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  • Nick Gibb – 2016 Speech on Music Education

    nickgibb

    Below is the text of the speech made by Nick Gibb, the Schools Minister, at City Hall in London on 22 March 2016.

    Thank you Munira [Murza, Deputy Mayor of London for Education and Culture] for that kind welcome. And thank you for inviting me here today to talk about how good-quality music education should lie at the heart of every school in this country.

    It is a privilege to speak to so many music teachers from across London. Many teachers tend, by necessity, to work in small music departments so days such as these provide an important opportunity to meet fellow teachers and share ideas.

    I have enormous admiration for the work of music teachers: passing on a knowledge of and passion for music – of all forms – to new generations. I look back with great fondness and gratitude to the early exposure to music that I received as a child.

    Singing in the St Edmund’s Parish Church Choir in Roundhay, Leeds, gave me a lasting love for choral music. The delight I still feel today when I listen to ‘Zadok the Priest’ or Allegri’s ‘Miserere’ can be traced back to my schooldays. That is not an invitation for you to ask me to sing today by the way.

    An initiative from last year that the department helped achieve, and that I was delighted to see occur, was the Classical 100 music app – launched by the ABRSM in collaboration with Classic FM and Decca. This is a new digital resource, designed and made freely available to all primary schools. It includes recordings of 100 classical pieces of music composed over 10 centuries, ranging from children’s classics such as ‘Peter and the Wolf’ and ‘Carnival of the Animals’, to works such as Beethoven’s ‘Fifth Symphony’ and Handel’s ‘Messiah’. The recordings are supplemented by digital teaching resources, including information about the composers and the stories behind the music.

    I saw the app trialed at the end of last year at St Charles Catholic Primary School in central London, where a wonderful teacher entranced her class by playing them Tchaikovsky’s ‘Dance of the Sugar Plum Fairy’. So far, 339 London primary schools have signed up to use the resource, and I would encourage any here who haven’t already to access it, and delve into the treasure trove of timeless pieces of classical music that it contains.

    For me, the Classical 100 encapsulates 2 vital principles for music education in our schools. Firstly, ensuring that it is of a high quality. And secondly, ensuring that it is made available to all children, irrespective of birth or background.

    Due to our focus on increasing the uptake of EBacc subjects at GCSE, the government has been accused by some of damaging the status of arts in schools. This is absolutely not the case. I make no apologies for our belief that more schools should be offering a core academic curriculum to their pupils up to the age of sixteen. But there is no reason why this should imperil the status of arts subjects such as music: both can and should coexist in any good school.

    In fact, since the EBacc was announced, the percentage of state school pupils entered for at least 1 GCSE in an arts subject has increased. And so has the number of entries to music GCSE.

    The government is committed to ensuring that high-quality music education is not the preserve of a social elite, but is the entitlement of every single child. That is why funding for our highly successful music hubs, in which I am sure many here today are involved, is remaining at £75 million in 2016 to 2017. Nearly £11.7 million of that will go to hubs in London.

    Music education hubs ensure that every child in England has the opportunity to learn a musical instrument through weekly whole-class ensemble teaching programmes. Music education hubs also ensure that clear progression routes are available and affordable, and many hubs subsidise the cost of lessons for pupils. Under this programme, any budding seeds of musical passion that young children have will not remain buried and unnurtured. I hope that in years to come, adults with a passion for music will have the work of music hubs to thank for first introducing them to musical performance.

    Many schools work hard to nurture a love of music amongst their pupils. At St Charles Primary School in Ladbroke Grove, where 39% of pupils are eligible for the pupil premium, the school provides subsidised small group lessons to all children in key stage 2 who want them. Over 50% of all key stage 2 pupils have instrumental lessons outside the class environment and this summer 35 of them will be taking ABRSM exams. Pupils are charged just £4 a lesson and many receive them completely free.

    Learning a musical instrument can be a complicated business and children need support from their parents. But parents who have never learned to play an instrument themselves may struggle to help their children. So I am delighted that the GLA has commissioned a new guide for parents from the ABRSM. The guide will be launched in September and some promotional films on the guide will be shown during the lunch break today.

    Here in London there is the marvellous Mayor’s Music Fund for Young Londoners. This provides 4-year scholarships to children who show significant musical ability and a real commitment to developing their talent, but whose families do not have the financial means to support ongoing tuition.

    When it comes to provision of music education, the government believes in equity, but it also believes in excellence. Talented young musicians need the opportunity to make music with others of a similar standard, and access to selective ensembles and demanding repertoire. The music education hubs provide high-quality borough or county-wide ensembles and signpost the most talented toward specialist provision.

    For the same reason, the government supports national youth music organisations such as the National Youth Choir of Great Britain and the National Youth Orchestra, to help ensure that no one is turned away because their parents cannot pay.

    There is a clear concern amongst the public that careers in the arts have become the preserve of the privileged and privately educated. To ensure that this is not the case in years to come, the government will continue to fund over 500 full-time places at 4 specialist music schools, as well as a similar number of places at 4 specialist dance schools, through the Music and Dance Scheme. The vast majority of pupils board, and means-tested bursaries are available to ensure that entry to the schools is based on pupils’ talent, not on their parents’ ability to pay fees.

    The scheme also funds places at the junior departments of the 6 English music conservatoires, and at 6 music and 9 dance centres for advanced training. We fund almost 1,300 students to take up places at these institutions, over 60% of whom receive a full bursary. With 4 of the music conservatoires here in London, young Londoners are particularly well placed to take advantage of these opportunities.

    In fact, with the wealth of cultural institutions on offer in the city, and the emphasis that the Mayor’s office has placed on developing high-quality music teaching in schools, I can think of no places in the country where it would be better to be a pupil, or teacher, of music.

    In terms of professional development for music teachers, I am delighted that the Music Excellence London network will be building on the work of the ‘Peer to Peer’ and ‘Teach Through Music’ programmes that were funded through the London Schools Excellence Fund. Music Excellence London will combat the isolation that some music teachers experience, and support teachers to develop and improve their classroom practice.

    Important though it is, playing an instrument is not the only aspect of a good music education. Music is also an academic subject, and the new national curriculum ensures that it will be taught as such. It sets the expectation that pupils will perform, listen to, review and evaluate music across a range of historical periods, genres, styles and traditions, including the works of great composers and musicians.

    By the time they leave key stage 3, children from all backgrounds should be prepared to, if they wish, embark on a GCSE course with confidence.

    That is particularly important now that the GCSE will be more rigorous. When we revised music qualifications last year, we were told that the gap between GCSE and A level music was too wide. Many students who did well at GCSE were unable to cope with the demands of the AS and A level syllabus. We have tackled that not by dumbing down the A level, but by increasing the challenge of the GCSE. At GCSE, students now have to read and write staff notation. And at least 1 area of study must contain music from the western classical tradition, better preparing pupils for A level study and beyond.

    Our vision for music education in this country can be summed up in 2 words: equity and quality. From their first exposure to the joys of music at a young age, through to providing for the brightest and most talented young musicians, all children deserve to be given the chance to fulfil their musical potential. Thanks to London’s 28 music hubs and the Music and Dance Scheme, and thanks to the Mayor’s music fund, these principles are clearly being fulfilled in the capital.

    I would like to say thank you for the inspiring work you do, ensuring that future generations of Londoners live lives enriched by music, and I hope you all have a wonderful day here at the Mayor’s summit.

  • Brandon Lewis – 2016 Speech at Home Builders Federation Policy Forum

    brandonlewis

    Below is the text of the speech made by Brandon Lewis, the Housing Minister, at the Home Builders Federation Policy Forum in London on 22 March 2016.

    Introduction

    Thank you for inviting me here today.

    Last week we set out our plans:

    – for an economy set to grow faster than any other major advanced country in the world;

    – for a labour market delivering the highest employment in our history;

    – and for businesses that are creating jobs, and building the infrastructure this country needs.

    I don’t need to tell you that the British economy has grown much stronger over the past 6 years.

    The extra homes you are building reflect that progress.

    And your companies’ reports confirm it.

    Economies don’t thrive by accident.

    This government confronted our country’s problems.

    We made the right judgements and took the difficult decisions.

    We had a long term vision, and pursued a long term plan.

    Today the deficit is down by two thirds, and is continuing to fall.

    And our economy is stronger and more resilient.

    Progress on housing

    We used the strong economic foundation we established after 2010 to improve the housing market. My job and yours is to make sure that work continues.

    Challenge for the future

    We all know much more needs to be done to create a housing market that meets peoples’ needs.

    That supports aspiration, increases mobility, boosts productivity and helps local economies grow.

    Spending Review

    In the Spending Review we doubled investment in housing, and set out the largest house building programme for 40 years.

    We aim to build a million homes [by 2021] and double the number of first time buyers in this Parliament, continuing work started in 2010.

    Some have a questioned our emphasis on affordable home ownership.

    But we make no apology for this innovation.

    It’s what working people want.

    86% of people say they would choose to buy their own property.

    And yet the aspiration and reality of home ownership has drifted apart.

    Why should we not help make aspiration more affordable?

    It’s simply old-fashioned political dogma to insist governments only intervene in the market to support renters, when most people would rather buy.

    To persist with this outdated mindset risks creating a generation of young people exiled from homeownership.

    Budget measures

    Starter Homes / Shared Ownership

    We’re committed to building Starter Homes, and in the Budget we set out some of ways we will achieve this.

    Councils will shortly be invited to apply for a share of £1.2 billion Starter Homes Land Fund.

    To remediate brownfield land so it’s ready for construction, and bring more land into the system

    We’ll also publish a new prospectus for the Help to Buy: Shared Ownership scheme for first time buyers, and you’ll soon be to bid for a share of £4 billion to get the work started.

    Releasing more land for house building

    In the Budget we extended that same support to areas wanting to establish Garden Villages.

    Public land

    For the first time ever local authorities have committed to an ambition to release public sector land for house building.

    Land with capacity for at least 160,000 new homes will be released – matching the central government target.

    At the same time the HCA will work with Network Rail and councils to bring forward land around stations for housing, commercial development and regeneration.

    And we expect the first sites to be brought forward shortly.

    In London we have approved the business case for a new Thameslink station at Brent Cross, paving the way for 7,500 new, and desperately needed, homes in the capital.

