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  • Ed Miliband – 2021 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Ed Miliband – 2021 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    The speech made by Ed Miliband, the Shadow Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy Secretary, in Brighton on 26 September 2021.

    Friends it’s great to be back. Last time I spoke to you I was leader of our party.

    Remember David Cameron’s warning. “Britain faces a simple and inescapable choice – stability and strong Government with me, or chaos with Ed Miliband.” Didn’t work out so well for him did it?

    Or more to the point for the country. Instability? Weak government? Chaos? Friends, I didn’t get everything right.

    But I’ll tell you one thing: I’d have done a damn sight better than this miserable shower. I want to thank you, party members, for having kept me going.

    There is a lesson in all this. We don’t give up. And we don’t give in.

    We stay and we fight. Not for our own sake but for the big causes that brought us into politics.

    That’s why I’m still here when my past opponents – Cameron, Clegg, Osborne – are all gone.

    Today I want to talk to you about the biggest cause of all, the cause I came back to fight.

    The climate crisis where the future threat of yesterday is the devastating reality of today.

    We have seen it all too clearly this summer around the world and this is just a foretaste of what is to come if we don’t act.

    As David Attenborough has said, the decisions we make in the next few years will “profoundly affect the next few thousand years.” So, to our generation, is given a unique responsibility that we cannot shirk.

    We are at five minutes to midnight. We cannot deny the crisis we confront. There is still time to act but only just.

    That is why the stakes are so high. That is why we need a Labour government. And I am here to tell you not just that we must confront the climate crisis but that as we do we can and must confront the other great cause of our time.

    The scar of inequality. The glaring gaps in wealth and income between the richest and everyone else.

    An economy based on low pay and insecurity, which simply does not have enough of the good jobs at good wages that the British people have a right to expect.

    This crisis is a deep, moral shame on our country. As we respond to the climate crisis with all the transformation that entails, we have a fateful choice to make:

    We could try and put a green coat of paint on an unfair, unequal, unjust Britain. Or we can make a different choice and see the opportunity in front of us to change our economy and society.

    For a green Britain where there is an irreversible shift of income, power and wealth to working people. A green Britain where we deliver good secure, unionised jobs for people across our country. A green Britain where there is clean air and green spaces for everyone everywhere in our country. A green Britain where there are warm affordable homes for all, wherever they live and where we end fuel poverty. A green Britain where public and alternative models of ownership play their proper role in making the transition affordable, secure and fair.

    I know what choice we need to make. Britain needs a fairer economy. Britain needs a green industrial revolution. Britain needs a green new deal. This is the cause I came back to fight for.

    Now I get that some people think it can’t be done. Some say that if we put the climate crisis front and centre of our agenda that we will not solve and may deepen the wounds of economic and social injustice.

    Don’t go too fast they say. They worry that families already struggling to pay their heating bills will struggle even more.

    About workers in oil and gas. Let me say to those people, including in this hall, I get your worries. I grew up in the 1980s.

    I am an MP in Doncaster. A former mining constituency.

    We remember what the Tories did. I know our responsibility – this climate transition must leave no worker, no family, no community behind.

    If we fail that test we won’t take you or the British people with us and we won’t deserve to do so. I tell this conference – our party cannot, will not, must not shirk the fight for economic justice.

    Now at the same time as those saying we are going too fast, there are others who worry that no government, no political party is doing enough to tackle this climate threat, including in this hall. They say we are going too slowly.

    They believe we are on course to leave the most awful legacy in human history and they are right.

    If we do not act on climate, it won’t be the richest or the most powerful who suffer it will be the poorest and most vulnerable, here and around the world.

    I say to them: our party cannot, will not, must not shirk the fight for climate justice.

    This then is our historic responsibility. To be the party of green and red together. To be the party of climate and economic justice together.

    Let me tell you, if we don’t do it nobody else will. Can the Tories do it? No way.

    Friends, the Tories are not climate deniers, they are something even more dangerous. They talk green but fail to act. They refuse to rise to the scale of the emergency and they will not make the investments we need.

    They are climate ditherers. They are climate pretenders. They are climate delayers.

    When it comes to COP26 in Glasgow in November, the most important climate conference ever held, Boris Johnson is the wrong man in the wrong place at the wrong time. That isn’t just bad for the planet, it costs the British people.

