social ties seemed a very good starting point.

    And so it proved.

    In 1950 the first seeds of a united Europe were sown… as the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community drew the continent closer together.

    By 1957, the Treaty of Rome had been signed.

    This created the European Economic Community (EEC), allowing Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands access to a ‘Common Market’…

    …One without the tariffs, subsidies and other protectionist measures that may seem politically attractive, but make no economic sense.

    And in the 60 years that followed, things have really gathered momentum.

    The EU has grown at an astonishing pace.

    It’s now a far more complex organisation, with greater policy powers, and a lot more countries to boot.

    From the original 6, we now have close to 30 Member States.

    Where the focus is firmly on free trade and the free movement of labour and capital – something I’m sure you all understand the value of.

    But with greater economic cohesion comes the need for more standardised European policy.

    This is inevitable, but how you go about it is the subject of huge debate.

    Which is why we have the EU Budget, that has also evolved over time.

    In the 1980s for instance, the whole budgetary process pretty much ground to a halt.

    Why?

    Well, the main reason was that the annual negotiations lacked structure.

    No basic parameters were set… which meant, in theory at least, there were an infinite number of possible budget solutions and permutations.

    And, increasingly, Member States were so far apart in terms of an agreed position that reaching a resolution became impossible.

    It was clear, therefore, that the process for settling annual expenditure had to change.

    Which is why the EU adopted a completely new EU Budget Framework, covering consecutive seven-year periods.

    I’m afraid this is where it gets a little more complicated, so bear with me.

    I won’t bore you with the detail, but essentially, every seven years, Member States have to agree on the maximum amount of money that can possibly be spent on each pre-defined policy area.

    And by policy area I mean quite broad categories like security, citizenship, or agriculture.

    Broad enough at least to leave significant room for manoeuvre when it comes to the more itemised annual Budget discussions.

    This sounds simple enough, as these are only high level European discussions after all.

    They don’t involve you actually committing any money to anything.

    You’re just setting the boundaries for later years.

    But the thing is, every member of the Council has to sign-off every separate policy area within the seven-year framework.

    With over 80 of them to sort out, all needing unanimous agreement, this can take anything up to a year-and-a-half…

    And some things do tend to dominate these discussions – if only due to their size and the difficult way they’re managed.

    The CAP and Structural Funds alone represent almost three quarters of the entire Budget.

    And then you have broad themes like improving EU competitiveness – which swallows up another 10%…

    …external spending on things like foreign aid – which is about half that amount again…

    …as well as more general administration costs – that have a worrying habit of increasing with each consecutive year.

    Yet that’s not the end of the story.

    Far from it in fact.

    Once you’ve agreed the seven year limits, you then have to concentrate on how this translates to the annual Budgets.

    The framework may have set the highest amount that can be spent in any given year – in any specific area- but these are just the basic principles.

    Now you have to negotiate within these limits on every item of expenditure.

    To make matters even more complicated, this is agreed on a Qualified Majority basis – which makes pinning down the details rather challenging.

    And last year was no exception.

    Current economic position and Budget success

    Now the point I’d like to make here is that when, back in 2005, the last seven year Financial Perspective was agreed, Europe was in a rather different economic position.

    We had growth, investment, employment, prosperity.

    People were living under the impression that this would never change.

    And the seven year framework had a similar air of optimism that doesn’t really reflect the situation we now find ourselves in.

    The global financial crisis of 2008 hit the EU incredibly hard, and Member States are still feeling its impact today.

    Banks had to be bailed out, countries had to be bailed out too, and even the IMF got involved.

    Yes, Europe had its own rules that were meant to provide a buffer in such circumstances.

    But these were not always adhered to.

    The Stability and Growth Pact, for example, was meant to keep Member States’ finances in check.

    Like the EU Budget, it was meant to show prudence, caution, restraint… and ensure that Member States had something to fall back on should something unfortunate arise.

    And like the EU Budget, it hasn’t always worked as it should have done.

