Category: Trade

  • Peter Kyle – 2026 Speech at UK-China Export Event

    Peter Kyle – 2026 Speech at UK-China Export Event

    The speech made by Peter Kyle, the Secretary of State for Business and Trade, on 1 July 2026.

    Thank you for your very kind and warm words. It is great to see you all here today. It is great to see your whole team come over Minister Wang.

    The JETCO tomorrow is the third major meeting between our governments in less than one year. And that is a cause for real, genuine celebration.

    There was our JETCO in Beijing last September, and of course the Prime Minister’s historic visit back in January – the first such visit in eight years.

    And I know many of the attendees of that meeting are joining us here today as part of the delegation. And I have to say, thanks to you, it was a huge success.

    It unlocked £2.2 billion in new export deals and a further £2.3 billion in market access wins over the next five years.

    As a result of that visit we now enjoy visa free travel, making it easier for professionals to travel and do business across China. This is something businesses have repeatedly told us that they are keen to do.

    But we also made real progress in breaking down the barriers to trade. That includes China cutting tariffs on UK whisky exports from 10 per cent to 5 per cent – a vital boost to an iconic British sector. 

    Minister Wang and I were present when the Prime Minister and President Xi were discussing that and it was a real win I think for both of our countries.

    But even more important than that, these meetings have been rebuilding a relationship that has been dormant for far too long.

    The fact is, in an unstable geopolitical climate, the most important thing we can do now is to talk to each other.

    Because talking to each other, even when we have differences, means that we can understand each other.

    And by understanding each other, it means that we can work together.

    And by working together, we can build stability between us as countries and governments but also for and on behalf of business.

    Tomorrow, those talks, and that work, will continue as we discuss how to implement the MOUs that we signed back in January.

    And as we discuss how to step up our trading relationship even further.

    We have already come to a strong understanding between us.

    Our Industrial Strategy, and the Chinese five-year-plan, well I think that they are very well aligned. Some of our sectors overlap. And that creates opportunity for both of our countries.

    We’ve already seen some of that opportunity become reality.

    British firms across the Industrial Strategy sectors are showing just what they can offer.

    Silverstream Technologies has worked with 13 major Chinese shipyards to install their net-zero lubrication technology to new builds and also to retrofits.

    Meanwhile Anemoi Marine Technologies has secured £28 million in export value through sales of its Flettnor Rotor Sails.

    We’re working together in sport also, with World Snooker agreeing a £15 million five‑year deal in China, including new major events in Chinese cities.

    And in life sciences companies like Cultech have partnered with China resources to deliver £90 million in exports and create jobs in Port Talbot in Wales.

    But where I’m hoping we can make some real headway is on services.

    Services make up 59% of our exports to the world, but only 42% of what we export to China.

    That’s an area where we are a genuine global leader, and where we have lots to offer, especially to Chinese businesses looking to grow and export around the world.

    I know hundreds of British businesses are champing at the bit to get their presence in China.

    That’s what I want to see as our next steps: To get British services on Chinese business’s speed dial.

    To bring China to the top of our companies’ minds for expansion. To ensure that as Chinese companies go global, UK professional service companies are their first phone call.

    To build a services superhighway between London and Beijing.

    Of course, neither Rome, nor London or Beijing was built in a day.

    It will take time and it will take hard work to create a relationship that works well for both countries.

    That’s why after the Prime Minister’s trip in January, we agreed a new Bilateral Services Partnership.

    A structured channel to take forward practical issues affecting UK services, sector by sector, building on the access and political mandate that that visit created.

    Under the Partnership, we are working directly with the Ministry of Commerce to address challenges that businesses face in areas where the UK has clear strengths and firms are already active – like financial services, professional and business services and also in education.  

    As part of that partnership, both the UK and China have committed to establish a Professional and Business Services Matchmaking platform. It will give Chinese companies looking to go global access to UK expert companies that can make that dream a reality.

    And work is happening fast on the Joint Feasibility Study on a bilateral Trade Services Agreement.

    The sector keeps chasing me on when they can expect to see some more progress on all of these initiatives, so I’m hoping to make some real steps forward in our discussions – if only for the sake of reducing my inbox!

    And we are looking forward to hosting our next Economic and Financial Dialogue in London later this year, from which we will announce the next actions and the next steps that we will take together.

    And looking further ahead, because we want to keep momentum going, strengthening our work together in the areas that will benefit us both, and opening up new ways for our businesses to work together, to grow together and to learn from each other.

    Serious engagement is back. By working together, and talking together, both of our nations will prosper.

    Thank you.

  • Chris Bryant – 2026 Statement on the Steel Trade Measure

    Chris Bryant – 2026 Statement on the Steel Trade Measure

    The statement made by Chris Bryant, the Minister for Trade, in the House of Commons on 25 June 2026.

    The Government are today announcing the final details of the new steel trade measure coming into effect on 1 July 2026, a cornerstone policy of the UK’s steel strategy, and a further example of delivery on our modern industrial strategy, which charts a strategic course that allows business to make long-term decisions and focus on creating wealth and prosperity.