    We want to release more public land, but we also want to increase transparency across the whole the land market, so we’ll be making it easier to access information on land ownership

    Planning

    Planning permission was granted for more than a quarter of a million homes last year.

    It’s a huge turnaround for the planning system we inherited in 2010, which was in a state of disarray, and a byword for conflict.

    Permissions are starting to outstrip construction by some by an ever increasing margin.

    And that is an issue that must be addressed.

    But we’re always looking for any improvements that can be made.

    We’ll be setting statutory deadlines for the Secretary of State’s decisions, and streamlining local plans.

    We’ll also explore the scope for more ‘zonal’ plans that send clear signals about development potential and offer permission in principle on identified sites that have the support of local people.

    At the same time we want to improve the use of planning conditions to prevent delays getting on site.

    For example, ensuring pre-commencement conditions can only be used with the agreement of the developer.

    Role of the house building industry

    We’ll always look for to make improvements – but the government can’t be the only players in the housing market questioning the way we do things.

    Everyone needs to respond to the extraordinary demand for new homes.

    And our ambitions for house building will only be achieved if we’re all working towards the same goal.

    Government or industry – we will all be judged on our actions, not words.

    There is a desperate need for new homes in this country, and a millions of young people who want a home of their own.

    We all bear responsibility for supporting their aspirations.

    History will not remember us kindly if we allow a generation to face exile from homeownership.

    Do we really want our children to be worse off than their parents?

    Or feel compelled to leave the communities they love and grew up in?

    Forced to decline good job opportunities, and all because local housing is too expensive?

    That is bad for our economy, and it’s bad for society.

    We have been working with the HBF and will continue to do so in the coming weeks. Industry is equally committed to our goal and I would like to thank everyone at the HBF for their work.

    So I would like to finish with a challenge.

    To use the long term commitment of the government to boost capacity in your industry:

    – to build out faster;

    – use new technology better;

    – and invest in apprenticeships so you have young people with the right skills to build homes.

    Other countries are doing this – there’s no reason why we can’t too.

    We need to play our part in the global economy. I fully support the work the Prime Minister has done and is doing in Europe. We need the stability of the EU.

    Imports and exports have an effect on house building. Certainty and confidence affect the market.

    Help to Buy demonstrates this. It is no co-incidence that our economy grew as house building grew.

    Help to Buy gave confidence to buyers and developers. We know that Help to Buy doesn’t affect house prices, but it does impact on supply.

    Conclusion

    There is still a profound need to build more homes in this country, across all tenures, and support the aspirations of people who want to buy a home.

    This will be a defining challenge of our generation, and it’s a prize worth fighting for.

    The economic and social legacy will last far beyond any of our lifetimes.

    Young people have the same hopes and dreams of past generations, and the same ambitions for the future.

    Let’s ensure their hard work can be rewarded with a home of their own.

  • Rob Wilson – 2016 Speech on UK Social Investment Market

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Rob Wilson, the Minister for Civil Society, at Lloyd’s of London on 22 March 2016.

    Good morning everyone, it’s a great pleasure join you at the launch of QBE’s innovative Premiums 4 Good insurance product here at Lloyds of London.

    Congratulations on the launch of this product – its great to see 40 early adopters.

    I’m reliably informed that I am in good company today, surrounded by people who want to make a real difference. And that is crucial to what I want to talk to you about.

    We all have an important role in making a difference to people’s lives.

    When I choose to donate to a charity, I expect that charity to act in a responsible way and to be transparent in how my donation is used.

    When I make a pension saving, I expect the investment manager to offer me a choice of investments and to keep me informed about its performance.

    When you take out an insurance policy with QBE and their “Premiums 4 Good” product, you can choose where some of that premium is invested and expect it to report on the social and environmental impact generated by it.

    These examples all have 3 things in common:

    – a focus on consumer choice

    – an intention to generate a positive impact, whether financial or social

    – transparency and accountability about how that impact gets delivered

    These are principles I have been embedding in my programme of reform across charities, civil society and social investment. They are core to my vision of a bigger, stronger society here in the UK.

    So let me tell you about what we as a government have done in the past, what we are doing in the present, and my vision of what we can do in the future.

    Past: Charity sector reform

    You will all be aware that the charity sector has had its fair share of difficulties recently. In the last year I have been focused on reforming the regulatory framework for charities and social sector organisations.

    I have given the sector the chance to sign up to better standards of behaviour. If it fails to follow through on commitments to do things differently, I will take more prescriptive measures to ensure those who donate to charities and those who benefit from charities are protected.

    I have ensured fundraising self-regulation is remodelled – a new fundraising self-regulator is being led by Lord Grade. This will provide confidence that fundraising scandals are now firmly behind the charity sector.

    It provides a platform of public trust and confidence that the sector needs for a generous public to continue to donate to the causes that matter most to them.

    Through the Charities Act, I have enhanced the powers of the Charity Commission to enable it to regulate the charity sector more effectively. Ensuring our charities have a framework fit for 2016 and beyond – subject to minimum bureaucracy but robust oversight.

    The Act also contains a statutory power of social investment for charities, to better enable them to make investments that contribute to their charitable mission as well as providing a financial return. This is the first ever definition of social investment in legislation.

    I hope this sends a strong signal to both the charity sector and the wider investment community that this government is committed to seeing social investment grow.

    Past: Social Investment

    The government took a number of pioneering measures in the last parliament to help with that growth:

    We set up Big Society Capital – the world’s first social investment bank. With contributions from the big four high street banks it received £600 million of capital to be allocated to social investments.

    We established Access – the foundation for social investment. With £100 million to support more organisations to take on investment, it will help stimulate the pipeline of social investment deals over the next 10 years.

    We created a Social Investment Tax Relief, modelled on the successful Enterprise Investment Scheme, to stimulate social investment by individual investors.

    We commissioned the world’s first Social Impact Bond, working on the principle that government only pays for the outcomes it wants to see and that are successfully delivered.

    Investors provide the up-front capital needed to scale up innovative services – the investor is then repaid by government when the specified outcomes are delivered.

    Present: Social Investment

    You will hear hardly any mention of Social Impact Bonds in the media today. I intend to talk about them frequently in the weeks and months ahead.

    Social Impact Bonds, or SIBs, are increasingly being deployed to deliver public service reform that cuts to the heart of some of the biggest challenges that we face as a country.

    They often focus on prevention and early intervention, which will help us to contain the ever expanding demands on our public services.

    In many cases, the delivery organisations are charities and social enterprises who have the experience of delivering successful programmes across local areas.

    SIBs help to foster a genuine partnership between government, Big Society organisations and social investors – bringing in the additional investment needed to support these organisations, who can innovate in ways that big government simply cannot.

    Perhaps most importantly though, they focus on delivering meaningful outcomes for real people. For example, supporting a child out of residential care into an adoptive home, a young person into their first job, or a rough sleeper into supported accommodation.

    The Prime Minister recently announced our new £80 million Life Chances Fund – an important next step on a journey that will show how social investment can transform local public services.

    This is a down payment on a Social Impact Bond market that I hope and expect to be worth more than £1 billion by the end of this parliament. The SIB model will become the norm for the way many of the more challenging public services are funded in years to come.

    I have also set up a commission to look further at dormant assets. I believe there are a host of such assets which belong, in aggregate, to the public and should therefore be used to benefit the general public and not specific firms who may be, unwittingly or not, sitting on these stores of potential public value.

    I expect the commission to report back later this year and I look forward to institutional investors playing their part in unlocking this puzzle.

    The UK is a world leader in social investment – to remain so, we need to continue to push the agenda. This is the right thing to do because of the social benefits it leads to, but also because it supports the UK economy.

    We attract foreign capital to investment opportunities in this country at the same time as exporting our expertise in this growing area to other states around the world. I will be unrelenting in pushing us all to seize this opportunity.

    Future

    My vision for the future of social investment is informed by the principles I set out at the start of this speech:

    – that individuals have genuine choice in how their money is managed in line with their values.

    – that institutional investors build social impact considerations into all their investment decision-making – recognising that fiduciary duty is not only compatible with, but ought to include an appreciation of, social and environmental factors.

    – that there is a culture of feedback on investment performance that includes social impact as well as financial performance.

    To achieve this vision I am beginning to think about further reforms that will make it easy for more people to be social investors. To connect their investments with the causes they care about.

    Firstly, requiring pension providers to offer products to scheme members where a specified percentage of their money goes to social investments. I think this should be as easy for the scheme members as ticking a box when they are deciding how they want their pension invested.

    Working with the grain of people’s behaviour by asking about their preferences at the right time to allow them to take action.

    It is something that we already see working successfully in the French pension system where billions of euros have been channeled to social impact investments.

    Secondly, updating the guidance and regulation around fiduciary duty to better account for social investment and non-financial concerns.

    The Law Commission has already set out a number of recommendations around fiduciary duty and its compatibility with environmental, social and governance factors. Broadly these say that fiduciary duty means considering both financial and non-financial factors. Or, put another way, fiduciaries are not doing their job correctly unless they are considering investments in the round.

    I want to see these principles more fully incorporated into the investment strategies of investment managers. I want to make sure that when investment managers are thinking about their fiduciary duties they are thinking about people’s investment preferences in more than just financial terms.

    This doesn’t mean reduced financial returns. It does mean considering how social impact can sustain or even enhance those returns.

    If the end beneficiary of financial products has limited ability to directly engage with investment choices then the investment manager, acting as a proxy, needs to be thinking about those preferences in a holistic way.

    75% of millennials say that it is important that a company gives back to society instead of just making a profit – these are the kind of preferences that need to be better thought through by investors.

    I have already mentioned the power of social investment for charities that I recently legislated for, better enabling them to combine investments with financial and social returns. I would like to see this approach replicated across the wider investment industry.

    Thirdly, creating a ‘social investor’ category along the lines of the ‘restricted investor’ category in the crowd-funding space.

    Currently the cost of compliance with full FCA regulations can be out of kilter with the small scale financing needs of most social sector organisations.

    A ‘social investor’ category, safeguarded with a maximum limit to each investment of say £250, would make it easier for ‘everyday’ investors to back local causes they care about, ranging from saving the local pub to sustainable energy production.

    And finally, developing a dedicated social investment ISA to make social investing easily identifiable to mass market investors.

    Product providers have made limited progress in developing social investment based offerings. I feel that an ISA allowance that has characteristics specific to social investment would provide the impetus needed to get a meaningful range of socially themed products in front of investors from the general public.