    Gas prices are surging here not because we have done too much to go green but because we haven’t done enough. That’s why we are so vulnerable to the price instability of the international gas market.

    The Tory cuts to home insulation means greater energy use, it costs the planet and it costs the British people. The Tory moratorium on onshore wind, cuts to solar subsidies and failure to move forward on nuclear costs the planet and it costs the British people. The Tory failure to have a green recovery and invest in the industries of the future costs the planet and it costs the British people.

    Let’s be clear friends, this energy price crisis is a disaster made in Downing Street, a disaster caused by a decade of Tory climate inaction. Of course they are making the cost of living crisis far worse by cutting Universal credit.

    If they really cared about the cost of living crisis, if they really cared about the fuel poor, it’s time to cancel the cut in universal credit that takes place in just five days’ time.

    Let’s lay to rest the idea that these Tories can somehow manage a just or fair green transition. A couple of months back Boris Johnson was challenged on Tory credentials on climate change.

    He joked that Mrs Thatcher closed the pits and gave us a head start. This guy laughing about people losing their jobs, communities losing their lifeblood, generations losing hope. How dare he?

    How dare this arrogant, contemptuous, cruel, shameless, duplicitous, out of touch charlatan, laugh about the devastation of coalfield communities.

    It tells you so much about who he really is, who they really are. I say this: our country desperately needs the decency, integrity and values of Keir Starmer over the double-dealing, duplicity and dishonesty of Boris Johnson.

    They fail on climate and they fail on fairness and all the while we lose the most precious gift of all: time. That is why it falls to us to seize the moment and tackle the crisis in this decisive decade

    So let me tell you what we would do. Look at what Joe Biden is doing in the United States with a ten-year plan to invest at scale in the green transition. That’s what we need to do here.

    The most unaffordable, irresponsible, reckless choice is not to invest. It makes sense to invest now because we relieve the burden we place on future generations. It makes sense to invest now because not acting will cost more than acting. It makes sense to invest now because it will enable us to create wealth, jobs and lead the world in the industries of the future.

    Take steel – a massive test of whether we get the green transition right. Steel is a vital strategic industry for our country, crucial for our national security and the foundation of our manufacturing industry. It provides tens of thousands of jobs for our communities.

    But here is the challenge. We need to green steel. It’s more than 10 percent of our manufacturing emissions.

    The Tories are woefully failing to make our steel industry strong for the future. Their delay, their inaction, is a recipe for throwing tens of thousands of workers on the scrapheap.

    Under Labour, we won’t let it happen. If we want a future for steel, we have to invest and we will.

    So today I can announce we are making an unprecedented 10-year commitment for the steel industry to go green, investing up to £3 billion, in collaboration with business, over the coming decade.

    We will make the steel industry not simply a proud industry of our past and present but a proud industry of our future. No other country is yet showing the same ambition.

    That’s what I mean by a green industrial revolution. That’s what I mean by delivering climate justice and economic justice together.

    Same with our car industry. Vital to the climate fight, vital to the strength of our economy, and providing tens of thousands of jobs in communities across our country.

    The Tories are losing the global race for electric car manufacturing. That’s why a Labour government would help fund the investment in the gigafactories we need.

    Not just subsidy but public equity stakes taken by government to ensures a people’s dividend from the green transition. That’s what I mean by delivering climate justice and economic justice together.

    The green industrial revolution is about no worker being left behind. We need the skills, expertise, know-how of the people who work in fossil fuel industries for our zero-carbon future.

    People say under the Tories the low carbon jobs have not been delivered and they are right. We would change that.

    That’s why we would increase the investment in our ports and it’s time our world leading status in offshore wind generation finally led to jobs for workers in the UK.

    So, we will raise the requirements for domestic content so we can buy, make and sell British, not the Tory offshoring of jobs in offshore wind. That’s what we mean by delivering climate justice and economic justice together.

    Just because a job is in a green industry it doesn’t give a free pass on rights and protections at work. Jobs in our renewable industries should be good jobs at decent wages with strong trade unions.

    That is what we mean by delivering climate justice and economic justice together and this is just the start: Climate education in our schools; a net zero and nature test for every policy; climate apprenticeships for our young people.

    Working with our brilliant Labour local authorities to push ahead with local Green New Deals. That’s what we mean by delivering climate justice and economic justice together.

