Tag: 2010

  • Sadiq Khan – 2010 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Sadiq Khan to the 2010 Labour Party conference.

    Good Morning Conference,

    This week, we have elected a new leader and we have asked him to lead us on a journey of change, so we can reconnect with the British people, win back the voters we lost and return to power.

    To do that, and set out the right vision for the future, we have to learn the lessons of the past.

    We must take pride in our achievements.

    And we must be humble about our mistakes.

    And we must learn from them.

    So let me first tell you what I am proud of:

    And it’s not being the first ministerial appointment to be announced on twitter.

    As we all are, I am proud of our great achievements – the minimum wage, tax credits, the hundreds of thousands of pensioners taken out of poverty.

    The progress on equality that allowed me to become the first MP of Muslim faith to attend cabinet.

    Amidst all these successes, it would be easy for some to overlook the progress we made for transport.

    But not for me.

    Because my dad was a bus-driver.

    And there was no escape at the in-laws either.

    My wife’s dad worked f or London Underground.

    Most people feel nagged by their parents from time to time, but very rarely is it about the future of bus regulation.

    But talking shop with my family made sure that I never forgot the shambles of a transport system we inherited from the Tories in 1997.

    So I am proud of the progress we made.

    Embracing market solutions where they are right, but never forgetting the important role government can play.

    Time and again challenging the conventional wisdom to stand up for those that rely on our transport network – passengers, motorists, businesses and business people.

    Rejecting the ideology that drove the Tory rail privatisation by replacing Railtrack with a body that prioritises safety, not shareholders.

    Recognising that access to public transport is more, not less important, in impoverished neighbourhoods and so giving local authorities more control over bus routes.

    Opening Britain’s first high speed rail line.

    Cutting deaths on the roads.

    Nationwide free bus travel for over 60s and disabled people.

    Giving millions of people more freedom and quality of life.

    And in London, we saw what Labour leadership can mean – upgrades to the tube, electronic ticketing, bus services transformed, the congestion charge, and a deal for Crossrail, a scheme which will contribute billions to Britain’s economy.

    All reasons I’ll be proud to campaign once again for Ken Livingstone to become Mayor of London.

    We showed the importance of strong regulation, but also that the public sector and the private sector can work together to deliver investment to improve our roads and buses and railways.

    It is an approach that was right in the past and will be right in the future.

    But this week cannot just be about learning from where we got things right.

    We also need to learn from where we got things wrong.

    Because to tackle the great challenges to the transport system of the future – rising passenger numbers, growing congestion, the spectre of climate change.

    We need to have a clear view about what we need to do differently.

    So there are places where we need to change.

    We made great strides on ensuring bus services for all communities.

    But we could have done more to give local councillors more control and we need to recognise that and move on.

    We made great strides on getting children and adults to cycle more.

    But we did wait too long to promote cycling as a mainstream form of transport.

    As Andrew Adonis reminded us last year… for us “on your bike” is a transport option not an insult to the unemployed.

    And we made great strides on tackling carbon emissions.

    We have set out some of the most detailed plans in the world, not just on how to cut emissions but also how to support greener motoring, create jobs and ensure that it is in the UK that we manufacture the clean cars of the future.

    But we didn’t always get the answers right and we need to recognise that and move on.

    Part of moving on means working with this government when they make good decisions, where we agree with them we should support them.

    But where they put our transport system at risk we should say so as well.

    So we hear that they doubt:

    The value of investment in new trains.

    The value of supporting bus companies to provide services in deprived areas.

    The value of our plans for high speed rail.

    Of course, we will support responsible cuts when times are hard, but right wing ideological cuts are wrong, unacceptable and we will expose them.

    Under David Cameron, much of what we gained is at risk.

    Passengers will not pay more for less.

    And that will mean one thing.

    People who currently use public transport returning to the roads.

    Bad for motorists, bad for businesses, bad for the economy.

    Conference, of course there would have been cuts under a Labour Government.

    Some schemes would have had to be postponed or even scrapped.

    I can’t stand here and tell you that every local transport project would have been funded.

    But I can tell you this:

    We would not fall into the trap of short-termism, making cuts now which would still be holding our country back in twenty years time.

    We would not reduce transport policy to economy, but always remember that it is essential to fairness that people in all parts of our society can afford to get to where they need to be.

    We would stand up for ambition and for optimism.

    And, because you don’t get real change by tinkering around the edges.

    That means being prepared to make radical change as a party.

    To help build a fairer and more prosperous society.

    Tony Blair told us that we are at our best when at our boldest.

    Two days ago, our new leader Ed Miliband told us we are at our best when we are restless reformers.

    And of course, they are both right.

    We must not let being in opposition stifle our ambition, nor austerity smother our hopes.

    We’ll win the next General Election if we show people a vision of a better fairer Britain that they can believe in.

    Not just a vision for the next 5 years – but for the Britain that we want to leave behind for the generations to come.

    Conference, I believe that we have that vision in us and we’ve shown the world this week that we’re coming back, bolder than ever.

  • Chris Kelly – 2010 Maiden Speech

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Chris Kelly in the House of Commons on 29th June 2010.

    Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for calling me to make my maiden speech, and I congratulate you on your new position. I also congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton South West (Paul Uppal) on his excellent maiden speech earlier.

    Today is an Opposition day, so there are even more Labour Members than usual on the Opposition Benches. I am therefore more grateful than colleagues who made their maiden speeches in earlier debates that it is a tradition of the House to listen to a maiden speech without interruption or intervention. I am also pleased to see several fellow black country Members. I am incredibly proud to be black country born and bred. In fact, I could not be more proud of the area I have always called home.

    As the new Member for Dudley South, I thank my predecessor, Ian Pearson, for his service to my constituency and its residents. From the moment that I was selected in September 2007, Mr Pearson was always courteous towards me-so courteous that in February this year he announced he would not contest the general election against me. Mr Pearson was elected in a by-election in December 1994 in Dudley West, and went on to hold several ministerial posts between 2002 and 2010. If I may say so, Graham Postles fought a valiant campaign for the Conservatives in 1994, but so much in politics is down to timing, and Dudley West was Tony Blair’s first by-election as leader of the Labour party. It was therefore the first significant victory of the new Labour era, when Labour Members declared that they were the political wing of the British people. As they left the country on the verge of bankruptcy, that claim now has a hollow ring.

    I also wish to pay tribute to the former Conservative Member for Dudley West, Dr John Blackburn, who sadly died following a heart attack in the Palace of Westminster in October 1994. I never had the pleasure of meeting John, but I know that he was widely admired by his constituents and even by his political foes. He was a hard-working local MP, and I intend to conduct myself during my time in this Chamber very much in the same manner. John’s widow, Marjorie, is a supporter to this day and has been extremely kind to me during my time as the candidate in her late husband’s old constituency.

    If I may, I wish to pay tribute to the late former Member for Coventry South-West, John Butcher, or Butch as I knew him. If I won my seat, Butch and I were due to have dinner to celebrate and to discuss what he called the pitfalls of being an MP. Sadly, we never had the opportunity to dine together in this place.

    Dudley South lies between Birmingham and Wolverhampton on the western fringe of the west midlands conurbation. We local people are fiercely proud of Dudley’s own distinctive identity and heritage. The constituency is situated to the west of Dudley town centre and largely consists of residential suburbs and some rural fringes on the border of glorious south Staffordshire countryside. Wards include Brierley Hill; Brockmoor and Pensnett; Kingswinford North and Wall Heath; Kingswinford South; Netherton, Woodside and St Andrews; and Wordsley. Within my constituency, we have the Merry Hill shopping centre, now managed by Westfield, as well as the largest secure trading estate in Europe in the Pensnett estate, along with dozens of smaller trading estates employing many thousands of people in small and medium-sized businesses.

    The businesses of Dudley South are the backbone of the British economy and typically employ no more than a dozen people each. It is the creativity and ingenuity of so many of my constituents-making, designing, building and fabricating myriad goods-that is so important to the viability of the British economy. I come from a business background and can see all around my constituency that the entrepreneurial spirit of local people is undimmed by 13 years of red tape, bureaucracy and increased taxation.

    Many families in Dudley South are football households. The vast majority of my residents support either the Baggies-West Bromwich Albion, for those who do not know-or Wolves, as I do. In fact, I went to my first game at Molineux when we were in the old fourth division, and three of the four stands were then crumbling wrecks. Many of my constituents know me as a businessman from a well-known local company, headquartered literally in the shadows of the Hawthorns. However, for those constituents who are not Albion fans, I should add that the business also employs people in Kingswinford.

    Not only am I proud of my constituency and my area, I am proud of my country. I am fortunate to have travelled extensively, but no matter how exotic or cosmopolitan the destination, I have always yearned for England. Part of that is the people. The people of my borough are decent people who strive to do the right thing by society and, most importantly, by their families. As they told me during the general election, they get frustrated when they see others ahead of them who have not “done the right thing”. Their sense of fairness was seriously challenged by the last Government. I am pleased to see this coalition Government restoring that sense of fairness and balance while addressing the scale of the deficit and debts bequeathed to us. That sense of fairness has been severely tested over the last 13 years as we have seen neighbouring Sandwell metropolitan borough council receiving far more per head from Whitehall than Dudley metropolitan borough council. That massive disparity cannot be fair, and my constituents have also expressed their unhappiness in large numbers about many of the local government funded quangos with questionable track records of productivity and efficiency, and a democratic deficit, when my constituents struggle to make ends meet and pay their council and personal tax bills.

