Category: Speeches

  • David Cameron – 2016 Speech in Bavaria

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    Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, in Bavaria, Germany on 7 January 2016.

    Well thank you very much Gerda [Hasselfeldt] for the warm welcome that you have given me and let me send my thanks as well to the Minister-President and also to Angela Merkel who I had an excellent meeting with last night.

    It’s a great pleasure to be back here in Bavaria and looking around, I can understand why Bavarians feel they are particularly blessed with this beautiful landscape.

    It has been a pleasure to come, the relationship between Britain and Germany is so strong and so important. We look at the world in so many of the same ways. We know you have to earn money before you can spend it, we know the importance of backing enterprise and business to create jobs, we know the importance of the Atlantic Alliance for our security. We know how important it is, as we enter 2016, that we confront Islamist extremism and terrorism and that we do so together.

    So our relationship is very deep and very strong as members of the European Union, as members of NATO and also the relationship between our parties as parties of the centre-right, has also been very strong and will continue to be strong in the future.

    I really enjoyed the discussions here today and the presentation I was able to make. My aim is very clear – I would like to secure the future of Britain in a reformed European Union but this reform is vital.

    Britain does have real issues with the way that the European Union works today and my negotiation is about dealing with each of those issues. Making sure that we’re in Europe for cooperation and to work together, that we’re not part of an ever-deepening political union, making sure that Europe is adding to the competitiveness of countries like Britain, and indeed Germany, rather than holding back our competitiveness. Making sure there are fair rules for both countries that are inside the eurozone and countries like Britain that won’t join the eurozone but want the eurozone to be a success. Who want to make sure that outside the eurozone there are no disadvantages, that we’re not called upon to support the eurozone financially.

    These are important issues, as is the issue of migration and movement across Europe. Britain supports the concept of free movement. Many British citizens can go and live and work elsewhere in Europe but we want to make sure that the welfare systems – and particularly our welfare system – is not an unnatural draw to Britain because we do feel the pressure of excessive migration that we’ve had in recent years.

    We believe that all these issues can be dealt with. The discussions are going well. They’re hard, they’re tough, these are difficult issues but I’m confident that with goodwill – and there is goodwill on all sides – we can bring these negotiations to a conclusion and then hold the referendum that we promised in our election manifesto and we’ve now legislated for in Parliament.

    In the end, the choice will be for the British people but I want to make sure they have the very best choice of staying in a reformed European Union, giving Britain the best of both worlds.

    A part of Europe for trade and cooperation, working together on the security challenges that we face, helping to keep our people safe, particularly in the difficult and dangerous world that we face. But not joining the Euro, the currency that many have in the European Union, not being part of the Schengen no borders agreement – we’ll keep our own borders in Britain and strengthen those borders. And making sure we address each and every 1 of the 4 issues that I’ve raised.

    I’m even more confident after the excellent discussions I’ve had here in Bavaria with colleagues in the CSU that these things are possible, not just good for Britain but good for Europe. Not simply because other European countries will benefit by Britain continuing to be a member of Europe but I think its important that this organisation shows it has the flexibility of a network and can address concerns of individual members, rather than the rigidity of a bloc.

    I’m confident we can reach good conclusions but it’ll take a lot of hard work. I’ve been very heartened by the goodwill I’ve felt from the fellow sister party members in the CSU here in Bavaria today and let me once again thank you for the warmth of your welcome. I remember coming 7 years ago and its been even more pleasurable to come back again and have these discussions with you.

    Thank you.

  • George Osborne – 2016 Speech on the Economy

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    Below is the text of the speech made by George Osborne, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in Cardiff, Wales on 7 January 2016.

    Scott, thank you and thank you for such a warm Cardiff welcome.

    It’s good to see so many business leaders here today.

    It’s fantastic to be back here again to see the Cardiff Business Club and talk to the people who are helping to drive forward the Welsh economy.