    Steel overcapacity continues to distort markets, drive down prices and threaten the viability of our already fragile domestic steelmaking sector. UK steel production has more than halved in the last decade. Other countries are acting, including the US, Canada and the EU, with the EU’s measure also coming into force on 1 July 2026. This Government cannot, and will not, jeopardise domestic steelmaking given its importance to critical national infrastructure and defence. We must act now to secure its future.

    Since our 19 March announcement, we have listened to stakeholders across the steel supply chain, including producers and downstream users, and have adjusted the steel trade measure’s product scope and quota volumes. We have also engaged closely with the EU and agreed an approach that reflects the UK and EU’s highly interconnected supply chains. This will provide stability for UK-EU steel trade from 1 July, while we continue to work together to strengthen UK-EU steel trade longer term.

    We recognise that this will create changes to trade flows including with some of our closest trading partners. We want to reassure them that the UK remains committed to our international obligations and to constructive engagement on our steel measure. We recognise that this is a challenging time for steel industries globally, and that is why we will continue to prioritise working with partners to tackle overcapacity.

    From 1 July 2026, we will now limit tariff-free steel imports and reduce overall quota volumes by 51% compared to the steel safeguard, protecting domestic producers while maintaining continuity of supply for downstream users, including the automotive, construction and defence sectors. The overall quota volume will be 3.2 metric tonnes, an increase of 21% compared to our previously published provisional volumes. We have also removed 11 product codes, where new information confirmed there was no UK production, and added two codes where there is evidence of production. Detailed information on quotas will be published on gov.uk.

    Where quotas are filled, imports above these levels will face a 50% tariff. The measure will apply only to products that can be made in the UK. In a limited number of cases, technical constraints mean that product codes cannot be cleanly separated, with some codes covering both UK-produced and non-UK-produced grades and sizes of products. In these instances, quotas have been designed to allow sufficient imports, ensuring continued availability for UK users without imposing unnecessary additional costs.

    We will continue to engage closely with industry across the supply chain. We will actively monitor implementation of the measure to ensure it operates as intended, and we will continue to engage with businesses. We will also review the measure after 12 months to ensure it remains effective and that the balance is right for industry. To ease potential short-term impacts, a transitional arrangement will apply whereby goods under contract before 14 March 2026 and imported between 1 July and 30 September 2026 will not face the 50% tariff or count towards quota volumes in the first quarter. We have provided technical guidance on these arrangements and on quota administration, including how unused quota volumes will “roll over” across quarters within the same quota year.

    Specific arrangements will be in place to ensure that steel can flow to Northern Ireland. The Government will continue to provide guidance and support traders moving goods from Great Britain to Northern Ireland through the trader support service and work closely with the EU to ensure these arrangements operate effectively in practice.

    In parallel, the UK has launched an article XXVIII process at the World Trade Organisation to permanently raise the maximum most favoured nation steel tariffs that we can apply to steel imports. We will shortly confirm members’ rights and expect to begin negotiations in the autumn. This process is separate to the new steel trade measure and will create the necessary policy space to ensure the sector has sufficient tariff protection in the long term.

    This Government are acting now to secure the future of the UK steel industry. We are determined that steel will remain at the heart of Britain’s future.

  • Peter Kyle – 2026 Comments on the Trade Deal with India

    Peter Kyle – 2026 Comments on the Trade Deal with India

    The comments made by Peter Kyle, the Secretary of State for Business and Trade, on 17 June 2026.

    We are bringing our landmark trade deal with India into force as quickly as we can, because we want businesses and the public to feel the benefits immediately, including cuts to tariffs of £400m within the first year alone. 

    The deal gives British exporters an edge over international competitors, and I would encourage all businesses to ensure they are properly prepared to allow them to sell to India’s huge market in the years to come.

    This week our UK-India Roadshow will begin travelling across all four nations to promote the incredible new opportunities this deal offers.

  • Chris Bryant – 2026 Speech at Chatham House Global Trade Conference

    Chris Bryant – 2026 Speech at Chatham House Global Trade Conference

    The speech made by Chris Bryant, the Trade Minister, in London on 19 March 2026.

    It’s a delight to be here. I want to start by slightly taking issue with the title of this session – because I’m awkward like that – which is ‘Britain walking the trade tightrope’. I suppose the implication is that we’re engaged in a balancing act between the US and the EU, or that our trade policy is a high-wire act, a dangerous risk in today’s climate, or that we’re navigating a narrow strait between an American and a Chinese ship, and that if we sail too close to either, we risk ruin. I don’t accept this characterization of the challenge ahead.

    I don’t think we have to choose between the competing demands of different trading partners. The EU is our biggest trading partner. The US is our biggest single country for exports and imports. And I defy anyone in the room to spend an hour today without any Chinese product. Trade isn’t a push me pull you, that’s a reference to a film from my childhood, and your childhood as well, clearly. We need strong trading relations with all our partners, and I’m delighted to see our exports reach 926 billion pounds last year.

