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Category: Speeches

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech Announcing the 2024 General Election

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech Announcing the 2024 General Election

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 22 May 2024.

    In the last five years our country has fought through the most challenging times since the Second World War.

    As I stand here as your Prime Minister, I can’t help but reflect that my first proper introduction to you was just over four years ago.

    I stood behind one of the podiums, upstairs in the building behind me.

    I told you that we faced a generation defining moment, and that we as a society would not be judged by some government action, but by the small acts of kindness we showed one another.

    You met that challenge and then some.

    And I have never been prouder to be British.

    And when I introduced the furlough scheme, I did so not because I saw a country simply in need of desperate help, albeit we were, but because I saw a country whose future hung in the balance.

    I could be bold and trust in the tens of millions of you at home, that you would rise to the moment, or I could accept the inevitable, millions of job losses, and pick up the pieces.

    In truth, it was no choice at all.

    I have never, and will never, leave the people of this country to face the darkest of days alone. And you know that, because you’ve seen it.

    As I did then, I will forever, do everything in my power to provide you with the strongest protection I possibly can.

    That is my promise to you.

    Because, for so many of us, it’s easy to forget the scale of what we’ve been through. We were hit by a pandemic that upended normal life.

    Who would have thought the government would ever tell us how many times a day we could leave our homes.

    Then, just as we were recovering from Covid, war returned to Europe, with Putin’s invasion of Ukraine sending your energy bills spiralling.

    I came to office, above all, to restore economic stability.

    Economic stability is the bedrock of any future success.

    Whether that is rising wages and good jobs, investment in our public services, or the defence of our country.

    And because of our collective sacrifice and your hard work, we have reached two major milestones in delivering that stability.

    Showing that when we work together, anything is possible.

    Our economy is now growing faster than anyone predicted, outpacing Germany, France and the United States.

    And this morning, it was confirmed that inflation is back to normal.

    This means that the pressure on prices will ease and mortgage rates will come down.

    This is proof that the plan and priorities I set out are working.

    I recognise that it has not always been easy, some of you may just be starting to feel the benefits, for some it might still feel hard when you look at your bank balance.

    But this hard-earned economic stability was only ever meant to be the beginning.

    The question now is how and who do you trust to turn that foundation into a secure future for you, your family and our country.

    Now is the moment for Britain to choose its future.

    To decide whether we want to build on the progress we have made or risk going back to square one with no plan and no certainty.

    Earlier today I spoke with His Majesty the King to request the dissolution of parliament.

    The King has granted this request, and we will have a general election on the 4th July.

    This election will take place at a time when the world is more dangerous than it has been since the end of the Cold War.

    Putin’s Russia is waging a brutal war in Ukraine; and will not stop there if he succeeds.

    That war has also made all too clear the risks to our energy security. In the Middle East, the forces of Islamist extremism threaten regional and, ultimately, global stability.

    These tensions are exploited by extremists who seek to undermine our values and divide our society here at home.

    China is seeking to dominate the 21st century by stealing a lead in technology.

    And migration is being weaponised by hostile states to threaten the integrity of our borders.

    These uncertain times call for a clear plan and bold action to chart a course to a secure future.

    You must choose in this election who has that plan, who is prepared to take that bold action to secure a better future for our country and our children.

    I cannot, and will not, claim that we have got everything right, no government should.

    But I am proud of what we have achieved together, the bold action we have taken and confident about what we can do in the future.

    We have tackled inflation, controlled debt, cut workers’ taxes, and increased the state pension by £900 this year.

    We have reduced taxes on investment and seized the opportunities of Brexit, to make this the best place in the world to grow a business.

    Put record amounts of funding into our NHS and ensured it is now training the doctors and nurses it needs in the decades to come.

    We have reformed education and our children are now the best readers in the Western world.

    We prioritised energy security and your family finances over environmental dogma in our approach to Net Zero.

    We have fully funded an increase in defence spending to 2.5 per cent of GDP.

    We made a decision to invest more in local transport that you actually use rather than endlessly plough more money into HS2.

    We set out a comprehensive plan to reform our welfare system to make it fair to those who pay for it as well as those who need it.

    Immigration is finally coming down and we will stop the boats with our Rwanda partnership.

    And we will ensure that the next generation grows up smoke free.

    I hope that my work since I became Prime Minister shows that we have a plan and are prepared to take the bold action necessary for our country to flourish.

    I have stuck with that plan and always been honest with you about what is needed even when that’s been difficult.

    Because I am guided by doing what is right for the country, not what is easy.

    I cannot say the same thing for the Labour party.

    Because I don’t know what they offer. And in truth, I don’t think you know either.

    And that’s because they have no plan. There is no bold action.

    And as a result, the future can only be uncertain with them.

    On the 5th of July, either Keir Starmer or I will be Prime Minister.

    He has shown time and time again that he will take the easy way out and do anything to get power.

    If he was happy to abandon all of the promises he made to become Labour leader once he got the job, how can you know he won’t do exactly the same thing if he were to become Prime Minister?

    If you don’t have the conviction to stick to anything you say…

    If you don’t have the courage to tell people what you want to do…

    And if you don’t have a plan…

    How can you possibly be trusted to lead our country, especially at this most uncertain of times?

    Over the next few weeks, I will fight for every vote, I will earn your trust, and I will prove to you:

    That only a Conservative government, led by me:

    Will not put our hard-earned economic stability at risk.

    Can restore pride and confidence in our country.

    And with a clear plan and bold action will deliver a secure future for you, your family and our United Kingdom.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Policy Exchange Speech on Security

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Policy Exchange Speech on Security

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 13 May 2024.

    Thank you Dean for that warm welcome. At some point during the second half of this year, we will all go to the polls and make a choice. Not just about Conservatives versus Labour, or Sunak versus Starmer. It will be a choice between the future and the past. I remain confident that my party can prevail, not just because of our record alone, but because we will be the only party really talking about the future and not with vague lofty platitudes, but with bold ideas and a clear plan that can change our society for the better and restore peoples’ confidence and pride in our country.

    I feel a profound sense of urgency. Because more will change in the next five years than in the last thirty.

    I’m convinced that the next few years will be some of the most dangerous, yet the most transformational, our country has ever known.

    So the question we face today is this: Who has the clear plan and bold ideas to deliver a secure future for you and your family?

    The dangers that threaten our country are real. They are increasing in number. An axis of authoritarian states like Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China is working together to undermine us and our values.

    War has returned to Europe, with our NATO allies warning that if Putin succeeds in Ukraine, they might be next.

    War rages, too, in the Middle East as Israel defends itself not only against the terrorists of Hamas but a barrage of missiles fired – for the first time – directly from Iran.

    Right now in Africa, conflicts are being fought in 18 different countries. And Putin’s recklessness has taken us closer to a dangerous nuclear escalation than at any point since the Cuban missile crisis.

    These are not faraway problems. Iranian proxies are firing on British ships in the Red Sea, disrupting goods destined for our high streets.

    Here at home, China has conducted cyber targeting of our democratically elected MPs. Russia has poisoned people with chemical weapons.

    And when Putin cut off the gas supplies it had a devastating impact on people’s lives and threatened our energy security.

    And in this world of greater conflict and danger, 100 million people are now displaced globally.

    Countries like Russia are weaponising immigration for their own ends, and criminal gangs keep finding new routes across European borders.

    Illegal migration is placing an intolerable strain on our security and our sense of fairness, and unless we act now and act boldly this problem is only going to grow.

    Extremists are also exploiting these global conflicts to divide us.

    People are abusing our liberal democratic values – the freedom of speech and right of protest – to intimidate, threaten and assault others, to sing antisemitic chants on our streets and our university campuses, and to weaponise the evils of anti-Semitism or anti-Muslim hatred in a divisive, ideological attempt to set Briton against Briton.

    And from gender activists hijacking children’s sex education to cancel culture, vocal and aggressive fringe groups are trying to impose their views on the rest of us.

    They’re trying to make it morally unacceptable to believe something different and undermine people’s confidence and pride in our own history and identity. Scottish nationalists are even trying to tear our United Kingdom apart.

    But for all the dangers ahead, few are felt more acutely than people’s sense of financial insecurity. We’ve been pounded by a series of once-in-a-generation shocks.

    The worst international financial crisis since the great depression in the 1930s. The first global pandemic since the Spanish flu in 1918.

    The biggest energy shock since the 1970s. Global forces, yet they are hitting our living standards here at home.

    We must be prepared strategically, economically, with robust plans and greater national resilience, to meet this time of instability with strength.

    And people’s sense of insecurity is only heightened by the fears about new technologies like AI.

    When the IMF says 40% of jobs could be affected, or hundreds of leading experts say the risks could be on a par with pandemics or nuclear war, and when children are exposed to bullying, sexualised content or even self-harm online, people want to know they’ve got someone in charge who understands these dangers, because only if you understand what is happening can you be trusted to keep us safe.

    But the paradox of our age is that for all the profound dangers we face, right now, we also hold in our hands an opportunity for human progress that could surpass the industrial revolution in speed and breadth.

    Technologies like AI will do for the 21st century what the steam engine and electricity did for the 19th.

    They’ll accelerate human progress by complementing what we do, by speeding up the discovery of new ideas, and by assisting almost every aspect of human life.

    Think of the investment they will bring, the jobs they’ll create, and the increase in all our living standards they’ll deliver.

    Credible estimates suggest AI alone could double our productivity in the next decade.

    And in doing so, help us create a world of less suffering, more freedom, choice, and opportunity.

    Just imagine. Every child in school with their own personalised tutor, and every teacher free to spend more time personally developing each student.

    New frontiers in medical diagnostics where a single picture of your eyes can not only detect blindness but predict other diseases like heart attacks or Parkinson’s.

    And counterintuitive as it may seem, throughout human history, the greatest breakthroughs of science and learning have so often come at the moments of greatest danger.

    The first electronic digital computers were developed by British codebreakers in the Second World War. Solar technology went from powering pocket calculators to a viable commercial technology following the energy crisis of the 1970s.

    The fastest development, and deployment, of a vaccine in history came during the Covid pandemic.

    And so it is incumbent upon us to make this a period not just of great danger, but great progress, too.

    That’s why we launched a bold plan to make science and technology our new national purpose.

    We’re rightly proud of Britain’s spirit of discovery and entrepreneurship made us the leading country in the industrial revolution.

    But we can be just as proud, just as confident, just as optimistic about our future, and our prospects to lead again in this new industrial age.

    And doing so will enrich our lives and create good, well-paid jobs in the growth industries of the future here at home.

    At the same time, new and fast-growing economic superpowers like India, Indonesia, and Nigeria are significantly reshaping the global economy.

    And just as this ever more interconnected world creates new dangers, it also creates new possibilities.

    The United Kingdom is uniquely placed to benefit. We’ve always been an open, trading, maritime nation; and Brexit has given us the opportunity to trade even more.

    And we invent, discover, and produce new products and services that the world wants to buy.

    From aircraft wings in Filton, to financial services in Glasgow, to incredible cultural exports like film, music, and TV, or sports like the Premier League.

    Everywhere from rural Kenya to the cityscapes of South Korea, people stay up all times of day and night to watch their favourite British team.

    It’s no wonder that Brexit Britain has leapt above France, Japan, and the Netherlands to become the world’s fourth biggest exporter.

    And the more we export, the better our businesses will do, the more jobs we will create, the more wealth we will generate – right across our country.

    This is the opportunity before us. A world transformed by technological progress. Huge global markets hungry for new talent, goods, and services. You can see it all around us.

    Two brothers from Merseyside sat around their kitchen table and built Castore a £1bn sportswear business taking on global giants like Nike and Adidas, their kit now worn by Red Bull Formula 1 and Bayer Leverkusen.

    British companies and workers right across the country are pioneering offshore wind and exporting it around the world. Already, we’ve built the first floating offshore wind farm.

    And our innovations have helped reduce the cost of wind energy by around two-thirds, and increased the size of turbines to the equivalent of the Eiffel Tower with blades bigger than Big Ben.

    And you can see the opportunity too in healthcare, giving people longer, healthier lives. In Denmark, NovoNordisk created the Ozempic drug which is not only helping to tackle chronic disease globally, but singlehandedly grew Denmark’s entire economy last year.

    All this progress should show us that while this is one of the most dangerous periods we’ve ever known, it will also be one of the most transformational.

    And if we make the right choices, if we have a bold enough vision, then we should feel confidence, pride, and optimism that Britain’s future is secure.

    My point is this: our country stands at a crossroads. Over the next few years, from our democracy to our society to our economy – to the hardest questions of war and peace – almost every aspect of our lives is going to change.

    How we act in the face of these changes – not only to keep people safe and secure but to realise the opportunities too, will determine whether or not Britain will succeed in the years to come.

    There is an important choice facing the country because despite having 14 years with nothing to do but think about the future, Labour have almost nothing to say about it. No plans for our border, no plans for our energy security, no plans for our economy either and no principles either. Keir Starmer has gone from embracing Jeremy Corbyn to Natalie Elphicke, all in the cynical pursuit of power at any price. So Labour have no ideas, what they did have they’ve u-turned on. They have just one thing, a calculation that they can make you feel so bad about your country that you won’t have the energy to ask about what they might do with the incredible power that they will yield. I’m not saying the past doesn’t matter, I know people are feeling anxious and uncertain, that their sense of confidence and pride in this country has been knocked. I understand that, I accept it and I want to change it. What I cannot accept is Labour’s view that all the worries you have are because of 14 years of Conservative Government. In the last 14 years, we’ve made progress in the most difficult conditions any governments has faced since the Second World War.

    A world leading economy, we’ve seen the 3rd highest growth rate in the G7, and created 4 million jobs, 800 a day.

    We took difficult decisions to restore our country’s financial security and control national debt, and that allowed us to support the country through Covid, deliver the fastest vaccine roll-out in the world, provide record funding to the NHS, and protect state pensions with the triple lock.