    This could be in the form of a dedicated additional ISA allowance for social investments of say £1,000 to sit on top of the existing allowance.

    I would very much welcome your ideas and engagement on this as well as some of the ongoing work I mentioned earlier. The role of the investment industry will be a large factor determining the success of further social investment reforms.

    Key messages

    I want to highlight some thoughts around social investment which I see as key.

    Social Investment is taking off – institutions are already making social investments.

    The investment manager Cheyne Capital is running a social impact property fund which I understand will make close to a £1 billion of investments in social property.

    Threadneedle has a UK social bond fund with tens of millions of pounds under management which can be accessed by individual investors. I believe this is just the tip of the iceberg for retail fund offerings.

    And today we are here to mark this innovative insurance product from QBE – demonstrating how social investment can be applied to new areas of financial provision.

    Millennials are demanding this.

    They will be the beneficiaries of the largest inter-generational wealth transfer in our history. Successful investment managers and product providers will need to cater for their preferences.

    They are more interested in values-based lifestyles than previous generations – that includes consumption choices but also the way they want to invest.

    They are also much more likely to demand transparency and accountability from those who manage their money. But the market is not yet providing suitable vehicles for them to express these preferences.

    The government wants to back these people in the choices they want to make.

    As I mentioned earlier, we are committed to growing the social economy. We will use social investment as a way to transform how public services are delivered, making them not just smarter but much more compassionate.

    Closing remarks

    I hope you have heard some clear and consistent messages from me today:

    That I am undertaking a wide programme of reform in those areas that fall under my responsibility; for charities, for social investment and ultimately for a bigger stronger society.

    That this government has taken decisive action to enable social investment in the past, that we are doing more now and that I want to take this much further in the future.

    That I expect major drivers of this progress to be the principles of increased consumer investment choice, transparency of how individuals investments are handled and a focus on better reporting of impact.

    The time for social investment is now – government expects institutions to actively engage in this space. We are listening, but want to see more of the kind of approach embodied by the ‘Premiums 4 Good’ product.

    I am looking forward to the growth of an investment market that better connects its customers with the causes they care about. And I am looking to the investment community to help me deliver it.

    Thank you and good luck to Premiums 4 Good.

  • Ed Vaizey – 2016 Speech on Culture White Paper Launch

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Ed Vaizey, the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport at the Southbank Centre in London on 23 March 2016.

    It’s been a great privilege to have been arts and culture minister for six years – and on occasion to have been the heritage minister as well. It’s a wonderful job that has taken me all over the country and enabled me to experience many of our great cultural treasures and some outstanding events. Be they national and grand or local, small and exquisite, each has immense value.

    Fine art, heritage, music, dance, libraries, museums, theatre and other cultural pursuits describe and raise the human condition. They are valuable in and of themselves. But they also contribute in other ways: to our economy, to our education, to our health and wellbeing. They make places great and give them an identity.

    We have remained ambitious for culture – even during a very tough economic climate – and we have achieved, in my view, a great deal.

    We increased the share of National Lottery funding for the arts and heritage.

    We introduced tax credits for theatres and orchestras, and now we will do the same for exhibitions.

    We encouraged resilience in the sector and worked with our partners to roll out endowments and capacity-building schemes, in recognition of the vital role of philanthropy.

    We maintained free entry to our national collections and increased freedoms for museums. Recently, we secured £150 million to move collections out of storage in Blythe House and enable greater public access.

    We introduced the Cultural Gifts Scheme.

    We created music education hubs, expanded In Harmony, and introduced a range of cultural education programmes.

    We established the new English Heritage charity which runs a wide range of historic properties and in which we invested £80 million.

    Last year, we secured a good deal for the arts and heritage in the Spending Review that was welcomed across the sector.

    The role of our libraries has changed over the last 50 years and is continuing to evolve with society’s digital expectations. That is why we created the Libraries Taskforce.

    Attendances and participation have continued to rise. Over the last Parliament, we saw a third of heritage assets removed from the ‘at risk’ register for the right reasons. We continue to see phenomenal success and creativity, led by an outstanding generation of cultural leaders. So I think we can be in good heart.But of course there are challenges right across our cultural landscape. We want to address those challenges. We want to maintain our ambition.

    That is why we are the first government in fifty years to publish a White Paper on culture, one that offers a comprehensive assessment of that landscape.

    The great Jennie Lee was the last – and indeed only – arts minister to publish a White Paper. I am honoured to follow in the footsteps of someone so distinguished. Elected to the House of Commons at the age of 24 when she was too young actually to vote, she played a pivotal role in the foundation of the Open University and expanded the Arts Council so that it did more work in the regions, along with creating art institutions at the South Bank Centre.

    Jennie Lee’s White Paper is short and to the point – no more than 20 pages and a hundred paragraphs. It is challenging – to the arts themselves. It is aspirational – the beginning of a process, rather than the end. And many of the themes it identified in the middle of the 1960s are as relevant today, in the middle of the second decade of the 21st century.

    The biggest challenge Jennie Lee identified in her White Paper was ensuring that the arts should not be the preserve of a privileged few. Despite enormous changes to arts and culture in this country since 1965, the same concern animates our own White Paper.

    There are now many families for whom a trip to the theatre, a historic house, or a museum is second nature. But this is far from universal. Many of our institutions do great work in this area. But the challenge is to make that work sustainable, to make the engagement permanent, and to really try and reach those who are the hardest to reach.

    So the Government will challenge all cultural organisations in receipt of government funding to do more to reach out to people of all circumstances and backgrounds. Arts Council England will regularly report to government on the progress being made.

    A Cultural Citizens Programme will be launched in places that have especially high deprivation and low cultural engagement.

    Starting in September, ACE will help institutions to engage young people from disadvantaged backgrounds by immersing them in the work they do and introducing them to the people that run those institutions.

    We will pilot the programme in three areas – the North-West, North-East and West Midlands – and hope that by the end of the third year it will be operating in up to 70 places and reaching 14,000 young people. I hope that many of them will end up forging a career in culture – and that all of them will be enriched and inspired in a way that stays with them for life.

    We also need to do much more on diversity. ACE has already made a start on this. But we need much more diversity in the leadership of our arts organisations, much more diversity among those who work in them, both on and off the stage. We will make it clear to arts organisations that we want to see real and tangible progress in diversity – that is a legitimate expectation of anyone who applies for public funds.

    Cultural activity should be nurtured in every corner of the country. There is a great debate, as there was in Jennie Lee’s time, about the balance of funding between London and the rest of the country.

    This debate is presented in stark terms, when the reality is far more nuanced. Nevertheless, we want to build on what ACE is already doing, in rebalancing its funding between London and the regions, with schemes such as Creative People and Places.

    So we will introduce a new Great Place Scheme, which will bring national arts and heritage Lottery funders together to work with councils, cultural organisations and universities to make culture a core part of local authority’s plans and policies.We will initially pilot this in twelve areas, at least four of them rural. Historic England will provide advice on how to use planning and development to bolster local culture.

    Culture should never be considered an add-on or a fringe activity, when a whole host of organisations would benefit from a closer relationship with culture. The Great Place Fund will be a catalyst for delivering comprehensive and sustainable strategies.

    The North East Culture Partnership has done sterling work in this field already – and can be an inspiration to others. Its Case for

    Culture has brought together more than 1,000 people and organisations – including twelve local authorities and five universities along with business, sport, education, tourism and cultural bodies – to work towards major cultural development over the next fifteen years.

    Today, at my behest, the Leadership for Libraries Taskforce has launched a consultation on our vision for public libraries in England that sets out a bold and dynamic direction of travel for the next five years. I very much welcome your comments and feedback through the consultation process to help shape the final Ambition document by Summer 2016.

    Our historic built environment is a unique asset. We have announced £3 million of new funding for the Architectural Heritage Fund and we are supporting Historic England in launching Heritage Action Zones. And I am delighted that Bernard Taylor has agreed to lead a review of Church buildings. This will examine new models for opening these buildings up, bring their history to life and sustain them for future generations.

    Our museums are a huge draw and extremely popular. It is clear from all the work we have done that they face specific challenges and merit a separate review.

    It will consider three main themes: firstly the framework for different kinds of museums, secondly those museums that are directly sponsored by government, and thirdly local and regional museums. The review will touch on multiple issues, but with a particular focus on shared services, storage, digitisation and resilience. We want to see many more objects brought out of storage, and made available, in an informal setting, to the public.

    And we want Britain to be a world leader when it comes to the digitisation and dissemination of our great collections. As announced in the Budget, we will bring in a new Museums and Galleries tax relief from April next year, and will begin our consultation on this in the summer.

    We want all our organisations to increase their resilience and long-term sustainability. More than £60 million of funding is available to help cultural organisations improve their resilience.

    I’m also tremendously excited by the new virtual Commercial Academy for Culture, which will use existing networks and forge new ones, in order to build a strong centre of commercial expertise. And we will pilot an innovative new matched crowd-funding scheme to support the cultural sector’s use of this rapidly growing fundraising tool.

    While our White Paper recognises the importance of the local, we also understand that there are global treasures, and that we need to play our part in protecting them.

    Culture is a key part of this government’s international development work, and we are signatories to several international cultural conventions and have taken a lead as members of organisations such as the Council of Europe and UNESCO.

    We are committed to helping protect World Heritage Sites and subject to legislation this country will finally ratify the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict and its two Protocols.

    Last year the Government hosted a highly successful cultural protection summit at which experts of all stripes discussed what more we can do to protect cultural assets. A £30 million Cultural Protection Fund, managed by the British Council, will make a serious contribution to these efforts.

    This White Paper is an unapologetically ambitious exercise – far- reaching in scope and driven by a fierce determination that the great gifts that cultural engagement bestows should be available to all.

    All of us who are responsible for cultural institutions must not only make clear that everyone is welcome, but do all we can to encourage them in.

    That is my mission. Thank you.

  • David Cameron – 2016 Commons Statement on European Council

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the statement made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 21 March 2016.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement on last week’s European Council, which focused on the migration crisis affecting continental Europe.

    Mr Speaker, the single biggest cause has of course been the war in Syria and the brutality of the Asad regime. But we have also seen huge growth in people coming to Southern Europe from Afghanistan, Pakistan and North Africa, all facilitated by the rapid growth of criminal networks of people smugglers.