    I was born in 1978 under James Callaghan, but I am a child of Thatcher. I was honoured to receive letters from the former Prime Minister both during and after the election, and they now hang proudly on my wall. Baroness Thatcher truly is a guiding inspiration. She comprehensively proved that one person can make a positive difference. My political interest began at the age of 14, when I wrote to the Express and Star, still the largest circulation local paper in the country, about the increase in the entry fee at the local swimming baths. I then joined the Conservative party in 1996 at the age of 18 when I arrived at university in Headington in Oxford, to be greeted by the beaming faces of my hon. Friends the Members for Huntingdon (Mr Djanogly) and for North Swindon (Justin Tomlinson). The former was at that time the Conservative prospective parliamentary candidate for Oxford East, and the latter was the chairman of the university Conservative society. In 1996, who would have believed that, come 2010, Justin Tomlinson and I would join Jon Djanogly, who has been an MP for nine years already, on the Government Benches?

    It is a huge honour to represent Dudley South in this Chamber, and I will work tirelessly to get a fair deal for my residents.

  • Carwyn Jones – 2010 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Carwyn Jones, the First Minister of Wales, to the 2010 Labour Party conference.

    Chair, Conference.

    I am delighted to bring you greetings from Wales – where Labour is still in Government!

    Chair, I come here to Manchester today to bring good news about Welsh Labour – about the reasons we have to be optimistic about the future of our party and how we are looking ahead with relish to the Assembly elections next May.

    But first, Conference, let me start with a word about the person who for most of the last decade, had addressed this Conference as Welsh Labour Leader – Rhodri Morgan.

    Today, I would like to pay tribute to Rhodri for his part in not just making devolution the overwhelming success it has become in Wales – but also for his role as the Leader of Welsh Labour throughout those years. Rhodri – thank you!

    Conference, it is twelve months ago – almost to the day – since we started the campaign to elect a successor to Rhodri.

    As with the UK Leadership contest, the Welsh Labour Leadership election breathed new life into our Party in Wales.

    Hundreds upon hundreds of members came to the hustings meetings to talk about the direction in which we needed to travel.

    Irrespective of the result, to see the Labour Party back to its democratic roots – debating, challenging and enthusing – was a great spectacle to witness once again.

    I was proud, Conference, and humbled, to have been chosen by party members the length and breadth of Wales, to be their Leader.

    I promised then to be a Leader for the whole of Wales and our task now is to take the battle to our opponents across the whole of Wales.

    To do that, we need to build on the General Election result – not the finest moment in Labour’s long and proud history in Wales – but a million miles from the ‘meltdown’ our opponents so foolishly expected and so rashly predicted, beforehand.

    Today, I would also like to pay a tribute to my colleague Peter Hain and the role he played in that election.

    Peter – you did us proud.

    Conference, as the first Prime Minister or First Minister in Britain to have gone to a Comprehensive school, today I look forward to welcoming Ed to that select ‘club’ in 2015.

    Ed congratulations on being elected the new Leader of our party. I am looking forward to working with you in the future.

    Incidentally Ed – when you came to Cardiff during the campaign, you publicly proposed that the Leaders of the Welsh and Scottish parties should have ex-officio seats on the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party.

    Both Iain Gray and I, wholeheartedly support you in this.

    It’s long overdue that our party structure reflects the variou s devolution settlements that exist within the UK.

    Next May, Welsh voters will go to the polls to elect their fourth Assembly.

    Yes, we will have a serious fight on our hands. Yes, we are taking absolutely nothing for granted.

    But I can tell you Conference, we are determined to win – not just for Labour but for Wales as a whole – and especially for those people who depend on us for fair play. Or, as we say in Welsh – “chwarae teg”.

    Let’s not forget that it was Labour that had the vision to let the people of Wales find their voice, when we held our referendum to set up the Assembly thirteen years ago.

    Far from destabilising the relationship between Wales, Scotland and England, I believe devolution has actually strengthened those bonds.

    Labour has remained at the head of Government in Wales throughout the lifetime of the Assembly – and yes we are going for a record fourth term too!

    We continue to deliver for the people of Wales on a daily basis in health and education, on the environment and on our economy.

    My appeal to you today is to come to Wales for the election in spring next year and help us ensure we keep Wales for Labour and we keep Labour for Wales.

    Conference, these are tough times. But it’s in such times this party of ours, proves its credentials and offers leadership.

    Aneurin Bevan once told this conference that “the language of priorities is the religion of socialism”.

    Well, we have always spoken the language of priorities in Cardiff Bay.

    And that’s why we will seek to protect the people’s priorities in frontline public services from the ravages of ConDem excesses.

    In short Chair – we do it differently in Wales.

    We do it our way – and we make no apologies for that.

    In Wales, we are proud to remain true to our principles on such things as comprehensive education.

    We are proud that the NHS in Wales is a market-free NHS.

    We are proud that we have free prescriptions for all.

    We are proud that we have free hospital parking.

    We are proud that we will keep our free bus travel for our pensioners.

    We are proud that during the darkest days of the recession, we intervened with wage subsidies for those companies in greatest danger to keep 10,000 workers in jobs.

    Workers who remain employed to this day.

    These are the things we do differently. These are things that make us proud.

    But Conference, there are areas that are not in our control. Areas that we will need our MPs – our Labour MPs – to speak up for on our behalf.

    We need that voice in London to say loud and clear that when everyone’s focus should be on saving jobs and creating growth and re-stimulating the UK economy, all the Lib Dems and the Tories want to do, is change the way we vote and gerrymander constituencies to get rid of hard-working Welsh Labour MPs .

    Colleagues, we will fight this all the way.

    Labour must be proud of what we have delivered for Wales.

    We have built a more confident Wales.

    And this confidence will be no better typified than next week, when we will be the focus of global sporting attention, when we host the Ryder Cup in Newport.

    But without the imagination and determination of a Labour Government in Cardiff Bay, this event would never have happened: and without devolution – we would never have had the confidence to have even contemplated hosting it.

    This is the spirit that encapsulates our modern Wales. This is the spirit that binds the people to our party.

    Next year, we will reach out and offer hope and vision – based on our values of decency, of social justice, of tolerance and mutual respect.

    Conference, as you know, Labour in Wales was founded on such a vision.

    In a year from now, I hope to report that we have secured a majority Labour Government in Wales – and with your help – we will!

    Welsh Labour is now re-discovering its voice. We are re-stating our radicalism and we are re-connecting with our people.

    I want us to win back Wales, ward by ward and street by street – in the north, in the West, in the Valleys, in the Vales, on the borders to the East and in the cities to the South.

    We will fight back. We will fight to win.

    Because Conference, we’re proud to be Welsh. We’re proud, to be British. But above all , Conference, we’re proud to be Labour.

    Thank you.

  • Carwyn Jones – 2010 TUC Speech

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Welsh First Minister, Carwyn Jones, on 30th November 2010 at the Trade Union Congress special conference.

    Thank you Sian. It is a real pleasure to be here and to be speaking alongside Brendan. I am grateful to the Wales TUC for calling this special conference. The timing could not be more appropriate.

    There is no doubt that public services in Wales are facing the biggest challenge since Devolution, and even further back.

    We have grown used to talking about Margaret Thatcher and the 1980s as the toughest period for public spending and services in recent times. We may be seeing the emergence of a rival which history will regard as equally devastating in its impact.

    It’s clear that in Wales we’re facing our biggest challenge since devolution began.

    I have talked recently about feeling two simple emotions: disappointment and determination. I would have liked a better budget settlement, and I would have liked an announcement on the future of the Defence Academy at St Athan, a superfast broadband pilot area and other investments that had been on the horizon.

    I would have welcomed some clarity yesterday on the electrification of the rail line between London and Swansea. But they have not come to pass and we must press on.

    Past experience has shown what happens when financial pressures are translated into all-round cuts in services – with those in greatest need often taking the biggest hit.

    So despite the disappointments, my government is resolute and determined to push on to protect the vulnerable – and when Jane takes you through the draft budget you will see we have made every effort to be responsible, to protect frontline jobs, to think about the long term and to take tough decisions.

    Whatever the doom mongers might tell you, I think it is a good time to be in Wales. Our government is modern and progressive – we are living up to the rhetoric of fairness.

    Following the draft budget, many commentators have said so: ‘indignant, but honest and progressive seems to be the prevailing view’.

    Wherever possible we have tried to think carefully and sensibly about how we can protect the public service and the economy in Wales; and how we can mitigate some of the worst impacts of the welfare cuts that the coalition has laid at our door.

    We have been seen through our draft budget to grasp the nettle to protect frontline staff and to continue serving people in their communities, not from the ivory tower.

    Pride in Welsh public service workforce

    I am incredibly proud of the Welsh public service workforce.

    We have an incredible heritage of Welsh workers and their communities making a huge difference to the lives of others in our country – and the thread from the great struggles of the past runs through to today.

    Men and women who might have played their part in other industries in years gone by, now bind our communities together as refuse workers or ambulance drivers or paramedics or environmental health inspectors.

    I met many of them in the Summer when I went on my tour of Wales, meeting people delivering and using services in local communities. I wanted to demonstrate my commitment as First Minister to “seeing it as it is” from those who know best – and what I heard was of enormous value.