    We’ve reformed welfare by capping benefits and introducing Universal Credit to help people into work.

    We’ve reduced absolute poverty, pensioner poverty, child poverty. We’ve cut carbon emissions by a third.

    Maintained our position as NATO’s second biggest defence power. Halved violent and neighbourhood crime. And improved standards in our schools with English schoolchildren not just the best readers in the UK, but in the western world.

    We’ve legislated for equal marriage. And it is now not even surprising for people from ethnically diverse backgrounds to lead Scotland, Wales, and the United Kingdom.

    And the economy now decisively has momentum. Inflation down from over 11% to 3%. Wages rising faster than prices.

    And in the first quarter of this year, we grew faster than France, Germany, Japan, Italy, and even America.

    The plan is working – so we must stick to it, and not go back to square one.

    And when Labour ignores the achievements of the last 14 years, or try to reduce the last 14 years to 49 days, remember what they’ve actually doing is trying to distract you from the thing that matters most, the future. Maybe they can depress their way to victory with all their talk and scaremongering, but I don’t think it’ll work because at heart, we’re a nation of optimists. We’re not blind to the challenges or threats that we face.

    We just have an innate belief that whatever they are, we can overcome them, as we have done so many times in our history. And create a secure future for you and your family.

    Let me tell you more about my vision for how I would lead this country through this time of danger and transformation.

    The highest priority of a Conservative Government is to keep our country safe. We’ve proudly taken the generational decision to increase defence spending to a new baseline of 2.5% of GDP, by 2030. Yet Labour have refused to match our pledge. Keir Starmer supported a former Labour leader who wanted to abolish the army and withdraw from NATO and Labour’s current deputy leader, Shadow Foreign Secretary and many others, voted against our nuclear deterrent, the ultimate guarantee of our security.

    The global displacement of a hundred million people is a new and defining challenge of our age. But we can and will protect ourselves against illegal migration. That’s why we’re pioneering the Rwanda scheme. And so, when people see that if they come here illegally, they will be swiftly detained and removed, they will be deterred from making that perilous journey, stopping the boats and saving thousands of lives.

    I know that our international frameworks are outdated. So there may be flashpoints ahead with the ECHR.

    And if the Strasbourg Court make me choose between the ECHR and this country’s security, I will choose our country’s security every single time.

    And nor will I ever compromise on defending our values, our history, and our way of life, against those who seek to undermine them.

    I am unapologetically proud of who we are.

    And under my leadership, ours will be a country where people can disagree in good faith, but where they must do so with respect and decency for others.

    A country where the benefits of belonging to our Union are self-evident to the overwhelming majority of our people.

    A country where we protect and strengthen the greatest institution of all – the family, better protect children from the harms of the online and offline worlds, and do more to protect single sex spaces.

    A country where we celebrate the small acts of kindness that bind our society together, and where we actively work to rebuild the civic involvement and pride that have always formed part of our distinctive national culture.

    A country where we honour those prepared to pay the highest price for our freedoms, as we make this the best place in the world to be a veteran here at home.

    And a country where we properly respect the older generation.

    They’ve contributed all their lives, so whatever the triple lock costs, it is morally right to give older people dignity and comfort in retirement.

    But as well as strengthening our national security and restoring pride in our national culture, we’ll also protect you from the dangers of a more unstable world by giving you greater peace of mind over your financial security.

    People have been struggling to make ends meet – I know that. In the last few years, you’ve seen rising energy bills, mortgage rates, the cost of the weekly shop.

    And I hope I’ve shown through my time in office that, from furlough to support with your energy bills, the government I lead will always be there for you.

    But that’s only possible if we take the tough decisions to strengthen the country’s finances and control debt.

    You can trust me to do that.

    When I stood for the leadership of my party, and my opponent’s policies imperilled our financial strength, I was sooner prepared to lose than abandon what I believe so deeply is right for our country.

    I feel the same conviction about Net Zero.

    In a more unstable world, where dictators like Putin have held us to ransom over energy prices, I reject the ideological zeal of those who want us to adopt policies that go further, faster than any other country, no matter the cost or disruption to people’s lives.

    But even as we strengthen our security and our sense of pride and confidence in ourselves, I also feel a sense of urgency about readying our country to succeed in a world transformed.

    That starts by giving all our young people – wherever they live and whatever their background – the skills and knowledge to succeed.

    Building on the success of the last 14 years, we will create a truly world-class education system.

    The Advanced British Standard is the most far-reaching reform to education for 16-18 year olds in a generation.

    We’re tearing down the artificial barriers between technical and academic education.

    Increasing children’s time in the classroom.

    Studying a greater breadth of subjects to match our competitors.

    And unapologetically saying that every single child must leave school not just literate but numerate as well.

    Now, I know this will not win universal acclaim but maths will be fundamental to our children’s life chances in this new technological age.

    And it is our duty to give them those skills. And more. We’ll end rip-off degrees and massively expand the number of apprenticeships, because a degree is not the only path to success in the modern economy.

    And we’ll make sure that everyone has the funding they need to retrain or learn new skills, at any point in their lives, because in the future education won’t stop when you walk out of the school gates.

    But for Britain to finish first in today’s world, we don’t just need the skills to succeed, we need to create a dynamic, innovative economy fuelled by technological progress, so we lead in the industries of the future and help you and your family become wealthier and more economically secure.

    The government I lead is creating the conditions for a new British dynamism. By investing in the new infrastructure of the future – not just roads, railways, and buses, but gigabit broadband, research and development, computing power.

    By helping to create hundreds of thousands of good, secure, well-paid, highly-skilled jobs, that will level up opportunity right across our country.

    And yes, by taking the necessary decisions to build the right homes in the right places to support those jobs.

    But true British dynamism won’t come from the State alone. It will come from you. It will come from the ingenuity and creativity of the British people, given the support, the opportunities and the rewards to have, pursue and realise big ambitions.

    If you have a brilliant new idea – I want you to build it. If you’re passionate about solving a problem – I want you to pursue it.

    If you simply want to set up on your own – I want you to get out there and do it.

    Because you won’t find the future written in a slide deck in a Whitehall quango.

    You’ll find it out there in our country.

    And so the government I lead will create the conditions for people themselves to try, to build, to invent – yes, sometimes to fail, but more often to succeed.

    That’s why we’re cutting taxes directly on investment. It’s why we’re cutting taxes to encourage innovation.

    And it’s why we’re seizing the freedom and flexibility of Brexit. Because so often, the EU’s default approach was top down, precautionary regulation.

    Whereas we in the UK now have the chance to be more agile, so that rather than stifling innovation and growth, we encourage it, in everything from financial services to agriculture, from healthcare to house building.

    Above all, we will reward hard work.

    Because you don’t get anything in life without hard work.

    So we’re making the tax system simpler, fairer, and more rewarding, cutting National Insurance by £900 for the average worker, alongside increasing the state pension by £900 this year.

    We’re raising the National Living Wage to end low pay.

    And we’re reforming welfare to make sure that work always pays, and our safety net is fair to those who pay for it.

    Not least because giving people support to get off welfare and into work gives them purpose, dignity and hope and it is also the only sustainable way to cut legal migration.

    A world-class education system.

    A dynamic, innovative economy.

    Hard work valued and rewarded.

    That’s how Britain will succeed in future.

    That’s how we’ll grow the economy.

    And that’s how we’ll transform public services, too.

    Imagine a welfare system where new technologies allow us to crack down on the fraudsters, exploiting the hardworking taxpayers who fund it.

    Imagine the huge opportunities to cut crime through technologies like live facial recognition, helping police catch wanted criminals, find missing people, and spend more time on the beat.

    And imagine our NHS, still free at the point of use, but transformed for the future.

    A service staffed by tens of thousands more doctors and nurses, thanks to our Long Term Workforce Plan.

    Backed by record funding made possible by years of fiscal discipline. With far greater choice over where you can receive your care, made as simple as choosing what to watch on iPlayer.

    And I believe there will be no more powerful example of what all the forces of British dynamism, innovation, scientific discovery and technological progress can achieve, than this:

    To address, finally, the fear of one word that still lurks in the back of everyone’s minds, that touches almost every family in our country, and that envelopes our whole world, if we or a loved one hears it: cancer.

    Yet even here, if we are bold enough, there can be cause for new hope. We already know we can prevent most lung cancer cases – the UK’s leading cause of cancer deaths – by stopping smoking.

    That’s why I took the important decision to create a smokefree generation.

    And with huge breakthroughs in early diagnosis and new treatments, like the MRNA vaccine for skin cancer, I believe we can be just as bold and ambitious in improving rates of cancer survival.

    Because if we can bring together my vision of a country transformed, with our world class education system that trains the PhD oncologists and apprentice lab technicians, and our dynamic economy that attracts investors and incubates the billion-pound biotech businesses of the future, our post-Brexit regulatory freedoms to approve trials in a safe but faster way.

    And the scale of our NHS to help us research and trial those new drugs in a way no other country can, then just one example of the incredible achievements this country can make would be to make a generational breakthrough against this cruel disease and fundamentally change what it will mean for our children and grandchildren to hear the word cancer.

    Today I’ve set out my vision for how Britain can succeed in one of the most dangerous yet transformational eras we’ve ever known.

    The values that lie behind that vision are a new patriotism: a confidence in ourselves and in all that we can achieve.

    I reject those who insidiously question our history and our identity.

    I believe in that innate confidence in ourselves that has always run through our island story.

    And just as we’re proud of all that we created, invented, and discovered in our past, so we can be confident and optimistic about what we will achieve in our future.

    My pledge to you is that I will create the conditions to make that possible, to help you fulfil your ambitions.

    To build the world-class education system that gives our children the skills they need to succeed, no matter where they started off in life.

    To create the dynamic, innovative economy that will give you the opportunity of a wealthier, more financially secure life for you and your family.

    To restore our sense of civic pride and national cohesion so we can be secure in the knowledge that we are all on the same side.

    And above all, you can trust me to keep you and your family safe and secure from the threats we face at home and abroad.

    There are storms ahead.

    The dangers are all too real.

    But Britain can feel proud again.

    Britain can feel confident again.

    Because with bold action and a clear plan, we can and we will create a secure future.

  • Alex Chalk – 2024 Speech at the Times Law Awards

    Alex Chalk – 2024 Speech at the Times Law Awards

    The speech made by Alex Chalk, the Lord Chancellor, in London on 8 May 2024.

    My Lords, Ladies and gentlemen, it is my great pleasure to join you tonight.

    I am, as you’ve just heard, the Lord Chancellor. It was a predecessor of mine who went along to HMP Wormwood Scrubs, and the Governor said, “thank you very much for coming” and “if you wouldn’t mind addressing the prisoners, please”.  He thought it was a bit strange, but that he had better do as he was told. Anyway, the prisoners were in the exercise yard, and they were looking at him – rather as you are now – and he was looking at them – rather as I am now – and he didn’t know how to begin, so he just said, “I’m delighted to see you all here.”  But I am, I am delighted to see you all here!

    Thank you, Lord Grabiner, for inviting me, and for your kind introduction. I am told Lord Grabiner is standing down as Head of Chambers; but he is definitely not retiring from One Essex Court…or indeed defecting. I want to make that clear as well.

    Thank you too to The Times and One Essex Court for organising and sponsoring this wonderful event.

    Now, the essay question this year is about AI. I know some of you are worried that AI is coming for your jobs. After the local election results in Cheltenham, I’m not entirely unsympathetic…

    But actually, being at the Times Law Awards reminds me that I’ve been in post for a year. This was the first event I spoke at as Lord Chancellor. By current standards a year’s not bad going – longer I’m told than at least three of the last ten Lord Chancellors. And about the going rate for a First Minister of Scotland.

    But one of the consequences of becoming Lord Chancellor and being cloistered in the MOJ for a year, is that when there is a defection you find out about colleagues that you never knew existed…

    And what a pleasure it is to be back in this extraordinary building. This is the place where Lady Jane Grey was sentenced to death, where Henry Garnet was actually executed as an accessory to the Gunpowder Plot. And just outside, beneath Guildhall Yard, lie the ruins of London’s first Roman amphitheatre where criminals were routinely put to death. To you that may sound like history. To me, it sounds like inspiration for a manifesto. I am joking, that was a joke. Seriously.

    The essay question this year is topical. I won’t seek to add to the erudition in so many of these essays. Instead, I want to make a few observations about context: specifically, AI’s place as part of a gathering global lawtech revolution – a revolution in which we can credibly say that England and Wales is at the leading edge.

    This jurisdiction has of course, long been fertile ground for innovation. It isn’t by luck, still less sentimentality, or tradition, that English and Welsh common law is used as the basis for over a quarter of the world’s 320 legal jurisdictions. It’s not out of habit that international businesses choose our law to govern their contracts, and our courts to settle their disputes. Nor is it mere coincidence that we have the largest legal sector in Europe, second only to the USA in the world rankings.

    The success of our justice system for centuries has been underpinned by its ability to evolve, to adapt and to modernise, while never losing sight of its values and its standards.

    And in that spirit, let us not see our current leading position as a high watermark. Let us instead see it as the springboard for further success. We must be relentlessly ambitious to increase our legal sector’s international market share.

    We don’t want that simply for the sake of it, although getting one over on France is helpful from time to time! We do it because of what it can deliver for our people and our economy. We achieve that principally on the basis of our people. Our legal profession and our judiciary are rightly renowned around the world for quality and integrity. That will remain, of course, far and away our most precious asset. But increasingly important in future will be our ability to harness new and changing technology.

    And what are our competitors up to?

    In Singapore, the Supreme Court now uses a digital transcription system to capture court proceedings, meaning that transcripts can be turned around rapidly, including near real time transcription with annotations made by judges during hearings.

    And they are developing a generative AI programme to help users of the Small Claims Tribunal to file claims by auto-filling the required forms and advising on possible outcomes and claim amounts, prompting parties to settle earlier or consider mediation.