    There are over 8,000 migrants still arriving in Greece every week. And there are signs that the numbers using the central Mediterranean route are on the rise again. So far 10,000 have come this year.

    Of course, because of our special status in the European Union, Britain is not part of the Schengen open border arrangements – and we’re not going to be joining.

    We have our own border controls. And they apply to everyone trying to enter our country – including EU citizens.

    So people cannot travel through Greece or Italy onward to continental Europe and into Britain. And that will not change.

    But it is in our national interest to help our European partners deal effectively with this enormous and destabilising challenge.

    We have argued for a consistent and clear approach right from the start. Ending the conflict in Syria. Supporting the refugees in the region. Securing European borders. Taking refugees directly from the camps and the neighbouring countries but not from Europe. Cracking down on people smuggling gangs.

    This approach – of focusing on the problem upstream – has now been universally accepted in Europe. And at this Council it was taken forwards with a comprehensive plan for the first time.

    As part of this plan, the Council agreed to stop migrants from leaving Turkey in the first place to intercept those that do leave, while they are at sea, turning back their boats, and to return back to Turkey those that make it to Greece.

    There can be no guarantee of success, but if this plan is properly and fully implemented, in my view it will be the best chance to make a difference.

    For the first time we have a plan that breaks the business model of the people smugglers, by breaking the link between getting in a boat and getting settlement.

    Mr Speaker, I want to be clear about what Britain is doing – and what we are not doing – as a result of this plan. What we are doing is contributing our expertise and our skilled officials to help with the large-scale operation now under way.

    Royal Fleet Auxiliary ship Mounts Bay and Border Force vessels are already patrolling the Aegean. British asylum experts and interpreters are already working in Greece to help them process individual cases.

    At the Council I said that Britain stands ready to do even more to support these efforts.

    Above all, what is needed – and what we have been pushing for – is a detailed plan to implement this agreement and to ensure that all the offers of support that are coming from around Europe are properly co-ordinated.

    And our share of the additional EU money which will go to helping refugees in Turkey under this agreement will come from our existing aid budget.

    But Mr Speaker, let me also be clear what we are not doing.

    First, we are not giving visa-free access for Turks coming to the UK.

    Schengen countries are giving visa-free access to Turks. But because we are not part of Schengen, we are not bound by their decision.

    We have made our own decision which is to maintain our own borders. And we will not be giving that visa-free access.

    Second, visa-free access to Schengen countries will not mean a back-door route to Britain.

    As the House knows, visa-free access only means the right to visit. It does not mean a right to work. It does not mean a right to settle.

    Just because for instance British citizens can enjoy visa-free travel for holidays to America, that does not mean they can work, let alone settle there. Neither will this give Turkish citizens those rights in the EU.

    Third, we will not be taking more refugees as a result of this deal.

    A number of Syrians who are in camps in Turkey will be resettled into the Schengen countries of the EU. But again that does not apply to Britain.

    We have already got our resettlement programme and we are delivering on it.

    We said we would resettle 20,000 Syrian refugees over this Parliament, taking them directly from the camps. And that is what we are doing.

    We promised 1,000 resettled here in time for last Christmas. And that is what we delivered.

    The other 27 EU countries agreed to 2 schemes.

    One to relocate 160,000 people within the EU, but by the time of last December’s Council, only 208 had been relocated.

    The second to have a voluntary resettlement scheme for 22,500 from outside the EU, but by the end of last year, just 483 refugees had been resettled.

    We said what we would do – and we are doing it.

    And Mr Speaker, Britain has given more money to support Syrians fleeing the war, and the countries hosting them, than any other European country.

    Indeed we are doing more than any country in the world other than the United States – spending over £1 billion so far, with another £1.3 billion pledged.

    We are fulfilling our moral responsibility.

    Mr Speaker, turning to the central Mediterranean, the EU naval operation we established last summer has had some success – with over 90 vessels destroyed and more than 50 smugglers arrested.

    HMS Enterprise is taking part, and we will continue her deployment through the summer.

    What is desperately needed is a government in Libya with whom we can work so we can co-operate with the Libyan coastguard, in Libyan waters, to turn back the boats and stop the smugglers there too.

    There is now a new prime minister, and a government whom we have recognised as the sole legitimate authority in Libya.

    These are very early days but we must do what we can to try and make this work.

    And that is why at this Council I brought together leaders from France, Germany, Italy, Spain and Malta, to ensure that we are all ready to provide as much support as possible.

    Mr Speaker, turning to other matters at the Council, I took the opportunity to deal with a long-standing issue we have had about the VAT rate on sanitary products.

    We have some EU wide VAT rules in order to make the single market work.

    But the system has been far too inflexible – and this causes understandable frustration.

    We said we would get this changed – and that is exactly what we’ve done.

    The Council conclusions confirm that the European Commission will produce a proposal in the next few days to allow countries to extend the number of zero rates for VAT, including on sanitary products.

    This is an important breakthrough.

    It means that Britain will be able to have a zero rate for sanitary products – meaning the end of the tampon tax.

    And on this basis, the government will be accepting both the amendments put down to the Finance Bill tomorrow night.

    Mr Speaker, my Rt Hon Friend the Member for Chingford and Woodford Green spent almost a decade campaigning for welfare reform and spent the last 6 years implementing these policies in government.

    In that time we have seen nearly half a million fewer children living in workless households, over 1 million fewer people on out of work benefits and nearly 2.4 million more people in work.

    And in spite of having to take difficult decisions on the deficit child poverty, inequality and pensioner poverty are all down.

    My Rt Hon Friend contributed an enormous amount to the work of this government and he can be proud of what he achieved.

    And Mr Speaker, let me say this.

    This government will continue to give the highest priority to improving the life chances of the poorest in our country.

    We will continue to reform our schools.

    We will continue to fund childcare and create the jobs.

    We will carry on cutting taxes for the lowest paid – in the last Parliament we took 4 million of the lowest paid out of income tax altogether and our further rises to the personal allowance will exempt millions more.

    Combined with this we will go on with our plans to rebuild sink estates to help those with mental health conditions to extend our troubled families programme to reform our prisons and to tackle discrimination for those whose life chances suffer because of the colour of their skin.

    And Mr Speaker in 2 weeks’ time we will introduce the first ever National Living Wage – giving a pay rise to the poorest people in our country.

    All of this is driven by a deeply held conviction that everyone in Britain should have the chance to make the most of their lives.

    And Mr Speaker, let me add: none of this would be possible if it weren’t for the actions of this government – and the work of my Rt Hon Friend the Chancellor – in turning our economy around.

    We can only improve life chances if our economy is secure and strong.

    Without sound public finances you end up having to raise taxes or make even deeper cuts in spending.

    You don’t get more opportunity, you get less.

    And it’s working people who suffer.

    So we must continue to cut the deficit, control the cost of welfare, and live within our means.

    We must not burden our children and grandchildren with debts we didn’t have the courage to pay off ourselves.

    Securing our economy, extending opportunity: We will continue with this approach in full because we are a modern, compassionate, one nation Conservative government.

    And I commend this statement to the House.

  • Hugo Swire – 2016 Speech on Advancing the Rule of Law in China

    hugoswire

    Below is the text of the speech made by Hugo Swire, the Minister of State at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office, at the Great Britain China Centre on 16 March 2016.

    Introduction

    Thank you Martin for that kind introduction, and to the Great Britain China Centre (GBCC) for convening this seminar on ‘Advancing the rule of law in China’, in such auspicious surroundings. Thank you all for coming this afternoon. It’s wonderful to have so much expertise in one room.

    Importance of the rule of law

    All of us here know how important the rule of law is. It is the cornerstone of an open and fair society; it promotes prosperity and stability; it provides the transparency and legal clarity needed to promote trade and investment; and it ends impunity and improves access to justice for all citizens.

    Rule of law enables states to function on behalf of their citizens. Without it, elites can misappropriate a nation’s wealth, abuse power and control access to entitlement. States without the rule of law are often the poorest and most fragile.

    Rule of law in China

    Whilst we of course recognise that China has made unprecedented improvements in social and economic rights and personal freedoms in the last 30 years, there is no doubt that its application of the rule of law and the Rules Based International System, at home and further afield, continues to present challenges. Recent events in Hong Kong and the South China Sea have raised questions about China’s commitment to the rule of law. The Foreign Secretary raised both these issues with counterparts during his visit to China in January.

    Hong Kong

    Turning first to Hong Kong. The peaceful return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty under One Country Two Systems was one of the great successes of United Kingdom-China diplomacy. Rule of law is a key part of that system and has been fundamental to Hong Kong’s continued economic success. It is one of the main reasons why British and international businesses have chosen to locate their Asian headquarters in Hong Kong. As long as the rule of law remains in place it makes good business sense.

    That is why the upholding of that rule of law remains so fundamental to Hong Kong’s future growth and prosperity. That is also why we are so concerned about the disappearance of British citizen Lee Po and other employees of the Mighty Current publishing house – as the Foreign Secretary set out in our most recent 6 monthly report to Parliament.

    Our current information indicates that Lee Po was involuntarily removed to the mainland. This constitutes a serious breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration on Hong Kong and undermines the principle of One Country Two Systems. We call again for the immediate return of Lee Po to Hong Kong.

    South China Sea

    The United Kingdom is also concerned about tensions in the South China Sea and the effect that these could have on regional peace and security, global prosperity – given the $5 trillion worth of trade that passes through it each year, around one-third of global seaborne trade by value – and the principle of freedom of navigation. We are concerned about moves towards militarisation of the South China Sea – most recently the siting of missiles on Woody Island, part of the Paracels – and other unilateral actions, such as large scale land reclamation, that change the facts on the ground.

    We do not take sides on sovereignty in the South China Sea. But we do have an interest in the way in which territorial claims are pursued. We want to see claims settled peacefully in line with international law.

    So we are watching closely the case launched by the Philippines against China under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. The United Kingdom fully supports countries’ rights to use these peaceful dispute settlement proceedings, and will respect the outcome of the ruling, as should the rest of the international community. And how China responds will also be seen as a signal of its commitment to the Rules-Based International System.

    Domestic issues

    We also continue to have significant concerns about a range of civil and political rights issues in China. Access to justice is part of this and that is why it forms an important part of our dialogue and cooperation with China.