    The Stability and Growth pact has sanctions in place for any Member States who fail to play by the rules.

    In theory, they should have to keep deficits below 3% of GDP, and debt levels below 60%.

    The idea was always that if you failed to keep your end of the bargain – if you let things slip – then you could face fines as well as other sanctions.

    But in over a decade of monetary union, quite a few Member States ran unsustainable fiscal policies… and nobody ever forced them to tighten their belts.

    Sanctions were never used.

    Not even once.

    Which meant that when it came to dealing with the financial crisis, we were all a little out of shape.

    And this is a valuable lesson that needs to be learnt…

    …That responsible finances are vital to preserving the strength of the EU.

    This is the message we took to last year’s EU Budget talks.

    Where we wanted to break the usual pattern of these negotiations.

    With Parliament always asking for more.

    Council advocating for slightly less.

    And the result being somewhere in the middle.

    In this respect, we were quite successful.

    I remember clearly when the Commission first proposed an EU Budget increase of 5.8%.

    This seemed rather out of kilter with the austerity measures we –and other Member States – were taking forward back home.

    But not to be outdone, the European Parliament called then for a 6% rise.

    Needless to say, both positions were miles away from where we’d placed ourselves… and, fortunately, many other countries agreed.

    What we wanted to see was more of a focus on where the EU can add value.

    Asking questions like, when it comes to intervention, what are we trying to achieve?

    And is spending money really the best way to go about it?

    But, at all times, it’s worth remembering the many other policy tools that the EU has at its fingertips.

    Things like regulation – which I understand comes with its own costs – but if applied correctly can be of great benefit.

    There are also initiatives, such as the European Investment Bank, which could be used more widely to achieve some of Council’s ambitions.

    In a sense, this all about good financial management.

    As someone with a background in audit, I know all too well the importance of sound book-keeping.

    That every pound – or Euro – spent needs to be scrutinised.

    That if something represents poor value for money, then we need to look again at our approach.

    And when times are hard, when spending comes at a premium, then we simply can’t afford to carry on with business as ususal.

    Which is why, last year, we pushed so hard for a Budget freeze for 2011.

    We certainly weren’t alone in our thinking.

    But the majority of members opted for an overall increaseof 2.9%.

    This led to the Prime Minister and 12 other EU leaders making a public statement that they wouldn’t accept any increase beyond that level.

    Which is not the usual way things are done in Europe… but it worked… so maybe there’s a lesson to be learnt there too?

    This broke the usual dynamic ahead of brokering a final deal.

    And made sure that 2.9% was where we settled.

    Yet no sooner had one year’s negotiations finished, then next year’s positioning began.

    Now it’s no secret that we intend to remain tough when it comes to EU spending.

    Only last December we agreed a joint letter on the EU Budget size with Germany, France, Finland and the Netherlands…

    Calling on Europe to step up its efforts…

    …to limit growth in the next two Budgets…

    …and from that point onwards ensure that any increases are, at most, in line with inflation.

    In this respect, we’ve managed to take a firm stance, and to do so jointly with other similarly minded countries.

    As there’s always strength in numbers.

    And the EU – with its intricate network of alliances – is no exception to this rule.

    Importance of relationships

    Like in any organisation, you’ve got to build relationships.

    And these are far more complex than any soap opera I’ve ever seen.

    Where at times it can seem like everyone has competing objectives.

    Vested interests.

    Or a point to prove.

    Knowing who your friends are becomes vitally important.

    It’s these relationships that make or break deals.

    Build trust, or generate suspicion.

    And either give you the confidence to push for your priorities. Or make you sit back and watch as events unfold.

    There are undoubtedly bigger players in the game, but there is not a set dynamic in EU negotiations.

    And it’s important that we don’t oversimplify the situation.

    Let’s be clear, there’s a lot more to Europe then the UK, Germany and France.

    Everyone, from Lithuania to Cyprus, plays their part.

    Although it’s certainly the case that new Member States face an obvious dilemma.

    Where they have huge potential.

    Vast quantities of untapped resources.