    Just as business is a crucial partner in making the transition happen, so they must be accountable for playing their part. Many of our leading companies are already ahead of the government in setting ambitious climate targets. But we need the rest to step up.

    A Labour government will require every major business to tell us their carbon footprint and how it is consistent with net zero. That’s what we mean by delivering climate justice and economic justice together.

    Under a Labour government, every department will be a climate department. Every department delivering climate justice and economic justice together.

    There is a lesson for us in the climate crisis. Tinkering around the edges will not answer the defining challenges of this century. We must match the crises of our time with the scale of our response.

    So let us resolve today to be the first country in the world to implement a Green New Deal. A Green industrial revolution.

    Good jobs at decent wages. Nurturing and supporting our great businesses. Protecting the planet for future generations. The morally responsible, fiscally responsible choice.

    Delivering climate justice and economic justice together. This is the cause I returned to fight for. This is the cause that summons our party. This is the cause of our day, our decade, our generation. This is the cause that is the destiny of our country.

    For the sake of ourselves and generations to come, let us fight with everything we have because the whole future far beyond our own time depends upon us.

  • Michael Ellis – 2021 Statement on Infected Blood Compensation

    Michael Ellis – 2021 Statement on Infected Blood Compensation

    The statement made by Michael Ellis, the Paymaster General, in the House of Commons on 23 September 2021.

    On 20 May my predecessor, my right hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth North (Penny Mordaunt), announced the appointment of Sir Robert Francis QC to carry out an independent study to look at options for a framework for compensation for victims of infected blood. The study will make recommendations for compensation, before the infected blood inquiry reports. Terms of reference of the study were to be finalised following consultation between Sir Robert and those infected and affected. The consultation period concluded in August, and Sir Robert wrote to my predecessor with his recommendations.

    Sir Robert’s consultation received a positive response from the infected and affected community. A total of 447 formal responses were submitted (including from many of the legal representatives of infected and affected core participants of the inquiry), along with over 150 further representations, primarily personal accounts from the infected and affected on how this tragedy has affected their lives. These accounts were of great assistance to Sir Robert in reviewing the draft terms of reference. Sir Robert wishes to express his gratitude to the many individuals who contributed to the consultation, in many cases having to relive the awful experiences they have suffered over so many years, and I would like to echo his gratitude.

    Sir Robert’s recommendations identify the key issues that the study should consider. They offer assurance to the infected and affected communities that the matters of most concern to them will be considered by the study. I am therefore happy to accept Sir Robert’s recommendations in full, and I am today publishing the following terms of reference without amendment:

    Rationale for compensation

    To consider the rationale for compensation as a matter of general principle and in relation to any particular classes of compensation, recognising that it is not for the study to pre-empt the determination by the infected blood inquiry as to what, if any, rationale is supported by the evidence it has received;

    Independent advice to the Government

    Give independent advice to the Government regarding the design of a workable and fair framework for compensation for individuals infected and affected across the UK to achieve parity between those eligible for compensation regardless of where in the UK the relevant treatment occurred or place of residence. While the study is to take into account differences in current practice and/or law in the devolved Administrations, it is not asked to consider whether delivery of that framework should be managed centrally or individually by the devolved Administrations;

    Scope of compensation

    To consider the scope of eligibility for such compensation (including the appropriateness or otherwise of any conditions such as “cut-off” dates), and whether it should be extended beyond infected individuals and their partners, to include for example affected parents and children, the wider affected family (e.g. siblings), and significant non-family carers and others affected, either because of the impact of caring responsibilities or the effects of bereavement or some other impact; to include consideration of former and new partnerships/marriages; and whether the estate of any individual who has died should be eligible for compensation;

    Categories of injury and loss

    To consider the injuries, loss and detriments that compensation should address, in relation to the past, present and future, including:

    (a) the physical impact and consequences of infections (including the effect of any treatment, and potential future adverse effects);

    (b) infections that cleared naturally; and the risk of any significant or long-term side effects of treatment (such as liver damage, increased risk of cancer) even if they are yet to materialise;

    (c) the mental health, social and financial impacts (including access to financial services)—both actual and in terms of loss of opportunities—suffered by both the infected and affected; and

    (d) other types of loss if appropriate;

    Types of award and method of assessment

    To consider:

    (a) the extent to which any framework should offer compensation on the basis of an individualised assessment and/or fixed sums or a combination of these (including consideration of the position of an individual who was both infected, and affected by another individual’s infection);