    In India, the justice system is embarking on one of the largest digital rollouts in history, computerising almost 15,000 courts and creating 7 digital platforms to provide real time information on case status, court listings and judgments.

    In British Columbia, they have set up an online dispute resolution platform that supports parties to negotiate online and settle their cases without going in front of judges.

    There are many other examples. But we should be confident in the ambitious approach we are taking on digital justice.

    Last year, with the judiciary, I set out a shared vision for a digital justice system that gives citizens the option to resolve their disputes entirely online. One that harnesses technology – like AI – to guide people in what they need to do and when. And crucially, that clearly sets out all their options, including mediation and arbitration, so that people don’t end up in court unnecessarily. Sometimes the best legal advice is that your issue is not really a legal issue at all.

    Meanwhile, we are, I believe, the first jurisdiction to have established an Online Procedure Rule Committee to set standards and govern our digital justice system. This is a genuinely historic step forward – one of the most significant since the introduction of the CPR in 1999.

    Of course, all this hasn’t come from a standing start: it builds on the progress we are making in Lawtech, a sector that has grown dramatically in the last three years. The UK has become a global hub for Lawtech and a haven for innovators – supported by LawtechUK, an industry-led programme set up by the Government in 2019.

    In that time, it has:

    Created a LawTech accelerator to nurture start-ups and support them to access the legal market.

    Created a Regulatory Response Unit to make it easier for startups to navigate the complex landscape of legal regulation.

    Developed a ground-breaking feasibility study for an online dispute resolution platform for SMEs and so much more…

    And take quiet pride that today we are home to some 43 percent of all lawtech startups in Europe.

    That is not a coincidence. Lawtech in the UK benefits from a technology talent pipeline, a competitive tax system, a liberal regulatory regime and (dare I say it) Government recognition of the importance of innovation.

    And let us also take pride in the fact that we also have one of the most open legal markets anywhere in the world, where any foreign lawyer can practice foreign and international law. As I said to the legal professionals at the Bar Council of India’s Conference in Delhi, which I was delighted to be invited to last year, I said to them that any one of them in the audience could jump on the plane back to the UK and start practising Indian and international law in our country the very next day.

    And in that context, is it any wonder that London is now home to more than 200 foreign law firms from over 40 different jurisdictions. I believe, it’s a model for the open, globalist, enterprising country we should inspire to be.

    Politicians are pretty good by and large at setting out the ‘what’ – the statistics, the achievements and so on. But I think we spend less time talking about the ‘why’. Why does any of this matter? Why is it important to stay ahead?

    First, straightforwardly, of course it’s about the economic benefit, we shouldn’t be squeamish talking about that, our legal services drive prosperity – generating billions for our economy each year, around £34 billion gross value added in 2022 alone. At the same time, annual demand for lawtech products and services in the UK is estimated to be worth up to £22 billion a year – and only likely to grow further, and that’s of course important for the public services that we cherish.

    Second, access to justice, so that citizens can vindicate their individual rights. Because a nation of laws must be, of course, one nation of laws – where legal remedies aren’t the preserve of those with the deepest pockets. Tech is our friend here, as we know from our work to digitise the courts system through our modernisation programme. More claims are being made digitally online, more quickly. And our new digital services – including for civil money and injury claims – have been used over 2 million times. That broadens access to justice.

    Remember this as well. Many people in this room – people who have worked hard and focused on their practices, will also believe passionately in social mobility. When I was in practice at the Bar, I used to go in my wig and gown to tough inner London schools and do cross-examinations, do mock trials, and so on. And I remember one young man came with me to the Old Bailey, because I’d spotted that his cross examination was truly exceptional. He came to watch a trial and was absolutely transfixed by the whole thing. Five years later I was reminded by his school about him, and he’d won a place at Cambridge to read law. So, yours is a sector that can genuinely change lives.

    Third, the rule of law – fundamental to our values as a nation. Keeping our justice system up-to-date means that the rule of law remains relevant as tech moves on. In simple terms, more people are able to use the law to vindicate their rights and to secure just outcomes. That strengthens the rule of law. And, because of our international standing, with litigants from around the world choosing England and Wales, I hope we can reasonably observe that it strengthens the international rule of law too.

    That in turn strengthens our position and our voice in upholding the international rules-based order. Let me give you just a brief example. When I travelled recently to the United States, I met with Merrick Garland, US Attorney General, Lisa Monaco, Deputy Attorney General, and Samuel Alito, Supreme Court Justice. And which is the nation that the US turns to as a trusted friend as we grapple with difficult legal issues, such as how to manage billions in immobilised Russian assets – is there a legal route to go from freezing to seizing? Which is the nation with the expertise they very often turn to, and did so in that case? It’s the United Kingdom.

    Finally, let me touch on AI. I’m not going to drill into the detail of each of these essays, but one core theme shines out. By and large our winners believed that AI is a good thing – that its promise outweighs its threats. That’s also the Governments position – so there’s the kiss of death for your collective credibility….!

    Harnessing the power of AI is, of course, a big priority for Government and the PM – backed by a £900 million fund and plans for a world-leading AI research centre in Bristol, which will make sure the UK is securing its leadership position in AI development.

    And when it comes to legal services, LawtechUK, along with the UK Jurisdiction Taskforce and the Law Commission, has and continues to bring together lawyers, investors, technologists, and other experts to explore how Generative AI is shaping the legal landscape – and how we can use it to open up access to justice.

    But as our essayists set out, if we’re to harness the benefits, we need to manage the risks. To gain public trust requires transparency, reliable data, and an understanding of how bias can accidentally be embedded – and how to prevent it, as well as protection against cyber security threats.

    Again, the UK is playing a leading role with the PM convening a global AI safety summit last year. And we have signed an MoU with the United States, to work together to develop tests for the most advanced AI.

    So, let me turn now to those finalists who entered this competition. My congratulations to you all. Your cases were powerfully and engagingly made, and it was a genuine pleasure to read them.

    To produce such strong pieces of work, despite myriad demands on your time, says a great deal about your commitment to, and aptitude for, the law. You should all be very proud.

    And if the standard of these essays is anything to go by, the future of our profession is bright. I look forward to seeing great things from you in the years ahead.

    So, without further ado, let me announce our runners up. I’m going to ask you please to come up and collect your prizes – Jonathan Macarthy, Laura Wilson, and Jay Staker.

    Next, our third prize winner is… Maximilian Mutkin

    Second prize goes to… Jonathan Stelzer

    And, finally, I’m delighted to announce our first prize winner…. Henrik Tiemroth.

    And that’s your lot, thank you very much indeed.

  • Victoria Atkins – 2024 Speech on Birth Trauma

    Victoria Atkins – 2024 Speech on Birth Trauma

    The speech made by Victoria Atkins, the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, on 13 May 2024.

    Good evening everyone.

    It is an absolute privilege to be speaking to you all this evening as we mark the launch of the first ever birth trauma inquiry report.

    And I’d like to start by thanking my dear friend Theo [Theo Clarke MP] for her strength in speaking out about her own experiences and in so doing, creating this incredible workstream whereby other women are being invited to give their experiences and to be listened to.

    I mean, Theo is, to my mind the exemplar of a Parliamentary powerhouse, and it’s been an absolute pleasure working with you, but also I genuinely think the work that you have achieved will have very, very long-term and positive benefits for women across England.

    The reaction that you have received from women shows just how critical this work is.

    You have given a voice to those who may never have shared the pain and the suffering that they have been through, or when they have spoken up, they have not been listened to.

    And so, thanks to you and to the brave women in this room, but also the many, many brave women who have contributed to this report, or who have shared their stories today with media outlets, as it has rightly got such media attention.

    But thanks to those brave women, things are changing and you are shining a bright light on the struggles that too many women face, and you are putting birth trauma at the heart of our national conversation, and ensuring that other mums do not have to suffer in silence.

    And I’d also really like to thank the wider APPG, co-chaired by Theo but also by Rosie [Rosie Duffield MP], and both of whom have really demonstrated, along with APPG colleagues, just how cross-party working can work to the very best for us as a country.

    And so thank you to every single Parliamentarian involved in the APPG.

    And in that spirit, I am determined to make care for new mums and mums to be faster, simpler and fairer because the birth of a child should be among the happiest moments in our lives.

    That said, of course, for the overwhelming majority of families it is.

    Each week around 10,000 babies are born in England on the NHS and most of them are born safely and with mothers and families reporting a good experience of the care they receive.

    But we want that for every woman and every family.

    And as this inquiry demonstrates so starkly, there is far too much unacceptable variation across the country in the service that women receive.

    Some mums endure simply unacceptable care and live with the consequences of that trauma for the rest of their lives.

    Now I’ve been open about my own experiences with the NHS.

    The NHS is genuinely one of the reasons I came into politics.

    I was diagnosed with type 1 diabetes at the age of 3 and I’ve seen the very best of the NHS, but I’ve also seen some of its darker corners and that includes in my own experience when I was pregnant.

    As you can imagine the clinicians in the room will understand a type 1 diabetic being pregnant brings its own complications. And I had wonderful, wonderful care in many, many instances. But I also had examples where I wouldn’t wish other women to go through the same, including – and I’ve spoken about this – I was rushed into hospital earlier than anyone had planned, and I was put on a ward, heavily pregnant, not quite knowing what the future was holding for me or my baby.

    And, I was on the ward where women who had just experienced extremely traumatic, dare I say it, dangerous births were being rushed from theatre on to the ward where I was.

    Now clearly their experiences were far, far worse and far more traumatic than my own.

    But you can imagine how frightening actually that experience was for a first-time mum to be, with the concerns that I was having to live with at the time.

    So just that, as an example, I know everybody was trying to do their best at that point, but I desperately want to ensure that women who are expecting and who need additional support don’t find themselves in similar or even worse situations as I did.

    And I want to make sure that no woman goes through a physical and mental trauma, and while giving birth, that could have been prevented.

    Now I know that at the Women’s Health Summit in January, Dame Lesley Regan and I talked about – and forgive me, gentlemen – we talked about the NHS being a system that was created by men, for men.

    And that struck a chord with many women, particularly those who know Lesley and know she is another female powerhouse. And the truth is that women have suffered in pain that would simply not be tolerated in any other part of the hospital.

    Women have tried to raise concerns about unacceptable care, but they’re being told it’s all just natural.

    And it is that, if you like, silencing, that really should not be the reality that women face in the 21st century.

    We can and we will do better.

    Now, being made Health Secretary in November, I have been impatient to make progress.

    And that is why in January I held the Women’s Health Summit, where I made birth trauma one of the top priorities for the second year of the Women’s Health Strategy.

    And I want to make this year not just the year that we listen, but that we act and that this is happening now.

    We are rolling out new maternal mental health services for new mums, which are already available in all but 3 local health systems.

    We are, believe you me, paying close attention to those final 3 areas to make sure they finalise their plans at pace this year.

    On physical injuries too, we are rolling out improved perinatal pelvic health services, including guidance to better support women who experience serious tears and to prevent these from happening in the first place.

    We’re halfway through. We plan to get to full coverage by the end of the financial year. And these services will be supported by our announcement at the Spring Budget of an extra £35 million more for more midwives and better training for when things go wrong.

    On top of the extra £186 million a year we are already investing into maternity services and safety compared to 3 years ago.

    And thanks to Theo, we have also introduced stand-alone GP appointments 6 to 8 weeks after giving birth to ask those crucial questions about whether mum is okay while keeping separate checks for her baby, because we know a happy, healthy mum means a happy, healthy baby.

    And this is supported by new guidance to prompt direct questions about their birth experience, even if there is nothing in her notes to suggest that the birth was traumatic.

    I want to embed a culture that listens to women right from the start of their pregnancy, and so I’m delighted that NHS England are co-producing new decision-making tools with new mums to help guide through choices on how they give birth, what interventions could happen and what pain relief they should be offered.

    These will be made available in a range of languages and formats to make sure that they can be tailored to different settings and to different local populations, because the ethnic disparities that Kim [Dr Kim Thomas] and Theo have highlighted have to be tackled, and we are determined to do that.

    Theo’s speech in Parliament spoke to the lasting impact that birth trauma can have on the whole family. And of course, dads and partners are very much part of that. And so I’m extremely grateful to Theo’s husband for making that point.

    But also we have listened in government and Maria Caulfield, my minister, who is responsible for men’s health along with a great many other things, will be chairing the next session of the Men’s Health Task and Finish Group in June to focus on dads’ mental health and trauma so that we can better understand how to support partners.

    And I’m delighted to announce that the National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) will commission new research into the economic impact of birth trauma, including how this affects women returning to work.

    That’s a really important idea and a really important commitment.

    I know there is so much work to do to deliver on the detailed findings of this report and I, together with NHS England, fully support the APPG’s call to develop a comprehensive cross-government national strategy for maternal care.

    I’m very grateful to the NHS for the progress that has been made so far on the 3-year delivery plan for maternity and neonatal services, but I want to go further and a comprehensive national strategy will help us to keep driving that work forward while making sure everyone across government and the health service are crystal clear about what we need in maternity services to focus on.

    And I also want to be clearer to mums and those looking after them, what their rights and expectations should be, so that everybody can be clear about the standard of care that mums deserve.

    So watch this space.

    Now in conclusion, this is the first time in the NHS’s 75-year history that I, as the Secretary of State, but also the chief executive of NHS England, are both mums.

    We get it.

    And for this, this is not just professional, it is personal.

    Both Amanda [Pritchard] and I take our responsibilities to all of you incredibly seriously and I have to say more soon on how I plan to make this area of our health system faster, simpler and fairer.

    So I want to finish by thanking you, each and every one of you that has been involved in this report, for everything you have done to kickstart the national conversation about birth, trauma and how women should be listened to and their concerns acted upon.