    We raised our concerns yesterday at the Human Rights Council in Geneva. We regularly report on them as part of our annual Human Rights Report, and we are one of only a handful of countries that insist on an annual human rights dialogue with China, at which we raise both individual and thematic cases. We look forward to the next round of the dialogue, which is scheduled to be held here in the United Kingdom next month.

    Why engage on the rule of law?

    In this context, I believe there are clear reasons why it is in the United Kingdom’s interest to deepen our rule of law engagement with China. It is the right thing to do to support social and economic equity and growth. It is the right thing to do to support our values and human rights. It is the right thing to do to fight corruption.

    It is also the right thing to do for United Kingdom trade. It supports our companies and our people who – like their Chinese counterparts – need certainty and transparency to grow their business, create jobs, boost innovation. This means the provision and implementation of rules for setting up or closing a business, protecting property rights or paying taxes.That is why the United Kingdom has been so successful in attracting investment, not least from China itself, which chooses to invest more in the United Kingdom than anywhere else in Europe.

    We believe that developing the rule of law is in China’s interests too, and I am pleased that President Xi Jinping has prioritised it in the third and fourth Plenums. Because as the Chinese economy moves into its next phase of development, it needs to unleash entrepreneurship and innovation on a huge scale. As it does so, economic progress will increasingly depend on the development of the rule of law. This will provide the certainty and the security that investors and entrepreneurs demand.

    Rule of law in China – United Kingdom cooperation

    The United Kingdom is particularly well placed to engage due to our comparative advantages in this area – from our common law system and the excellent reputation of the judiciary, to our strong legal services sector. Following the strengthening of the United Kingdom-China relationship with the State Visit of President Xi last year, we are now better placed than ever. A good example of this strengthened relationship is the agreement we reached during the State Visit not to support state-sponsored cyber enabled commercial espionage.

    We are already making the most of this closer relationship. The United Kingdom is one of China’s primary partners for Intellectual Property cooperation. This has helped shape real change – on civil court procedures, patent protection and copyright enforcement. These changes have been welcomed by British companies, who lose hundreds of millions of pounds every year due to the lack of protection for Intellectual Property.

    Plans for future cooperation

    It makes sense that we try to take our cooperation further. The Foreign Secretary discussed it with his ministerial counterparts in Beijing earlier this year. Among the areas of collaboration identified were training of judges, judicial reform, and legal clarity for bilateral trade and commerce.

    In the next few months, the GBCC will be taking forward an exciting new partnership with the China Law Society. This will build on the GBCC’s excellent work on judicial reform and transparency, and expand the scope of their work in China to support the Foreign and Commonwealth Office’s wider programme.

    In May, Supreme Court President Lord Neuberger will lead the United Kingdom delegation to China for the third United Kingdom-China judicial round-table.

    In the same month, the Prime Minister will hold a high level Anti-Corruption Summit. We have been working closely with China on anti-corruption, in the framework of the G20, and look forward to seeing a high-level Chinese representative at the summit.

    In June, we will welcome Supreme People’s Court President Zhou Qiang to the United Kingdom to study the development of the common law system.

    And in July, Baroness Neville Rolfe, Minister responsible for Intellectual Property at the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, will visit China to focus on Intellectual Property issues.

    I am delighted that we have recently agreed a new programme of funding to support this new strand of cooperation between the United Kingdom and China. This work will build on our existing cooperation in a wide range of areas from judicial reform and transparency to regulatory reform, from dispute resolution and arbitration to intellectual property, from access to justice to anti-money laundering.

    Wider context

    Of course there are wider international considerations which make our cooperation with China on the rule of law even more pressing. As a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, China is already a key player in the Rules Based International System. With rapid growth and increased exposure to global economic and political risk, we expect China to play an increasingly active role on the international stage. And we welcome the recent support the Chinese gave to the latest United Nations Security Council Resolution against the continuing ambition of North Korea to develop its nuclear programme.

    Part of this will be in shaping multilateral institutions and international law to ensure they are fit for purpose for the 21st century, whether this be the way in which the international financial institutions are governed or the standards that are applied to cross-border procurement.

    How we define that phrase – fit for purpose – will be a key task for the United Kingdom, China and others, working together to secure prosperity and security for all of our people. That is why we support efforts to reflect China’s growing economic and political power in multilateral institutions, as well as China’s initiative to establish the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). We have just provided one of the AIIB’s vice presidents, in the form of Sir Danny Alexander, former Chief Secretary to the Treasury.

    Conclusion

    So to conclude: we have our differences, but these should not in any way preclude us from working together, both to further the rule of law and to develop the international system of governance for the 21st century. There is much that we can learn from each other, much that we can share and much that we can do together to the benefit of both our peoples and the wider world. This is wholly in keeping with our global partnership.

    We want China’s reforms to succeed. We do not believe they will unless China demonstrably applies the rule of law and adheres to the International Rules Based International System. We do believe that an enhanced, mutually beneficial partnership on the rule of law will help. In that spirit, we are determined to continue building a stronger and deeper United Kingdom-China relationship to enable that partnership to flourish, for the benefit of the people of both our countries into the 21st century. Thank you.

  • David Cameron – 2016 Statement on European Council Meeting

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the statement made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 18 March 2016.

    Good afternoon,

    This European Council has rightly been focused on the migration crisis affecting continental Europe.

    With over 8,000 migrants still arriving in Greece every week and signs that the numbers using the Central Mediterranean route are on the rise once again, it is absolutely vital that Europe takes the concrete action necessary to stem these flows.

    And that is what we’ve agreed here today.

    This is a plan to break the link between getting in a boat and getting settlement in Europe. It’s a plan to bust the business model of the smugglers. And it’s a plan to reduce the numbers coming from both Turkey and Libya.

    Let me say a few words on each.

    First, I welcome the agreement we have reached with Turkey today.

    We will work together to stop migrants from leaving Turkey in the first place, to stop at sea those that do leave and to turn back the boats and to return back to Turkey those that do make it to Greece.

    For the first time in this crisis, I believe that we have a plan, if properly and fully implemented, that really could help to make a difference deterring people from coming and shutting down the trade that the smuggling gangs have been exploiting.

    Now we’ve got this on paper, we have absolutely got to make it work in practice.

    This will not be easy.

    It will require a comprehensive and large scale operation.

    Britain will help. We have the expertise. We have skilled officials. Indeed, we are already playing our part.

    Royal Fleet Auxiliary ship Mounts Bay and border force vessels are patrolling the Aegean.

    Asylum experts and interpreters are already working in Greece to help them process individual cases.

    And today I’ve said that we stand ready to do more.

    But it all needs to be part of a fully worked up plan to be drawn up – at our suggestion – in the next few days.

    Now let me be clear about the part the UK plays in this because of our special status.

    We will not be giving visa free access for Turks coming to the UK. That is a decision taken by Schengen countries for the Schengen area. We are not in the Schengen area, we are not bound by their decisions. This is a national decision by Britain and we won’t be giving that visa free access.

    Second, we will not be taking more refugees – we have our programme of resettling people direct from the refugee camps and that stays the same.

    We are already investing in the Syrian refugee camps in Turkey and elsewhere and we have been calling for others to do more – so the financial commitment agreed today is money rightly spent and our share comes from our existing aid budget.

    With this new agreement today, I do think we can significantly reduce numbers coming to Europe via the eastern Mediterranean.

    But we mustn’t take our eye off the ball and forget about other routes – particularly across the central Mediterranean from North Africa.

    Now the EU naval operation we established last Summer has had some success – over 90 vessels have been destroyed and more than 50 smugglers arrested.

    HMS Enterprise is taking part and we will extend her deployment through the Summer.

    But with a new government now in Libya, we now have an opportunity to make this operation more effective – working with the Libyan coastguard in Libyan waters so we can turn back the boats and stop the smugglers there too.

    Now this isn’t going to happen overnight – but we need to start now.

    That’s why today I brought together leaders from France, Germany, Italy, Spain and Malta to discuss how we make this happen.

    And we all agreed that we would work with the new Libyan government, that we’d commit the necessary resources and we’d look towards the next stage of the mission which is going into Libyan territorial waters.

    And we all agreed that we would:

    – work with the new Libyan government

    – we’d commit the necessary resources

    – and we’d look toward the next stage of the mission which is going into Libyan territorial waters.

    Finally, I just wanted to seize the opportunity here at this summit to address a concern of many people back at home – the VAT rate on sanitary products.

    We have some EU wide VAT rules in order to make the single market work.

    But on the specific issue of VAT on sanitary products, we have been pressing the European Commission for several months to bring forward proposals so we can apply a zero rate.

    I secured clear Council Conclusions for this and that’s exactly what they will do – with proposals in the coming days.

    What’s more, I also secured backing from all other European leaders for this plan.

    So we are now a step closer to stopping this tampon tax once and for all.

    It shows that when we fight for our interests here, we are heard and we can get things done.

    We can reform the EU to make it work for Britain.

    And at this summit we have shown that once again.

    And I believe that Britain will be stronger, safer and better off in a reformed European Union.

    Thank you very much.

  • Eric Pickles – 2016 Speech on Anti-Semitism

    ericpickles

    Below is the text of the speech made by Eric Pickles, the United Kingdom Special Envoy for post-Holocaust issues, in Berlin on 21 March 2016.

    It’s a great pleasure to be here. It was a great honour to be at the Bundestag yesterday when Chancellor Merkel delivered a very important speech. I’d like to thank the organisers for putting together such a good programme.

    We are just about to build a new monument to the Holocaust in the United Kingdom, it’s going to go next to the House of Commons, right next to Victoria Tower. And there’s going to be a learning centre.

    As part of trying to understand what’s necessary for this, the Imperial War Museum invited me to look around their exhibition, which they are about to revamp. I was looking around, and there are various objects there relating to the build up to the Shoah, and I came across something, about the size of a drinks coaster. It would be handed to somebody, and it said this: ‘You have been seen going in to a Jewish shop. No true German would support a Jewish shop’.

    In other words, a boycott on Jewish goods. So what’s the difference between that, and the BDS campaign?

    The answer is very straight forward – time. There’s nothing complicated to it, it’s the same thing happening 70 years later. It’s the same ideology, it’s the same language, it’s the same threats. After all the BDS picket and threaten people who are trading with Israel – it’s the same thing.