    And it is fitting that we have Cardiff Bay as our beautiful backdrop, in typical sunshine.

    From this Bay, the people of South Wales set off to lead the industrial revolution around the world.

    But by the 1970s, after decades of decline, it was left derelict.

    Today it is thriving again. Audiences flock to the Millennium Centre from all over the world – and get to experience that famous Welsh hospitality when they do.

    Much of the development that underpinned this happened during the 1980s, spearheaded by local people working in partnership with my colleagues Nick Edwards and Michael Heseltine.

    And we owe a particular debt to the late Sir Geoffrey Inkin for driving the redevelopment forward.

    It is an example of the government working with you – the job creators – to deliver for Wales.

    As we look across the Bay, we can all see the Welsh Assembly building on the other side.

    Today I make this offer to the next Welsh government: work with us to make Wales stronger still.

    We have our plan for Wales, one that support jobs, pay and rising living standards.

    And the question for the whole United Kingdom is this: are we going to see through the economic plan that is delivering growth at home and security from risks abroad?

    For I worry about a creeping complacency in the national debate about our economy.

    A sense that the hard work at home is complete and that we’re immune from the risks abroad.

    A sense we can let up, and the good economic news will just keep rolling in.

    To the people peddling those views, I have a very clear warning.

    Last year was the worst for global growth since the crash and this year opens with a dangerous cocktail of new threats from around the world.

    For Britain, the only antidote to that is confronting complacency and delivering the plan we’ve set out.

    Anyone who thinks it’s mission accomplished with the British economy is making a grave mistake.

    2016 is the year we can get down to work and make the lasting changes Britain so badly needs.

    Or it’ll be the year we look back at as the beginning of the decline.

    This year, quite simply, the economy is mission critical.

    We have to finish the job.

    So let me explain, first, how the economy is mission critical here in Wales.

    A lot has been done since 2010.

    70,000 thousand jobs have been created.

    Unemployment has fallen by 30%.

    Superfast broadband has been rolled out to over half a million homes and businesses.

    We pulled the eyes of the world to Newport when we chose to bring the huge NATO Summit here.

    The UK Investment Summit with over 150 global investors that followed soon after saw £240 million of new investment across the UK.

    And we’re seeing results: since 2010 Wales has grown faster than any part of the UK outside of London, and in the latest data employment is rising almost twice as fast as in the capital.

    But ambition for Wales should not end there. I know yours doesn’t; well mine doesn’t either.

    For while we’ve come a long way, we cannot be complacent.

    Wales still faces the decades-old challenge that it lags behind much of the rest of the UK.

    Unemployment is higher, pay is lower, and output is lower. Wales could be doing so much better.

    The government recognises that Wales needs more investment.

    That is why, working with Stephen Crabb, our strong and effective Welsh Secretary, we’ve just announced we’ll boost capital investment by £900 million over the next five years.

    We recognise that Wales needs to be better connected to the rest of the UK.

    So we are electrifying the Great Western Mainline to Swansea and giving the Welsh government early access to the capital borrowing powers to help fund the M4 relief road.

    And by bringing the massive investment in HS2 to Crewe six years early, we will bind North Wales ever more closely into the Northern Powerhouse and the rest of the UK too.

    We also recognise that more decisions affecting Wales should be taken here in Wales.

    The Welsh Assembly already has the power to legislate on health and education; we’ve given them power to set business rates, and, from 2018, the power to set Stamp Duty and Landfill taxes too.

    And soon the Assembly will have unprecedented power to set income tax as well.

    Crucially, this means that the Welsh government is now going to be responsible for how they raise money, as well as how they spend it.

    That will focus attention on who can deliver low taxes for the people of Wales and Welsh businesses, and who can deliver value for money. That is attention I want to see.

    As a UK government we’ve committed to a City Deal for Cardiff.

    This City Deal can transform this city as much as the development around the bay did a generation ago. It’s a deal that will secure Cardiff’s bright future.