    And I really look forward to continuing this conversation with you in the months ahead.

    Thank you so much.

  • Steve Barclay – 2024 Speech at the Farmers Weekly Transition Live Event

    Steve Barclay – 2024 Speech at the Farmers Weekly Transition Live Event

    The speech made by Steve Barclay, the Environment Secretary, on 9 May 2024.

    Well, thanks very much. Good afternoon, and it’s great to organise this on home turf, as a Cambridgeshire MP. I’m very conscious we meet on a beautiful day. The sun is shining, the ice cream van has arrived outside.

    But I think what’s very much on many minds at the moment is the extremely challenging wet weather that we have seen in recent months.

    Just to put that in a bit of context, we’ve seen 60% above average rainfall, if you take that compared to say a decade ago, this is the second wettest winter that we have on record and therefore what’s very much shaping my, Mark Spencer and the ministerial team in Defra is a recognition of just how challenging that landscape is.

    And so, whilst I think the focus from Farmers Weekly and today’s event is absolutely right on transition and how we build that sustainable agriculture, a lot of those benefits are for the longer term.

    By their nature, where you do environmental schemes, where you do nature recovery schemes they have a long lead time. If you’re looking at things like soil quality. If you’re looking at improving our number of pollinators. These are long term transitions, and I’m very acutely aware of the immediate challenges that I’m sure are in the minds of many in the room given the flooding just near me in Lincolnshire that we have seen

    So, I just wanted to start by addressing that. And there’s a number of things that we’re doing.

    So firstly, we moved quickly in response with the Farming Recovery Fund, getting that announcement out quickly. That gave us grants of up to £25,000 for uninsured losses. We listened actively to the feedback on things like 150 metre rule, so we got that changed. We responded with announcements such as the Prime Minister at the NFU conference, with the £75 million in grants for drainage boards.

    As someone who represents a farming constituency in Northeast Cambridgeshire in the middle of the Fens, I’m acutely aware having been a constituency MP for the last 14 years of just how central drainage boards are in certain parts of the country, and so £75 million targeted at infrastructure modernisation, which needs to happen.

    There are longer term things we’re doing. So, we’ve doubled the flood defences – £5.6bn over 6 years which is broadly double what it was in the previous six years. That has protected over 900,000 acres of farmland. But again, we can see with the winter we’ve had, just how challenging that is for many other areas still. So, there’s a lot that we’re doing, but within that, clearly there are still current pressures. And the first thing I really wanted to say to this farming audience is we are very much actively listening and reviewing what we can do in our response to that. And I will come on to that.

    We’ve got the Farm to Fork Summit chaired by the Prime Minister next week, which is part of us looking and engaging with farming leaders in terms of recognising those very real current challenges and certainly for my part being in the cabinet, and also as a constituency MP, I’m very clear that those changes are all too real.

    And so, on that point, firstly just to say that we will provide flexibility and delegations in our agri-environment schemes. So, we’re looking at in the context of SFI… farmers that have been unable to carry out their scheme requirements due to wet weather will not miss out and can still receive payments. So, we will set out more details of that at the Farm to Fork Summit.

    Also, I plan to extend the Farming Recovery Fund to support farmers significantly impacted by water on their land this winter, and it’s important we do take time to get this right. So, our systems are ready, and we are directing support to where it is needed most. But that is why we are talking to stakeholders and we will provide more details on that, hopefully later this month. But we very much recognise that there is an issue that we need to engage on.

    As part of that, a huge credit to Farmers Weekly for the role that it has played both in helping inform, helping communicate the issues around the transition that we’re seeing in agriculture at the moment, keeping farmers abreast of those developments and also for the focus of today’s discussion, which I think is extremely well timed and is all part of us ensuring that we have a successful transition in terms of building greater profitability on farms, but also greater resilience.

    And as I come on to some of the immediate things that we’re doing, I wanted just to put that in a bit of longer-term context.

    So, within the November 2020 Agricultural Transition Plan, the focus in that was about sustainability in our food production. That was a central theme of our plan and I think we should be candid with each other about the previous situation we had.

    The EU scheme saw 50% of the money going to 10% of the farmers. It was a bureaucratic scheme; it wasn’t the scheme that drove environmental improvements. It wasn’t the scheme that was bespoke to our national needs. By its nature, it was a scheme that looked to many others. And so, the opportunity we have through this transition is to really target our support in ways that boost both the environment but specifically boost food production and food security.

    And as Minnette Batters said at the NFU conference, they are two sides of the same coin. Often, it’s almost portrayed as two rival camps. The environment over here, and food production over there.

    But when it comes to things like our soil quality, actually targeting our environmental support in ways that enhance our food production is all part of that long term transition and building a more resilient and sustainable agricultural sector. For my part, since arriving in my post in November, what I’ve tried to do is re-emphasise our productivity grants more specifically to food production and food security.

    And there’s a number of reasons for that. When I was in the Treasury, I was acutely aware that food security is national security, value for money at a time when national crisis changes.  And therefore, I think it is important we focus on food security.

    But one of the impediments, there is a tendency sometimes in government to think the announcement of a grant is the delivery. And what I noticed on the food production side was often we were announcing grants where the upper limit was 40% for logical reasons. On behalf of the taxpayer, you want to ensure there is value for money. Therefore, if the farm gets the benefit, you do not want the taxpayer to pay the whole amount, so we were contributing up to 40%. But because of the volatility within farming, and because of some of the constraints and access to capital, quite often those grants were not being taken out, they were not being as effective as they needed to be.

    And if you look in contrast to our environmental grants we offered up to 100% because from a tax point of view, there was an environmental benefit.

    My key shift that I’ve tried to deliver as Secretary of State is to sort of reemphasise our environmental grants much more on to things that are both good for the environment using less pesticide but also good for food production lowering more costs.

    To give you an example, because I think sometimes in politics people come out with phrases and you think well where is the evidence? Where is the proof? Show me an example.

    If I take the River Wye. Quite often, people would respond to that by saying there is too much chicken production. There is too much chicken litter producing phosphate into our rivers. We need to reduce the amount of farming that happens.

    My approach is to target our environmental grants with 35 million targeted to support anaerobic digestion on the Wye. So then that chicken litter can be burnt, producing energy, producing fertiliser if you separate it out of phosphate. So actually, you safeguard your chicken production, but you do so in a way that is good for the environment and as a result  we can offer 70% as a contribution, not 40%.

    What we are doing is taking those environmental schemes and looking at how we focus them in ways that better align with my priority of food production and food security.

    And that isn’t by lowering environmental standards but by dealing with our waste, enhancing our water quality, dealing with our soil quality, dealing with our pollinators. These are ways we can enhance the environment, but we can also do that in a way that is good for our food security.

    And then looking to do that much more through the farming community because I’m also acutely aware that 72% of our land is farmland and I again as a constituency MP have always felt very strongly with my engagement with my farmers that no one cares more about  passing on their land to the next generation, who cares about the nature on their farm than the people who are actually out there farming it! That is why I’m very keen that with these environmental schemes that we are trusting our farmers, we’re looking at our ALB relationship with our farmers. We trust them, we direct the grants, we look at the access to capital constraint and we do that in a way that supports food production. but also brings benefits from an environmental point of view. And that’s a key sort of reengineering that we have done.

    And first of all, a statistic that you won’t often hear. That actually we are making progress on that. The Sustainable Farming Incentive now has over 20,000 successful applications. What you don’t always hear is it is the most successful scheme that Defra has ever done. It’s had more participation than any other scheme that the department has run.

    That’s not to say that as part of this transition that there aren’t things we won’t tweak along the way. Through the work that Janet Hughes and the team, a lot of tweaks have been done about how we sort of refocus some of those payments but that is something that we’re extremely keen to do is to ensure the take up of actions continues where we can see that there is progress being made.

    And again perhaps as a proof of point on that, that is why at the Oxford Farming Conference we increased the average payment under SFI by 10%, that is why we added 50 additional actions. We have actions on moorland and grassland, we have actions, having spoken to Kate Rock, in fact when I was in No.10, I helped commission the Rock Review, recognising that it wasn’t working for tenant farmers as it should so bringing it from the seven years to the three years in terms of the length of agreements, looking at the outcome of the Rock Review.

    Another bit of feedback from sessions like this I got was the risk of people taking from and out of production entirely to go into environmental schemes. Now, to be frank, the data didn’t really support that so when I got that message at many sessions from people I go back to my department and say that this is a big concern. But they say “don’t worry about it minister the data doesn’t support this”, but the perception was clearly there.

    In response to that we put in the 25% cap so that we don’t see that distorting effect where if there is a concern that people have of too much farmland is being taken out because there’s less volatility with some of the environmental schemes then we get a better balance.

    And again that’s sort of for the environment too because often putting in 100% of land into these schemes was not in itself an environmental solution either. Again, that’s an example of coming to sessions like this feeding back, coming forward putting that 25% limit on, so that if there is a risk of that, that people are concerned about then, we’re ensuring that that does not happen.

    Moving forward, the other thing that has often been raised with me is around the red tape. If you’ve been out on the farm all day, having to come and do a load of forms, so again, we’re looking at working with the sector on how we streamline, how we simplify, so a single application process for SFI and Countryside Stewardship Mid Tier is one of the things we’re keen to introduce.

    We’re looking at how we improve the guidance. We’re looking at how we change the culture within the arms-length bodies from one where I feel in the past there’s been almost an air of suspicion, to one which should be based more on trust.

    To give you a practical example of that, I’ve said there should be no unannounced farm inspections. There should be 48 hours notice, because the purpose should be to advise and help people do the right thing, not to try and go there and catch someone out who’s busy trying to juggle lots of other things as well. We’re looking at how we create a more engaged, supportive environment.

    And then there are the mental health challenges and the pressure, particularly from the wet weather, that many people have been feeling. How do we ensure that those arms-length bodies are thinking about the pressures that people are under and having an approach that is supportive rather than one that is trying to catch people out? That’s been a key issue that we’re trying to address.

    Sometimes I come to these sessions and people ask about the next generation and how can we make farming attractive to the next generation.

    Our focus there is particularly around £427 million in grants that the Prime Minister announced at the NFU Conference around automation. That is good for productivity. It’s good for our resilience. It also changes some of the opportunities and employment opportunities that are within the rural economy in a way that is very attractive to future generations.

    You can drive farm productivity to reduce our import costs to better manage our water, to reduce our energy costs or our solar battery grants, on-farm reservoirs, our slurry grants, our investment in sprayers and equipment. These are all things that build a more resilient more productive sector and that’s what the £427 million in grants is focused on.

    And then finally, while to me there’s much more we can and should be doing on automation (and an area like pack houses is one that we’re going to particularly focus on) there is a recognition that there are limits to what can be done with automation, there’s certain parts of agriculture where that is less ready-to-go than others.

    Today we’re announcing our response to John Shropshire’s report – John being very highly respected farmer just down the road – so we recognise that automation is not a quick fix, but we will be extending the seasonal worker visa schemes of 43,000.

    Making the commitment for the next five years in terms of the 43,000 for horticulture, 2,000 for poultry to ensure that businesses in the supply chain have the workforce they need to succeed in this transition.

    But what we’re also then doing is looking at how automation can then play into that and we’re going to start, as I say, looking at what support we can do through areas like packhouses.

    And then the final thing I really wanted to emphasise is I’m very keen that we use our freedoms in ways that support the agricultural sector, so let me give you a couple of quick examples.

    First through our legislation, had we been in the EU, we would not be able to deliver the gene-editing legislation that is a huge opportunity to develop more disease resistant drought resistant crops, which again is good for the environment: it needs less spraying. That is something we’ve passed legislation on that is a key opportunity we should embrace.

    We have control now over our public sector procurement in a way that we didn’t before when we were subject to EU procurement rules.

    We’ve got the Quince Review looking at how we better utilise that spend in our hospitals, our schools, our armed forces to better reflect the high quality of being British produce, so the Quince Review is looking at that. Mark Spencer, who will be known to many in the room, is a farmer himself. As farming Minister, he’s working through the supply chains, looking at the balance in terms of the supermarkets, where there are often concerns raised, and Mark is working through that.

    We also have a rapid review of labelling, but there’s a concern about empowering the consumer, and I don’t believe it’s empowering the consumer if they buy British bacon thinking it’s being reared here when actually it’s being reared overseas but packaged in England but it’s not actually British, so we’re looking at our labelling and how we strengthen that.

    In conclusion, a lot of the benefits in terms of the environment and nature take time and that is the very element of transition.

    But it gives us a huge opportunity to design what works for us. I think in designing things that are good for the environment and meet our legislative commitments, we can do that in ways that boost yield and better farm water management. Look at our unit costs, look at our automation, look at how we use our common sense with procurement and labelling, and in terms of our supply chain and our sales. And we can do that in a way that boosts profitability and ultimately creates a sector that is attractive for the next generation to come into.

    That all requires us all to navigate, in the short term, the wet weather and other challenges.

    The Farm to Fork Summit next week, which is now an annual event, or the commitment to the Food Security Index that the Prime Minister has made, hopefully gives you an indication that we are keen to work with you.

    You’re managing that short term, but within a clear plan that we have for the longer-term transition in a way that is good for food security but is also good for the environment.

  • John Glen – 2024 Keynote Speech at Reform’s ‘Reimagining Whitehall’ Conference

    John Glen – 2024 Keynote Speech at Reform’s ‘Reimagining Whitehall’ Conference

    The speech made by John Glen, the Cabinet Office Minister, at BT Tower on 9 May 2024.

    Good morning, everyone, it’s a pleasure to be here with you all.

    I would like to thank Reform for hosting this conference today.

    And I am grateful, too, for Reform’s thought-provoking ‘Making the Grade’ Report published last week – I was fortunate enough to receive it a few days in advance.

    It sets out a series of radical recommendations – a couple stand out to me, like establishing a mid-career fast stream and overhauling the methods by which we assess candidates, all of which I am keen to investigate further.

