| Candidates by vote share | |||||||
| Candidate name | Party | Gender | Number of votes | Share (%) | Change vs. 2017 for party (percentage points) | ||
| Michelle Donelan | Conservative | Female | 30,994 | 54.3% | -0.4 | ||
| Helen Belcher | Liberal Democrat | Female | 19,706 | 34.5% | +8.9 | ||
| Martha Anachury | Labour | Female | 6,399 | 11.2% | -8.5 |
| Election statistics | ||
| Majority | ||
| Votes | 11,288 | |
| Percent | 19.8% | |
| Rank (1 = highest %) | 368 | |
| Turnout | ||
| Constituency | 73.9% | |
| Region | 72.0% | |
| UK | 67.3% | |
| Constituency in 2017 | 74.8% | |
| Size of electorate | 77,221 | |
| Valid votes cast | 57,099 |
| Candidate name | Party | Gender | Number of votes | Share (%) | Change vs. 2017 for party (percentage points) | ||
| Iain Duncan Smith | Conservative | Male | 23,481 | 48.5% | -0.7 | ||
| Faiza Shaheen | Labour | Female | 22,219 | 45.9% | +1.9 | ||
| Geoff Seeff | Liberal Democrat | Male | 2,744 | 5.7% | +1.3 |
| Election statistics | ||
| Majority | ||
| Votes | 1,262 | |
| Percent | 2.6% | |
| Rank (1 = highest %) | 617 | |
| Turnout | ||
| Constituency | 74.1% | |
| Region | 67.5% | |
| UK | 67.3% | |
| Constituency in 2017 | 71.2% | |
| Size of electorate | 65,393 | |
| Valid votes cast | 48,444 |
| Candidate name | Party | Gender | Number of votes | Share (%) | Change vs. 2017 for party (percentage points) | ||
| Gillian Keegan | Conservative | Female | 35,402 | 57.8% | -2.3 | ||
| Kate O’Kelly | Liberal Democrat | Female | 13,912 | 22.7% | +11.5 | ||
| Jay Morton | Labour | Female | 9,069 | 14.8% | -7.6 | ||
| Heather Barrie | Green | Female | 2,527 | 4.1% | +0.8 | ||
| Adam Brown | Libertarian Party | Male | 224 | 0.4% | 0.0 | ||
| Andrew Emerson | Patria | Male | 109 | 0.2% | +0.0 |
| Election statistics | ||
| Majority | ||
| Votes | 21,490 | |
| Percent | 35.1% | |
| Rank (1 = highest %) | 185 | |
| Turnout | ||
| Constituency | 71.6% | |
| Region | 70.2% | |
| UK | 67.3% | |
| Constituency in 2017 | 70.5% | |
| Size of electorate | 85,499 | |
| Valid votes cast | 61,243 |
| Candidate name | Party | Gender | Number of votes | Share (%) | Change vs. 2017 for party (percentage points) | ||
| Cheryl Gillan | Conservative | Female | 30,850 | 55.4% | -5.3 | ||
| Dan Gallagher | Liberal Democrat | Male | 14,627 | 26.3% | +13.3 | ||
| Matt Turmaine | Labour | Male | 7,166 | 12.9% | -7.7 | ||
| Alan Booth | Green | Male | 3,042 | 5.5% | +2.5 |
| Election statistics | ||
| Majority | ||
| Votes | 16,223 | |
| Percent | 29.1% | |
| Rank (1 = highest %) | 260 | |
| Turnout | ||
| Constituency | 76.8% | |
| Region | 70.2% | |
| UK | 67.3% | |
| Constituency in 2017 | 77.1% | |
| Size of electorate | 72,542 | |
| Valid votes cast | 55,685 |
| Candidate name | Party | Gender | Number of votes | Share (%) | Change vs. 2017 for party (percentage points) | ||
| Alex Chalk | Conservative | Male | 28,486 | 48.0% | +1.3 | ||
| Max Wilkinson | Liberal Democrat | Male | 27,505 | 46.3% | +4.2 | ||
| George Penny | Labour | Male | 2,921 | 4.9% | -4.6 | ||