    We will support a new infrastructure fund for the Cardiff Capital Region as part of this.

    It demonstrates our ambition for the Cardiff region and I want to see the deal signed by the time of the Budget in March. So let’s get on with it.

    Wales is an incredibly exciting, innovative nation, home to world class research and pioneers of technology. I want Wales to be at the centre of the high tech economy of the future.

    Steven and I have been to Cardiff Uni to see brilliant work on semiconductors with companies such as IQE.

    So today I can tell you that we will establish a new UK national centre – based here in Wales – that will develop the semiconductors that are at the heart of modern technology. It will be part of our network of R&D catapults.

    It will bring together scientists and businesses with expertise in this cutting edge technology. It will create jobs, here. Bring investment here.

    And I’m committing £10 million this year and every year for the rest of the decade, £50 million in total, so that we build the future here in Wales.

    I see it as a down-payment on our side of the deal.

    Here’s a striking fact and a challenge for us all.

    If the growth rate in Wales matched that of the UK average, the economy would be around £6 billion bigger by 2030.

    That is almost £1,900 more per person here than if Wales continues at its current pace.

    And if employment increased by as much in this Parliament as in the last, there would be over 60,000 more people in work in Wales by 2020.

    There can be no room for complacency about Wales’ future.

    And there can be no room for complacency when it comes to Britain’s economic future too.

    We are only seven days into the New Year, and already we’ve had worrying news about stock market falls around the world, the slowdown in China, deep problems in Brazil and in Russia.

    In just one week in December South Africa had three separate finance ministers…a stat no Chancellor likes to read about.

    Commodity prices have fallen very significantly.

    Oil, which was over $120 a barrel in 2012, dipped below $35 earlier this week.

    That is good for consumers and business customers here in Britain, bad news for the oil and gas industry, worrying for the creditors who have lent to it, and a massive problem for the countries that depend on it.

    And all of it adds to the volatility and sense of uncertainty in the world.

    Meanwhile, the political developments in the Middle East, with Saudi Arabia and Iran, concern us all.

    Alongside this short-term turbulence there is a long-term trend economists worry about.

    It is an idea that date back to the depression-era 1930s dubbed ‘secular stagnation’

    And it results in predictions that Western economies might not grow at all.

    The concern is that demographic changes – an aging population – means a rise in global savings.

    At the same time entrepreneurs stop innovating.

    They don’t want to set up companies or expand and so don’t want to borrow those savings to invest.

    But when the demand for borrowing is so weak firms will only take a loan when interest rates are ultra-low.

    And the so called ‘natural’ rate of interest – this is the rate needed to keep the economy growing at a healthy pace – falls permanently.

    Some of the predictions from the 1930s were stark.

    They spoke of “sick recoveries which die in their infancy.”

    Slumps with an “immovable core of unemployment.”

    That’s not been Britain’s story these last few years.

    But think of much of the rest of the western world since the crash.

    Many places have seen stop-start recoveries; others persistent high unemployment.

    Some economists have revived the idea of secular stagnation for the modern age – warning that we will either get stagnation and unemployment, or, where there is growth it will be pinned on asset price bubbles.

    They pose these economics for us what seems like an impossible choice:

    Do you keep rates ultra-low to boost your economy, but accept the risk of bubbles?

    Or do you hike rates to avoid bubbles, and accept an economic slowdown?

    I’m determined to show that this choice is a false one.

    That you can have sustained growth and new innovation and a strong savings culture, and by doing these things lay the foundations for higher living standards for decades to come.

    And our economic plan – which backs investment and the generation of new ideas like the catapult here for compound semiconductors, and puts in place checks on debt and bubbles – is the way to achieve that.

    Economies grow and prosper when there is a security and confidence about the long term. We’re providing that here in Britain with our economic plan.

    So what is our response to the current risks in the global economy?

    It’s not to cut ourselves off, and isolate Britain.