    And who rightly deserve to be a part of the economic union.

    But when it comes to building allegiances, they face a difficult decision.

    Would they be better off teaming up with their neighbours?

    Taking a safety in numbers approach?

    Or, alternatively, just going it alone?

    Because a popular misconception is that the newer members – the Accession 8, and those who followed in their footsteps – are some sort of collective.

    This couldn’t be further from the truth.

    These countries have a strong sense of identity.

    Varied cultures.

    And distinct sensitivities.

    They certainly don’t want to be lumped together.

    And when it comes to the EU Budget, they’re just as likely to have differences of opinion as we are.

    The whole dynamic is very complicated.

    Where I’m sure many of you are familiar with the complicated nature of office politics, well Europe is not too dissimilar.

    It’s also the case that the relationship the EU has with the rest of the world has an important bearing on Budget discussions.

    Where there’s a real need for Europe to be seen as a success.

    A source of investment, employment and growth in its own right.

    Which is why, the general feeling across the Union is that Europe needs to show a degree of strength after a period of weakness.

    And, in the case of the European Budget, this couldn’t be more apparent.

    Where the perception is that the bigger the Budget, the better the EU is doing.

    Which politically is understandable.

    But economically is a little dangerous.

    There’s a difficult balance to strike.

    Conclusion

    In fact, if there’s one message I want to leave you with it’s that the whole EU Budget process is incredibly complicated.

    It’s something of a rubix cube of a conundrum.

    Where you’ve got to try and align the national, European, political and economic interests to deliver the right result.

    And once you’ve successfully negotiated each of these obstacles…

    …Once you have a completely signed-off Budget…

    …You then have to repeat the game all over again.

    And look ahead to next year’s discussions.

    So I hope that my little speech has made the process a bit clearer – or at least as clear as it can be.

    That on the one hand, you can see why we’re calling on our neighbours to show restraint.

    To rein in European spending.

    And work together to consolidate Europe’s financial position.

    And on the other, why this can be difficult given the nature of the European game.

    That everyone wants to see the EU succeed.

    But that we sometimes differ in opinion when it comes to how to achieve this.

    At times this can be quite testing.

    But, as a Government, we’ve made good progress in Europe since coming to office.

    And I’m sure this will continue.

    So now that I’ve spoken for almost half an hour, I’d be interested to hear your thoughts on the matter.

    What you feel should be Europe’s priorities going forward.

    And what you believe is the right way to approach these complicated issues.

    Thank you.

  • Justine Greening – 2011 Speech to the CIPFA/ HM Treasury World Class Performance Symposium

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, Justine Greening MP, at the CIPFA/ HM Treasury World Class Performance Symposium 2011, on 17th March 2011.

    Introduction

    Thank you.

    First of all I’d like to thank you for inviting me to speak, and I’d like to welcome everyone, particularly the international delegates, who have come here to be with us today.

    Treasury fully supports this event, and as Whitehall’s central finance department, we have a real stake in what you discuss here.

    Because today is all about how we can improve the way Government manages its budget.

    How we can deliver the best possible value for money.

    And how you, as finance professionals, will help make this happen.

    Because any accountant looking at the balance sheet we inherited could see that things need to change.

    The books just didn’t balance.

    Expenditure dwarfed income.

    And borrowing levels risked spiralling out of control.

    Which is why, as a Government, we’ve set out a clear strategy to deal with this mess.

    To put the economy back on track.

    And deliver more efficient public services.

    But setting out a business plan that’s got the backing of the OECD and the IMF is one thing.

    Delivering on it is quite another.

    To be successful, we need to have three things in place:

    Across Government, we need the right people in charge – making the decisions and driving efficiency.

    We need the right systems in place – to produce clear, consistent data that’s easily digestible.

    And we need the right processes to make this happen – to control what we do and challenge conventional practice.

    Without these, it becomes difficult to make judgments on how we should be spending taxpayer’s money.

    So let me talk a little about each of these things in turn.