    But I was particularly taken with your description of the Civil Service having ‘a people problem’, and it’s what I would like to touch on today as we “reimagine Whitehall”.

    Indeed, if we really want to reimagine Whitehall, to make it more efficient to deliver better services for the public then we must focus on the half a million people who make up our Civil Service.

    Because it’s not the buildings that make up Whitehall, or even the physical location itself – it is the people.

    And following our Places for Growth programme, these people are now spread across the United Kingdom. With the relocation of 18,283 roles out of London, a civil servant can now work their entire career without ever having to step foot into Whitehall.

    When I spoke about this in January at the Institute for Government, I was clear that we must increase productivity in the Civil Service. Part of that work is, undoubtedly, about getting the Civil Service headcount under control.

    The Chancellor has been clear about getting it back to pre-pandemic levels. Doing so will allow us to reallocate resources to our most pressing priorities, like national security.

    But the heart of this is to get the most out of our people and deliver more with what we have.

    So, I am clear that we should have a Civil Service where the most skilled, innovative and inspired minds are called to serve, to stay and to be successful and fulfilled.

    There are three main areas of focus.

    First, performance – specifically making sure excellent performance is encouraged and poor performers are managed appropriately.

    Second, recruitment – attracting the brightest minds from the broadest backgrounds to public service.

    And third, skills – making sure the Civil Service is fit to fight the challenges we face, like the threat of climate change or cyber attacks.

    And I have seen in the Cabinet Office the transformation of our capabilities to respond urgently to the challenges around us.

    So, starting with performance.

    Now, I know from my first hand experience that there are many talented, high performing, highly motivated civil servants who work incredibly hard to serve the public each and every day.

    And for the last seven years as a minister, I’ve relied on them day in, day out – and as five years as a PPS, I observed them very closely.

    But too often, high performance doesn’t get recognised, rewarded or incentivised properly.

    The National Audit Office’s recent ‘Civil Service Workforce’ report highlighted that less than 1% of the total Civil Service pay in 21 – 22 was performance-related.

    We’re overlooking a crucial opportunity here.

    So let me be clear, I’m not advocating for hefty bonuses for civil servants. However, our current pay structure and the absence of recognition for outstanding performance can breed significant issues.

    It not only drives talented individuals towards the private sector for better compensation, but it can also fuel grade inflation, where promotions are used to circumvent government-wide pay freezes.

    This can result in a loss of expertise and excellence where it’s most needed.

    So, reimagining how we reward performance could unlock unprecedented levels of quality work within the Civil Service, sharpen our policy focus and ensure that taxpayers see tangible improvements.

    That’s why I am pleased to announce that we are developing a model of milestone based pay for some specialist functions.

    Such a system would allow departments to award performance based incentives for the delivery of specific milestones agreed with ministers.

    As a first step, we will pilot this with our most senior grades, and I hope that this will prove to be a first step in moving towards a wider system of performance related pay.

    Of course, a crucial part of ensuring a high performing Civil Service is tackling poor performance when it arises.

    From my experience in the private sector – I am sure many here would agree – there are no qualms with rooting out poor performance. Either you’re in step or you’re out of line.

    I feel this acutely, because we must never forget – as politicians – that we are stewards of taxpayers’ money, and we have a duty to do all we can to allocate efficiently.

    But we know it’s not always like that in the Civil Service. Performance management processes can be long and complicated and, frankly, that complexity means that many don’t engage at all.

    In fact, it can be all too easy for leaders to let people move to another team, to let the poor performer become someone else’s problem.

    Now, it’s understandable behaviour but it serves no one well.

    Civil servants recognise this as a problem – indeed Reform’s recent report highlighted their deep frustration with the survey work they undertook.

    We simply cannot allow poor performers to go on hiding in plain sight, dragging down their hard working colleagues and hindering  progress.

    I’m not attacking anyone – I’m just stating plainly the reality of what isn’t working.

    That’s why, during my speech in January, I announced that we were reviewing the performance management regime, in order to ensure staff are supported to tackle poor performance.

    And as part of this, we are looking at options to strengthen exit processes around capability issues.

    We’ve already started this work with our most senior civil servants.

    In fact, we’re gathering evidence from all departments about how they have implemented performance arrangements for their senior leaders. Including, how they set their strategic policy objectives, how they lay down what they expect from their people and how they tackle poor performance.

    I’m pleased to say that good progress is being made and should conclude next month.

    We are also making sure that the system which our departmental leaders use to manage their staff is up to scratch by reviewing the Civil Service Performance Management Framework.

    It’s a framework that is used across the Civil Service, and its flexibility means it suits all different departments. But my concern is how it is being used.

    The Cabinet Office does not always – or, perhaps, rarely – have the force to mandate each Department’s behaviour, but we can and will guide it with the soundest frameworks and advice.

    That’s why data is being collected from all government departments to assess how effective the approach actually is, and how consistently it deals with poor performance effectively.

    By autumn, we will have a better understanding of how these tools are being used, we will then act accordingly and if required, make radical changes ahead of the next performance year.

    Next, recruitment.

    Previously, I spoke about the difficulties many new civil servants encountered in their first weeks in the role.

    The timeline from that vacancy arising to a new civil servant being sat at their desk is – frankly – just too long.

    I’m pleased to say today that we have made huge progress in this area, using automation to replicate manual tasks at a speed 84% faster than a human equivalent with reduced errors, freeing up time for civil servants to be getting on with their day jobs.

    While I’m immensely pleased by these achievements, the long-term effects of an overly lengthy recruitment process can leave key posts unfilled. Of course some will walk away from that journey, creating a strong incentive to bypass external recruitment competitions or even forgo competitions altogether to swiftly appoint an internal candidate. Even if they are not ideally suited to the position.

    Correcting this is crucial, especially when it comes to our senior roles.

    Many of our senior civil servants rise to that status without ever leaving the Civil Service ranks. This is the type of career trajectory you can plot in the public sector if you work hard.

    The trouble with such a rise is that we are in danger of group-think:  by remaining the same, we do the same things.

    That’s why, in May 2022, we reinforced the External by Default policy, to ensure all senior civil service roles were open to external candidates unless agreed otherwise by a Minister.

    We have had some tremendous success here, and thanks to this policy, we now see over 93% of permanent Director and Deputy Director roles open to the external market.

    But, as with so many things, what is a great start, we need to go further, because this figure drops to just over 61% when including temporary roles.

    So, I’m pleased to say today that we’ve asked the Civil Service Commission to review how the external by default policy is applied, so that we can reinforce this ambition.

    And I would like to extend this principle beyond senior grades.

    Opening up recruitment in this way means we can benefit from the skills and experience of those internally, but also from the wider public, voluntary and private sector.

    I want to create conditions that allow for civil servants to leave and gain skills outside the Civil Service but return efficiently and enriched at a later date – and for people with expert skills to join, whilst leaving open opportunities to return to outside sectors further down the line.

    Creating a more flexible and agile workforce matters greatly if we are going to instil technical innovation that we need in the civil service, where we really need ground-breaking leadership to bring the public sector in line with the tech sector.

    It is no secret that we have big ambitions to make the Civil Service a world-leader in technology-led public services, I believe that Dr. Laura Gilbert and Mike Potter will be delving into this in one of your panels later.

    And in this area many ways we are making progress.

    We’ve seen success here in lower grades, through our digital apprenticeships and talent programmes.

    But to turn that vision into reality, we need leadership from outside the Civil Service, we need beacons of innovation – setting an example of the type of tech-focused work which we need to adopt across Whitehall.

    And that’s something which is highlighted in Reform’s report, too, specifically how specialist roles need their own system of reward.

    That’s why I am announcing today – as part of the Senior Civil Service Strategy – that we will be developing a recruitment pathway specifically for experienced specialist talent to join the Civil Service.

    This new pathway would recruit specialists at a senior level, pay them competitively, on the right terms and conditions, so they can have real influence and drive innovation.

    But it will free them from some of the responsibilities that would come with a senior role in the civil service, such as line management, so they can remain solely focused on driving transformation.

    I look forward to updating more on this soon.

    Finally,  I would like to turn to skills.

    Of course, we cannot just rely on our innovative experts to ensure the Civil Service keeps pace with the rapid advances in technology we are witnessing.

    To get the very best from our public services now and into the future, we need a Civil Service that is adept, agile and resilient.

    The capabilities and skills we valued in the past are changing, and they’re changing rapidly.

    Now more than ever before we need to embrace people’s potential, and that’s why we’re focusing on our peoples’ skills.

    Not only does investing in skills increase retention and staff motivation, it also ensures that civil servants can adapt to the changing world of work.

    We need to Invest in leadership and management skills so that organisations are agile in the face of rapid change – and in digital and data skills, so that our people are confident in designing and using efficient processes that deploy new technologies

    And we must keep investing in professional skills – commercial, financial, analytical – to boost productivity and to deliver more efficient public services to our citizens.

    That’s why we’re investing in a new digital platform to make it easier for civil servants to identify and access the right training, and are working on a skills plan and new curriculum that will develop the skills we need for the future with training delivered around the country, supporting our places for growth agenda.

    It’s why we are developing digital and data skills to make the best of new technology.

    We also need to look at our organisational structures and whether these are setting us up for success.

    Within the Civil Service, managers oversee too few staff, leading to micromanagement, disempowerment and inefficiency.

    Conversely, there’s an excessive number of hierarchical levels, resulting in bureaucratic bottlenecks and delayed decision-making.

    I’m determined to address these issues by broadening management spans and flattening organisational structures to promote agility and responsiveness.

    Ladies and gentlemen, if we want to reimagine Whitehall, that act starts and ends with our civil servants.

    It’s about getting the right people in the right job, and enabling them to fulfil their potential.

    Across every department, every function and profession and across the United Kingdom.

    I’m pleased to have set out today the real progress we have made since I last spoke on this in January.

    But, I know we can and must do more.

    We need to embrace innovation.

    Make sure that skills keep pace with that innovation.

    All driven by inspiring leaders to make these ambitions a reality.

    I know the Civil Service can be a universally high achieving organisation, I also know we’re capable of so much more.

    So my message is: let’s realise the full potential of our workforce and as a consequence provide better public services to those we serve. Thank you very much.

  • Julia Lopez – 2024 Speech to the Digital Television Group Summit

    Julia Lopez – 2024 Speech to the Digital Television Group Summit

    The speech made by Julia Lopez, the Media Minister, at King’s Place in London on 9 May 2024.

    Thank you very much, Damian and thank you, Richard. It’s really great to be with you this morning, and I think it’s a testament to the reputation of the DTG that so much of the industry is represented here today, particularly on a rail strike day.

    Last time I was here I was heavily pregnant and now I’m just extremely tired.

    I know there’s a lot of excitement here in this room for the future of television and some anxiety too, and I suspect we’ll be hearing a lot during the summit about how new technology like IPTV and generative AI will support that.

    I think you’re right to be excited. If leveraged properly and responsibly, new technology offers us the opportunity to take our creativity to the next level – to make things that used to be difficult and frustrating so easy, and the impossible possible.

    The UK has the chance to be at the forefront of this technological revolution.

    With our world-class digital infrastructure…

    …top notch engineers, like you and data scientists…

    …and a set of creative industries impatient to innovate.

    In her speech to the Royal Television Society last year, the Culture Secretary Lucy Frazer promised to give you the support you need as a sector to navigate this changing world. Not just to survive the current wave of innovation, but to drive the next one.

    One advantage of being a joint Minister in both the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology and the Department for Culture, Media and Sport is that I get chance to be involved in and drive that support.

    So today I want to say a bit more about three of the remaining challenges you’ve told us about; how we as a Government are supporting you in meeting those challenges; and what we’re doing to make sure that audiences are at the heart of our plans for the future of television.

    The first challenge is one of uncertainty. Not just the usual worries about which programmes will do well, but a more fundamental challenge about the where, what and why of TV.

    The numbers speak for themselves. In the five years from 2017, the reach of broadcast TV fell from 91% to 79%, while the number of households subscribing to a video-on-demand service more than doubled.

    And I’ve seen that change in my years as the Media Minister going through the pandemic and seeing the challenges coming out of that.

    Of course such disruption isn’t new to this sector. The very existence of the DTG speaks to that, founded to help the industry navigate the arrival of DTT on the scene some thirty years ago.

    But it comes at a time of significant financial pressures, particularly for those reliant on TV advertising.

    In an industry experiencing near constant change, the important thing is that the sector is able to respond to that.

    Too often innovative products and services are held back by self appointed gatekeepers. And I understand the commercial imperatives that many of you are governed by.

    But the Government will continue to encourage long term thinking that recognises that, when it comes to innovation in TV, this doesn’t have to be a zero sum game.

    Because the sector benefits most when audiences are able to choose the product that works best for them – to vote with their remotes.

    I know this challenge is felt particularly acutely by our broadcasters.

    You are being asked to serve an ever wide variety in the ways we watch TV. At home, on the go; on the small screen and the big. High end drama and lean back daytime. We as viewers want it all.

    So we are pressing ahead with the pro-competitive interventions in both our Digital Markets and Media Bills.

    And we will continue to champion, in particular, the vital role that our public service broadcasters play in bringing high quality public service content to our screens.

    That’s updating our communications laws for the first time in two decades.

    The second challenge is one of outdated and inconsistent regulation.

    The message I hear from many of you is that you want a regulatory regime that is both fair but also consistent. One that encourages innovation – but gives audiences the confidence to adopt these new technologies.

    To the majority of viewers, TV is TV – and they would expect it to always have the same regulation and protections. But we all know, it doesn’t.

    Take, for example, Gordon Ramsey, a man known principally for two things: first being an award winning chef, and second, swearing a lot.

    When his show Hell’s Kitchen airs on ITV2, it has to comply with the broadcasting code, and it’s no great shock that ITV chooses to air new episodes after the watershed.