    The only difference between now and 70 years ago, is that bigots don’t have to get out of bed. Seventy years ago, they had to buy themselves some whitewash and a bucket, they had to go down the street and paint all this anti-Jewish language. Now, they can do it from the comfort of their own home. They don’t even have to move the duvet to do it.

    If Twitter and Facebook had been available in Nazi Germany, Goebbels would have been an enormous hit. This guy exploited film, he exploited newly-invented radio, you bet he would have worked hard at Facebook and Twitter.

    When you go to the darker fringes of those websites, Joeseph Goebbels’ spirit lives on.

    It is unacceptable, for citizens of any European country not to be able to walk the streets without fearing abuse or something more serious. And it is a dereliction of duty by Governments to allow this to go on unchecked.

    It’s clear to me that the broader problem of tackling extremism in our society cannot be advanced without integrating antisemitism into that policy. Antisemitism and extremism are like DNA, they run together. You can’t come up with a coherent policy relating to one, without tackling the other.

    Now Michael Gove spoke earlier about the number of incidents in Britain, 924 last year, a drop from almost 1,200 the year before. Absolutely we need to understand that these incidents are not often violent – we understand that – but there is a coarseness, there is a nastiness, that didn’t exist in the United Kingdom twenty years ago.

    We have a conference for our political parties, we all have conferences – the last one was in Manchester, a beautiful town in the north of England. We had outside a group of privileged and expensively dressed left-wing activists. They used this occasion to spit and shout abuse at delegates going into the conference.

    One young lad came past, very smart, wearing a Kippur, and the chant went up: ‘Hey you not-very-nice-description-of-a-Jew, why don’t you go back to Auschwitz, why don’t you go up the chimney?’

    This is Britain! I couldn’t believe it. And there were our policemen, just standing by. That is unacceptable.

    When a Jewish person can’t walk in to a political conference, without fear of being spat at and abused, then there is something deeply wrong in society.

    We know from attacks elsewhere – be it in Paris or Denmark – that there are more serious threats, and it’s only natural that we want to ensure our population should be safe. The first duty of a Government is to ensure the safety of its citizens, and of course British Jews are a vital part of the British identity. If British Jews were to leave the United Kingdom, part of our identity would go with that process.

    The Government funds the security of Jewish institutions, including schools both private and public. This year this that commitment is worth 17.2 million Euros. Children deserve to go to school without fear.

    The Government is also preventing those who profess antisemitic views from entering the country, like the self-described comedian Dieudonne M’Bala M’Bala. My view is that a comedian should make people laugh, it should be a joyful thing. I can’t see how anyone can describe themselves as a comedian when they peddle hate and encourage others to despise their fellow man.

    Obviously tougher security only helps to tackle the symptoms, and not the causes of antisemitism. It can’t be right in the long term that children have to go to school guarded by police. We need to work for other solutions.

    Importantly the Government works with the community to build trust and shows that we are on the same side. You heard from colleagues this morning about the various working parties on antisemitism, and my colleague Luciana [Berger] also talked about the publication of this new pamphlet, and she said that I would talk to you about it. I must confess that at that point I hadn’t read it!

    But I now have, it takes fifteen minutes, it makes ten recommendations, it tells you how to get organised in dealing with antisemitism, it will be on the web, and I urge to read it, I urge you to use it – it’s only got twenty two pages, you can read it between here and the airport! By the time you return home, you can get yourself organised.

    The antisemites are organised, and we’ve got to be better organised. And it’s free!

    It’s important that communities not only see Government tackling antisemitism, but that the community can also raise concerns. We have a very high level of data sharing, between community organisations and the police, who take issues extremely seriously.

    We’ve been talking about the working definition, relating to the state of Israel, but our police have already adopted that working definition, and we’ve found it extremely useful in order to be able to define incidents of antisemitism.

    We’ve taken those lessons that we’ve learnt in terms of fighting antisemitism, to also apply them to those seeking to persecute Muslim groups. We’ve used the same techniques, the same definitions, and we’ve found it was very easily transferable, and all this would have been very difficult to set up without the active work of the British Jewish community.

    Fundamentally our efforts to tackle antisemitism need to be building more integrated communities, one where antisemitic views, and prejudiced views of all kinds, are shunned. It starts by having zero tolerance to discrimination. For example the United Kingdom is privileged to have one of the best football leagues in the world, but we need to make sure that their fans behave reasonably.

    Some clubs’ fans have a reputation for using antisemitic slogans. We had a law that said that if you had a process of due diligence, you weren’t responsible for your fans. We changed that. There is now no defence, even if you have been diligent. You are responsible for the way in which your fans behave, and that has made a big difference.

    It also means breaking down barriers, and helping people to get to know one another, because when people work together they realise that their preconceptions were totally wrong.

    The UK Government sponsors the Anne Frank Trust, which uses the story of Anne Frank to teach the dangers of prejudice while also encouraging aspiration and achievement in many deprived areas of the United Kingdom. We have a Near Neighbours fund, a programme that offers grants to local faith organisations to carry out small projects that reach across faith boundaries.

    But we’ve got to do a lot more.

    With 900 reports of antisemitic incidents in a single year, antisemitism continues to present a real problem, particularly on our university campuses, often under the cover of opposition to Israel.

    Of course, we need to preserve freedom of speech, but we also need to ensure that Jewish students can get an education without fear. The internet is too often a place where bigots can give free rein to their dreadful and abhorrent opinions.

    We need to redouble our work with internet companies to make sure they deal with prejudiced views on their sites.

    We need to continually work to combat antisemitism, and its new disguises and means of expression. In the UK we’re determined never to let our guard down and to be ever-vigilant.

    We’ve had some really fine speeches over the last couple of days. You’re not going to remember everything. So I want you to make a special effort with me, and remember just one thing.

    This is it: do not be seduced with the idea that education is the cure to antisemitism. If it was, there wouldn’t be a problem. There has been lots of very good education in dealing with antisemitism over the last 70 years. The lesson of Auschwitz itself is a brutal piece of education.

    But antisemities are completely immune to education, to facts and to tolerance. They live by bigotry, so while education can be a good foundation, constant vigilance is required. Antisemitism is like the cockroaches that creep out from under the oven after Armageddon. It will always be with us. We must always be vigilant, and we must not allow free speech to masquerade as a defence to this wicked, evil, doctrine.

    Thank you.

  • Nicky Morgan – 2016 Speech on Educational Excellence

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Nicky Morgan, the Secretary of State for Education, at King’s College School of Mathematics, London on 17 March 2016.

    Thank you David [Laws, former Schools Minister].

    Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.

    Thank you so much for taking the time to be here today.

    I’m thrilled we’re launching our vision for education in this white paper here at King’s College Maths School.

    It’s a real pleasure to see how the school has progressed since I was last here in 2014 and its success really speaks for itself when more than 70% of students achieve AAB in their A levels.

    And it’s no wonder because the approach they take is innovative, inclusive and inspiring. Its head, Dan Abramson, is exactly the kind of leader we need in the education system if we are to make that sort of approach a reality everywhere.

    I have to applaud the whole school – students and teachers alike for what they have achieved here in such a short space of time.

    Raising our sights

    You’ll often hear politicians talking about the future.

    In part that’s because we all like to see ourselves as visionaries plotting a path for the nation’s future. Because we want to change our country for the better. And the way to change our country is to have a clear plan for what the future looks like.

    The administrations which have been most successful – from Asquith and Lloyd George overseeing the People’s Budget, to Attlee’s formation of the welfare state to Thatcher’s economic reforms – are those which didn’t let themselves get buried in the day-to-day busy-ness that fills up every Minister’s diary and red box; they worked out what was important and focused on the reforms which set our nation up to succeed for tomorrow. And their success is that we take those radical reforms for granted.

    But a desire to look and build for the future runs deeper and wider than politics. If the history of human progress is bound by one common thread it is that most human of all instincts – the desire that the next generation should be happier, healthier, wealthier than we are. We want them to benefit from our work and effort, and to be ready to take the next step forward.

    The Prime Minister made this point eloquently, in his life chances speech in January. Education is at the heart of this government’s mission – because a good education transforms a child’s future. I’m convinced that no aspect of public policy can be more focused on the future than our education system.

    That’s why in a time of austerity, when public spending faces ongoing reductions, the Chancellor chose yesterday to invest more in our education system and put the next generation first. He did that, because he, like me, and like the whole of this government recognises that education is the best investment that we can make in the future of our country.

    And we have to make this investment. Because the latest data from OECD showed us that in 2012 our children were no more literate or numerate than their grandparents’ generation. Because in other parts of the world from Germany to Hong Kong, we see our competitors in the global economy, surging ahead, demanding more of their children and reaping the rewards.

    And so today’s white paper is about raising our sights – taking pride in the huge steps that schools, teachers and children have made over the last 5 years, but also setting our sights on the future. It is about:

    – making the most of the fact that we have the best generation of teachers ever – giving them the same status as other professions such as those in law, medicine and science, and the freedom to drive forward the future of their own profession

    – giving every school the freedoms that come with being an academy, and the support to make the most of those freedoms
    putting an end to the inequality that means that there are some areas where parents – frankly – have no chance of getting their child into a good school – and making a reality of educational excellence everywhere

    – equipping parents with the knowledge and influence to play an active, informed role in their child’s education

    – A new model – and a new approach to change

    My white paper isn’t just about a new set of ideas about the future – it is also a radical departure from the approaches to education policy of government’s past.

    From Butler’s 1944 Act, to Baker’s national curriculum, to Blunkett’s national strategies, major interventions in education have always been top down.

    All have seen the state asserting more control and management – right down to the level of individual classrooms.

    That approach is understandable. After all, the concept of universal state education to 16 is actually a relatively new one to our country, and standardisation was necessary to guarantee every child received that core entitlement.

    But such an approach can only take you so far. As Michael Barber and Joel Klein have said: “You can mandate adequacy but you cannot mandate greatness; it has to be unleashed.”

    It is greatness that we want to see everywhere in our education system today.

    That desire for greatness has underpinned all of our reforms since 2010 – and it is why we chose to free teachers and school leaders from the shackles of central government diktats, allowing them instead to innovate, challenge orthodoxies and tread new ground.

    This is what has made our education reforms so transformational – they are devo-max in the truest sense of the world.