    Starting with the most important – people.

    People – Managing taxpayers money wisely

    It goes without saying that if you want something done properly… then you need to have the right people, with the right tools, who can get the job done.

    Which is why the first thing I want to see is more effective leadership.

    Where performance is driven from the top…

    …and having more finance professionals in senior posts will help us achieve this.

    Secondly, we need to create a more cost… conscious… culture.

    As when times are hard, when resources are being squeezed, every decision should be based on detailed financial analysis.

    The factual, not the anecdotal.

    Thirdly, we need greater finance professionalism across Government as a whole.

    Where all public servants have – at the very minimum – some degree of financial awareness or business savvy.

    So that they understand the basic concepts of accounting and financial management and can apply them when making judgements on spending.

    And finally, we need expert central functions.

    What I mean by this, is that we have to be more joined up in our thinking.

    Not just across departments, but also within them.

    This is about having a financial management culture and processes that are as robust as you’d find in the private sector.

    And a good first step is to adopt more of the disciplines of a business group finance function.

    Departmental business plans and Spending Review have helped focus minds. So, like any successful organisation, we want our finance teams to ask themselves a few simple questions:

    How has your department performed generally in recent years – and how has it performed financially?

    What’s been spent to achieve this level of performance?

    And, going forward, what are your priorities, and the risks you face in delivering them?

    Again, this something I believe we can do better.

    Systems – Clear line of sight / Oscar

    But it’s no use having the right people in place if the systems they have to deal with – that they need to rely on – aren’t up to the task.

    Having been a private sector accountant myself, I can see that we have a big job ahead of us when it comes to getting our financial architecture right.

    Currently, complexity across Government can too often disguise the real story; make even the most basic financial reports difficult to decipher; and undermine proper debate and scrutiny.

    An example I often use – many of you will be aware of this – is our current reporting standards.

    Where in the House of Commons, we discuss and vote on estimates – which is one set of numbers.

    With different departments, we negotiate budgets – a completely separate set of figures.

    And as a Government, we publish the national accounts – which are constructed using different metrics again.

    Needless to say, this is a rather inefficient way of doing things.

    It’s unnecessarily opaque.

    And it serves no one’s interests – especially not taxpayers’.

    Instead, we want to present our finances in a way that’s credible, makes them more transparent, and helps get the best possible value for money from every pound spent.

    So we’re introducing a whole new approach to financial accounting across Government.

    Through the Clear Line of Sight programme, we’re bringing together the various accounting frameworks that are used across Whitehall, and, as far as possible, replacing them with a single set of uniform standards.

    That tackles the estimates, budgets and national accounts problem I just mentioned.

    This is commonsense policy making – it will make all our lives easier; and go a long way towards making the public sector accounts more accessible.

    We’re also looking to replace the Treasury’s COINS system, which I realise has been the source of many headaches.

    In its place, we intend to roll out the new OSCAR database that will provide reliable financial and non-financial information.

    This will make it easier for permanent secretaries to manage the money in their budgets.

    It will enable us to drive value across Government.

    And it will also create a system that is simpler; more coherent; and ultimately, one that generates greater accountability.

    Because, if we’re to deliver on our other policy reforms, we have to improve the way we manage taxpayers’ money.

    And everyone will have to get on board.

    Proceses – Individual departments

    This is why one of the first things we did after the Spending Review was to ask every department to come up with its own business plan.

    Where each plan sets out how the department will deliver more, for less.

    How public services can be run more efficiently.

    And in the interests of transparency, what’s being spent to deliver these objectives.

    Whether it’s staff, capital, or facilities – all this information needs to be in the public domain.

    We are also working towards greater disclosure of Government transactions.

    It’s for this reason that Government bodies will now publish all expenditure over twenty-five thousand pounds, any IT contracts over ten thousand pounds, and all tenders over the same amount.

    And why, from this summer, we’ll be asking departments to publish a quarterly scorecard, charting their performance.

    Challenges for implementation

    Yes, this will place certain demands on public servants.