    But when ITV puts that previous episodes of the same show on their on-demand service, it doesn’t have to comply with that Code – and you can’t complain to Ofcom if you see something inappropriate.

    Thankfully ITV have nevertheless voluntarily put robust audience protection measures in place.

    From a compliance perspective, this is already starting to sound complicated. And that’s before we add in internet delivered television, like the Hell’s Kitchen FAST channel, which can be found on some smart TV’s electronic programme guides and broadcasts episodes “round the clock”.

    I am not sure everyone in this room, let alone most viewers could say with certainty whether that has to comply with the Broadcasting Code or not.

    It doesn’t, by the way – but the Homes under the Hammer FAST channel does.

    Updating our regulatory regime to embrace the new ways that content is being delivered is necessarily a long term project.

    But I’m pleased to say that we’re addressing two of the most pressing issues: the creation of a new Video-on-demand Code, through the Media Bill, that mainstream VoD services must comply with, and consulting on updating the boundaries of linear regulation by designating additional electronic programme guides.

    Together, these changes will give audiences more confidence in adopting new services, and give broadcasters the fair and level playing field they need to ensure that it is the best content that wins out.

    So you’ve got good products and robust regulation, but third and finally we need to decide – collectively – on the mechanics.

    How will audiences get their TV in the future? And that’s the question I want to turn to now.

    It seems clear from everything I’ve heard from the sector over the last year that IPTV is going to be a big part of the way we get our television in the future.

    At the heart of that future is a potentially amazing proposition for audiences:

    Many more programmes, broadcast in ultra high definition…

    …more features, better accessibility, greater personalisation…

    …and almost limitless choice, both live and on-demand.

    Is it any wonder that next year an estimated 99% of TVs sold will be internet enabled?

    As Minister for Digital Infrastructure, I’ve been doing everything I can to ensure that both our fixed and mobile networks are ready for those extra demands that this change will make on them.

    I am particularly pleased by the progress made over recent years to roll out gigabit-capable broadband and 5G mobile connectivity across the UK.

    Driving the deployment of fixed and wireless broadband is the  centrepiece of the government’s work.

    The pace of change is enormous. Working in partnership with industry and Ofcom, our policies have helped us collectively increase coverage of gigabit broadband to 82% – that’s up from just 6% in 2018.

    Of course, the opportunity presented by this investment hasn’t gone unnoticed. Both Sky and Virgin have launched subscription-based IP propositions – and they are joined by services like LG Channels, Samsung TV Plus, and – most recently – Freely.

    Free to view television, however delivered, is a really important part of our television landscape.

    We in Government want to encourage the sector to keep embracing innovation and technological development, but we’re not going to pull the rug from under the devoted audiences of Freeview channels.

    That’s why we’ve committed to the future of DTT until 2034.

    I know many of you will be interested in what happens at that point. And you’re looking to us to provide the answer.

    As the Culture Secretary has said: we will. But it’s not a decision we can or should take in isolation. We have to look at the evidence……not just what is happening now – but to look ahead to ten years’ time…

    …not just a simple dichotomy between DTT and IPTV – but the potential to enable audiences to choose between multiple competing platforms, just as they can now…

    …and not just what the government can do, but what industry can do as well.

    I am very grateful to Ofcom for their early work in this space, and we will be considering the conclusions of their call for evidence carefully.

    In parallel we have been working to identify and fill the emerging evidence gaps, by commissioning independent research on this topic.

    This is going to be published shortly, demonstrating that many of us are already using internet-based services on our TVs – whether we realise it or not…

    … that by 2040, 99% of homes will have an IP enabled TV…

    …and that, on current trends, the number of homes without access to IPTV will fall to one and a half million by 2035 – but this still represents 7% of homes.

    And as Richard said, we have to make sure that those audiences are not left behind.

    Now we in government want to help you take advantage of these changes.

    But we also have a responsibility to audiences – to ensure they continue to have access to reliable, free to view television in a format that’s familiar to them.

    And the further and faster the transformation, the stronger this responsibility becomes.

    So it’s clear we need to do more to understand what drives viewers’ decisions, and how we can help everyone to take advantage of these new technologies.

    Giving them not just the tools they need, but a compelling reason to make the leap. And supporting them if they don’t want to.

    This is something that industry, government and audiences will need to work together on – to ensure we collectively provide the best answer for your businesses and for the public.

    So I can announce today the launch of an audience engagement programme to ensure that audiences are at the heart of our plans.

    We will use this to engage audiences directly, understand their needs and preferences and make sure these are reflected as we develop policy.

    I want to hear from the sector too.

    So we’re going to be creating a new dedicated stakeholder forum, to support this project and ensure industry and audiences come together to deliver on the ambitions I’ve been discussing today.

    We hope this will ensure we hear voices from across this industry. We’ll be setting out more detail on both of these in due course.

    Because new ways of consuming TV should not come at the expense of those who still enjoy terrestrial television.

    I am proud of what we’ve already achieved as a Government.

    Connecting more than 80% of homes to gigabit broadband…

    …expanding our world-leading creative industry tax reliefs…

    …and hopefully, passing a Media Bill – soon, I hope, to be a Media Act – that will protect the mixed ecology that has worked well for the best part of a century…

    Setting the platform for an exciting future – with more to come.

    It’s a busy agenda and one I am looking forward to working with the DTG and its members on.

    I hope you enjoy the rest of the summit today

    Thank you very much.

  • David Cameron – 2024 Keynote Speech at the National Cyber Security Centre

    David Cameron – 2024 Keynote Speech at the National Cyber Security Centre

    The speech made by David Cameron, the Foreign Secretary, at the National Cyber Security Centre in London on 9 May 2024.

    I have been Foreign Secretary for almost 6 months. And I have been determined to make every day count.

    I have visited 33 countries, 1 Overseas Territory, and criss-crossed 6 continents.  I lead a Department working hard to respond to crises, counter threats, champion development, and boost UK jobs.

    I like to say being Prime Minister was a great apprenticeship for this job. But being Foreign Secretary is not entirely the same.

    Indeed, precisely because you are so often on the road, leading a large organisation, you must make doubly sure not to confuse activity with action.

    So let me use this speech to take a step back.

    Economics, politics and foreign policy

    My starting point is that we cannot divorce foreign policy from economic performance.

    Investing more overseas requires a growing economy. And to be taken seriously, you need to show the dynamism of your own economy and its capacity for growth and renewal.

    From this room, you can see the four iconic chimneys of Battersea Power Station. I can remember standing there as Leader of the Opposition, launching the 2010 election manifesto. It was a derelict building, left vacant and crumbling for decades.

    Today, it is transformed. And that’s thanks to our drive to secure Malaysian investment and offer determined government support, hundreds of offices and flats, shops and restaurants now sit beneath those towers.  And it demonstrates our continued attractiveness to overseas investors.

    But nor can we divorce foreign and economic policy from domestic politics.  All over the western world, we see the rise of political movements that want us to pull up the drawbridge, claiming that we will be better off if we focus purely on domestic concerns.

    I believe these movements are profoundly wrong.  Not just because Britain is an outward-facing nation, with almost 1 in 10 of us living abroad, and a set of interests and connections that are truly global, not limited to any one region or continent. But because what happens abroad matters directly to our citizens.

    However, our approach must not be to ignore the rise of these movements. It must be to deal with what has caused them to grow, so we can engage with the world and therefore safeguard our national interests.

    I believe the 2 biggest drivers are clear. One, failing to control borders properly and tackle illegal immigration. And second leaving too many people in too many places behind, cut off from the uneven benefits of globalisation.

    Any political party that fails to address these drivers will find itself incapable of governing effectively and getting things done.

    That’s why we’re fixing our immigration system, breaking the business model of smuggling gangs.  And why we need to ensure the whole country shares in the benefits of long-term growth.

    And the role of Foreign Secretary is not separate from this work: it is integral to it. Ultimately what guides everything I do as Foreign Secretary is Britain’s prosperity and Britain’s security.

    Earlier this year I returned to the Berlin Wall. I remember the days of its fall as if it was yesterday. Visiting Germany with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Meeting dissidents who had kept the flame of freedom alive behind the Iron Curtain. Hacking off a chunk of the Wall – a piece of history – for myself.

    Together with travelling in the Soviet Union between school and university, these were defining events in my political development.  As the era of state socialism was crumbling, the sense of optimism, of possibility, was infectious.

    Contrast that with today.

    War in the heart of Europe. From Tallinn to Warsaw, Prague to Bucharest, a chill has once more descended across the European continent. Those nations closest to Russia seeing what is happening in Ukraine and wondering if they will be next.

    And not far from Europe, war rages in the Middle East, as Israel seeks to defend itself and bring the hostages home, while innocent citizens in Gaza endure a crisis that will only worsen if aid cannot reach them, safely.

    All this while there are conflicts in 18 countries in Africa. This is a world more dangerous, more volatile, more confrontational, than most of us have ever known.

    We need to face up to that fact and act accordingly.  Not in a year or two.  Not in a few months.  But now.

    The courage to act

    Returning to frontline politics, what stands out to me is how many reasons are found for us not to act. It too often feels as if the fundamental change in the world has not yet been met with a fundamental change in how many in the free world are thinking and acting.

    Both in Britain and the wider world, there are too many who adopt a kind of defensive crouch. Not just those I’ve already mentioned who want to pull up the drawbridge. But also those who think we can’t act, claiming we have become too weak, not powerful enough militarily or effective enough economically.  Or those who won’t act, so fixated are they on the risks– be it of escalation, unintended consequences, legal jeopardy, or simply causing offence.

    Fear of making the wrong choice leads to another meeting or another strategy paper, even when not acting is actually the worst choice of all.

    While, as the Prime Minister said in Warsaw recently, an axis of authoritarian states – like Russia, Iran, North Korea and China – is increasingly acting together in an attempt to undermine us and our allies and the world order on which we depend.

    My conviction is that we, with our partners, can choose to make a difference.

    Entering politics in the 1980s, it was not at all obvious how or when the West would prevail over the Soviet Union.  Some urged us to reduce our defences or abandon the nuclear deterrent. But we stood firm and it worked.

    Similarly, towards the end of my time as Prime Minister, it was not obvious we could defeat Daesh. Some declared that an Islamic State in control of vast swathes of Iraq and the Levant was here to stay. That an intervention would only see us bogged down in the Middle East. But together with our friends and allies, we drove their so-called caliphate right back.

    We in Britain, and in the wider West, we have agency. The question is whether we have the courage to use it.  The courage to act.

    So how then should we act?  I see 6 points which really matter if we are to rise to the challenges we face.

    First, we need to make security our top priority.

    If you want a picture of the dangers in the world, you can actually look right here at home in the last few months. Attacks on our democracy from China, including spying on the Electoral Commission and cyber targeting of our Members of Parliament. Reminders of the wide-ranging, covert Russian playbook, including a suspected sabotage attack on a warehouse in east London just last week. And – as the Director General of MI5 has made clear – numerous Iranian plots to assassinate British or UK-based individuals perceived as enemies of the regime, again right here in the UK.

    As Prime Minister, I was proud to host the 2014 NATO Summit in Wales, at which all Allies committed to spend at least 2% of GDP on defence. And I am proud to speak today at the National Cyber Security Centre, which we set up to make Britain the safest place to live and work online.

    Today, as the threat has grown and evolved, we in government need to do even more to prioritise security.

    And so we have passed the National Security Act and a new Investigatory Powers Act, so we can defend ourselves against espionage more effectively. We have introduced the National Security Investment Act, so we can screen investment into our critical national infrastructure. We have prepared the Foreign Influence Registration Scheme, so we can bolster our resilience here in Britain against covert foreign influence.

    And, crucially, the Prime Minister has committed to spend 2.5% of GDP on defence – the biggest investment in defence for a generation, and increased defence R&D get at least 5% of the defence budget, so we stay at the cutting edge of defence technology.

    It is vital we sustain this focus on security, doing what is required to harden our defences.

    Second, we need to be bolder in standing up for what we believe in.

    The national interest defines our foreign policy. Some try to portray this as somehow unprincipled. As if by putting the national interest first, we will sacrifice important values.

    Nothing could be further from the truth. It is profoundly in our national interests to defend those core beliefs.

    Freedom. The rule of law. Respect for human rights and human dignity.  And to defend the core principles of an open international order.

    Right not might. Sovereignty and territorial integrity. Freedom of navigation.

    These principles are not some mere abstractions. Words solemnly proclaimed in the UN Charter, Sustainable Development Goals or other international agreements.  Rather they are vital foundations for British and global security and prosperity.

    All the world’s citizens benefit when freedoms are upheld. Sovereignty is respected. And commerce flows freely around the globe.

    So we, our allies and our partners must stand up and defend them.

    Our adversaries openly challenge these principles. They have no qualms at distortions and even outright lies in the media.  And they use new tools and techniques to distract and mislead.

    We must be bolder in combating their poisonous methods of deceit.

    That’s what Britain and America did by publicising of our intelligence before Putin’s illegal invasion. It was an unprecedented step. And made it absolutely clear what Putin was planning to do: assault a neighbour, without a scrap of justification. We in the West need to undermine and expose the malign networks that Russia uses to spread its lies.

    Over the last 5 years, Britain’s invested £600 million in this effort.

    Funding the BBC World Service, which reaches over 300 million listeners each week, backing free media and the free flow of information.  Supporting independent journalism in places like Moldova and Bosnia, where Russia seeks to bully and bribe their way to manipulating media and undermining politics.

    Our adversaries also strive to undermine global trust in these beliefs and principles by attacking our own record. They gleefully accuse the West of double standards.

    I think we should be frank in our response. Yes, the suffering in Gaza is appalling. But an unprovoked war against an independent country like Ukraine that poses no threat is wholly different from the conflict that has grown from the brutal attacks of 7th October.