    They were founded on the core belief that the future of our education system was best served in the hands of professionals on the frontline, not politicians and bureaucrats in Whitehall or town halls.

    This white paper is the next stage on that journey.

    It does not propose another big idea to be imposed on schools – instead it lays out how we will give schools, school leaders, and the education profession the power, incentives and accountability to give every child an excellent education. And it sets out the underpinning infrastructure that will equip schools to succeed and build an adaptive, dynamic school system, which rewards innovation, spreads excellence and is intolerant of failure.

    The vision you will read in the white paper is the vision for a truly future-facing education system, based on learning from the best systems around the world, and designed not just to deal with the challenges of today but of years to come.

    Autonomy not abdication

    Reading the white paper should leave you with no doubt that we are strong proponents of school freedom. But let me be clear that giving every school autonomy does not mean the government will be abdicating its responsibilities. I am not so naïve as to believe that academy status in itself is a magic wand.

    There is and always will be a role for government in education. The public rightly expects their elected government to hold schools to account for the outcomes young people achieve and the investment tax payers put in.

    This white paper outlines a radically different role for government to play – my job is to create the conditions for autonomy to succeed right across the country.

    The past 5 years have demonstrated incontrovertibly that autonomy and freedom in the hands of excellent leaders and outstanding teachers delivers excellence. We also know that excellence can be delivered in the most challenging of environments.

    Just ask the pupils at Lowedges Junior Academy in Sheffield where 45% of pupils are eligible for free school meals. Aston Community Education Trust, an experienced sponsor with a track record in turning around primary schools became its sponsor in 2014. With the trust’s support the school has managed to bring about a 36% jump in pupils achieving level 4 in reading, writing and maths at key stage 2 from 45% when it took over to 81% now.

    And it’s not just a few isolated examples. We have 1.4 million more pupils in ‘good’ and ‘outstanding’ schools since 2010 because our reforms, translated into reality on the ground by the hard work of school leaders and teachers, really do work.

    But, for all that we have unlocked excellence, as I have said many times before, we do not yet have that excellence everywhere and for me, the everywhere is non-negotiable.

    Pockets of excellence are fantastic and act as trailblazers for the system, but their impact will be marginal if we cannot find a way for the rest of the system to learn from their success. Because we’re not asking schools to do any more than the best schools are already doing.

    Our country can’t afford a 2-tier education system with London streaking ahead and areas like Knowsley and Medway lagging behind. It’s morally wrong and economically self-defeating.

    Instead we have to enable every area to excel. And I do mean enable – we will not be directing and driving from Whitehall. But we will do more to ensure that autonomous leaders across the country have the tools they need to succeed. We know that schools improve fastest when they work together – and we will focus on helping that to happen, through MATs and teaching school alliances. And all the more so in areas that have seen entrenched educational failure for generations.

    Dynamism

    One of the first acts of the coalition government was to turbo-charge Lord Adonis’ academy programme.

    We saw how autonomy gave strong sponsors the freedom and flexibility they needed to turn around failing schools, and we saw no reason why ‘good’ and ‘outstanding’ school leaders shouldn’t have that freedom as well.

    I’m talking about schools like Harris Academy in Peckham which runs a year round academic Saturday school for key stage 4 and key stage 5 pupils or King Solomon Academy which runs an extended school day for its students or Kings Leadership Academy in Warrington which teaches character through weekly public speaking, philosophy and ethics classes.

    We now have well over 5,000 schools as academies, the majority of secondary schools and increasing numbers of primary schools.

    Our Education and Adoption Act, which received royal assent yesterday takes that approach a step further, allowing us to turn around not just failing schools but those that have coasted over a period of time and failed to stretch pupils to reach their potential. It also gives us the same powers to intervene in those academies which have, for whatever reason, fallen behind.

    And yesterday at the budget the Chancellor announced the next phase of the academies programme, which will see every school on the path to become an academy.

    Why have we done this? Because it’s abundantly clear that academy status leads to a more dynamic, more responsive and ultimately higher-performing education system, it allows successful school leaders not just to consolidate success but to spread that excellence right across the country.

    I can hear the howls of derision from opponents of academies – asking “what about this one or that one that struggled?”

    It’s true some academies have been weaker than others, some haven’t met the high expectations that we’ve set for them. But here’s the crucial difference, when a local authority school failed, it was stuck with the local authority, end of story.

    Under a system of academies and multi-academy trusts we have the power not just to intervene swiftly, but to actively move schools to new management to turn them around.

    Rather than the perverse situation which persisted before in which schools were islands and stronger heads were unable to spread their reach and influence and weaker schools were left to languish under the monopoly of LA control. We now have a system where the best leaders can take control of those weaker schools, turn them around and in doing so transform the life chances of young people that attend them.

    Outstanding sponsors, great heads, successful trusts aren’t constrained by geographical borders; they can extend their reach to wherever they’re needed, wherever they can make a difference.

    For that reason, this white paper places a premium on the growth of multi-academy trusts – because they allow for strong governance, sharing of resources, true collaboration and better opportunities for staff development.

    There will always be a role for schools which can make it on their own, but we want to see more schools embracing the benefits of partnership that only multi-academy trusts can offer.

    And to ensure that the system remains responsive we will allow new entrants to come in where there is basic need, educational need or a demand for innovation.

    That is what the free school programme gives us; it allows parents to demand more for their children and for pioneering visionaries to establish schools that bring in cutting edge ways of engaging and inspiring young people.

    A system based on academies and free schools working dynamically together can’t stagnate, because where schools are struggling, they’ll be able to benefit from collaboration and support, and where they simply aren’t delivering the school can be re-brokered to a new MAT or parents and teachers will be free to set up new schools. This system of collaboration and competition which lies at the heart of a MAT-based system means that schools will continue to strive for excellence and be firmly focused on the future.

    Supported autonomy

    But before that system of collaboration and competition can really work, we need to tackle those areas where there has been entrenched failure and there simply isn’t the capacity to take advantage of the promise that autonomy offers.

    Autonomy cannot be a recipe for allowing the highest performing areas of our country to grow in strength, while the weaker ones fall further behind.

    That means we must take a smarter approach to autonomy with a clearly defined role for the government within an autonomous system and that is the second theme of this white paper – supported autonomy.

    Let me be clear what that means. It means that the government fund schools fairly, and hold them to account by setting clear but ambitious expectations for outcomes.

    Where schools are meeting those expectations and performing well, government will get out of the way, and let schools get on with delivering for young people.

    But where capacity is lacking, for whatever reason, we will make sure that schools and trusts get the support they need to improve.

    We’ll ensure the schools that need it most can draw on the support of other ‘outstanding’ schools and leaders by approving 800 more national leaders of education and 300 more teaching schools where they are needed, resulting in full coverage across the country.

    We’ll ensure they can benefit from great leadership and challenge by developing sponsor capacity, from other schools, businesses and the third sector right across the country.

    And we’ll ensure that they can attract and retain the great teachers and leaders they need through schemes like Teach First, the National Teaching Service, and Teaching Leaders and our forthcoming senior leadership development programmes in the areas that need them most.

    Crucially all of these interventions are about making sure the best elements of our education system get to those schools that need them the most – ensuring that no school is an island.

    It is not about the government itself doing improvement, it is certainly not about regional schools commissioners interfering in the day to day running of schools. Instead, RSCs will act to ensure that those with a proven track record of improvement can support those schools most in need.

    When I spoke about educational excellence everywhere in November, I highlighted those areas where underperformance is most entrenched, where educational standards are not just low, but where a culture of aspiration is almost entirely lacking.

    This white paper proposes new measures firstly to identify those areas, but secondly to create new achieving excellence areas, including coastal and rural areas where a history of chronic underperformance is coupled with a lack of capacity to improve.

    We won’t be reasserting top-down bureaucratic control in these areas – but instead targeting and directing our programmes of support intensively on particular areas and making sure they have the great teachers, leaders, system leaders and sponsors the need to succeed.

    Empowered leaders

    The best schools that I have visited have leaders with a vision and ethos for their school which is evident in everything they do. They have a sense of purpose for their school and that is not about pleasing me or pleasing Ofsted. It’s about getting the best possible outcomes for the young people. These reforms are about giving more power and responsibility to those excellent school leaders. In fact the system I am outlining today depends entirely on strong school leaders, which is why we will place a premium on ensuring leaders have the tools that they need to succeed, and that we have a strong pipeline of future leaders to steward our schools for years to come.

    Multi-academy trusts have a key role to play in this, because of the fast track opportunities and a clear pathway they create.

    Within a MAT you can move from subject teacher, to head of that subject across 30 schools, to head of a school, but at the same time have the support of an executive head above you and a MAT CEO who takes responsibility for overall governance, letting school heads focus on the day to day management of their individual schools.

    This is a total break from how we have viewed school leadership in the past, with a linear route that stopped at school head and often took many years. In the future we will see multiple pathways, better support and faster progression.

    We’ll support MATs to develop strong leaders, by bringing the best educational leaders together to develop new professional leadership qualifications. To be clear these will not be mandatory, nor do we expect them to be the only qualifications, but rather they will act as a standard against which MATs, and others can benchmark against – ensuring school leaders receive world class preparation and support to run schools well.

    And most crucially, we will give our backing to leaders who step forwards to help turn round a struggling school. We will remove the perverse incentives which stopped the best leaders from working in our most challenging schools. It is unacceptable that our accountability and inspection regime actively discourage school leaders from taking up a challenge – because they’ll be penalised for the prior attainment of the pupils they’ll teach, or because they’ll face inspection before they’ve had time to really make a difference.

    The measures in this white paper will start to change that, introducing inspection holidays and reinforcing our commitment to holding schools accountable for pupil progress as well as attainment.

    Outcomes focused

    And because we trust professionals from school leaders to classroom teachers this white paper makes clear our focus will be on outcomes not methods.

    What I care about, and what any government should care about are the outcomes that young people achieve. We want our schools to produce knowledgeable, skilled and confident young people and we should hold schools to account for getting them there.

    But how can they do it?

    That is for teachers as professionals to decide on the basis of evidence.

    No matter how well intentioned it might be micromanaging classrooms from Westminster doesn’t work and at its very worst it can stamp out the very innovation that drives pedagogy forward.

    And when I see the outputs of conferences like ResearchEd and read blogs by countless teachers it’s abundantly clear that this is not a profession that needs me to tell them how to do their job.