    (b) whether awards should be by way of final lump sums, periodical payments or both;

    (c) whether an individual should be required to prove matters (if so what types of matters, by what means, and to what standard);

    (d) whether there should be any limitation by way of time or other bar on entitlement or claim, and whether any existing time bars should be maintained;

    (e) the extent to which compensation should be limited to matters currently recognised by the law (taking into account any differences in the law across the UK) on damages and evidence as recoverable for the purposes of compensation, or, if not, the basis on which broader matters should be taken into account;

    Measures for compensation

    To consider the measures for compensation, looking at other national schemes (for example, the compensation tribunal established in the Republic of Ireland) to examine their merits or otherwise, and experiences, both as to form (i.e. administration/process) and the substance of compensation;

    Relationship with current schemes

    To consider the relationship between a compensation framework and other receipts and payments by individuals, including: (a) the pre-existing financial support schemes; (b) legal claims; (c) welfare benefits and tax;

    Options for administering the scheme

    To consider options for administering the scheme (including but not limited to what bodies, organisations or tribunals might need to be established to facilitate such administration); what principles, aims or criteria etc might underpin the development of an appropriate scheme; and any ancillary matters which should be considered such as interim payments, publicity of the scheme, outreach to potential claimants, and support;

    Other issues

    To consider other issues that, in the course of his investigations, Sir Robert considers relevant; and

    Reporting to Government by February 2022

    To submit to the Government its report and recommendations as quickly as possible and no later than the end of February 2022, to provide the Government with advice on potential options for compensation framework design.

    Sir Robert and his team will now begin the more detailed conversations and analysis to look into the detail of the issues raised by the infected and affected community. This will allow him to produce a set of comprehensive recommendations to the complex issues involved.

    I, like my predecessor, am deeply committed to ensuring that Sir Brian Langstaff’s independent public inquiry has all the resources it needs to complete its work; in Sir Brian’s words, “as quickly as thoroughness permits”. The infected blood scandal continues to claim the lives of infected people, and those directly affected have waited too long for answers, and for justice.

  • Paul Scully – 2021 Statement on Flexible Working and Carer’s Leave

    Paul Scully – 2021 Statement on Flexible Working and Carer’s Leave

    The statement made by Paul Scully, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, in the House of Commons on 23 September 2021.

    The Government have today published a consultation on flexible working and the response to our consultation on a new right to time away from work for unpaid carers. These deliver on commitments in our manifesto and are an important part of our drive to build back better after the pandemic, deliver for working families by helping people to access and stay in work, and improve business productivity.

    Flexible working consultation

    This consultation considers measures to increase the availability and uptake of the full range of flexible working options—whether that is a part-time or job-sharing working arrangement, flexing working hours or working remotely—freeing employers and employees alike from the default nine-to-five model.

    The consultation proposes that every employee in Great Britain is given the right to request flexible working, regardless of time served, under our plans to modernise the way we work and improve business productivity.

    Under the proposals—which would see around 2.2 million more people given the right to request flexible working—employees would also be able to make more than one request for flexible working each year, and the current three-month period an employer has to consider each request would be shortened.

    If an employer is unable to accommodate a request, our consultation proposes that they would need to consider what alternatives they could offer. For example, if they couldn’t change their employee’s hours on all working days, they could consider making the change for certain days instead.

    There is no “one size fits all” approach to working arrangements. While certain ways of working may suit some employers and employees, they will not suit everyone. Therefore it is important that Government do not prescribe specific arrangements in legislation. Instead, these proposals would provide a strengthened legislative framework that encourages conversations around flexible working to be more two-sided. They are designed to balance the needs of employee and employer, and encourage all parties to focus on what may be possible, rather than what is not.

    Empowering workers to have more say over where and when they work makes for more productive businesses, and happier employees. Flexible working allows employees to balance their work and home life: including helping people manage childcare commitments or other caring responsibilities. It can also be key to ensuring that people who are under-represented in the workforce, such as new parents or disabled people, have access to more employment opportunities.

    Alongside clear benefits to workers, there is a compelling business case for flexible working. Benefits include:

    Attracting top talent—Research conducted by Timewise, a flexible working consultancy, has shown that 87% of people want to work flexibly, rising to 92% for young people.