    The refuse collectors in Torfaen had the smartest take on local government reorganisation I’ve heard, and the extra care facilities in Gwent – and particularly the Gwent Frailty project – really struck me with the way that both specialised and generic staff were working hand in hand really effectively for the people using the service.

    The projects where services understand people’s needs in detail and design those services around them seem to be the best – the most efficient and the most effective.

    At the frontline, people really do come first. Sometimes I worry that in the back office we’re making it too hard for them. I heard too much about duplicating assessments for the sake of bureaucracy, too many fixes in the system (though some of the advocacy services I saw in housing services were quite brilliant) and too much about the balance of workers time still shifting towards paperwork rather than care.

    We must do better across the whole system to support the common endeavours of our frontline workers to do the very best possible job.

    When I visited the Save a 1000 Lives campaign in Abertawe Bro Morgannwg, preventing harm to patients so effectively every single day, I saw that improvement happens when the frontline workforce identifies and implements the right solutions.

    Public Service is sometimes presented as if it sits apart from the economy and prosperity in Wales. This is not the case. It plays a critical role as part of the Welsh economy.

    Alongside the private and third sectors, public servants are vital to the delivery of our commitment to economic renewal. One of my criticisms of the Chancellor is that his fiscal and public services policy was almost completely detached from any strategy for economic development and jobs.

    The two have to be complementary, which is why our budget includes both a strong commitment to public service and fiscal stimulus measures to help jobs and business.

    The UK coalition government thinks that there are too many public service jobs in Wales and too few private sector jobs – well I think there’s room for both – our economy needs both.

    There are some 32,000 non-devolved civil servants in Wales to our 6,000, some 182,000 Local Government staff and some 84,000 NHS Wales staff.

    We will need to keep a watchful eye on our public sector workers as pressures increase, and endeavour to influence decisions taken about the future wherever we can.

    Passion for Public Service

    The other thing that I was reminded of as I met frontline workers and service users over the summer was the simple, invigorating passion that people in public service have for their jobs.

    I was at the Public Services Summit yesterday with the 250 leaders and staff from across the Welsh Public Service and I challenged them to work collectively to manage down every last overhead and inefficiency to mitigate the worst impacts of the CSR.

    I was also able to remind them of the importance of public service – not just for its own sake but because it underpins the economy through skills development, training and infrastructure. It transforms life chances through education; and it prevents high cost economic and social failure like those lives lost to abuse or prison or welfare dependence.

    This is why the Assembly Government’s commitment and distinctive approach to public service delivery is so important.

    It is a model that has from the beginning of devolution kept the workforce and the people of Wales right at the heart of the matter.

    From Making the Connections, through Beecham to the 5 year strategic framework in NHS Wales. More recently, in the Social Service Commission which is about to report, Local Government’s ‘What’s Best Delivered Where?’, and Education’s ‘Frontline Resources Review’.

    We are thinking hard about the challenges of the future and what that means for people and what it means for the workforce.

    My Cabinet team are absolutely committed to finding the models of public service that will work for the future – fairly, efficiently and effectively – despite the inevitable challenges we face.

    Professionalism in handling turbulent times

    So we are now in a period when workforce matters are likely to come to a head. We have already seen some of the first engagements play out quite publicly.

    In Local Government we have already seen some hard engagements, particularly in Neath Port Talbot and Rhonda Cynon Taf focused mainly on driving through change in local Terms and Conditions.

    I appreciate that this is a very tough time and I know that negotiations must happen, but I wanted to stress today that fairness in managing our public services matters. Respect and honest engagement should be the hallmarks of our discussions around workforce issues, not the waving of redundancy notices to secure revised terms and conditions.

    We all know each other pretty well and we know we must depend on each other to deliver for the people of Wales.

    There will be an inevitable impact on employment – but I have made it clear that I expect every avenue to be explored before any compulsory redundancies.

    Efficiency and Innovation will make a viable contribution if we all give our best.

    I am doing my bit. Most of you will know that I do not have a formal role in UK negotiations, but I am passionate about engagement and dialogue with social partners – it has always been a core part of my approach to politics.

    To this end I have built on the partnership councils that exist within WAG and have brought together the Workforce Partnership Council, which I chair and which brings public service employers and unions together on the basis of mutual respect.

    It is not negotiating machinery but it does provide a forum for dialogue and communication which will be critical in the times ahead. And it is not a talking shop.

    I have already commissioned from the partnership a national training programme to underpin better working relations. It is a partnership unique to Wales, and it reflects a real commitment to effective workforce engagement.

    Alongside this, the Efficiency & Innovation Board is:

    exploring proposals for a Career Transition Unit to support staff who may need to change career, receive training and move into a new field during the coming months or years;

    and it is keeping track of workforce changes and developments.

    At yesterday’s Public Services Summit I set an expectation that our Public Service Leaders should be good and fair employers in the difficult times ahead.

    Today I am asking for your support and flexibility as we take on the greatest of challenges as one Public Service in Wales.

    Conclusion

    In Wales, helped by our scale and the road we have already travelled together, we share a vision for Public Service.

    We saw this distinctive approach in the way that public services and social partners came together to lead Wales out of the recession and it is something which stands us in good stead to take on the challenge for public services.

    In England there is a sense that social partners and the workforce are somehow the problem, rather than the solution. I see things very differently.

  • Tessa Jowell – 2010 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Tessa Jowell, the then Shadow Minister for the Olympics, to the 2010 Labour Party conference.

    Conference, in three weeks time – the Coalition will announce their spending review – a defining moment.

    Because then the Coalition will announce a programme of cuts cloaked in the language of the ‘Big Society’.

    They’ll say ‘we’re all in this together’, but what they mean is that ‘it’s your problem not ours’.

    And, of course, the question is – what does the Coalition mean by the ‘Big Society’?

    If they really believe that people should have more control over their lives – then we agree.

    If they mean that communities can and should be more powerful – we know.

    And we know because we did it while we were in Government.

    David Cameron says that he wants the voluntary sector to grow.

    And conference it has grown. It has doubled in size.

    Under Labour.

    He wants more people to participate in civic life.

    And they are.

    And it happened under Labour.

    He wants a civil society to have more power.

    And look what civil society achieved.

    Remember ‘Make Poverty History’? Campaigns against smoking in public places, and those campaigns for gay rights? Community movements that captured the imagination of the public and found their champion in our government.

    They changed the law and they changed our country for the better.

    And it’s all happened under Labour.

    Conference, we should be proud of what we achieved and be confident that we can win this argument.

    Because their ‘big idea’ is to steal our language of fairness, solidarity and responsibility – and to reduce our movement’s founding values to a marketing slogan.

    Not so long ago the Tories believed that there is ‘no such thing as society, only families and individuals’.

    Now they say that society alone, through the actions of individuals, should become the sole providers of the very structure and essence of our community life.

    They think you can have the state or civic action but you can’t have both, indeed – you shouldn’t have both.

    And we know that they are wrong.

    Because the fact is that community life is created through our shared investment in our local lives – local schools, hospitals, Sure Start centres, libraries, parks and open spaces.

    And it is here that the partnership formed between the enabling Government and the community makes our charities, our mutuals and our society stronger than ever.

    So Conference our challenge to the Coalition is this:

    You can use our language and mimic our values – but when the next election comes the people of this country will judge you in these ways:

    They will judge you on whether civil society becomes ‘bigger’ and, indeed, more sustainable;

    Whether local people are equipped, willing and able to shoulder the burden of their new responsibilities;

    And on whether Britain is a fairer place than when you came to power.

    And I don’t know about you conference, but I think that for a Government that says that it wants to build up our communities – it has an odd way of going about it.

    £742 million cut from the ‘Big Society’ in its first 100 days.

    And that is before the real cuts follow in 3 weeks time.

    A survey published today by the National Council for Voluntary Organisations says that confidence among charity leaders is lower than ever before – and that the little platoons required to build the Coalition’s big vision are afraid they’re being led off a cliff.

    But to be a credible Government in waiting we need to spell out our own vision of what the ‘good society’ means.

    Because while the policy that underpins the ‘Big Society is so flawed, its rhetoric does echo the popular mood.

    That in a post-crash post-parliamentary expenses Britain, people want to feel a sense of ownership, control and accountability; something which neither free market fundamentalism nor remote and centralised statism can provide.

    Our people are not seeking empty slogans, but a different kind of society where they feel and are more powerful.

    Confident that businesses are run as much in the interests of people that depend on them as they are in the pursuit of profits.

    Where public services are developed on the experience of users and the wisdom of their staff.

    Where power does not just reside in a political class but is part of people’s lives and their experiences – they know it and they believe it.

    So where do we start on building our vision for the ‘good society’?

    Financial services that command the confidence of the public through long-term security not short term risk. And that means, Conference, that we should look for a mutual future for Northern Rock and a People’s Bank at the Post Office.

    Public services that are indeed responsive and, we know, popular – building on co-operative schools and foundation hospitals to give users real power over social care, housing and Sure Start centers.

    And our Labour Councillors, so many with a new Labour mandate, forging a new relationship with their communities based on the co-operative values of fairness, accountability and responsibility.

    New trusted institutions across our economy, the state and society – that are of the people, by the people and for the people.

    Conference, our Party is renewing and you, our activists, must lead the way.

    In our communities, our branches, our councils and our CLPs.