| George Ridgeon | Monster Raving Loony Party | Male | 445 | 0.7% | 0.0 |
| Election statistics | ||
| Majority | ||
| Votes | 981 | |
| Percent | 1.7% | |
| Rank (1 = highest %) | 627 | |
| Turnout | ||
| Constituency | 73.2% | |
| Region | 72.0% | |
| UK | 67.3% | |
| Constituency in 2017 | 72.3% | |
| Size of electorate | 81,044 | |
| Valid votes cast | 59,357 |
| Candidate name | Party | Gender | Number of votes | Share (%) | Change vs. 2017 for party (percentage points) | ||
| Greg Hands | Conservative | Male | 23,345 | 49.9% | -2.8 | ||
| Nicola Horlick | Liberal Democrat | Female | 12,104 | 25.9% | +14.9 | ||
| Matt Uberoi | Labour | Male | 10,872 | 23.2% | -10.0 | ||
| Sam Morland | Animal Welfare Party | Male | 500 | 1.1% | 0.0 |
| Election statistics | ||
| Majority | ||
| Votes | 11,241 | |
| Percent | 24.0% | |
| Rank (1 = highest %) | 320 | |
| Turnout | ||
| Constituency | 69.8% | |
| Region | 67.5% | |
| UK | 67.3% | |
| Constituency in 2017 | 66.1% | |
| Size of electorate | 67,110 | |
| Valid votes cast | 46,821 |
| Candidate name | Party | Gender | Number of votes | Share (%) | Change vs. 2017 for party (percentage points) | ||
| Vicky Ford | Conservative | Female | 31,934 | 55.9% | +2.2 | ||
| Marie Goldman | Liberal Democrat | Female | 14,313 | 25.1% | +12.9 | ||
| Penny Richards | Labour | Female | 10,295 | 18.0% | -11.8 | ||
| Mark Lawrence | Monster Raving Loony Party | Male | 580 | 1.0% | 0.0 |
| Election statistics | ||
| Majority | ||
| Votes | 17,621 | |
| Percent | 30.8% | |
| Rank (1 = highest %) | 239 | |
| Turnout | ||
| Constituency | 71.1% | |
| Region | 68.2% | |
| UK | 67.3% | |
| Constituency in 2017 | 70.2% | |
| Size of electorate | 80,394 | |
| Valid votes cast | 57,122 |
| Candidate name | Party | Gender | Number of votes | Share (%) | Change vs. 2017 for party (percentage points) | ||
| Mary Robinson | Conservative | Female | 25,694 | 46.0% | +1.4 | ||
| Tom Morrison | Liberal Democrat | Male | 23,358 | 41.8% | +5.5 | ||
| Zahid Chauhan | Labour | Male | 6,851 | 12.3% | -6.8 |
| Election statistics | ||
| Majority | ||
| Votes | 2,336 | |
| Percent | 4.2% | |
| Rank (1 = highest %) | 594 | |
| Turnout | ||
| Constituency | 75.0% | |
| Region | 65.6% | |
| UK | 67.3% | |
| Constituency in 2017 | 74.3% | |
| Size of electorate | 74,577 | |
| Valid votes cast | 55,903 |
The statement made by Nigel Huddleston, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport, in the House of Commons on 13 May 2021.
The Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) has written to the Premier League and to Sky, BT, Amazon and the BBC, as the current holders of broadcast rights to the Premier League in the UK, to inform them that the Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS) is “minded to” make an exclusion order under the Competition Act 1998, allowing the Premier League to renew its current broadcast agreements with current UK broadcast partners for an additional three-year period starting 2022-23, without conducting the normal tender process.