    A highly motivated, productive workforce—Research published by HSBC shows that nine in 10 employees consider flexible working to be a key motivator to their productivity at work—ranking it as more important than financial incentives. Employers have reported seeing improvements in staff motivation and employee relations.

    A better business environment—the CBI employment trends survey found that 99% of all businesses surveyed believed that a flexible workforce is vital or important to competitiveness and the prospects for business investment and job creation.

    For both these individual and business reasons, the Conservative party’s 2019 manifesto committed to a consultation on measures to help make flexible working the default unless employers have good reasons not to. Today’s publication delivers on that commitment. It also contains our response to measures in the July 2019 “Good Work Plan: proposals to support families” consultation on publishing flexible working and family-related leave and pay policies; and stating whether jobs may be open to flexible working in the advert.

    While the consultation focuses on contractual flexible working arrangements, the Government recognise that people do not always need something so formal to help them balance their home and work life. The consultation therefore also sets out our future plans for a call for evidence on how to support more “ad hoc” and informal forms of flexibility, for example to attend a one-off appointment.

    The territorial extent of the proposals included in this consultation extends to England, Wales, and Scotland (employment law is devolved to Northern Ireland).

    The consultation runs for 10 weeks until 1 December 2021. I will place copies of the flexible working consultation in the Libraries of both Houses.

    Government response to the carer’s leave consultation

    The Government have also today published their response to the consultation on carer’s leave.

    Around five million people across the UK are providing unpaid care by looking after or helping a family member, relative or friend. Nearly half do this while also working full-time or part-time. Juggling caring responsibilities and work can be challenging and can limit the participation of unpaid carers in the labour market. Women, who are often still the primary carers within families, tend to be disproportionately impacted.

    The 2019 manifesto committed to introduce an entitlement to one week of leave for unpaid carers. This was followed, last year, by a consultation on carer’s leave, which recognised that unpaid carers face particular challenges in balancing work and caring responsibilities that may warrant a specific new employment right to time off from work.

    The response, published today, sets out key aspects of the leave entitlement, including:

    Employees with caring responsibilities for a dependant with long-term care needs will be entitled to one working week of unpaid carer’s leave (per employee, per year).

    This new right will be available from the first day of employment.

    Eligibility for the new right, both in terms of who the employee is caring for and how the leave can be used, will be broadly defined.

    The leave can be taken flexibly (i.e. from several half day blocks to a single block of whole week).

    The entitlement has been designed to balance the needs of employers and employees, ensuring that employers are able to plan and manage the absence created by carer’s leave. These include a minimum notice period and enabling employers to postpone (but not deny) the request for carer’s leave where the employer considers the operation of their business would be unduly disrupted.

    The territorial extent of the proposals included in this Government response to the consultation on carer’s leave extends to England, Wales, and Scotland (employment law is devolved to Northern Ireland).

    I will place copies of the carer’s leave consultation response in the Libraries of both Houses.

  • Anneliese Dodds – 2021 Comments on the Labour Party Conference

    Anneliese Dodds – 2021 Comments on the Labour Party Conference

    The comments made by Anneliese Dodds, the Chair of the Labour Party, on 24 September 2021.

    It’s such a pleasure to welcome everyone to the Labour Party Conference again. After two years, it’s wonderful that our Labour family can gather in person once more.

    The last eighteen months have been a challenge like no other, but the way Britain responded showed that we can achieve incredible things when we come together.

    Our country is now at a crossroads. We can go back to the same, insecure, unfair economy the Conservatives created. Or we can choose a greener, fairer and more secure Britain under Labour.

    Let’s build a stronger future together that everyone in Britain can be proud of.

  • Sadiq Khan – 2021 Comments on the Climate Emergency

    Sadiq Khan – 2021 Comments on the Climate Emergency

    The comments made by Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, on 23 September 2021.

    In the year of COP26, London is at a crossroads. We either take bold action now or face the consequences – with catastrophic impacts on our environment, the air we breathe and the climate.

    I’m determined for London to be a world leader in tackling the twin dangers of air pollution and the climate emergency so that we can deliver a brighter future for London – one that’s greener, fairer and more prosperous for everyone. That’s why I’ve committed to making London a zero-carbon city by 2030, faster than any comparable city, and it’s why we are delivering a climate action plan that is compatible with the highest ambition of the Paris Agreement. I also want London to be a zero-pollution city so that no child has to grow up in our city breathing toxic air. That’s why I’m expanding the Ultra Low Emission Zone next month.