    So Conference, seize this moment – be brave, be responsible and radical, remembering our traditions of self-help and colle ctive action.

    So that when we return to Government – and we will – we are a renewed political movement that can bring the change to this country – the change that this country will by then so badly crave.

  • Peter Hain – 2010 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Peter Hain, the Shadow Secretary of State for Wales, to Labour Party conference in 2010.

    Remember last year; the media and the Tories had all written us off, and the fight back started at this conference.

    Across Britain, we deprived the Tories of an outright victory when they thought they had it in the bag.

    In Wales we stopped them winning the ‘rugby 15′ seats they were boasting about – they only managed four. We stopped the Liberal Democrats in Wales taking any of the three Labour seats they had targeted relentlessly. Plaid Cymru had a truly dreadful election, they came fourth in two of their target seats, and lost their deposit in a quarter of Welsh seats.

    And we won back the old Labour stronghold of Nye Bevan and Michael Foot in style with a thumping majority. Nick Smith MP and the local Labour team did a fantastic job. And next year Alun Davies is going to take Blaenau Gwent back for Labour in the Welsh Assembly.

    You showed our opponents they can never, ever right off the Labour Party. Our ideas, our vision, our values will never be defeated. Yes – we lost the election and there’s no pretending that wasn’t a terrible result.

    But we stopped the Tories winning. And we have immediately bounced back, with council by-election victories right across the land, tens of thousands of new party members flooding in and more support in the opinion polls.

    This is not a beaten party. This is a party ready to fight and to win again.

    To fight the cruel and callous cuts being rammed through by the Tory Liberal Government.

    To stand shoulder to shoulder with our local communities, with trade unionists, with faith groups, with charities, with voluntary organisations, to lead a great peoples movement for change against this right wing government .

    We will support pensioners under attack.

    We will support disabled people being targeted.

    We will support workers faced with the sack.

    We will support citizens losing vital public services.

    Because the Government’s policies are not only harsh and unjust. They are plain wrong. Of course the deficit has to be cut. But not like this, not so fast or so deep. The Tory Lib Dem government is not cutting like this because it needs to. It is cutting like this because it wants to. Instead of using the power of government to protect our citizens, Cameron and Clegg are deliberately off loading government and leaving citizens to fend for themselves.

    And, after a Budget that was unfair to the poor, unfair to pensioners and most unfair to the poorest parts of Britain – Wales and the North East of England – now the Government are also destroying the fairness at the heart of our parliamentary democracy.

    Their new legislation changes every constituency in the land in a way that is fair only to the Conservative party. Its grossly unfair to Labour, and especially, and blatantly unfair to Wales. It is also grotesquely unfair to local communities, abolishing independent pubic inquiries: Whitehall just imposing new constituencies from the centre and depriving communities of their traditional rights.

    Over the generations, boundary commissions have worked impartially, taking proper account of local views, of community identity, of rurality and sparsity.

    The Government have abandoned this fair, practical and sensible system for a new one that is unfair, impractical and arrogant.

    Wales will lose three times the proportion of MPs as the average for the rest of the United Kingdom – a reduction in Wales’ voice in Parliament of fully a quarter from 40 to 30.

    In the vast rural areas of mid and west Wales, four constituencies – none Labour-he ld, incidentally – covering hundreds of square miles will become two monster ones, each thousands of square miles in size. It could take MPs most of a day to travel from one end to the other – they’ll be needing second homes IN their constituencies at this rate!

    It’s obvious the Tories want to fix the boundaries to benefit them at the next election.

    But most outrageous, totally unforgivable and totally unjustifiable, is that the new boundaries will be drawn up on a register excluding more than 3.5 million eligible voters, predominantly the young, poor and black and minority ethnic social groups.

    And at the same time Nick Clegg says he wants to give prisoners the vote. So some of the most vulnerable, law abiding people in society will be deprived of a vote at the same time as the Deputy Prime Minister wants convicted murderers, rapists and paedophiles to get one.

    Today let this conference say loud and clear to the Government: stop trying to rig democr acy and stop riding roughshod over local community views

    And now, with Ed Miliband, our new leader, we will rebuild the Labour Party for a new era. To rebuild trust and to rebuild our appeal to voters.

    In Wales next spring we will be fighting for outright victory to run the Welsh Assembly Government.

    And we will do so not for ourselves, not for our Party, not even just for our new leader! But for the people of Wales and Britain as a whole. Because their values are Labour’s values: the values of caring, community, solidarity, social justice, equality, fairness, liberty, democracy.

    These are the values that have always inspired this great Party of ours and these are the values that will inspire Wales to deliver a great Labour victory next year, as we begin the long march back to power in Westminster.

    And now the leader of the only Labour Government in Britain today – the man who will be leading Welsh Labour to victory in the Assembly elections next May – the leader to beat the Welsh Tories, the leader to beat the Welsh Liberal Democrats, the leader to beat Plaid Cymru.

    Give a rousing welcome to the First Minister of Wales… Carwyn Jones.

  • Lord Freud – 2010 Speech to Institute of Revenues Rating and Valuation

    lordfreud

    Below is the text of the speech made by Lord Freud to the Institute of Revenues Rating and Valuation in London on 28th September 2010.

    Introduction

    Thank you for inviting me along to talk to you today.

    And I must say – your timing is excellent.

    The Government is currently putting a great deal of effort into initiatives that should have a positive impact on the kind of work that IRRV members do every day.

    Specifically – our new ideas about how we tackle fraud and error across the benefits system.

    But before I get into the detail, I just wanted to put some of our thinking in this area into context.

    Creaking system

    The Coalition was founded on the fundamental principles of freedom, fairness and responsibility.

    Those principles have prompted some really radical thinking right across government – and nowhere more so than on welfare.

    The 21st Century Welfare Paper we published in July sets out a whole new approach to welfare.

    The reforms will:

    – help people who could work to make the journey back into employment through the new Work Programme

    – make sure work pays – even for the poorest – with our options for Universal Credit and a simple taper system for withdrawing benefits

    – move us toward a far less complex, more dynamic benefit system will make it easier for people to calculate how much better off they will be in work

    – and just as importantly, the welfare reforms will create a simpler system that will slash administration costs, as well as reducing the opportunities for fraud and error.

    Complexity

    Running this creaking system currently costs the taxpayer about £3.5 billion per year across DWP, while fraud and error costs another £5 billion, including the tax credits system.

    Moving toward a simpler welfare system will help us deliver support far more efficiently.

    And with HMRC making progress on their consultation to use real-time data under PAYE II, we have a tremendous opportunity to really attack the numbers on fraud and error.

    Differentiate

    Some of you may be sitting there thinking, “I have heard all this before”. But this is a real step-change in our whole approach to welfare and it is crucial that we make the most of this opportunity – especially at a time when the Government is facing up to the challenge of a massive fiscal deficit.

    However, I also think it is important to differentiate exactly who we – as a government – have in our sights.

    First off, this is certainly not about targeting the poor.

    Quite the contrary.

    As this Government recently made clear, we are determined to clamp down across the whole spectrum of fraud – whether that is tax evasion at the top end, VAT fraud, benefit fraud or anything else.

    Given the pressure on the public purse, we simply have to make every penny count – and that includes going after the cheats at every level.

    For DWP, it means targeting the criminals and gangs who actively set out to defraud the system, as well as the individuals who deliberately deceive us to get money they are not entitled to.

    It is not about punishing those who are simply baffled by the vast complexity of the system and get it wrong.

    This is an important distinction, because through our plans for Universal Credits, we are doing our utmost to create a simpler, fairer welfare system that is easier for people to use.

    And the really good news is that a system that is easier to navigate will not only save time and administration costs – it will also make it far easier to differentiate error from fraud.

    Today, this is often a grey area, given the genuine complexity that exists in the system.

    But as our welfare reforms take hold, this grey area will shrink dramatically.

    Through a simpler Universal Credit system, the gap between fraud and error becomes very sharply defined indeed.

    At that point, if it is not a clear error, it will be classified as fraud. It is that simple.

    We will clamp down hard on anyone who makes an active choice to defraud the system:

    – criminal gangs

    – identity fraudsters

    – or people who make a conscious choice not to alert us to a change of circumstances for extended periods, because under a simpler system we will have far higher expectations that people tell us the truth.

    Strategy

    For anyone in these groups, we simply must have effective enforcement, because benefit fraud is not a victimless crime – in effect, they are stealing money from the poor and vulnerable who need it most.

    Which brings me to the next part of my speech today – how we are setting out a wider strategy to tackle benefit fraud.

    From my visits around DWP, I have witnessed first-hand the dedication and professionalism of our staff – from those who process benefits right through to the investigators chasing down the fraudsters.

    I know these same high standards are shared by our local authority colleagues. But one thing we know for sure is that criminals are always testing the system for weaknesses and coming up with new scams.

    That means that we have a responsibility to keep stepping up our game too.

    That is why we are working with partners inside and outside government to make sure we stay one step ahead of the criminals.

    In DWP, we have split the challenge across 5 fronts:

    – prevention

    – detection

    – correction

    – punishment

    – and deterrence

    There are specific plans being developed to tackle each of these areas and I’ll touch on a few of these today.

    Five Strategic Areas

    On Prevention, for example, I want to see closer cooperation with the private sector and credit reference agencies to harness the best data analysis possible.

    I also want us to take advantage of new technology to get accurate, real-time data analysis at the point of claim. This will make it far easier to spot the tell-tale patterns of fraud.