    But I do want to go with the tightrope metaphor for a moment, because I’m told the key to tightrope walking is to maintain a low centre of gravity and focus your gaze on the end of the rope rather than your feet. We’ll be trying this later. When it comes to trade, I think that means two things. Firstly, a low centre of gravity means sticking to our values. In our case, that means a commitment, an absolute commitment, to the principle of free and fair trade. We have always prospered best as a nation that is open to two-way trade. It is no accident that at the very heart of the House of Lords lies the wool sack, a symbol of Britain’s early wealth that came from the wool trade – our key Middle Ages export. And over the centuries, we have sought out new markets, bringing in spices, silk and porcelain, tobacco and potatoes, mangoes and mangetout.

    And perhaps more than most, our modern economy is based on give and take, endlessly exporting and importing. A British car, for instance, is likely to include components from many countries, just like a French-built Renault will include British electronics and braking systems, or a European Airbus plane would include British wings and engines, making it 30% British. So we, more than most, need to be proud beacons of free trade. If there are sirens beguiling us to perdition on the rocks, they are the arch protectionists who would make us retreat into narrow nationalism.

    But I would add that it also has to be fair trade. Modern slavery, dumping, environmental degradation, deliberate anti-competitive subsidies – these all challenge free trade. And it is only right that countries like the UK take measures to protect key national industrial sectors, like steel, when they are threatened by global overcapacity. Hence the measures announced alongside our steel strategy this morning. That’s not a sign – I want to make this very clear – that’s not a sign of a shift in our philosophy away from free trade. It’s a reassertion of the principle of free and fair trade. Steel is a critical sector for the UK, especially at a time when defence expenditure needs to rise. We needed to take action to preserve and enhance our domestic sector after years of deliberate global overcapacity, unfair subsidy, and other protectionist measures have whittled it down from 27.8 million tonnes in 1970 to just 4 million tonnes in 2024. These measures are a reflection of our overall trade strategy: promote what we can, protect what we must.

    They don’t undermine free trade. In fact, all the work we do to tackle unfair measures around the world, for instance through the Trade Remedies Authority, are specifically designed to bolster free trade, because whatever our political hue, the UK will always fight for free trade. Of course, free and fair trade isn’t just about trade remedies. It also provides opportunities for other nations, particularly developing countries, to grow their own economies. It’s a simple fact that as lower and middle income economies increased their share in exports, poverty in those nations went down. That’s good for the world and good for the United Kingdom, and good for a socialist like me.

    So it’s time we waived the banner of free and fair trade more enthusiastically. I know people look at me with suspicion when I say that. Free trade, really, still, even today? I understand that suspicion. After all, it feels, when you look at the global trading landscape, that free trade is in retreat. We’ve seen nations disregard the rules, distort markets, and use trade to pressurize their neighbours. WTO members have regularly failed to be open and transparent about their state subsidies. And between 2015 and 2023, the number of protectionist measures around the world had more than quadrupled. Populists everywhere proclaim the importance of protectionism. But that doesn’t mean free trade is the wrong approach. It just means it’s even more important that we fight for it. Because for a long time, we have taken free trade for granted. When the WTO was set up over 30 years ago, well, set up earlier when reinforced for the GATT treaties, we assumed the war for free trade was won, that the debate was settled, And that in the future, barriers would wither and collapse in the face of an obviously superior philosophy of free trade.

    And so, we stopped making the argument. But unfortunately, it is often the case that one generation believes something, the next generation assumes it, and the third generation forgets it. In the absence of a good case for free trade, 30 years later, rather than trade barriers coming down, we’ve seen more of them go up. And we must challenge that trend, because free trade is what’s best for all of us. But it only works if everyone signs up to it. And that means there must be rules, principles and boundaries that everyone agrees to work within, and a strong sanction regime to make sure those boundaries are strong. That’s why we need a strong World Trade Organisation. Without it, the multilateral trading system that we have all enjoyed will fail.

    True, in the 31 years since the WTO was formed, the world has changed and the WTO needs to adapt and reform so it can continue to safeguard free and fair trade. That’s why our top priority at MC14 next week is to lay out a vision for a WTO that is more relevant, more flexible and more accessible. We need a WTO that works. A WTO that works now. And a WTO that works for everyone. And we’re going to MC14 to lay the groundwork to make that happen and deliver change by MC15. Global trade has suffered some quakes in recent years. Between COVID, the blocking of the Suez Canal, Ukraine, attacks in the Red Sea, and of course the current situation in the Straits of Hormuz, we’ve seen crisis overlapping crisis, all of which has shaken the rules-based order. That’s the only time I’m using that phrase in the speech. But if the WTO were to collapse or even fade into irrelevance, that would bring the whole thing crashing down. So yes, despite the rise in global protectionism, despite economic coercion, and despite a more complicated world, we remain committed to a strong WTO and to free and fair trade.

    As I said earlier, that’s all part of sticking to our values, or to pursue the tightrope metaphor, keeping our centre of gravity low. Which takes me to my second point, keeping our eyes on the end of the rope, rather than staring at our feet every step of the way. The truth is, we tend to approach too many trade issues one at a time, line by line, step by step. That especially applies to our relationship with the European Union. But our trading posture in the world isn’t a question of one policy after another. It’s a much bigger existential question. Do we subscribe to a you in your small corner and me in mine approach, as the old schoolboy hymn went? Do we think of our economy as hermetically sealed? Or do we commit ourselves to a wholehearted passion for free and fair trade?