    And in each case, we are consistently pursuing the fastest route to a sustainable peace consistent with the principles of the UN Charter.  Every country in the world actually cares about principles like sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    And of course our adversaries say that we didn’t invest in the Global South. Nonsense. And it is the West who is funding the key parts of the global system doing the most to improve lives of people around the world.

    How much has Moscow given to the UN’s Central Emergency Relief Fund?  Seventy-four times less than Britain’s contribution.

    How much does Tehran invest in eradicating malaria?  Absolutely nothing to the Global Fund dedicated to eliminating this killer disease. Britain is the Fund’s third biggest donor – and has played a huge role in developing vaccines now poised to save many more lives.

    How much has Pyongyang do to protect our oceans?  Nothing like Britain’s Blue Belt, which is the largest marine protection area in the world – something that benefits not only our country, but our entire planet.

    And Britain is not alone in such generosity – our closest partners, big and small, give a huge amount as well.

    We are faced with a cynical assault on principles and programmes which have contributed so much to building a better world.  We must fight back – and never let that cynicism win.

    Third point – we need to adopt a harder edge for a tougher world.

    Pursuing our interests effectively means revisiting approaches to foreign policy born of good intentions and ask if they are truly fitting for the world of today. Prizing consensus over action. Not speaking out if it might upset others. Avoiding risks.

    Such attitudes perhaps seemed to cost us less in a more forgiving age. But if Putin’s illegal invasion teaches us anything, it must be that doing too little, too late, only spurs an aggressor on.

    And too often this lesson not having been learned.  Take the Red Sea, where ship after ship from a whole of countries have been attacked.  While many countries have criticised the Houthi attacks, it is actually only the US and Britain that have been willing and able to step up and strike back at them.

    Or defence spend in Europe, where still some seem unwilling to invest, even as war rages on our continent. Take women’s rights, where some are so cowed by accusations of neo-colonialism that they will not condemn practices like Female Genital Mutilation, ignoring survivors’ calls to eliminate it.

    This cannot go on. We need to be tougher and more assertive:

    • degrading the Houthis’ capabilities
    • making 2.5% a new benchmark for NATO Allies’ defence spend
    • and using travel bans to stop politicians voting in favour of FGM in the morning, and then hopping on a plane to go shopping in London in the afternoon

    And sometimes, a harder edge means being honest with ourselves.  Saying yes, we want to be a country that is ambitious and progressive. But no, we cannot afford to be naïve about how best to achieve our goals.

    So yes, we are open to the world, its people and ideas. But no, we will not permit criminal gangs to decide who can enter our country, and undermine voters’ trust in our ability to control our borders.

    By implementing our asylum partnership with Rwanda, we are acting in the national interest. And yes, we are committed to reaching net zero by 2050, and work globally to support others in meeting their own clean energy ambitions.

    But no, we will not refuse to grant new licences in the North Sea for vital oil and gas – nor will we demonise other countries using their own reserves – these things when they are vital for energy independence from the likes of Putin, and part of a responsible energy transition.

    Again by taking a proportionate, realistic approach to delivering our climate change goals, we are acting in the national interest.

    And yes, we support free trade. But no, we will not sign a free trade deal just for the sugar rush of the press release.  You only get one chance to do these properly, and it’s important to get it right. Via our patient negotiation of trade deals that are real wins, we are acting in the national interest.

    And yes again, we believe in free speech and freedom to protest. But no, we will not shy away from defending our democratic values. By doing things like the definition of extremism to ensure that the government does not legitimise those trying to overturn our principles, we are acting in the national interest.

    Fourth, we need to have a good dose of realism.

    In a much more competitive world, Britain must suffer no illusions about our place in it.

    I am proud to lead the FCDO, overseeing a diplomatic network in over 160 countries and territories, and a development budget of over 8 billion pounds not to mention our incredible intelligence and security services. I’m representing effectively a nation with a sovereign nuclear deterrent, a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, and a web of connections all over the world.

    But Britain is not a country like the US, whose every decision we make changes the world. There are vital areas where our action is decisive, but often we are a state whose decisions and adept diplomacy can influence the approaches of others.

    Realism is not defeatism – having less influence than the global superpower does not mean having no influence at all.

    While away from frontline politics, I heard a comment by a leading CEO that has stuck with me ever since. Britain, he said, is big enough to matter, but small enough to be nimble. That seems right to me.

    He was talking about regulation. But it can apply in so many other contexts. And it is an apt mantra for the modern world, in which new powers are emerging, and what matters is building coalitions to get things done.

    Why does Ukraine call us their number one ally? Not just for the level of our support and the speed in which we delivered it, but it’s how we’ve galvanised others.

    I vividly recall my experiences in 2014. Imposing even some sanctions on Russia required painstaking negotiation. But, gradually, we have made the case for going so much further.

    We have imposed unprecedented sanctions – with our allies. We have provided game-changing kit like long-range missiles and battle tanks – with our allies.  We have sustained support for Kyiv into a third year of war – once more, following the vote in Congress, with our allies.  And we are now maintaining our military support to Ukraine – £3 billion a year – until 2030, and beyond if necessary, and calling on our allies to join us in that pledge.

    To persuade we also need to be active. A fortnight ago, I became the first Foreign Secretary to visit all 5 Central Asian states and Mongolia.

    In a more contested, more competitive world, Britain needs to get out there and compete. We need to say to potential partners all over the world, if you want to make that choice to be more open, be more independent, we can help you make that choice.

    We are fortunate in Britain that English is the world’s global language. For young people, speaking English acts as a passport for success, giving an edge in areas like business and finance, law and diplomacy.

    That is why for instance Mongolia, a country bordering Russia and China, has made the extraordinary and brilliant decision to make English their second official language. Ukraine has launched a programme so all their civil servants can learn it.  This is a great advantage for Britain – an opportunity to get the world speaking our language, in both senses of that phrase.

    But sometimes we seem hesitant to recognise just what a vital tool of influence the English language can be. Sixty million people from almost every country in the world used the British Council’s free Learn English site.  I have expanded the British Council’s online teaching offer in Central Asia, and today I can announce a new £1 million programme for the Council to teach English to Ukrainian civil servants.

    But this should is only the beginning.  I believe it should be a core part of our foreign policy and the Foreign Office’s mission to lead this global change, we will champion English learning around the globe. This year next year, long into the future.

    It is battle we are winning, and if we turn up and properly fight it we’ll win it faster and better.

    There is a fifth point.

    A recognisably British attribute, but which we can sometimes fail to recognise in ourselves. That is the need to be ruthlessly practical.

    As was observed by one of my predecessors, Ernest Bevin, he combined “a powerful sense of direction… rooted in moral principle” with “a street-wise pragmatism in choosing the best route forward”.

    And the result, NATO, speaks for itself.  As this example shows, being practical can have a hard edge, a certain ruthlessness, too.  Focusing on delivering a strong, united defensive alliance, rather than hoping a newly formed UN alone could ensure our security. Facing the world as it is, not as it was or as we wish it to be.

    And so yes, for instance we want the fighting to end in Gaza. But calling for an immediate ceasefire makes it no more likely. It is more practical to focus – as we have done in the UN and elsewhere, with the Israelis, and with our partners – on securing a humanitarian pause, stopping the fighting right now, so we can see hostages released, more aid delivered, then turn this into a sustainable ceasefire without a return to fighting.

    And yes again, ruthlessly practical we support multilateral reform, because we want the UN and organisations like the World Trade Organisation and World Health Organisation to succeed. But we are also increasing our support for other, more nimbler organisations having impact on the ground, like GAVI or the Global Fund that does so much brilliant work on diseases.

    And yes, we have made our biggest contribution ever to the Green Climate Fund to tackle climate change. But we are also making it easier for small island developing states to access this funding, helping friends across the Caribbean, who I was meeting with yesterday, and in the Pacific like Samoa, hosts of this year’s Commonwealth Summit.

    I could add 2 personal examples of being practical.

    Yes, I supported remaining in the EU. But I am now laser-like focused on ensuring Britain and the EU have the best possible relationship, not as members, but as friends, neighbours and partners. And I am doing all I can also to ensure Britain invests in new partnerships, such as CPTPP, a trade deal with one of the fastest growing regions of the world – the Indo-Pacific.

    And yes, I am a passionate believer in the power of aid and proud of my role in helping to design the sustainable development goals and boost Britain’s aid spending. But with our overseas aid budget under pressure, I also am proud to have led the Department in publishing a groundbreaking International Development white paper, and to be pressing for reform of the multilateral development banks and greater cooperation with the private sector – so others can also step up an provide the massive funding that’s going to be required to see those SDGs through.

    Finally, we need to demonstrate political will and strategic patience.

    It is not enough merely to wish for a better world and hope for the best. Nor can we let talk of past failings or present risks paralyse us completely. We in the West need to see things through, and see them through together.

    Our adversaries today know all too well our underlying strengths. They see that the economies of Ukraine and her partners outmatch Russia’s by around 25 to 1. They can see that Sweden and Finland turned to NATO – an alliance that defends territory, not takes territory – at a moment of uncertainty. They can see the flows of talented people head in our direction from across the globe.

    But they think they have honed in our greatest weakness. They believe that it is they who are more determined to succeed. That they can outlast us, can endure more pain, make more sacrifices.

    We are in a battle of wills. We all must prove our adversaries wrong – Britain, and our allies and partners around the world.

    We need to out-compete.

    The upcoming NATO Summit must see all Allies on track to deliver their pledge made in Wales in 2014 to spend 2% on defence. And we then need to move quickly to establish 2.5% as the new benchmark for all NATO Allies.

    We need to out-cooperate.

    Investing in old alliances which have served us well – the transatlantic bond and our many friendships in Europe, the Five Eyes and G7, NATO and the Commonwealth.

    But we also need to forge new partnerships, like the AUKUS alliance with Australia and the US, the GCAP jet project with Italy and Japan, or our JEF security collaboration with like-minded nations in northern Europe.

    And, crucially, strengthening our bilateral partnerships with that great mass of countries such as those in Central Asia who, I visited last week.  Who while they may not all be democratic, they see the destructive, reactionary policies of our adversaries as a threat to their security and their prosperity.

    And we need to out-innovate.

    Using the legal route before us to use frozen Russian assets for the benefit of Ukraine.  And leaning into the modern technology that fuels both the operations in this building and much of the modern economy, as the Prime Minister did so skilfully by hosting the AI Safety Summit last year.

    I know from experience – it is not straightforward to deliver these points. Dissonant voices press for different paths, easier to tread in the short-term, even as they store up problems for years to come. But I am not disheartened.

    History is not pre-ordained. I am often reminded of this as Foreign Secretary. Entering my office, I pass portraits of my predecessors. The world of today looks very different to that of Bevin and Eden, Grey and Salisbury, Canning and Castlereagh. And yet each faced times of challenge and change.

    Looking back, one can detect common threads, fundamental traditions, in how they acted in response. Prioritising Britain’s security. Standing up for what they believed in. Being hard-edged, realistic and practical in their pursuit of the national interest. Showing always political will. The past cannot tell us what to do today. But it can offer some guidance.

    Today, we are being tested yet again.  In both foreign and domestic policy, in Britain and the wider West, we are at a crossroads. If we make the right choices, act now, a bright future awaits. But if we hesitate, our adversaries will write our future instead of us.

    We need to show courage. The courage to determine our own destiny. The courage to rise to this moment of peril. The courage to act.

  • Andrew Mitchell – 2024 Speech at the Opening of the British High Commission Dodoma Office

    Andrew Mitchell – 2024 Speech at the Opening of the British High Commission Dodoma Office

    The speech made by Andrew Mitchell, the Foreign Office Minister, on 5 April 2023.

    Minister of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, Regional Commissioner of Dodoma, officials and honoured guests, mabibi na mbwana, ladies and gentlemen,

    Hamjambo! Hello.

    Nimefurahi kuwa hapa. I am delighted to be here.

    It is an honour to open the UK’s newest overseas office. I’m on a bit of a roll here, a few days ago I was in N’Djamena, the capital of Chad, to open our first ever Embassy there.

    It is a special privilege to be opening our High Commission in Dodoma in the month that your country celebrates the 60th anniversary of the Union.

    Today is not simply a sign of the confidence and value we place in our partnership with your government. It is also an outcome of the warm and enduring ties between our people, nurtured through decades of cooperation and friendship at all levels.

    Many notable Tanzanians have studied in the UK, from Julius Nyerere to Her Excellency President Samia Suluhu Hassan.

    These illustrious names are joined by over 800 former Commonwealth scholars and 300 former Chevening scholars. We are so proud of these brilliant links between our 2 countries and the fabulous cooperation these scholarships have produced.

    And as you are aware your excellences, the UK remains Tanzania’s second largest foreign investor, and one of our key bonds is our development partnership.

    And we want to invest in it further, drawing renewed inspiration both from Tanzania’s development ambitions and our recently published white paper on international development – which I must urge you to read if you have not  done so. It is a compelling page turner that sets out the Britain’s plan for getting the SDGs back on track by 2030. And it is available on our website fcdo.gov.uk.

    It was received very well by our partners. And we were so pleased when her excellence  President Samia agreed to provide a quote welcoming it. High praise indeed.

    And as you take stock of the past 6 decades, you have much to be proud of. Whether it is the long period of peace and social cohesion, or the opening of your economy in the 1990s to drive economic growth, or the progress in improving access to healthcare and education, including the recent achievement of parity of enrolment for girls in primary school.

    These are huge achievements all of us can take inspiration from.

    On the regional and global stage, we welcome President Samia’s efforts to champion investment in Africa’s human capital and food systems; for her advocacy for gender equality and climate action is particularly commendable.

    And we recognise the contributions Tanzania has made over the years to regional peacekeeping and the hosting of refugees, including in the eastern DRC.

    I know that you face challenges in making further progress on the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly to reduce extreme poverty and to deliver growth.