    Or as one expert recently referred to it – tracking the “muddy footprints” of the professional fraudster.

    I believe it is only a matter of time before we get really effective at targeting the criminals and gangs who perpetrate major scams.

    Making better use of tools and techniques such as these will also help us tackle identity fraud – something that I have a close personal interest in, having been targeted myself recently.

    On the second strategic priority – Detection- I want to make sure that Government bodies such as DWP, HMRC, and Local Authorities maintain their long track record of effective cooperation.

    Not just sharing data more effectively, but reinforcing our joint investigative capabilities as well.

    On Correction, I want to make sure that we get back what we’re owed – in particular by making sure we’re making full use of all the tools available so that we can target the assets of the criminal gangs.

    That brings me on to the subject of Punishment. This is another area where we are planning to pile on the pressure:

    – by introducing wide-ranging penalties for low-value fraud

    – by securing swifter and tougher punishments so that cheating is just not worth the risk

    – and setting out strong, punitive sanctions for organised criminals – and that includes:

    – wholesale asset stripping under the Proceeds of Crime Act

    – banning these people from accessing any benefits at all for as long as we can

    – and in the case of international gangs, making sure that we use our full powers to deport the guilty parties.

    Finally, Deterrence. Here, I want to make sure that criminals get the message that Benefit Fraud is a crime that just doesn’t pay.

    We will advertise that fact with a clear message that says:

    – we will find you

    – we will seize criminal assets

    – we will make sure that there is no place to hide.

    International

    That message extends to international gangs as well.

    Other countries face the same scams targeting their welfare systems, so we will work closely with our international partners to develop practical counter-measures and effective cross-border enforcement.

    In the meantime, I am determined that we continue to reinforce our defences against fraud so that the UK comes a long, long way down the list of countries targeted by organised gangs.

    Conclusion

    You can expect to hear more about some of plans to boost our defences in the very near future when our new Fraud Strategy is published.

    In the meantime, I hope that I have made the point loud and clear that we are absolutely determined to clamp down on the fraudsters, the serial cheats and the criminal gangs.

    No-one should underestimate our determination to take on the criminals.

    And no-one should think for a moment it is going to get any easier to get away with it:

    – with a simpler welfare system, we will drive better value for the taxpayer

    – with less complexity, we will be able to find the fraudsters far more easily

    – and with a comprehensive and coherent fraud and error strategy in place, we have all the tools we need to make sure that we keep the criminals on the back foot.

    It’s an exciting time for us.

    And as we develop these ideas in the future, I hope that you will work with central government and other agencies to make sure that we keep making life a lot less comfortable for the cheats in future.

    Thank you.

  • George Osborne – 2010 Speech on the OBR

    gosborne

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne, on 17th May 2010.

    Good morning everyone, and on behalf of myself, David and Alan I want to welcome you all to the Treasury.

    And can I take this opportunity to say how glad I am that I have someone of David’s intelligence and calibre to assist me in the work that we have to do.

    We are here to talk about the very first item on the first page of the coalition agreement.

    As it says, “Deficit reduction and continuing to ensure economic recovery is the most urgent issue facing Britain.”

    We understand that.

    And we need to get moving.

    So today, less than a week after taking office, I want to explain some of the early arrangements for dealing with the fiscal crisis left by the last Government.

    First, let me just tell you some of the stark facts.

    Last year our budget deficit was the largest it has ever been in our peacetime history.

    This year it is set to be among the largest the world.

    According to the IMF and the European Commission, it will be the largest in the G7 and the largest in the European Union.

    This is the legacy of thirteen years of fiscal irresponsibility.

    And it poses a very real threat to the recovery.

    That it is why this new coalition is founded on an agreement to significantly accelerate the reduction in the deficit, starting this year.

    This is not about party interests, it is about the national interest.

    The advice that we have received from the Treasury and the Bank of England make that clear.

    Those who argue that action can be safely delayed for another eleven months would put our economy at risk for the sake of short term political advantage.

    The last few weeks have shown quite how urgent the necessary action has become.

    Greece is a reminder of what happens when governments lack the willingness to act decisively and quickly, and when problems are swept under the carpet.

    The result is sharp increases in interest rates, worsening recession, growing unemployment.

    At one point, interest rates in Greece increased by a full 10 percentage points.

    The dangers were clear when I spoke to finance ministers from around the world on Friday.

    The European package that was agreed last weekend has solved the immediate liquidity crisis, but it has not solved the underlying solvency crisis.

    The threat has not gone away.

    And I know people everywhere are worried about what this means for them.

    They are asking themselves – will I be affected?

    What does this mean for my job, my family, my children’s future?

    To them I say – if we fail to tackle the deficit we inherited from the previous government, the consequences could be disastrous.

    If we don’t get on top of our debt, every family in Britain will be poorer and the dreams of millions of young people will be dashed.

    Mortgages will be higher, businesses will go bust and debt interest will become one of the largest items of government spending.

    We urgently need to restore confidence in our economy.

    And we need the determination to act quickly in the short-term in order to establish credibility for the longer term.

    So what will we do?

    The first part of our approach is to boost credibility and confidence in the UK’s fiscal framework.

    In short, we urgently need a full, independent assessment of how bad the problem really is.

    As the IMF has said “strong fiscal institutions can enhance the credibility of consolidation plans”.

    I could not agree more.

    Over the last 13 years the public and the markets have completely lost confidence in government economic forecasts.

    The last government’s forecasts for growth in the economy, over the past ten years, have on average been out by £13bn.

    Their forecasts of the budget deficit three years ahead have on average been out by £40bn.

    Unsurprisingly, these forecasting errors have almost always been in the wrong direction.

    The conclusion is clear.

    We need long-lasting change in the way we put together budgets in this country.

    The final decision on the forecast has always been made by the Chancellor, not independent officials.

    And that is precisely the problem.

    Again and again, the temptation to fiddle the figures, to nudge up a growth forecast here or reduce a borrowing number there to make the numbers add up has proved too great.

    And that is a significant part of the reason for our current problems.

    I believe the public should be able to trust official forecasts for the economy.

    I want independent forecasts to become the norm.

    And this will inevitably mean giving away some of my powers as Chancellor.

    Of course, the elected government will still set the overall fiscal goals of the government, and the extent to which fiscal policy expands or contracts at each budget.

    And of course, it will also retain control over tax and spending decisions.

    These are properly decisions for elected politicians, accountable to Parliament and to voters.

    But I am the first Chancellor to remove the temptation to fiddle the figures by giving up control over the economic and fiscal forecast.

    I recognise that this will create a rod for my back down the line, and for the backs of future chancellors.

    That is the whole point.

    We need to fix the budget to fit the figures, not fix the figures to fit the budget.

    To do this, I am today establishing a new independent Office for Budget Responsibility.

    For the first time we will have a truly independent assessment of the state of the nation’s finances.

    So they can get to work immediately, the OBR will initially operate on a non-statutory basis, just as the Monetary Policy Committee operated before it was enshrined in legislation.

    It will be headed by Sir Alan Budd, one of the most respected fiscal and macroeconomic experts in our country.

    He is a man of immense integrity and indisputable independence, having worked for governments of both right and left, and he was appointed as an inaugural member of the Monetary Policy Committee by Gordon Brown.

    I am very glad that he is here with us today.

    He will be joined by two other independent experts, Geoffrey Dicks and Graham Parker, and together they will form the Budget Responsibility Committee.

    With help from a secretariat of civil servants, they will be in charge of making independent forecasts for the economy and the public finances.

    They will have direct control over that forecast.

    They will make all the key judgements.

    And they will produce the fiscal numbers that underpin government policy in the Budget Red Book.

    But I don’t think we can afford to wait until the Budget for an independent assessment of the true state of the public finances.

    So the first of the OBR’s forecasts will be produced ahead of the emergency Budget.

    Everyone will be able to see the scale of the problem to which that Budget must provide the solution.

    I have asked the Treasury to give Alan and the Committee full access to all the data, assumptions, and economic models.

    Because they will also have a role, over the coming months, in exposing all the hidden liabilities and long-term pressures facing us as a country.

    Looking at the cost of our ageing society, public service pensions, or the cost of outstanding PFI contracts, for example.

    For the first time we will have an independently audited and transparent national balance sheet.

    In due course, the OBR will be put on a statutory footing, with legislation in the Queen’s Speech next week.

    And at the Budget I will announce the overall path we intend to pursue for the public finances, and against which the OBR will judge the government’s fiscal policy.

    For each Budget and Pre-Budget Report they will confirm whether the Government’s policy is consistent with a better than 50 per cent chance of achieving that objective.

    That means there will be nowhere to hide the debts, no way to fiddle the figures, and no way of avoiding the difficult choices that have been put off for too long.

    With all these changes, fiscal policy in this country will be at the cutting edge of international best practice.

    Making us one of the few advanced economies with an independent fiscal agency that produces official fiscal and economic forecasts.

    Given that many countries face similar fiscal challenges – though few on a similar scale – I hope that the world will look with interest at our policy innovations.

    So the first part of our approach is a truly independent audit of the public finances.

    But it is not enough just to know the scale of the problem.

    We need to show that we have the determination to fix it, and that means making a start this year.

    The coalition has agreed that £6bn of savings to non-front line public services should be made this financial year.