    It will be challenging.

    Not only due to increased reporting requirements, but also in terms of being more openly accountable for the services you deliver.

    Yet we shouldn’t fear this.

    More openness and accountability will lead to vastly improved management of resources.

    And, by focusing only on the most useful data for judging performance and value for money, we will also bear down on data burdens.

    This will make the public sector a better place to work.

    And it will thrust the accounting profession into the limelight – demonstrating why finance professionals in the public sector have such an important role.

    Conclusion

    I know it’s nothing new for a Government to say that it needs to alter the way it operates.

    That we need to learn a few lessons from our private sector partners.

    And that the status quo isn’t going to deliver the level of financial management we need.

    And it’s a real priority of ours to deliver the Finance Transformation Project that we have now set in train.

    We’re committed to improving the way we manage our money.

    We know if we’re to deliver on our plans, we have to get a firm grip on our finances.

    Better numbers will mean better decisions.

    And only by working together can we ensure that the nation’s finances are run more efficiently, more transparently, and more prudently in the future.

    Thank you.

  • Ed Vaizey – 2011 Creative Ecology Speech

    edvaizey

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Minister of State at the Department of Culture, Media and Sport, held at the State of the Arts Conference in London on Thursday 10th February 2011.

    Good morning.

    The State of the Arts conference has, in one year, established itself as the most important occasion in the calendar for the discussion of cultural policy. So today is a great opportunity for me to set out where we are now and what Government sees as the challenges ahead.

    I want to take the opportunity today to make the case for the importance of the creative ecology – an alliance between the subsidised and commercial arts; the professional and the voluntary arts; and the arts and the creative industries.

    I want to argue that arts policy should take this creative ecology into account, in order to see the bigger picture and the wider opportunities. We are a hugely creative nation. We have tough times to face, and we will get through them if we face them together.

    But the great strength of the arts is its ecology – subsidised arts feeding the commercial arts, the voluntary arts and the amateur arts ensuring the creative spirit is present in every corner of the nation.

    And what creative spirit it is. Whether it’s Rory Kinnear’s Hamlet, Akram Khan’s Gnosis or the Halle’s Mahler season. Or whether it’s Newcastle’s new City Library, Burberry’s collection last year or James Dyson’s beautiful bladeless fan that’s sitting in my office.

    We should never forget the UK is still revered around the world for its culture and its creativity. Tough times can make us think the glass is half empty. My view is that our cup is still plentiful.

    Funding

    Nevertheless, much of the debate about the arts focuses solely on the level of grant funding, so let me begin by talking about money. It’s worth reminding people – and some still seem oblivious to this fact – that last year’s settlement took place against the background of the largest budget deficit in peacetime history.

    The economic situation means that we are borrowing £120 million a day; this is more than the British Museum, the Tate and the National Gallery receive in a year; one pound in every four that we spend is borrowed; only Spain and Ireland have deficits greater than ours.

    We never pretended that we could maintain arts funding at current levels. No one who was being honest about the state of the public finances could possibly have argued that. And anyone who pretends that it would have been possible is being at best disingenuous. So although I am under no illusions that these next few years are going to be tough, I believe we have done all we can to help.

    Despite a decrease in grant-in-aid, an increase in Lottery funding means the Arts Council’s budget will fall by just 11 per cent over the next four years;

    Core funding for arts organisations funded by the Arts Council has been protected, and will fall by less than 15 per cent over the Parliament;

    Funding for our national museums will fall by just 15 per cent, and the decision to release £143 million in reserves will make a significant difference to many of their finances;

    Renaissance funding will fall by just 15 per cent. And the increase in Heritage Lottery Funding will help here as well – more than a third of HLF’s grants go to museums;

    Lottery funding for film will increase by 60 per cent, from about £27 million to about £43 million;

    In order to help protect the frontline, DCMS is also reducing its costs by 50 per cent.