In order to remain consistent with past commitments to competition authorities and to avoid a potential breach of competition law, and absent covid-19, the Premier League would normally have re-tendered its domestic broadcast rights in early 2021 at the midpoint of the current three-year cycle and would have concluded sales by now. However, covid-19 has had a significant impact on the value of broadcast rights for football across Europe. Under an auction, it is plausible that the value of the Premier League’s domestic rights could drop.
The football pyramid receives the majority of its funding via the Premier League’s broadcast revenue. The Premier League and its clubs have already experienced financial losses totalling over £1.5 billion due to the impact of the pandemic, with further losses projected into next season. The wider football pyramid, from the championship through to women’s football and the grassroots, has also suffered financial losses due to the pandemic.
The Government have been clear that football has the resources to support itself financially to deal with the consequences of the covid-19 pandemic. To provide financial stability for the football pyramid, the Premier League has therefore requested that the Government make an exclusion order allowing it to renew its current broadcast agreements for an additional three years, on the same commercial and licence terms, with current UK broadcast partners, without conducting a tender process.
Under paragraph 7 of schedule 3 to the Competition Act 1998, the Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy has the power to exclude, via a so-called “exclusion order”, certain agreements from the application of UK competition law where there are “exceptional and compelling reasons of public policy” to do so.
If such an exclusion order is made, the Premier League has committed to:
guaranteeing existing levels of financial support for the football pyramid for four years from 2021-22 to the end of the 2024-25 season. This includes solidarity payments, parachute payments, youth development funding and funding for grassroots football at existing levels, worth over £1.5 billion over the three-year rights cycle.
maintaining at least this level of funding even if its international broadcast rights decrease in value when they are re-tendered individually over the next year into 2022, and to increase the level of funding if its international broadcast rights exceed their current value; and
providing a further minimum £100 million in solidarity and good causes funding to the end of the 2024-25 season, in roughly equal shares, to the National League, women’s football, league one and two clubs, grassroots football and cross-game initiatives. This would make a significant financial contribution, including doubling the support for the non-league system, and providing crucial financial support for the women’s game.
The Secretary of State for BEIS and DCMS Ministers have considered the impact of covid on the English football pyramid and are minded to agree the Government should act to enable the Premier League to provide financial stability to protect the pyramid following heavily disrupted seasons due to covid, for the following reasons:
Football clubs are a central part of local communities across the country. They provide a focal point, but also huge social and health impacts via outreach and wellbeing programmes and fundamentally provide economic value to local areas through jobs, income and tourism. There is therefore public policy value in preserving football clubs for their fans as consumers and local residents.
There is inherent value in the football league pyramid. As our national game, football holds a unique cultural position, and the preservation of a meritocratic, fair system through the football pyramid has a public policy benefit in its own right.
There is public policy value in having a healthy football system. It is a source of international reputation, attracts fans globally and is a major source of exports for the United Kingdom. The strength of the Premier League is one of the UK’s soft power levers for the United Kingdom to attract investment, so having a financially stable system enables that.
As the football pyramid receives a majority of its funding from the Premier League, a reduction in the value of domestic broadcast rights would negatively affect the ability of the Premier League and its clubs to continue to directly and indirectly support the football pyramid in England in the current climate. This would compound the impact of the wider financial losses each level of the pyramid has experienced due to covid, with a real prospect that some clubs and facilities could cease to exist.
An exclusion order allowing the continuation of previously competitively tendered rights for another three years would support all of football following covid. It would help to promote the domestic game after heavily disrupted seasons due to covid by enabling the Premier League to commit to its solidarity payments, parachute payments, and funding for grassroots football at existing levels, worth a minimum of £1.5 billion to the football pyramid over three years.
An exclusion order would also enable the Premier League to release at least £100 million of new funding for particularly vulnerable areas of the sport. This would make a significant financial contribution, including doubling the support for the non-league system, and providing crucial financial support for the women’s game.