    The departments for health, defence and international development will also make savings but they will be reinvested in their front lines.

    The coalition has also agreed that, given the state of the public finances, the great majority of the £6bn of savings from other departments will be used to reduce the deficit.

    Some proportion will be used to support jobs in a targeted and effective way, as set out in the coalition agreement, for example through the cancelling of some backdated demands for business rates.

    It is the clear view of the Treasury and the Governor of the Bank of England that these are the necessary actions to ensure economic stability and secure the recovery.

    The Treasury’s assessment is that there is a strong economic case for an immediate spending reduction of £6bn.

    The Governor, when presenting his inflation report last week, said it was right for a new government “to put into place a serious plan to tackle the fiscal deficit… and to make clear it was serious about it by doing some measures this year.”

    He added that he did not “think £6bn of cuts will dramatically change the outlook for growth this year, and it does reduce some of the downside risks”.

    So we are in no doubt that this action is advisable.

    And the work that David Laws and I have already done in the Treasury has convinced us that it is also achievable without affecting the quality of key public services.

    By tackling wasteful spending now, rather than later, we can demonstrate our commitment to tackle the deficit.

    We can help the independent central bank keep interest rates lower for longer.

    And we can begin to turn the tide of debt that is threatening our economy.

    David will, in a moment, take you through this in more detail.

    But let me briefly explain how the process will work.

    The specific allocations of in-year savings will be announced a week today.

    These will include significant reductions to the cost of quangos.

    This is unprecedented speed for a spending round, but we need to get moving, and every day comes at the cost of more wasteful spending.

    The emergency Budget will then set out the fiscal path and the spending totals needed to achieve it over the coming years, underpinned by the OBR’s independent forecasts.

    The Budget will also contain measures to boost enterprise, create a fairer tax system, and demonstrate to the world that Britain is open for business.

    I will be saying more about this when I speak to the CBI Annual Dinner on Wednesday.

    The Spending Review will then report in the Autumn, informed by the Strategic Defence Review.

    So, in the space of less than a week this new coalition government has already:

    – changed the way that Budgets are made, forever;

    – created a new independent office that will restore confidence in the numbers that underpin the budget;

    – set in train the creation of the first independently audited national balance sheet;

    – confirmed immediate action to identify £6 billion of wasteful spending this year, while protecting the most vulnerable in our society and the quality of front line services on which people depend;

    – and set out the steps towards an emergency Budget that will show that Britain can live within its means and will provide the solid foundation for a private sector recovery

    That is the route to a stable, balanced economy that works for everyone.

    Finally, the coalition agreement states that the emergency Budget will be within 50 days of the signing of the agreement.

    Some have said that is a tight timescale.

    But I believe that we need to act even sooner to restore confidence in our economy.

    So the Budget date will be Tuesday 22nd of June.

    Exactly six weeks, or 42 days, from the signing of the coalition agreement.

    Thank you.

  • George Osborne – 2010 Speech in Mumbai

    gosborne

    Below is the text of the speech made by George Osborne, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in Mumbai on 28th July 2010.

    Welcome everyone.

    I want to thank the Indian Banks’ Association, as well as UK Trade and Investment, for hosting this speech.

    It is a real pleasure to be back in Mumbai today.

    I was last here in 2006, when David Cameron and I came to meet with and talk to the leading figures of Indian business and politics.

    On the way back from that trip we resolved that if ever we formed a Government we would return with a large delegation to enhance this relationship.

    This visit makes good on that promise.

    Put simply, this is the strongest and most high-profile British delegation to visit India in modern times.

    It includes six senior ministers – alongside the Prime Minister David Cameron and myself, we are joined by:

    – The Business Secretary Vince Cable;

    – The Foreign Secretary William Hague;

    – The Minister for the Environment and Climate Change Greg Barker;

    – And the Culture Secretary Jeremy Hunt.

    While it took one of my predecessors as Chancellor ten years to visit India, I have made it a priority to come here in my first ten weeks.

    Our delegation also includes leading figures from British business, sports and academia.

    Top chief executives of some of the world’s best-known businesses, like Vodafone, BAe, and Rolls Royce, and leading financial sector firms, including Barclays, Standard Chartered, Deutsche, Clifford Chance, Aviva, Standard Life, and the London Stock Exchange.

    Senior academics from Cambridge, Imperial College and our other universities.

    Cultural leaders like the directors of the British Museum, the Victoria and Albert Museum, and the British Library.

    And sporting figures, such as Olympic medal winners Sebastian Coe, Kelly Holmes and Stephen Redgrave to see the new facilities for the Commonwealth Games. Next time I will bring some cricketers.

    And the scale of our visit is a demonstration of how serious we are about India.

    Britain’s new coalition Government is here to renew and strengthen the partnership between our two countries.

    Based on our shared interests, shared values, shared sense of threats and ever-burgeoning personal and business ties.

    India’s economic success within the framework of a secular and plural democracy is of strategic importance to all open societies and all open economies.

    The UK has a vital stake in India’s rise to global power and prosperity and we are here to listen and to learn, to find out how our strong relationship can grow stronger still.

    So I want to talk today about those three core ingredients which I believe are needed in this new enhanced economic partnership.

    They are, first, greater efforts to improve trade and investment flows between our countries – a partnership in trade and investment.

    Second, a deeper understanding of the links between our financial services sectors – a partnership in finance.

    And third, a better recognition of our shared goals on the international economic policy arena – a partnership for the world economy.

    Let me say a few words about each in turn.

    Starting with our trade and investment.

    Our two countries have much to gain from expanding our trade relationship.

    In the past, this has been a disappointing aspect of our bilateral ties.

    The UK and India have slipped down the rankings of each other’s trading partners – we could and should be doing much more with each other.

    In 2008, India was only the 19th most important source of foreign goods for the UK market and the 12thmost important source of services.

    A decade ago, the UK was India’s fourth most important source of imported goods. By 2009, we had fallen to being the 18th largest.

    In other words, the UK has been losing its share of India’s booming trade with the outside world.

    Now, it is all too easy to set eye-catching targets that disappear without trace after they have served a short-term need to grab headlines.

    In January 2007, when the then British Chancellor of the Exchequer visited India, he promised great things for the bilateral trade relationship.

    Gordon Brown announced that he aimed to double exports to India by 2010 – that is to say this year – and to quadruple exports by 2020.

    A noble ambition, but easier said than done.

    The value of UK exports of goods stood at £2.7bn at the time of that announcement; by 2009, it had reached just £2.9bn.

    It will be a stretch for us to reach the target of doubling exports in what remains of this year.

    That is why we want to make progress on free trade talks.

    We must make every effort to complete the Doha trade round. And we should ask trade experts to report to G20 leaders on steps to achieve this before the Seoul G20 Summit.

    We should strengthen significantly EU-India trade links. Indeed, an ambitious Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and India will generate jobs and growth by tackling the unnecessary barriers to trade and investment between our regions.

    By 2020, it could deliver benefits worth a combined €4.5bn per annum shared between India and the EU.

    Negotiations are now entering their fourth year. We need to provide the leadership to complete the free trade agreement by early next year.

    We must reduce the costs of trade – particularly the frictions and delays at borders –which are often a far larger barrier to market access than tariffs.

    The World Bank estimates that a 2 percent reduction in the costs of doing trade is equivalent to an ambitious Doha deal on tariffs.

    So we need to do more, and do better, on trade between our two countries.

    We need to build on what has already been achieved. There is a strong investment base:

    – 700 out of 1,200 Indian firms in the European Union operate from within the UK;

    – The largest single manufacturing employer in the UK is the Indian conglomerate Tata, which owns Jaguar, Land Rover and in the constituency I represent Brunner Mond;

    – And the UK receives over 10 per cent of India’s outward investment flow.

    So when it comes to investment, ours is not a one-way relationship.

    But while the UK stock of inward investment is the fourth largest in India, the UK’s share of foreign direct investment has been declining. I want to change that.

    Yesterday I launched Vodafone’s solar powered mobile phone, and exchanged greetings with a villager in Jharkhand.

    Communicating from a mobile phone shop in Mumbai directly to a village a thousand miles away – this is the scale of the change in which British companies can participate.

    The Government of India have set out ambitious plans for $500bn infrastructure investment.

    This is a massive opportunity for British engineers, architects, designers and construction firms to strengthen cooperation further.

    I welcome that the Government of India is taking forward proposals for foreign insurers and pension funds to play a role in delivering this finance.

    We should bring together CEOs from the UK and India to identify how we can further improve collaboration in this area.

    So we need an enhanced trade and investment partnership. We also need to strengthen our partnership in financial services.

    So this is the second crucial element of an enhanced economic relationship – the increasing importance of the financial links between our two economies.

    Lack of access to finance is a major barrier to poverty reduction all over the world.

    British banks are fully committed to the Government of India’s financial inclusion agenda and to the challenge of serving the needs of poorer communities in rural areas and smaller towns and cities.

    We are here for the long haul. Indeed some UK banks have been in India for over 150 years.

    Standard Chartered, HSBC and RBS are three of the top four foreign retail banks in India.

    Offer them licences in the medium-sized towns and smaller cities and they will jump at the opportunity to be part of the huge effort to bring modern banking services to millions more Indians.

    Just look at what they are already doing – Standard Chartered and HSBC have extensive networks of more than 100 branches between them covering 31 cities.

    I also want to see British banks doing more to help India increase its financial capacity so that access to capital is not a brake on India’s economic growth.