    And £80 million over four years to be matched by private giving to boost philanthropy

    Funding across the arts will be more than £1billion in 2011/12. That’s still a hugely significant sum. It’s broadly in line with the sums of money that have been received over the last fifteen years, since the creation of the Lottery.

    It’s interesting to see that combined Lottery and grant-in-aid funding for the Arts Council has only beaten 1997 levels in two subsequent years – and in each of those years by less than one per cent. So let’s not pretend that we are moving from feast to famine.

    We have also ensured that we have simplified the landscape. So we have moved responsibilities from the MLA to the Arts Council, to create a single home for the arts, regional museums and libraries, giving the Arts Council a much stronger voice to make the case for culture at a local and regional level. We have created a single home for British film in the British Film Institute. And we are also establishing Creative England to support the creative industries throughout the country.

    But at the same time we recognise the challenge faced in other parts of the public sector. I know that one of the biggest worries at the moment is local authority funding. The Government is passionately committed to devolving power to the local level, to locally elected officials and to communities.

    On the whole, local government knows the needs of local people far better than a central government department ever can. And while I might not agree with every decision made by every local authority, I absolutely respect their right to make that decision themselves. The last thing the arts need is a Whitehall Minister demanding changes to every decision in a local authority that he or she doesn’t agree with. I know a lot of local councillors and that would be hugely counter-productive.

    The challenge for the arts is to work with their local authorities.

    Persuade a Council leader that the local library or the local theatre or the local arts centre is a fundamental part, not just of the arts in their area, but their entire community, and that it can deliver more than just an arts service, it can deliver health, education, social services and act as a hub for the community, and you’re three-quarters of the way there.

    The good local authorities get this already. For all the bad news I also hear good news in places like Newcastle and Gateshead and Reading, working to join all their services up, thinking of the arts as part of a much wider offer to their communities. The challenge we jointly face is how to help the good ones share that expertise with the ones who are still struggling, and help you to win over sceptical chief executives and councillors right across the country.

    The Future of Arts Policy

    I have often commented about how fortunate we are in this country to have some of the most inspiring arts leaders and performers in the world. Through our settlement, we have secured funding for our leading arts organisations, free entrance to our national museums, and core funding for our regional museums.

    So there is an argument for allowing the arts to get on with it on the basis of their four-year settlement. In terms of who gets what, we’ve already done this. We’ve given the Arts Council their allocation and we trust them to make the right decisions on how best to deploy it. And we trust artists to use that money and do what they do best, create great art that has the greatest impact on the widest audience.

    But there are several key areas where we have decided to intervene, in order to make a long-term difference.

    Philanthropy

    In December last year, we announced our ten point strategy for increasing philanthropy across the country. This will focus on greater public recognition, better long term cultivation of donors, more planned giving, harnessing new technologies to boost fundraising and possible tax changes that will make it easier to give to arts institutions.

    DCMS and the Arts Council have announced £80 million of new money for a series of match funding schemes over the next five years, beginning in April 2011.

    It’s important that that matched fund is targeted and used to help those organisations that find it most difficult to fund-raise – those outside London, those that are smaller, those from arts forms that traditionally find it more difficult to attract philanthropy. We also want to use that fund to kick-start endowments.

    There are two quick points to make here. First, this is a long-term strategy. If you’re talking about endowments, you won’t see the fruit of your work for many years. And secondly, the emphasis we place on philanthropy is emphatically not with a view to replacing core funding.

    Leadership and Innovation

    The other great opportunity for the arts is in leadership and innovation. The past decade has seen some enormous leaps in how we think about leadership in our sectors. The consistently amazing support of Dame Vivien Duffield and the work of Hilary Carty and the Cultural Leadership Programme have brought the importance of good leadership to the front of everyone’s minds and have inspired a new generation of exciting, innovative cultural leaders.

    But not only do we need to keep thinking about where the next generation of leaders comes from, and the next after that, but we need to think about the other kinds of opportunities that we need to grasp to continue to flourish.

    The rapid changes in technology provide just such an opportunity. It is vital that arts organisations take advantage of new technology, as a new way to engage with audiences, and dare I say it, even make money.