    The evidence of history suggests that when General Franco tried autarky in Spain, it nearly bankrupted the country. And it’s the total of mutual trade that matters, not the balance of trade with individual countries. Imports, of course, keep costs down. Let me end with another distinction, drawing on the tightrope metaphor. The French for tightrope walker is funambulist. The real danger for the UK, I believe, as trade minister, is not funambulism, it’s somnambulism. We can be laboriously slow. By the time we decide to look at a new FTA and draw up a mandate, a whole 12 months will have passed.

    And that’s before we start negotiations which go on for years. We can be too pernickety too. Of course we have to approach all our trading relationships with our eyes wide open, but we need to act with a sense of urgency, determination and drive. That doesn’t mean we have to throw all the cards up in the air and hope they land well. We need to work within the structures and the strictures that aim to provide a global level playing field. But we can’t be hanging about on the tightrope.

  • Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement in India

    Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement in India

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 9 October 2025.

    Namaskar doston. Prime Minister Modi, it was an honour for me to host you in the United Kingdom in July at Chequers, and I am so delighted to be making this return visit just a few short months later. And can I just extend my thanks to the very warm welcome that you and the whole country extended to me as Prime Minister, to the whole delegation and through us, to the whole of the United Kingdom. 

    It is very much appreciated, very much noticed, and it is an important statement as we stand here, about our shared commitment to this special relationship. Because we are building something here, we are creating a new, modern partnership focused on the future and on winning the opportunities that it offers, and we’re doing it together. And that’s why we struck the UK-India Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement in July. A breakthrough moment, years in the making. Slashing tariffs, increasing access to each other’s markets to drive growth and create jobs for our people and making life better in both of our nations. 

    Beyond the words on the page of the agreement is the spirit and the confidence that that has given to our two great countries to work even more closely together, something which we’ve seen evidence during the course of this visit here over the last two days. 

    It is significant that we’re meeting here in Mumbai as India’s economic and financial capital, because India’s growth story is remarkable. I want to congratulate the Prime Minister on his leadership, aiming to be the world’s third largest economy by 2028. And your vision of Viksit Bharat is a completely developed country by 2047, and everything I’ve seen since I’ve been here is absolute proof to me that you’re on track to succeeding in that. So we want to be partners on that journey, and my visit this week is about doubling down on the potential of our trade deal for the benefit of all of us, and that’s why I brought a record 126 British businesses with me to India this week. We had to get a bigger plane to travel over here than the one we planned, but that delegation is some of our biggest, most iconic businesses, and smaller and medium sized businesses, but also leaders from education, some of whom are with us here, and sport and the arts. 

    As I say, our largest trade delegation for a decade, and so my first as Prime Minister, so of course, the destination for that had to be here, had to be India. Later today, the Prime Minister and I will convene a renewed CEO forum, and that was much discussed yesterday as a direct channel for business. There was a real buzz in the room yesterday that this forum is going to have real life breathed into it to embody the agreement that we’ve already reached to ensure that the deal does deliver the opportunities that we want to see. And we are committed to that, and when we leave India later on tonight I expect that we will have secured major new investments creating thousands of high-skilled jobs in the sectors of the future for both of our nations. 

    The UK and India stand side by side as global leaders in tech and innovation, and so we’ve also taken the opportunity to deepen our cooperation through our Technology Security Initiative with new commitments on AI, advanced communication, defence technologies and much, much more. We’re announcing a deal to make Bollywood films in the United Kingdom after a fantastic visit to the studio yesterday. And we’re deepening our cooperation in education as we’ve evidenced here on the film and with the people that we have in the room. It is the younger generation in India who will lead the charge to deliver on that 2047 target. The demand for the best quality higher education is very high, so I’m really pleased that we’re announcing today that all British universities will be setting up campuses right here in India, making Britain India’s leading international provider of higher education and delivering on our Vision 2035 that we set out in July. 

    These incredible economic bonds are the jewel in the crown of this relationship, but of course, our cooperation goes much wider too, and so we’ve had the opportunity to discuss issues of vital importance to global stability and security, including the situation in the Middle East. I strongly welcome the news that a deal has been reached on the first stage of the peace plan in Gaza. This is a moment of profound relief that we felt around the world, but particularly for the hostages, their families and for the civilian population of Gaza who have all endured unimaginable suffering over the last two years. I’m grateful for the tireless diplomatic efforts of Egypt, Qatar, Türkiye, United States and many others in securing this crucial first step. 

    This agreement must now be implemented in full, without delay and be accompanied by the immediate lifting of all restrictions on life saving humanitarian aid to Gaza. The UK will support these crucial immediate steps and the next stages of the talks to ensure the full implementation of the peace plan. 

    The Prime Minister and I also discussed the need for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, the need for stability and security in the Indo-Pacific, and the need to cooperate in critical areas like climate and energy, including breaking away from dependence on fossil fuels. 

    India is a global player. We sit together in the Commonwealth, the G20, and we want to see India taking its rightful place on the UN Security Council too, so we are committed to strengthening our strategic partnership and in fact has already been mentioned, our carrier strike group is, is here in India right now exercising with the Indian Navy, showing the strength of that relationship on defence and security which we’ve discussed this morning we want to take even further. 