The Government are in the process of a fan-led review of football governance, and the Premier League is undertaking a strategic review. The proposed exclusion order would not preclude those reviews from acting to change the distribution of broadcast revenue, but it would provide a level of certainty for the wider football pyramid and a minimum level of funding to maintain stability to 2024-25.
On advice from my Department, the Secretary of State for BEIS is satisfied that the Premier League’s funding commitments as set out above would provide vital financial stability for the English football pyramid, allowing football to support itself financially, and that renewing the Premier League’s domestic broadcasting rights for a limited period of three years only will help to minimise any possible detrimental effects on the broadcasting market and consumers.
On balance, the Secretary of State for BEIS is minded to conclude that there are exceptional and compelling reasons of public policy to make the proposed exclusion order, but would like to consider any representations from interested parties before a final decision is taken. Written representations should be sent to plbroadcastingexclusionorder@dcms.gov.uk by 5 pm on Friday 28 May 2021.
An exclusion order, if made, should be seen as a temporary measure in response to the pandemic. The Government are content that this request by the Premier League was not made as a result of the recently proposed European super league.
Ministers at my Department will keep Parliament updated on progress with this case. A copy of the “minded to” letter will be placed in the Library of both Houses.
The statement made by Jesse Norman, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, in the House of Commons on 13 May 2021.
The Government will be introducing changes to simplify the way VAT is administered for some goods sold between Northern Ireland and the EU, and some low-value imports into Northern Ireland from 1 July 2021 (otherwise known as e-commerce VAT changes). This mirrors an WSEU-wide reform, which the UK is implementing in Northern Ireland in line with the obligations set out under the Northern Ireland protocol, where EU VAT rules with respect to goods will continue to apply in Northern Ireland. However, Northern Ireland is, and will remain, part of the UK’s VAT system.
The overall aim of the e-commerce VAT changes is to facilitate the declaration and payment of VAT for (a) sales of goods to consumers between Northern Ireland and the EU; and (b) low-value goods, where they are in consignments valued up to £135 (€150), supplied to consumers in Northern Ireland from non-EU countries, including from Great Britain. The changes will affect businesses and online marketplaces that are involved in these transactions. The consumer experience overall will not change.
On 1 January 2021, the UK introduced a set of new VAT rules for the imports of low-value goods into Northern Ireland from outside the UK and the EU. The EU’s e-commerce reforms mirror many of those changes. Therefore, the Government consider that there will only be minimal changes for businesses selling imported goods to customers in Northern Ireland.
From a UK perspective, the e-commerce changes mean that:
A new single EU-wide distance selling threshold of £8,818 (€10,000) will be introduced for the sales of goods and services in the EU. The threshold will only apply to supplies of EU-located goods to and from Northern Ireland, which means that, EU suppliers who exceed the threshold will have to register for VAT in the United Kingdom if they wish to sell goods to consumers in Northern Ireland;
Online marketplaces will be liable for collecting and accounting for VAT on goods supplied in Northern Ireland, under certain circumstances; and
Low-value consignment relief, which relieves import VAT on consignments of goods of up to £15, will be removed fully in Northern Ireland and across the EU.
Alongside these changes, two new IT systems will be introduced: one for accounting and collecting VAT on sales of goods between Northern Ireland and the EU—the one-stop shop; and the other for accounting and collecting VAT on imports of non-excise goods from non-EU countries, where they are in consignments that do not exceed £135 (€150) in value—the import one-stop shop. Both systems are designed to reduce burdens on business and facilitate the collection of VAT on sales of goods across Northern Ireland and the EU; and are optional for businesses and online marketplaces to use.
The UK will be taking a phased approach to the introduction of these IT systems. HMRC have today published guidance on gov.uk setting out what this will mean for businesses. However, in many cases, if businesses and online marketplaces opt not to register to use these systems, there will be no change in how they declare and pay for VAT on their sales of goods to consumers in Northern Ireland and EU member states.
The Government will legislate for these changes shortly.