    Through technology, arts organisations can really begin to understand where their audiences come from, who they are failing to reach, to push out content, to become broadcasters and content providers.

    Michael Kaiser from the Kennedy Center wrote a piece last week for the Huffington Post about some of the themes I have talked about. In seven simple points he nails exactly why technology has, and will continue to revolutionise the way we go about our lives and what that means for artists and for audiences.

    As he stated: “…to most arts leaders I meet, new technologies are viewed as a threat. They are perceived as competitors for our audiences’ time and attention rather than our biggest allies. Arts organizations have been slow to exploit the power of new technology and cling to older, more expensive techniques that are not as effective. We are clearly doing something wrong. We must find ways to embrace the new technologies. We need to apply the creativity we bring to our stages and galleries to the use of these new tools. The business world, entertainment industry and sports world are all doing so. If we don’t make a committed effort, we will fall hopelessly behind and the arts will lose their place in our society.”

    I couldn’t agree more. Far be it for me to accuse the arts world of being conservative, but there are clearly opportunities to be had here.

    That’s why I’m delighted that the Arts Council and NESTA are establishing a new joint fund to support all types of innovation right across the creative and cultural sector.

    The new programme will take the people with the most innovative ideas on leadership, business models, technology, content creation, fundraising and audience development, from right the way across the creative industries, providing seed funding for some of the best and help them share their learning. It will also inform a much wider programme of digital innovation that the Arts Council plan to launch in the spring.

    The Arts Council has also announced its partnership with the BBC, working with the BBC Academy with its media and digital experience to support the development of the arts sector’s media production skills.

    The partnerships with NESTA and the BBC show where the Arts Council, through a network of new partnerships, can add even greater value for the sector. I want the Arts Council to be an organisation that is a source of advice and expertise for everyone who works or participates in the arts – not just for the organisations it funds, but right the way across the creative ecology.

    I want the Arts Council to work with other organisations as well – why not the Technology Strategy Board, the BFI and Creative England? I also want to see them learn from the huge number of other creative organisations who need no encouragement in developing innovative partnerships across the creative industries, but also to help those who lack the resources, the knowledge or the guidance to do the same and who are trapped in what often still looks like a landscape of individual silos.

    The work the Arts Council is doing with the BBC, with NESTA and with others is designed to address this, and marks the start of a new focus from government on innovation in the arts.

    Cultural Education

    As well as developing new technologies and our capacity to innovate, we also need to develop the audiences of the future. Earlier this week Darren Henley published his review of music education. I’m delighted that as a result we have secured funding for music education in schools, with £82.5m committed next year. He made a number of key recommendations which will strengthen music education for the future and we will be setting out our full response to these in a National Plan for Music Education later in the year.

    I think the strength of the policy that the Plan will address is that it is more than just about the money. It is the desire to bring rigour and accountability to public investment– a determination to join up random initiatives to create a coherent whole, and not to accept second best.

    So it should be with cultural education. We have therefore asked Darren to carry out a second review to look at the best way of ensuring that our children have access to a solid cultural education, bringing together the wide range of opportunities available in the arts, heritage, film and museums.

    I hope that you will all engage in the debate about how best to support cultural education and support him in this important work.

    Conclusion

    Our strategy for the arts is very simple. We want to help all the arts – those that receive subsidy, those that are purely commercial, those that are voluntary and amateur.

    We aim to do this

    By securing core funding for the arts, as we have done;

    By expanding the funding base for the arts;

    By reinvigorating philanthropy;

    By focusing on how best to support innovation, whether that’s technological, leadership, artistic or business innovation;

    By encouraging new alliances between the Arts Council and other bodies across the creative industries;

    By helping artists and creative organisations do the same, whether that’s by brokering relationships or sharing expertise;

    And by supporting high quality music and cultural education in schools.

    I think the next few years provide huge opportunities for the arts, and Government’s role is to support you in taking advantage of them. I’m looking forward to a discussion about how best we can do that.