    And look, the whole thing, this particular partnership, goes much deeper because in the end it is about people. The human connections between India and the UK are unique, forming what Prime Minister Modi has called the living bridge between our two countries. A bridge between people, a bridge between hearts, and in that spirit Prime Minister, I want to express my deepest sympathies to all the victims of the Air India crash earlier this year. A terrible day and a tragedy for both of our nations, and it showed, frankly, that we are family. 

    And I am proud this week that we are taking this incredible partnership between our two nations and making it stronger than ever for working people on both sides of that bridge. Finally, I’d like to take this opportunity, as we enter the festive period, to wish the people of India joy and happiness and a very happy Diwali. Diwali ki shubhkamnayein. Thank you.

  • Keir Starmer – 2025 Comments to Press at UK Trade Mission to India

    Keir Starmer – 2025 Comments to Press at UK Trade Mission to India

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in India on 9 October 2025.

    Back in July – together with Prime Minister Modi – I signed the historic UK and India Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement.

    It is a huge deal for the United Kingdom. The most ambitious trade deal India has ever done. And, like our deals with the US and the EU, people said it would never happen. They said it couldn’t be done.

    But we did it. Because of this government’s approach: outward facing, proud, and determined to deliver for Britain.

    And as a result we are opening up new opportunities in India for British businesses. Opportunities that other countries simply do not have. It has given us a unique edge.

    So I have come here this week, leading our biggest trade delegation to India ever to follow through on this deal. 

    That means 126 CEOs, tech entrepreneurs, SMEs, Vice-Chancellors, sports and cultural leaders all here with me to seize the incredible benefits that this deal offers for the British people.

    The opportunity is clear. Just look at the sheer scale of India: the world’s largest democracy, on track to become third largest economy by 2028, an economic superpower in the making. And we are perfectly placed to be partners on that journey.

    We want to build the sectors and the skills of the future together. So this trade deal is a launchpad to boost British leadership in everything from tech, to life sciences, to renewable energy, and much more beyond that.

    And we have seized these opportunities in full this week – delivering real results for the British people, securing new investments into the UK worth £1.3 billion, and creating 10,600 jobs.

    That is remarkable. It includes 1,500 jobs in the North West, over 1,000 across the midlands, 200 in Yorkshire and the Humber, and 700 in Northern Ireland.

    Great jobs – in advanced engineering, in defence, in car production, film making and technology. Delivering real change that people will see in their communities up and down the country. And that’s what this is all about.

    And what we’re doing together in tech is a great example. The UK is one of only three countries in the world with a trillion-dollar tech sector. India is poised to be the fourth. We are both top four AI powers, and we’re taking this opportunity to go further. 

    We’re deepening the UK-India Technology Security Initiative to boost opportunities for great British companies and deliver dozens of new investments into the United Kingdom.

    Harnessing tech as one of the biggest engines we have for jobs and growth. Other stand-out wins this week have come in filmmaking, with the announcement that three new Bollywood blockbusters will be made in the United Kingdom.

    And in education, with the announcement today that the University of Lancaster and the University of Surrey will open new campuses in India – joining other British universities setting up here and making the UK India’s top international education provider.

    So we are out there, leading the way and winning these opportunities for our country. Because, the fact is, this relationship matters more than ever.

    Across the economy, security, energy, climate and more. Our history together is deep, the human connections between our people are truly special. So this week we have built on all that.

    Building on our historic trade deal, we are remaking this partnership for our times, forward facing, focused on winning the opportunities of the future, together, and bringing them home for the British people.

    Now before I open for questions, I want to strongly welcome the news that a deal has been reached on the first stage of President Trump’s peace plan for Gaza.

    This will come as a profound relief for the hostages and their families, and the civilian population in Gaza, and for the whole world. And we will now work with our partners to ensure this deal is implemented in full and without delay.

    Thank you.

  • Keir Starmer – 2025 Comments Following UK’s Economic Trade Deal with the US

    Keir Starmer – 2025 Comments Following UK’s Economic Trade Deal with the US

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 8 May 2025.

    Just a few moments ago, I spoke to President Trump, the President of the United States.

    And I am really pleased to announce to you, and I wanted to come to you to announce it, that we have agreed the basis of an historic Economic Prosperity Deal.

    That is a deal will protect British businesses and save thousands of jobs in Britain, really important, skilled, well-paid jobs.

    It will remove tariffs on British steel and aluminium, reducing them to zero.

    It will provide vital assurances for our life sciences sector, so important to our economy and grant unprecedented market access for British farmers without compromising our high standards.

    And for the great British cars that you make here, that we see all around us, this deal means that US tariffs will now be cut from 27.5% to 10% for 100,000 vehicles every year, that’s a huge and important reduction.

    And I know from when I was last here, how much that will have been weighing on your minds when you knew the size of the tariffs that would otherwise be in place.

    To get that decrease was hugely important to me and I can tell you my teams were working really hard on this deal night and day for weeks. I was working with them.

    And in politics what matters sometimes is who you have in your mind’s eye when you are making these deals, who do you have in your mind’s eye when you are taking decisions.