    But I can’t do it all alone. That’s why today I’m launching my city-wide campaign to inspire all Londoners – individuals, businesses and communities – to take action. I also want to work with the Government to unlock the powers and funding needed to meet our targets, which will help deliver national targets too.

  • Sadiq Khan – 2021 Comments on Emerging Tech Charter

    Sadiq Khan – 2021 Comments on Emerging Tech Charter

    The comments made by Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, on 22 September 2021.

    London is and always will be open to business and innovation. In the face of Brexit and the global pandemic, our capital has proven itself to be one of the best global cities for tech.

    The tech sector in London has a huge role to play in rebuilding a fairer city for everyone as we recover from the pandemic. My new Emerging Tech Charter will play a significant part in that recovery, making sure both Londoners and tech businesses are using data efficiently to get the most out of technological innovation.

  • Paul Scully – 2021 Comments on Workers Keeping Tips

    Paul Scully – 2021 Comments on Workers Keeping Tips

    The comments made by Paul Scully, the Labour Markets Minister, on 24 September 2021.

    Unfortunately, some companies choose to withhold cash from hardworking staff who have been tipped by customers as a reward for good service.

    Our plans will make this illegal and ensure tips will go to those who worked for it. This will provide a boost to workers in pubs, cafes and restaurants across the country, while reassuring customers their money is going to those who deserve it.

  • Jim McMahon – 2021 Comments on BP Closing Some Petrol Stations

    Jim McMahon – 2021 Comments on BP Closing Some Petrol Stations

    The comments made by Jim McMahon, the Shadow Transport Secretary, on 23 September 2021.

    This is a rapidly worsening crisis that the Government has failed to heed the warnings of for a decade, never investing in or valuing working class jobs.

    Sticking plaster solutions are not going to solve it. Ministers must take decisive steps now to tackle the 90,000 driver shortfall.

    If they fail to take action, the responsibility for every empty shelf, every vital medicine not delivered and every supplier not able to meet demand lies at the Conservatives’ door.

  • Angela Rayner – 2021 Comments on Government Contracts

    Angela Rayner – 2021 Comments on Government Contracts

    The comments made by Angela Rayner, the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, on 23 September 2021.

    The Prime Minister needs to answer why the Government appears to have lied to the public to cover up the dodgy dealings of Tory Ministers.

    The Tories think there is one rule for them and another for everyone else. Billions of pounds of taxpayers’ money has been wasted because of Ministers handing out cash to their mates instead of putting the public interest first. Ministers must now publish every Test and Trace contract and all correspondence showing how that contract was agreed so we can get to the bottom of this racket.

  • Nadine Dorries – 2021 Statement on the National Artificial Intelligence Strategy

    Nadine Dorries – 2021 Statement on the National Artificial Intelligence Strategy

    The statement made by Nadine Dorries, the Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport, in the House of Commons on 22 September 2021.

    I am pleased to lay before the House the UK’s first national artificial intelligence strategy, which represents a step change in the Government approach to this transformative technology.

    The UK is already a world leader in Al. From trailblazing pioneers like Alan Turing and Ada Lovelace to UK-based Al companies such as DeepMind and Benevolent Al, the UK leads the world in the fundamental research, industrial application and commercialisation of the technology.

    The challenge now for the UK is to fully unlock the power of Al and data-driven technologies, to build on our early leadership and legacy, and to look forward to the opportunities of this coming decade. This strategy outlines our vision for how the UK can maintain and build on its position as other countries also race to deliver their own economic and technological transformations. This will be achieved through three pillars:

    Investing in the needs of the ecosystem to see more people working with Al, more access to data and compute resources to train and deliver Al systems, and access to finance and customers to grow sectors;

    Supporting the diffusion of Al across the whole economy to ensure all regions, nations, businesses and sectors can benefit from Al; and

    Developing a pro-innovation regulatory and governance framework that protects the public.

    Al will be central to how we drive growth and enrich lives, and the vision set out in the strategy will help us achieve both of those vital goals.

    The Office for Artificial Intelligence—a joint unit of DCMS and BEIS—will publish an execution and monitoring plan to track the success of the strategy and the wider impact of Al on our economy, society and Government.

    A version of the national Al strategy will be placed in the Libraries of both Houses.