    A Confederation of Indian Industry report published this month noted that foreign banks held only 8.5 per cent of the banking sector’s assets and that this limited the country’s ability to secure higher investment growth.

    But let’s also be clear about something else.

    It is essential that we learn the lessons of the crisis and create financial systems that support growth rather than put it at risk.

    India’s attention to macro-prudential risks enabled it to weather the storm better than the UK and other economies.

    In the UK I have announced a new approach to financial regulation, including a stronger focus on macro-prudential risks to the financial system as a whole, stronger regulation of individual firms by the Bank of England, and enhanced consumer protection.

    I know from my conversation this morning with Reserve Bank of India Governor Subbarao, how much both our countries have to gain from sharing our experiences in macro-prudential regulation.

    I look forward to strengthening our cooperation as we both develop our global financial centres.

    As the Governor said in his speech to the Indian Merchant’s Chamber, the Indian banking system will become increasingly international, with Indian banks increasing their presence abroad and foreign banks taking a larger presence in India.

    India has seen tremendous benefits from the liberalisation of the financial sector, as I saw this morning at the Bombay Stock Exchange.

    The dynamism of India’s capital and equity markets demonstrate the potential for other parts of the financial sector: for example in banking, through the implementation of the reforms set out in the RBI’s 2005 Roadmap.

    And in insurance, by following through on India’s welcome commitment to raise the cap on foreign investment from 26% to 49%

    I have another key message for financial regulators and financial institutions here in this great financial centre of the future.

    And it is this – I believe in reciprocity.

    I would like to see Indian banks establishing themselves even more prominently as big players in the City of London and throughout the UK.

    Indian financial services firms are also increasingly active in the UK.

    There are currently 9 Indian banks in the UK and all of them are growing and have plans to open more branches in the UK.

    The UK is now home to more Indian banks than any other country in the world.

    I very much welcome the fact that the India Infrastructure Finance Company based itself in London – a move symbolic of the depth of the financial services relationship between our two countries.

    And I’m pleased to announce today that Exim Bank, India’s premier development bank for trade and investment, has been given a license from the FSA to set up their bank in the UK – bringing that number to 10 Indian banks and with more to follow I hope.

    I can also announce that the State Bank of India, the oldest commercial bank in this country, will be making London their European Headquarters this year and will be adding to their network of branches across the UK.

    This is precisely the kind of reciprocity our banking sectors need.

    And I would welcome the arrival of more Indian banks in the UK as well as the expansion of the existing players already serving customers the length and breadth of the country.

    So we will develop a partnership in finance to complement the new partnership in trade and investment.

    And these will together help us form a new partnership for the global economy.

    India’s policies of trade and investment liberalisation are reintegrating India into the world economy, allowing it to regain an influence it had three centuries ago.

    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh once famously quoted Victor Hugo saying that ‘no power on Earth can stop an idea whose time has come’.

    The emergence of India as a major economic power in the world is certainly one such idea.

    That is why it is time to acknowledge that the post-1945 system of international financial institutions – particularly the IMF and the World Bank – needs to change.

    It was built for a world of closed economies and just 50 states.

    In a world in which relative economic power is shifting eastwards, we urgently need modernisation and reform.

    We need a new global financial architecture that reflects the re-emergence of India and a number of other countries as linchpin powers in the world economy.

    We need institutions that have the resources, the tools and the legitimacy to ensure countries can withstand economic shocks and prevent crises from spreading:

    – Enhancing IMF resources – and I am pleased that this week the UK Parliament ratified our commitment to provide extra resources;

    – Improving the IMF’s crisis prevention tools;

    – And completing the reform to IMF quotas to give greater weight to under-represented and dynamic economies. I am determined the UK will take a lead this autumn in making sure India is fairly represented.

    We need institutions that reflect the huge changes that have been taking place in the world economy, not ones that mask them.

    India now has a strategic stake in multilateralism that it did not have for much of the post-war period.

    The UK supports the G20’s emergence as the pre-eminent global grouping, in which the world’s largest economies work together to create a global order that is supportive of our mutual aspirations and ambitions:

    – coordinating macroeconomic policies and agreeing actions in each G20 country to ensure sustainability and foster global growth;

    – implementing reforms to strengthen the global financial system, in particular improving the quality and quantity of capital;

    – and resisting protectionism and promoting open markets.

    It is essential that India can play the significant role in these debates to which it is entitled because of the size and dynamism of its economy.

    It is not just about multilateral relations. I also want our bilateral relationship to be strong.

    Let’s not make this visit and these conversations a one-off, but rather ensure that:

    – we meet annually;

    – follow through on summit agreements;

    – expand the dialogue to include other government ministries and regulators;

    – and strengthen the involvement from the private sector.

    Ladies and gentlemen.

    Let me conclude by saying that India’s success is of strategic importance not just to the UK, but to all open societies and open economies and the UK is determined to do all it can to be a partner in that process.

    We can be strong partners in trade.

    We can be strong partners in finance.

    And through this, we will be strong partners in the world.

    Thank you.

  • George Osborne – 2010 Speech at the CBI Annual Dinner

    gosborne

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne, on 19th May 2010 at the CBI Annual Dinner at the Grosvenor House Hotel in London.

    Thank you Helen.

    I am very grateful for the opportunity to speak at your annual dinner.

    This is my first major speech as Chancellor, and Richard, you were the first person I called after I got the job.

    That is a reflection of the importance I attach to Britain’s business community, and it is testament to the effectiveness of the CBI as the leading voice of that community.

    I’d like to begin by thanking so many of the businesses here, who normally stay out of the political frame and are independent of any political party, for coming together in their hundreds in a newspaper letter-writing campaign to make the case for enterprise during the election campaign.

    With your help we fought and won an argument about the best way to build a sustainable private sector recovery.

    Instead of more wasteful spending and more taxes on job creation, we said we would start identifying savings immediately so that we could stop the jobs tax.

    And that is exactly what we have done.

    I can confirm that we will deliver on our promise to stop most of the increase in employer National Insurance Contributions in the Budget in order to save jobs and support the recovery.

    As a result, we will make employing someone less expensive than it would have been, regardless of income.

    And it will help protect people, especially those on low incomes.

    This will do more than anything else to protect those on low and middle incomes from rising unemployment.

    This argument – that government needs to do everything it can to support a private sector recovery – will be my guiding principle as Chancellor.

    Because I believe that when you succeed, Britain succeeds.

    Back in the late 1990s this seemed a rather obvious argument to make.

    All politicians paid lip service to enterprise.

    But the events of the last 13 years have shown that we can never assume that the argument is won.

    Today, public spending has risen to almost 50 per cent of the economy.

    Over 5 million people are out of work and on benefits.

    Record numbers are economically inactive.

    Even now, there are still those who argue seriously that yet more increases in public spending are the answers to our problems.

    No wonder too many people around the world thought that Britain had put up a sign that said ‘closed for business’.

    Today we take that sign down.

    And we need to start making the case for enterprise all over again.

    This is something every generation needs to do in its own way.

    Let me tell you about my generation.

    We were shaped by the collapse of communism and the fall of the Berlin wall.

    This Government is comprised of people whose views are forged by that experience.

    For us it was a vindication of our economic arguments, but perhaps we were too slow to understand that the free market and smaller government needs to go hand in hand with a Big Society.

    We understand that now.

    And it brought to the fore a new breed of liberals – such as my excellent Chief Secretary David Laws – who understood that a fair society needs free markets to sustain it.

    Just as we have looked to the future and reached back to our One Nation tradition, so they have looked to the future by reaching back to the inspiration of Gladstonian Liberalism.

    So together we will use the opportunity provided by this new coalition Government to send a new signal that Britain is, once again, open for business.

    I want people around the country and all over the world to know that if you want to come here, invest here, and create jobs here, then we will be on your side.

    We will back enterprise, not just as an end in itself, but as the way to build a stronger and fairer society.

    I believe that is what this coalition is all about.

    And on the subject of coalitions, let me be absolutely frank.

    As a member of the negotiating team, we did consider whether we could try to bluff our way into a minority government.

    But it was David Cameron’s bold vision and Nick Clegg’s great foresight which saw, before anyone else, that that option would be the greatest compromise of all.

    A weak, unstable government, risking defeat night after night in Parliament.

    Struggling to take the tough decisions that have been put off for too long.

    How much better to try and form a stable government with a majority of about 80, able to govern in the national interest?

    And at the heart of the agreement that we reached is a firm commitment to tackle Britain’s debts and create the space for a private sector recovery.

    The very first item on the very first page of the coalition agreement – “deficit reduction and continuing to ensure economic recovery is the most urgent issue facing Britain.”

    Of course, the question I get asked all the time is “where is the growth going to come from?”

    I was asked this question in my very first press conference as Chancellor.

    Certainly we can no longer rely on ever increasing public spending, or debt-fuelled consumption, to drive growth.

    Over the past decade, over half of all jobs created were associated in some way with public spending.

    Over the past decade, business investment grew at around 1 per cent each year, only a quarter of what it was in the 1990s.

    Of course we were not the only country affected by the financial crisis.

    But our consumers became the most indebted, our banks became more leveraged, and our Government borrowed more than any other major economy.

    So Britain does need a whole new model of economic growth, where we save and invest for the future, instead of building our economy on debt.