    I want to assure you that the UK is with you every step of the way as we clearly set out in our white paper. Our development roadmap prioritises mobilising more money from international financial institutions and increasing private sector investment in development.

    It is worth noting that around world something like 90% of all jobs are created not by governments but by the private sector.

    There are 3 things  we think we should focus on.

    First, we must reform the international system to better serve your interests in terms of trade, tax, debt, and tackling money laundering and dirty money.

    Second, we must work together to tackle global challenges, be it climate change, food insecurity or investing in education and health.

    Finally, we must harness innovation and digital transformation, making the best use of  technologies, science and research.

    We have already hit the ground running. Later today we hope to  have the honour of  signing  a UK-Tanzania Mutual Prosperity Partnership. Strengthening bilateral trade and investment, supporting better jobs and delivering more inclusive growth – I am very excited by what this partnership will enable us to achieve together.

    Tackling climate change will be vital in delivering on this agenda. We support President Samia’s ambition to move Tanzania away from the damaging use of charcoal in cooking and to expand the use of renewable energy.

    I am therefore delighted that the UK will be spending £5.5 million over the next 2 years on promoting clean cooking, clean energy access and urban resilience. Our programming will help bring clean cooking to 200 schools as well as thousands of households and assist several clean technology businesses to scale up their operations in Tanzania.

    We have a responsibility, as we build prosperity, to ensuring opportunities for all to share in it. Something I know is very close to the heart of the Tanzania government.

    Since 2015, the Britain  has invested over £112 million in building the social safety net for Tanzania’s poorest households. The UK will continue to partner with the Government of Tanzania in its efforts to lift the most vulnerable out of poverty and increase resilience to climate and economic shocks.

    We will also work with the government in building a resilient health system, to reduce preventable deaths, respond to disease outbreaks and build the capacity for universal health coverage by 2030. To help drive forward this ambition, I am announcing today that the UK will invest £15 million in strengthening health systems in Tanzania including through a £10 million contribution to the multi-donor Health Basket Fund.

    Tanzania is at a crossroads, undergoing a demographic transition. By ensuring women and girls have secure access to quality, affordable, and inclusive family planning services, we can accelerate progress on human capital outcomes as outlined in your Vision 2050.

    And that is why I am also delighted to announce today that the UK will be extending its Scaling Up Family Planning programme, which has reached over 4 million women since 2017, by the sum of £12 million, to deliver lifesaving and transformative SRHR services to an additional 900,000 Tanzanians. This programme will help prevent 1,400 maternal deaths, 1 million unintended pregnancies, and 207,000 unsafe abortions.

    These initiatives demonstrate  Britain’s commitment to our very close cooperation, partnership, and above all, our friendship. And after a period of very considerable budgetary pressure in Britain, I can announce too today that for the next financial year, which starts today, our bilateral programmes with Tanzania, the British and Tanzania development programme will more than triple this year from £17.6 million to £57 million.

    So this office will be a little piece of the UK here in Dodoma, setting the stage for the next 60 years. As we work together to deliver for the people of our 2 great countries.

    To those of you based in Dodoma, we will now be your jirani [neighbour]. Please do pop in for a cup of tea anytime.

    Thank you for welcoming us to the neighbourhood. Asanteni sana.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Defence Speech Made in Warsaw

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Defence Speech Made in Warsaw

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, in Warsaw on 23 April 2024.

    My first duty as Prime Minister is the security of the British people.

    And fulfilling that profound responsibility is only possible because of you.

    Just ten days ago, I gave the order for the RAF to join an international effort…

    …intercepting a barrage of Iranian missiles headed towards Israel.

    Those pilots, like you, and like every generation of British service men and women before you…

    …were willing to put their own safety over the line…

    …for the security of others and the defence of our liberties and our values.

    From your Regiment’s service in Iraq and Afghanistan…

    …to your current role here in Poland, protecting NATO’s eastern flank…

    …you have made those sacrifices in the service of our country.

    I am truly humbled by your courage and professionalism.

    And on behalf of a proud and grateful nation, let me simply say: thank you.

    But I haven’t just brought you together today to express my gratitude.

    I want to talk to you about how we equip you to do your duty…

    …in an increasingly dangerous world.

    We have entered a period of history in which competition between countries has sharpened profoundly.

    An axis of authoritarian states with different values to ours…

    …like Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China…

    …are increasingly assertive.

    The danger they pose is not new.

    But what is new is that these countries – or their proxies…

    …are causing more instability, more quickly, in more places at once.

    And they’re increasingly acting together…

    …making common cause in an attempt to reshape the world order.

    Now I know there are some people who will think these are faraway problems.

    But they are not.

    They pose real risks to the United Kingdom’s security and prosperity.

    Russia has already poisoned people on British soil with chemical weapons.

    Caused energy bills to soar.

    Weaponised migration.

    And sent technology to Iran in exchange for weapons, like the Shaheed drones…

    …that I saw myself are wreaking such devastation on Ukraine.

    Iran themselves have threatened to kill and kidnap people within our borders for exercising their right to free speech.

    And used proxies like the Houthis, to attack British ships in the Red Sea…

    …disrupting supplies of crucial goods to our high streets.

    North Korea, too, is supplying munitions and artillery to Russia…

    …and their hackers have targeted British businesses and the NHS.

    And Chinese state-affiliated actors have conducted malicious cyber campaigns…

    …against British MPs.

    China itself is engaged in a huge military modernisation programme.

    Potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific…

    …could have an impact on the global economy far larger even than Covid.

    And China is increasingly working with others to try and reshape the world…

    …including their so-called ‘unlimited partnership’ with Russia.

    So the new assertiveness of these authoritarian states far from our shores must concern us.

    Because they are increasingly acting together…

    …against the fundamental values that we all hold dear…

    …of democracy, freedom, and the rule of law.

    Now, we must not overstate the danger.

    We’re not on the brink of war.

    And nor do we seek it.

    And people should feel reassured…

    …that the UK’s armed forces are some of the most professional…

    …well-trained, well-equipped, and battle-ready in the world.

    And I’m incredibly proud of all they’ve achieved.

    From patrolling the Arctic Circle as part of the Joint Expeditionary Force…

    …to the campaign against Daesh in the deserts of Iraq and Syria.

    From protecting the freedom of navigation in the Red Sea…

    …to policing the skies above Eastern Europe.

    And just look at the investments we’ve made in the last decade.

    £40 billion in the British Army…

    …who proudly provide one of NATO’s strategic reserves…

    …with 16,000 troops deployed to Europe this year.

    The Royal Air Force, equipped with new Typhoons, Chinooks, F35s…

    …with the GCAP programme delivering new fighter jets with Japan and Italy.

    The Royal Navy is a carrier navy once again…

    …with 22 new ships and submarines on the way…

    …and the historic AUKUS partnership building the most advanced nuclear-powered subs the world has ever known.

    And we’ve launched a new national endeavour to invigorate and invest more in our nuclear deterrent.

    And all of this is combined with our outstanding diplomatic network…

    …development expertise, law enforcement and intelligence agencies…

    …and our support for allies – above all the £12bn we’ve provided to Ukraine.

    So I’m proud of our record on defence.

    And confident in our ability to deter our adversaries.

    …and ensure the security of the United Kingdom.

    But in a world that’s the most dangerous…

    …it’s been since the end of the Cold War…

    …we cannot – and must not – be complacent.

    As Churchill said, in 1934:

    “To urge the preparation of defence is not to assert the imminence of war.

    On the contrary, if war were imminent…

    …preparations for defence would be too late.”

    I believe we must do more…

    …to defend our country, our interests, and our values.

    So today, I’m announcing…

    …the biggest strengthening of our national defence for a generation.

    We will increase defence spending to a new baseline of 2.5% of GDP, by 2030.

    That starts today.

    And rises steadily in each and every year.

    Over the next six years, we’ll invest an additional £75bn in our defence.

    And it will be fully funded with no increase in borrowing or debt.

    So this is not some vague aspiration for the future.

    We have a clear plan for what we’ll spend, when we’ll spend it, and how we pay for it.

    A plan that makes the United Kingdom by far the largest defence power in Europe – and second largest in NATO.

    Today is a landmark moment in the defence of the United Kingdom.

    This is a generational investment in British security and British prosperity.

    It makes us safer at home and stronger abroad.

    Now we have three immediate priorities for this new investment.

    First, we will put the UK’s own defence industry on a war footing.

    One of the central lessons of the war in Ukraine…

    …is that we need deeper stockpiles of munitions…

    …and for industry to be able to replenish them more quickly.

    So today, we’re giving £10bn in munitions to give industry long-term funding certainty…

    …backed by long-term contracts…

    …so they can produce more, be readier to surge capacity…

    …and move to ‘always on’ production, when required.

    From surface-to-air-missiles made in Bolton…

    …to anti-tank weapons in Belfast…

    …we will replenish our stockpiles…

    …all while supporting British jobs right across the Union.

    But it’s not just about investing more – we must invest better.

    For too long, too much of our defence procurement…

    …has been over-complex, over-budget, and over-time.

    So we are making radical reforms to our procurement model…

    …to make sure this new investment delivers value for money.

    And to encourage private sector investment into defence production…

    …I can also announce today that we’re going to put beyond doubt that defence investment…

    …does count towards environmental, social and governance assessments.

    There is nothing more ethical than defending our way of life from those who threaten it.

    Now all of this will put us at the forefront of the global defence industry…

    …allow us to hugely ramp up defence production…

    …and give our armed forces the capability they need to keep us safe.

    But as in so many areas of our lives, technology is changing the face of war.

    So our second immediate priority is innovation and new technology.

    We need to innovate and adapt faster than our adversaries…

    …in space and cyberspace just as much as land, sea, and air.

    Look at Ukraine.

    Many aspects of the war would be familiar to a soldier from WWI or II

    Yet others would be unimaginably different.

    Like the fact that cheap, high-tech, autonomous drones could disable large parts of Russia’s Black Sea fleet.

    The good news is that innovation is already one of our greatest strengths.

    The UK’s own Dragonfire laser directed energy weapon…

    …costs only £10 a shot…

    …yet is accurate enough to hit a £1 coin from a kilometre away.

    And today we’re going further.

    We will increase defence R&D to at minimum to 5% of the defence budget.

    Invest far more in autonomous drones.

    And we will set up a new Defence Innovation Agency.

    So that for the first time, decisions about defence innovation…

    …will be brought together in a single, strategic agency…

    …that will be freed from red tape …

    …and work with the private sector on emerging new technologies.

    Now third, we must support Ukraine for the long term.

    Since the Cold War ended, the freedom of our continent has been based on a simple idea:

    That it is for people to decide the fate of their countries, not foreign armies.

    But allow Putin to win in Ukraine…

    …and that principle of sovereignty would be undermined.

    We would be dragged back to a world…

    …where brute force, rather than the democratic will of free peoples…

    …would shape borders and decide futures.

    And Putin will not stop in Ukraine.

    Win there, and he – and indeed others – will be emboldened.

    He has the desire, if not yet the capacity, to attack other countries in Europe…

    …potentially including NATO allies, who we would be bound to defend…

    …just as they are bound to defend us.

    The costs of failing to support Ukraine now will be far greater than the costs of repelling Putin.

    Because only if he fails will he and other adversaries be deterred.

    That is why the United Kingdom…

    …whose history of standing up to dictators is so much part of our national consciousness…

    …has come together with our allies to stand with Ukraine from the very start.

    Today we will go further.

    We will send Ukraine an additional half a billion pounds , hitting £3 billion of support this year.

    And we’ll provide them with largest-ever package of UK military equipment.

    This will include more than 400 vehicles…

    …4 million rounds of ammunition…

    …60 boats and offshore raiding craft…

    …vital air defences…

    …and long-range precision-guided Storm Shadow missiles.

    And as we make our historic commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP…

    …we’ll move past this stop-start, piecemeal way of backing Ukraine…

    …so that alongside our long-term security guarantee…

    …we are today providing a long-term funding guarantee…

    …of at least the current level of military support to Ukraine, for every year it is needed.

    That is the longest commitment any nation has provided.

    And it shows that Ukraine is not alone, and Ukraine will never be alone.

    A decade ago, as Russian tanks rolled into Crimea…

    …and the fight against ISIL raged across the Middle East…

    …NATO allies came together in Wales, and reached an historic agreement…

    …to increase their defence budgets to 2% of GDP.

    Back then, the UK was one of only 4 countries who did so.

    Today, there are 11.

    And I believe we will look back on this moment…

    …as a similar turning point in European security.

    Because for all that we welcome the news over the weekend…

    …that the US Congress agreed a new package of aid for Ukraine…

    …support that will be indispensable on the frontline…

    …this is not the moment for complacency.

    We cannot keep expecting America to pay any price or bear any burden…

    …if we ourselves are unwilling to make greater sacrifices for our own security.

    So I’m proud that the United Kingdom is increasing our defence spending to £87bn a year…

    …the biggest strengthening of our national defence in a generation…

    …guaranteeing our position as the second largest defence power in NATO, after the US.

    All across Europe…

    …countries like Poland, Germany, Norway and the Baltic nations…

    …are stepping up to take greater responsibility for our own security.

    And I’m confident that whether in months or years…

    …others will follow, too.

    And at this turning point in European security, if 2.5% becomes a new benchmark for all NATO partners to reach…

    …allied defence spending would increase by over £140 billion.

    That would provide a level of safety and security for the British people…

    …and the peoples of all allied nations…

    …that far outstrips anything we could achieve alone.

    To conclude, we did not choose this moment. But it falls to us to meet it.

    In a world of increasing threats, we must show our enemies that we are resolute and determined.

    That their attempts to destabilise our world or redraw its borders by force will fail.

    That with our friends and allies, we will be at the forefront of the defence of the free, democratic world.

    And under my leadership, the United Kingdom will always stand up for our interests…

    …deter our enemies, and defend our values.