    What I took away from here last time was you and the brilliant work that you do and had you in my mind’s eye as we did that.

    We have scope to increase that quota as we go forward, this is not fixed, this is where we have got to.

    And all of these tariff cuts will come into place as soon as possible and that’s really important in relation as well to the work that you are doing, and the brilliant cars that you make.

    And as Adrian has said I was here with you just a few weeks ago and I promised you that I would deliver in the national interest.

    And today I am really pleased to come back here, to be able to look you in the eye and say I have delivered on the promise I made to you.

    And that’s why as soon as I knew this deal was coming in today, I said I want to come back to JLR to talk to the workforce there, for whom this means so such.

    Now of course we are the first country to secure such a deal with the United States.

    In an era of global instability that is so important. The great challenge of our age is to secure and renew Britain.

    And that is what we are going to do.

    Acting in the national interest.

    Shaping this new era – not being shaped by it.

    If it’s not good for Britain, we won’t do it.

    If it doesn’t mean more money in people’s pockets, we won’t do it.

    If it doesn’t mean security and renewal in every part of the country – we won’t do it.

    But that doesn’t mean we’re turning inward.

    Instead, we are sending a message to the world that Britain is open for business – seeking trade agreements with India on Tuesday, with the US today, and working to boost trade with other partners too – including of course the EU with who we have an important meeting just a week on Monday.

    Making deals that will benefit working people.

    You know – in recent years an idea has taken hold that you show strength by rejecting your allies.

    That you shut the door, put the phone down, storm off. I’ve had plenty of people urging me to do that rather than stay in the room and fight for the interests of our country.

    I want to be absolutely crystal clear – that is not how this Government operates. It is never how this Government operates. We don’t storm off, we stay in the room, and we negotiate, and we work for our country with the national interest at the foremost of our mind.

    Because the other way of working doesn’t deliver the benefits that working people need.

    And so I also want to be clear – this is just the start.

    With the deal we have done today we can say: jobs saved. Jobs won. But not job done.

    Because we are more ambitious for what the UK and US can do together.

    So we are hammering out further details to reduce barriers to trade with the United States across the board.

    We have £1.5 trillion invested in each other’s economies, creating 2.5 million jobs across both countries.

    There are so many areas where I think we can even more than that and put more pounds in the pockets of working people across the United Kingdom.

    As the two biggest services exporters in the world, we will work to bring down barriers, creating jobs in our thriving services sectors – in Leeds, in Manchester, London and Birmingham.

    As the only two western nations with trillion-dollar tech sectors we will go further to deepen our partnership in new technologies to shape the innovations of this century together and create the jobs of the future.

    Because, look – our history shows what we can achieve when we work together.

    And what timing for this deal, that we have agreed this deal on VE Day.

    80 years ago, today Churchill was addressing the nation at the end of the Second World War. Victory in Europe.

    And we were standing the United Kingdom with the United States on defence and security. For 80 years we have been the closest of partners, and today we have added to that trade and the economy in the special relationship between us.

    Defined by peace and economic prosperity.

    So, it is fitting today that we renew the bond on the 80th anniversary of VE Day.

  • Douglas Alexander – 2025 Statement on Trade Negotiations

    Douglas Alexander – 2025 Statement on Trade Negotiations

    The statement made by Douglas Alexander, the Minister for Trade Policy and Economic Security, in the House of Commons on 6 May 2025.

    I wish to make a statement on the progress that this Government have made towards a UK-India trade deal. I am delighted to inform the House that we have now concluded negotiations on a comprehensive, modern agreement with the fastest-growing economy in the G20.

    Hon. Members will no doubt be aware that India is expected to be the third-largest economy in the world by 2028. By the end of this decade, it will be home to an estimated 60 million middle-class consumers, and with trade between the United Kingdom and India already standing at north of £43 billion, we know that this powerhouse economy is and will remain a hugely important market for British businesses. While past Governments have failed to negotiate a deal with India, this Government have today succeeded. We have brokered the most generous trade deal ever agreed by India in its history.

    From day one of this deal coming into force, it will make trade between our countries cheaper, easier and quicker. UK exporters will benefit from much lower tariffs across a whole host of sectors, including those that we are prioritising in our industrial strategy. It means simplified customs processes for businesses in advanced manufacturing and aerospace, in the food and beverage sector, and in the creative sector, which will benefit from improved copyright protection.

    For our world-leading financial and professional services companies, this deal locks in access to India’s fast-growing market. It will ensure that UK banks and finance companies are placed on an equal footing with Indian suppliers, and it encourages the recognition of professional qualifications, so that UK and Indian firms can access the right talent at the right time, whether they are in Mumbai or Manchester. This deal will unlock new opportunities for businesses in every part of the United Kingdom, including our advanced manufacturing companies in the north-east, our iconic Scottish whisky brands and our car plants in the west midlands. In all, we will have secured over £400 million in tariff reductions in the first year alone, doubling to around £900 million after just 10 years.

    Crucially, the deal we have negotiated will provide bespoke support for small and medium-sized enterprises to enter the Indian market, alongside a firm commitment from India to address the trade barriers that those businesses face. Since taking office, we have committed to hardwiring the views and interests of small businesses into everything we do, and the deal we have negotiated is evidence of that. For the very first time, British businesses will have guaranteed access to India’s vast procurement market, covering goods, services and construction. They will be able to bid for approximately 40,000 tenders worth at least £38 billion a year.