    An economy where we sell our goods and services to China and the rest of Asia, instead of simply borrowing from them in order to buy the things they make for us.

    But let’s be clear – when you ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer the question ‘where is the growth going to come from?’ – there is not some lever in my office I can pull to get the answer.

    Because actually the answer is that the growth will come from you, the businesses of Britain.

    So this evening I want to explain briefly how this Government will make the case for enterprise, and how we will help you to succeed.

    And I want to explain how we will do that while building a fairer society and an economy that works for everyone.

    I believe that enterprise needs three things above all.

    First, the sunlight of confidence and stability, instead of living in the shadow of debt and uncertainty.

    You need to know that the Government is controlling spending, dealing with its debts, so that you are not hit by ever higher interest rates and never-ending tax increases.

    Second, the freedom to compete.

    You might have the best product in the world, but how can you win the order when the taxes you  pay and the regulation you face price you out of the market?

    And third, the raw materials to succeed.

    I don’t just mean the iron ore, copper and oil – important as our heavy industry is.

    I mean the raw materials of new industries, like an educated workforce, a welfare system that rewards work, modern energy, digital and transport networks.

    Tackling the deep underlying problems in our economy and our society that have been holding Britain back for too long.

    Let me take you through each in turn.

    First, controlling public spending and delivering economic stability.

    The situation we inherit is the worse any modern government has bequeathed its successor.

    The British state is borrowing one pound for every four that it spends.

    Sitting at my first Ecofin council meeting yesterday, I was very conscious I represented the country with the biggest budget deficit of any of the 27 around the table.

    That is a heavy responsibility, but it is a challenge that I am determined to meet.

    And having mentioned it, let me tell you my approach in Europe – engage, understand, seek agreement, don’t be afraid to disagree, and never forget that I am there to do what is right for our country.

    We should pay heed to what is happening in the Eurozone, not just because they are our largest trading partner, but because it is a vivid demonstration of the threat our public finances pose to the recovery.

    This is the reason that we must tackle our record deficit – because otherwise there will be no recovery at all.

    It will be undermined by rising interest rates, falling confidence and the fear of higher taxes.

    We simply have to do this.

    And let me be blunt – don’t rely on me to make this argument alone.

    We need to do it together so that we can take the whole country with us.

    We need to explain why what seems like the easier option in the short term will actually lead to rising unemployment and decline.

    The case for early and accelerated action is already supported by the main governing party, their coalition partners, the Governor of the Bank of England and the analysis of the Treasury.

    I want the business community to join us in actively making that case – not for my benefit, but for the national interest.

    You can explain how a higher budget deficit will mean higher interest rates and rising business insolvencies.

    You can explain how out of control debt will mean ever higher taxes.

    Let’s make the argument together against all the vested interests that exist to defend every single line item of government spending.

    We have already started to take action.

    Let me tell you what we have done already, in the space of a week.

    We have launched a programme to identify £6 billion of in-year savings, while protecting the vulnerable and the quality of key front line services.

    We will do what you have all done over the last two years – renegotiate contracts, cut out discretionary spending, control recruitment and reduce overheads.

    £6 billion represents less than one in every hundred pounds the government spends – show me the business that has not cut its costs by more than that in the last two years.

    In addition we have started a review of all spending decisions taken since the beginning of the year.

    It is increasingly clear that the last Government embarked on a reckless and irresponsible spending spree in the run up to the election.

    Their attitude was summed up in the letter that the former Labour Chief Secretary Liam Byrne left on the desk for his successor.

    “Dear Chief Secretary, I’m afraid there is no money”.

    Let that letter stand as the handwritten testament to their period in office.

    I have also announced a complete change to the way budgets are made, by giving away the power to make forecasts to an independent Office for Budget Responsibility.

    We need to fix the budget to fit the figures, not fix the figures to fit the budget.

    And I have set an ambitious timetable for an emergency Budget on Tuesday 22nd June – because we need to get on with it.

    That Budget will set the fiscal path for the coming years, and the mandate for the public finances against which the independent OBR will judge us.

    Over the summer we will conduct a far-reaching spending review to allocate spending to the different departments within the overall envelope set out in the Budget.

    Britain will then have what it has been lacking – a comprehensive and credible plan to deal with our debts and live within our means.

    By turning the tide of debt threatening our economy, we will help businesses up and down the country.

    Creating the space for the independent Bank of England to keep interest rates lower for longer while maintaining low and stable inflation.

    Safeguarding Britain’s credit rating.

    Boosting confidence, promoting stability and attracting foreign investment into our country.

    That is our first and most urgent task.

    The second thing that enterprise needs to succeed is the ability to compete.

    This presents us with a huge agenda.

    Reducing the burden of inappropriate regulation and red tape.

    Ensuring that businesses have a sufficient supply of affordable credit – something that Vince Cable and myself will be making a priority.

    We will also be working together to reform our banking system – a subject I will return to in my Mansion House speech next month.

    But in particular I believe we have an opportunity to boost our economy and improve our society with radical tax reform.

    I believe that we can make our tax system both more competitive and more fair.

    The tax system has become hugely complex over the last thirteen years.

    Since 1997, the tax legislation handbook has more than doubled in length.

    It is now over 11,000 pages long.

    This spider-web of tax rules is holding back people who want to set up businesses.

    And our corporate tax rates are increasingly uncompetitive.

    A World Economic Forum report ranks the UK 84th out of 133 countries in terms of the competitiveness of the tax system.

    So we need wholesale reform.

    I particularly want to focus on corporate taxes.

    I want corporate tax reform to be a priority for this government, and I can confirm that the final coalition agreement that we will publish tomorrow will commit us to lower and simpler corporate tax rates.

    Let me give you advance notice of what it will say.

    “We will reform the corporate tax system by simplifying reliefs and allowances, and tackling avoidance, in order to reduce headline rates”.

    “Our aim is to create the most competitive corporate tax regime in the G20, while protecting manufacturing industries”.

    At the Budget I want to set out a 5 year road map for a big reform of corporation tax.

    As well as lower rates and a simpler system, I want to reform the complex Controlled Foreign Companies rules that have driven businesses overseas.

    I want multinationals coming to the UK, not leaving.

    I am under no illusions.

    Achieving all this will be hard and it won’t happen overnight.

    But let us work together for the long term, because ultimately all of Britain’s businesses will be winners if we succeed.

    Of course reforming corporation tax is not the only goal.

    I want Britain to be the easiest place in the world to start a business.

    I want to do everything we can to support small companies.

    And I want to help new businesses by abolishing employers national insurance contributions on the first ten jobs they create.

    But as well as a making the tax system more competitive, we need to make it fairer.

    When times are difficult, we want to give people more of a stake in the economy.

    I believe it is right that people on low and middle incomes should be helped through the tax system.

    This is why at the Budget I will be announcing a substantial increase in the personal income tax allowance.

    And our longer term goal is to raise the allowance to £10,000, with real terms steps in that direction every year.

    This will ensure millions of people pay less tax.

    It will send a message that if you put the effort in, you get a job and earn yourself an income, you will keep more of your money.

    I also believe that the same principle must apply to those who invest in new businesses and create jobs.

    So while we will increase the rates of capital gains tax for non-business assets, there will be generous relief for entrepreneurial investment in businesses, as made clear in the coalition agreement.

    Third and finally, this coalition government understands that enterprise needs much more than just the freedom to compete.

    We have a radical programme to tackle the underlying structural problems that have been holding Britain back for far too long.

    We want to be far more than just deficit cutters – we want to lay the foundations of a more prosperous society, and a fairer economy that works for everyone.

    So we will launch a programme of radical education reform under Michael Gove.

    David Willets and Vince Cable will ensure our universities are among the best in the world for decades to come.

    Iain Duncan Smith and David Freud will reform our welfare system so that we reward work and support those who need help.

    And Chris Huhne, Jeremy Hunt and Philip Hammond will ensure that we attract the right mix of public and private investment in Britain’s creaking energy, broadband and transport infrastructure.

    Next week, in the Queen’s Speech, you will see a truly ambitious agenda, the scale of which I do not believe that most people yet appreciate.

    And at its heart is the understanding that it is not government ministers who create the jobs we need.

    You will create those jobs.

    Let me finish by saying that – despite the challenges we face – I am profoundly optimistic about our future.

    As a country we have spectacular opportunities ahead of us – we have reasons to be cheerful.

    There is a prize that is there for the taking.

    Every day around the world, in places like China, India, Brazil, Indonesia and Vietnam, people leave the grinding poverty that has trapped their families for centuries and become connected to today’s global economy.

    They go to work for low wages in factories – and I know the massive challenge that presents to our businesses here.

    But from Asia to America, from Eastern Europe to Southern Africa – nations of manufacturers are taking their first step in their journey to prosperity.

    And as they become richer, they will become nations of consumers, just as we did after our Industrial Revolution.

    According to the World Bank, the middle class in emerging and developing countries is expected to treble by 2030.

    That’s 1,200 million people who will want to buy the things that we can sell them.

    Modern medicines and branded goods.

    Aircraft engines, high-tech machinery, green vehicles and renewable energy.

    Computer software, television programmes, oil and gas expertise.

    Pensions, insurance, advertising, accountancy and legal services.

    British goods and services, made in Britain, exported around the world.

    The whole world must be our marketplace.

    Our whole future depends on it.

    So let us tell the world.

    Loud and clear.

    That Britain is once again open for business.