    We have not only the best qualified workforce in history, but also a workforce that is increasingly focused on constant self-improvement, that is driven by the evidence and which like other professions is breaking new boundaries, sharing what works, challenging one another and unleashing greatness.

    This white paper recognises this, and goes further than any government has done to recognise teachers as the professionals they are.

    It reaffirms our commitment to support an independent College of Teaching.

    But more fundamentally it also proposes a radical shake up of how we accredit excellent teachers. We will replace the outdated QTS mark, and instead introduce a more meaningful accreditation.

    Rather than being an almost automatic award to staff who complete ITT and a year in the classroom, the new accreditation will be awarded when teachers have demonstrated deep subject knowledge, and the ability to teach well.

    Most fundamentally of all – as in other mature professions like medicine and law – it will be for the teaching profession itself to decide when a teacher is ready to be accredited. This will ensure that the decision is made by those who know best what makes a great teacher: outstanding schools and heads.

    And because we respect teachers as professionals, we’ll do all that we can to reduce the central prescription and bureaucracy and workload that distracts from their core job of teaching, engaging and inspiring young people.

    Shortly our workload review groups will report on planning, marking and data collection. But in the meantime this white paper also proposes that Ofsted will consult on removing it’s judgement for quality of teaching – because we know it both drives workload and because, and I’ll repeat it again, it’s outcomes that matter. If pupils are achieving well and making sufficient progress they are being taught well, end of story.

    So this white paper envisions an increasingly confident, highly-skilled workforce driving forward their own development.

    I believe that this will make teaching an even more attractive profession for potential new entrants, who’ll see the opportunities that teaching offers and will know that they’ll enter a profession which is not only rewarding and engaging but where they’ll be respected and trusted to lead their own development.

    Yes we will continue to do all we can to bolster recruitment, particularly as there are more graduate opportunities, and to keep the excellent teachers we have through our package of support ranging from bursaries to support for returners.

    But ultimately we know that the best way to get more people into teaching is to make the career itself more attractive and ensure teachers are treated as the professionals they are

    High expectations

    And while we will not prescribe the methods, the outcomes we expect will be based on the highest of expectations.

    That’s why our reforms to the curriculum and qualifications place these high expectations at the heart of what pupils learn:

    – through a knowledge-based curriculum that ensures young people master the basics, and then introduces them to all of the very best that has been thought and said

    – through a rigorous academic core, which see all young people who are able study the EBacc combination of maths, English, 2 sciences, a humanity and a language up until the age of 16

    – through gold standard qualifications, that might not allow politicians to trumpet ever higher pass rates, but do command the respect of employers and academics and so set young people up to succeed in the global race

    – and through a new grading system, that gives every child in primary school the chance to attempt more stretching questions, and distinguishes better between the most exceptional candidates at GCSE level

    But ensuring high expectations, means ensuring them for all pupils and this white paper identifies 2 groups of pupils who have often been neglected by our current system.

    Firstly the most able, who in some cases, were ignored because they weren’t a worry and were sure to bank that C grade. As a result their vast talents and promise were lost. This isn’t the approach they take in competitor countries in the Far East – in Shanghai and Singapore and South Korea, they make sure that every child is stretched to the very bounds of their ability.

    So we will engage in a new programme of work, to fund new and innovative approaches to stretch the most able, ensuring our country benefits from the very brightest achieving their full potential.

    At the same time we are determined to improve outcomes for young people who, for whatever reason have fallen out of mainstream education and ended up in alternative provision. By many objective measures, pupils who have spent time in alternative provision do considerably worse than their peers.

    I will not tolerate a situation where we effectively give up on a whole group of young people and where alternative provision becomes a dumping ground.

    So the white paper proposes a number of measures to transform AP – most fundamentally, changing accountability arrangements so that a pupil’s mainstream school will retain accountability for their educational outcomes, reversing the incentives, creating a drive towards high-quality provision and encouraging MATs to set up their own alternative provision.

    Parents and pupils at the heart of everything we do
    We know that parents have high expectations for their children and we believe they have a real role to play in realising them. But the truth is that for too long parents have been side lined in our education system.

    Slots for parent governors gave a handful of informed parents the chance to express concerns, but that isn’t a real parental voice.

    Parents I speak to often tell me the biggest barrier is to their involvement in their children’s education is that they don’t know what to expect, what to demand and what they can do to help.

    For a self-improving, school-led system to work it needs to allow parents to challenge the system and ultimately to vote with their feet, and that means giving them the information they need. So far, we’ve helped parents to do that by expecting new academies to display important information about their curriculum and offer to students on their webpages, and reformed performance tables to allow parents to compare local schools.

    Now we’ll go further, with the creation of a new parent portal. This portal will provide parents with everything they need to understand their children’s education, it will cut through the jargon we’re all guilty of using and explain what they should be able to expect and when, it will show them how to raise complaints and what the options are available to them.

    At the same time we’ll create a new mechanism for parents to raise complaints, ultimately right up to the new Public Sector Ombudsman.

    And empowering parents means a new role for local authorities as well. Rather than running schools, local authorities will instead play a role in ensuring the system works for parents, focused on ensuring there are enough places, overseeing admissions complaints and commissioning support for children with specific needs.

    Alongside this, the opportunities provided by local devolution give local authorities the opportunities to act as champions and advocates for the education their community wants and deserves.

    This white paper sets out our vision for schools, but it is just one strand of my department’s work to transform life chances for the next generation.

    I am also publishing the department’s overall strategy, which sets out how we will work towards achieving our vision of world class education and care during this Parliament.

    I’m occasionally accused of being a zealot when it comes to our education reforms.

    Well to tell you the truth I am a zealot about our education reforms.

    I’m a zealot because I believe in social justice, I’m a zealot because nothing makes me angrier than wasted potential, I’m a zealot because children get one shot at their education, and it’s my job to give them the best one possible.

    And I can be a zealot about the reforms I’ve outlined today, because we know they work, we’ve seen them work across the country and around the world.

    My promise to the hardworking professionals in schools up and down the country is this: like you, this government won’t shy away from seeking the best for every child, wherever they are.

    But we do understand how hard it is to deliver the high standards that our children really need and deserve – especially in our toughest schools, colleges and communities. We’ll do more to offer support where it is most needed. And we’ll be disciplined in resisting the temptation to make changes from the centre.

    Each part of the strategy I have outlined must work together. It relies on a number of actors playing their part: autonomy demands accountability; a system led by the front-line only works if there’s sufficient capacity where it’s needed.

    But just think about the prize if we succeed – a fairer society, a more productive society, a society where reward is based on talent and effort, where potential is unleashed, where young people’s dreams can be realised.

    All of us in education, from politicians and civil servants in Westminster to our phenomenal teaching workforce in classrooms across the country do what we do, because we believe in the potential of the next generation.

    This white paper is about ensuring that all of us can play the role that we do best, it’s a blueprint for how we can work together, not just to improve standards, important though that is, but to create a fundamentally different education system – an education system fit for the 21st century, an education system which is truly focused on putting the next generation first.

    Thank you.

  • Caroline Dinenage – 2016 Speech on Gender Equality

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Caroline Dinenage, the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Women, Equalities and Family Justice, at the UN General Assembly in New York on 15 March 2016.

    Good afternoon chair. It’s my great pleasure to speak on behalf of the United Kingdom delegation.

    When our world feels ever-smaller, yet its peoples often feel far apart; when challenges multiply while certainties shrink; when gender equality feels almost within our grasp and yet so far away – these are the times when it feels vital for us to come together and work together. So I feel immensely privileged and honoured to be here with you today.

    We are stronger together and CSW provides us with the valued opportunity to share our successes and learn from those of others; to reflect on the areas where we have failed; and to strengthen our partnerships.

    This is, beyond doubt, a critical time for gender equality. Across the globe, women are constantly achieving new firsts: running multinational corporations, becoming heads of state, even exploring space.

    But they are also at the eye of the storm of conflict and repression, their bodies the site of social and cultural battles and the object of aggression and contempt. This makes our destinies interlinked, and the importance of working together for women’s freedom and equality all the more vital. Gender equality is at the heart of the Global Goals for Sustainable Development, and those Goals are just the beginning of what the Head of UN Women has described as ‘a massive and relentless drive towards a world of equality: a Planet 50-50 by 2030’.

    That is what makes CSW so important; it is why we are all here today; and it is why everybody in this room has a key role to play in ensuring that gender equality is at the top of the international agenda.

    We are certainly lucky in the UK to have a good story to tell about progress towards gender equality.

    I agree with Gloria Steinem that, “Nothing changes the gender equation more significantly than women’s economic freedom”. So we have given very high priority to maximising women’s life chances in the workplace.

    · Now in the UK, we’ve more women in work and more women-led businesses than ever before

    · We’ve helped to achieve the lowest ever gender pay gap on record

    · And we’ve more than doubled women’s representation on the boards of our biggest companies since 2011.

    But economic freedom must go hand in hand with social freedom, and in particular the right to live without fear.

    Last week we launched the new cross-government Violence Against Women and Girls strategy, which sets out ambitious plans for building on our work to prevent violence, to support victims, and to take action against perpetrators. This includes tackling the challenges facing women in the age of technology and social media

    We have also announced that we will be extending the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women to the Cayman Islands and Anguilla. Almost 40 years after it was adopted in this place, it remains as relevant as ever.

    We need to share the good news about all we have achieved. But I am also looking forward to learning at CSW – learning from you, and from our international partners, about what works elsewhere. And I am hoping for fresh ideas, new ways of thinking, creative risk-taking, ways to raise girls and boys free from stifling stereotypes, ways of engaging men to champion gender solidarity, ways of unlocking the power and resourcefulness of women.

    There is no time to be complacent. It is over twenty years since the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action was agreed and yet people continue to be disadvantaged, abused and even killed for simply being born female. We, in this room, need to show determination against forces that are hindering progress: discrimination, regressive ideas, and harmful social norms.

    Last week, on International Women’s Day, I reflected on how it was 150 years since the ladies of the Kensington Society presented a petition on the women’s right to vote to the UK Parliament. It started the suffragette movement.

    I wish we could bottle the courage and the vision of those early campaigners and use it to counter the tiredness and cynicism of much public debate on gender equality. But while I am here at the CSW, surrounded by wise, passionate and committed women, I realise perhaps we already have.