    The deal that we have just got over the line is further proof that this Government are using the power of international trade and investment to raise living standards here at home. Indeed, experts predict that it will boost our bilateral trade by some £25.5 billion. It is also projected to increase UK wages by £2.2 billion each year, while adding nearly £5 billion to our GDP over the long run.

    We have done all that while defending stoutly the UK’s national interest. We have brokered a deal that protects our NHS and upholds our high food standards. It ensures that our points-based immigration system remains unaffected. The deal demonstrates our commitment to both workers and businesses, staying true to our Labour values while contributing to our primary mission of economic growth.

    I recognise that this House will need time to scrutinise the deal before the ratification process. My Department will follow the process set out in the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010 in sharing the finalised treaty text with hon. Members. The House will, of course, have the opportunity to scrutinise any legislation associated with its implementation.

    This deal sends a powerful message about the UK and India’s shared commitment to free, fair and open trade. The UK-India relationship has deep, enduring roots, exemplified by the living bridge of 1.9 million people of Indian heritage living in the United Kingdom. While I do not personally lament that the right hon. Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak) is no longer the UK’s Prime Minister, it would be wholly wrong of me not to acknowledge his significant achievement as the first British-Indian Prime Minister, which is a testament not just to his own ability but to the close bonds that unite our two nations.

    The Government are proud to back open markets and free trade. We recognise that Britain has always been an open, outward-looking trading nation, and we believe that open markets and free trade are fundamental building blocks with which the UK can secure its opportunities and prosperity at home and abroad. Through our upcoming trade strategy, we will set out our ambitions to engage with more industrial giants, like India, to ramp up trade and investment over the coming months and years.

    Today, though, as close trading partners and as friends, I am proud that we have secured this deal with India. It is a deal that affords UK businesses certainty and stability during a time of global uncertainty and instability, and a deal that will give British businesses access to one of our biggest markets abroad, while raising wages and driving growth here at home. That is what this deal delivers, and I commend this statement to the House.

  • Richard Foord – 2025 Speech on UK-USA Trade Agreements

    Richard Foord – 2025 Speech on UK-USA Trade Agreements

    The speech made by Richard Foord, the Liberal Democrat MP for Honiton and Sidmouth, in the House of Commons on 30 April 2025.

    I beg to move,

    That leave be given to bring in a Bill to require the Secretary of State to lay before Parliament any trade agreement between the UK and the USA which the Government proposes to implement; to prohibit the implementation of such an agreement without the approval by resolution of each House; to make provision for the amendment of such agreements by Parliament; and for connected purposes.

    Let us cast our minds back four years to the spring of 2021. Liz Truss was the Secretary of State for International Trade. Boris Johnson was Prime Minister. The export of British goods to the EU had fallen sharply in January of that year, and the end of the Brexit transition period was nigh. The Government were in a hurry. Boris Johnson sat down for dinner with the Australian Prime Minister here in Westminster. After three hours of small talk, a little negotiation and plenty of Australian red wine, Johnson agreed to remove tariffs on over 99% of Australian products entering the UK, including beef. The Government knew that such a deal would harm the UK agriculture and food industries. The Government’s own analysis predicted that the deal could leave the UK agriculture and food sectors £278 million worse off.

    The Australian high commissioner, who had been sitting at the table, moved quickly. Scribbling down Johnson’s generous pledge, he excused himself to go to the toilet and handed a note to an aide as he did so. Within minutes it was scanned, turned into a formal trade document, printed and slipped into an official-looking folder. The high commissioner then casually walked back into the dinner carrying the so-called deal. That was all it took to sell out the UK’s farmers: a wine-soaked dinner, a hastily scribbled note and a signature from a Prime Minister prepared to ignore the good advice of his own trade negotiators.

    Without proper parliamentary scrutiny and a vote on any deal with the United States, we risk adding to the pressure on our already struggling farmers, stripping away safeguards on British citizens’ data and sidelining democratic scrutiny itself. Currently, parliamentary scrutiny of international treaties in the UK is woefully inadequate. The Government can negotiate and sign a treaty with another country—even one as significant as the US—using prerogative powers, without having to put it to a vote in Parliament. Under the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010, known as CRaG, signed treaties must be laid before Parliament for 21 sitting days. Parliament can raise objections but it cannot propose amendments and there is no requirement for a vote. Recommendations born of scrutiny are advisory, and not in the least bit binding.

    Evidence was provided to the International Agreements Committee in the other place last year. It showed just how outdated the UK’s treaty scrutiny system is, set against how trade arrangements have evolved and become more complicated. Modern trade deals now reach deep into domestic policy: they shape our food standards, our data rights and even the regulation of artificial intelligence. If Back-Bench MPs are shut out of the process, so too are the people we represent.

    Parliamentary scrutiny was demonstrably weak in the wake of the UK’s trade deals with Australia and New Zealand. The International Trade Committee condemned the Government’s approach, saying that it had “undermined” scrutiny. The Johnson Government did this by triggering the 21-sitting-day statutory period before Committees had received evidence or completed reports on the trade deal. This meant that Parliament had little information with which to assess the agreements. When the Australia deal was signed, Labour—then in opposition—rightly demanded a parliamentary vote. Now in government, it would do well to heed its own previous calls for proper scrutiny.

    In east and mid-Devon, farmers who I represent have been hit hard by the poorly negotiated trade deals with Australia and New Zealand, which come on top of the planned changes to inheritance tax and the peremptory closure of the sustainable farming incentive. Even if a future UK-US trade deal upholds our food standards, west country farmers and others could still be undermined. The Government offer assurances about shutting out hormone-treated beef and chlorinated chicken, but concerns remain that the US could still flood the UK market with beef that is not hormone treated. The Government have assured us that there will be no compromise on environmental and animal welfare standards in the UK, but again, these assurances count for little if imports from overseas are not produced to the same environmental standards or with the same requirements for high animal welfare standards.

    The UK is already too reliant on imported food. Imports made up around 40% of the UK’s food supply in 2023. UK food self-sufficiency has already fallen sharply, from 78% in 1984 to just 60% today. There are those who say that some sectors will always fall victim to trade negotiations, because the Government must balance the demands of various industries, but some of the factors currently being discussed by our trade negotiators are cross-cutting, and that includes matters of digital trade and data.

    The US wants a digital-first deal. That would mean locking in rules that protect the interests of silicon valley, not the British public. It has already been speculated that the Government are considering reducing or scrapping the digital services tax, which would cut taxes for some of the wealthiest and most powerful American companies in the world at the expense of public service users in the UK. The Office for Budget Responsibility forecasted that the tax raised £700 million in 2024-25—revenue that the Treasury can ill afford to forfeit at this time.

    Vice President J. D. Vance alleged in a speech at the Munich security conference that

    “old, entrenched interests”

    are

    “hiding behind ugly, Soviet-era words like ‘misinformation’ and ‘disinformation,’”.

    That brand of free speech pays little heed to facts. Vance may be representing some not altogether transparent interests himself. The US is pushing to overcome data localisation. That could allow US-based tech firms to centralise their data operations in the United States and rule out data storage in the UK. If that came about, it would weaken the protection for British citizens’ data, making it difficult to enforce UK privacy laws.

    Take as an example the contract that Palantir agreed with the NHS in 2023 to install its federated data system. If a US-UK trade deal restricted data localisation, it could allow NHS medical records to be exported to the US, handing Palantir the power to exploit the enormous commercial value of British citizens’ data. Although Palantir claims that it will only act as a processor of data, its business model is rooted in extracting value from data for commercial ends. With access to one of the world’s richest health datasets, Palantir could package insights and sell predictive analytic services to private healthcare providers, insurers and pharmaceutical companies. Palantir’s co-founder Peter Thiel has called the NHS a system that “makes people sick”. He claims that freedom and democracy are no longer compatible. Parliament should have the means to ensure that Thiel’s understanding of freedom cannot bypass British democracy.

    This is not just about trade; it is about trust. The Leader of the Opposition should know: the right hon. Member for North West Essex (Mrs Badenoch) was the Secretary of State for International Trade in 2023 when the Australia and New Zealand trade deals came into effect. Farming paid the price last time, and it could happen again—our digital freedoms could pay the price, too.

    My Bill is simple: it does not block a US deal or tie the Government’s hands; it requires that Parliament has a greater say. That is what democracy demands, and that is what the public expects.

    Question put and agreed to.

    Ordered,

    That Tim Farron, Calum Miller, Helen Morgan, Sarah Olney, Edward Morello and Richard Foord present the Bill.

    Richard Foord accordingly presented the Bill.

    Bill read the First time; to be read a Second time on Friday 16 May, and to be printed (Bill 228).

  • Liam Byrne – 2025 Speech on British Steel

    Liam Byrne – 2025 Speech on British Steel

    The speech made by Liam Byrne, the Chair of the Business and Trade Committee, in the House of Commons on 22 April 2025.

    I want to thank the Government for saving British Steel. Our Committee has been clear that it is essential for us to retain the ability to make primary steel in this country, and the steps that were taken a couple of Saturdays ago have helped derisk exactly that. The Government deserve credit for that. However, the Committee has written to the Government to say that a steel strategy needs to come forward as quickly as possible. It must be a clear, long-term vision for the industry, and there must be safeguards against the potential of a floodtide of steel from China. We need to use public procurement much more aggressively to support our local industry, energy costs need to come down, and we need a plan to keep scrap onshore. Will the Minister tell us when she plans to bring forward that steel strategy? Ultimately, what is good for the steel industry is good for Scunthorpe.

    Sarah Jones

    My right hon. Friend is of course right: the steel strategy is all the more important now than when we devised it in opposition and committed £2.5 billion for the steel strategy fund in our manifesto. We are looking at how we use that financial support, and, as he knows, at how we might do primary production. We are investigating future market opportunities and how we can increase demand here in the UK. He speaks of procurement, which of course is incredibly important. I have been talking to the procurement Minister and working on that, along with the Steel Council. We need to consider the availability of suitable sites for future investments.