    You don’t avoid the world’s problems by trying to pretend, in the modern age, that we can be completely self-contained.

    No, our problem is that we haven’t had strong enough links with many of the fastest growing parts of the world.

    That is because we were complacent in the run up to the crash. We didn’t go out there and build those links with the rest of the world.

    Well now we are.

    Our determination to be China’s strongest partner in the West is opening up new markets for our businesses and bringing new investment and jobs to our shores.

    We have an excellent relationship with India but we can do more. So we will, and the Indian Finance Minister Arun Jaitley is coming to Britain later this month to make that happen.

    We’re working with the US and the EU to agree a new Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, a big trade deal that could increase the size of our economy by £10 billion per year.

    And with our partners in Europe, we’re seeking ambitious reforms that will make a real difference to the British people.

    What could be more complacent than acknowledging Europe needs to change and can work better for Britain; but then to say: that’s just the way it is in Europe – there’s nothing we can do about it?

    Under the strong leadership of David Cameron, we’re working flat out to get a better deal and then we’ll put it to a vote and the British people will decide.

    There’s also much more we can do at home to strengthen our economy and build for the future.

    Productivity lies at the heart of a healthy, growing economy. Because when output per hour is higher firms can pay their workers more, and return larger dividends to their investors.

    What does that mean? It means more money and higher living standards for families.

    Delivering that requires action to address historic weaknesses in the British economy.

    We have suffered a chronic shortage when it comes to skills for decades – so next year we’re introducing our important new apprenticeship levy on all large firms.

    The levy will fund three million apprenticeships in England – with firms offering apprenticeship able to get out more than they put in. And Wales will get its fair share of the support too.

    It’s a major reform to raise the skills of the nation.

    Another weakness is that Britain has always been too slow to build.

    Late last year I set up the National Infrastructure Commission.

    Its independent group of world-class experts; it’s already hard at work, led by Andrew Adonis.

    Today we are publishing a consultation which set outs the structure and operation of the commission.

    It represents a huge shift.

    The old way – short termism and a failure to think ahead – is out.

    Long term thinking is in.

    And I’m looking forward to receiving the first ideas from the new Commission by the time of the Budget.

    Getting infrastructure decisions right in 2016 is mission critical.

    So too is our plan to boost the wages of Britain’s low paid.

    If we’re complacent, Britain could find itself going the way of some other Western nations and become a society of higher welfare bills, higher taxes to pay them and lower wages as a result.

    We need to do the opposite. That doesn’t happen by itself. It needs a plan and decisive action.

    So we’re reducing welfare costs and ensuring it always pays to work, with major reforms to our benefit system.

    We’re cutting taxes on income – in April the tax-free personal allowance will reach £11,000.

    We’re making further major cuts to corporation tax to give us the lowest rate of any major economy in the world.

    And we’re bringing in the new National Living Wage in April. The new rate of £7.20 will mean a £900 increase in the annual earnings of a full-time worker.

    This is how we build the higher wage, lower welfare, lower tax society Britain needs.

    And we’re going to make sure those wages go further too.

    So we have committed to a big push on competition. Again, competition doesn’t just happen.

    If you’re not active in promoting it, monopolies creep in, vested interests take control.

    Last autumn I asked Treasury economists to look at 10 core markets – things like banking, telecoms, the utilities and insurance – to make sure customers are getting good deals.

    They found a typical household spent close to 40% of their disposable income in these markets.

    But they also found inefficiencies: a lack of competition in some markets, opaque pricing and people paying too much in others.

    The steps we are taking to cut out those distortions mean households could save close to £500 a year.

    And over the course of this Parliament we will go further, removing the obstacles to allow new competitors to enter protected markets.

    I’ll give you some examples. It means online pharmacies that deliver prescriptions to the door; it means giving people choice over their water supplier; and making it easier for places like supermarkets to provide legal services.

    One of the biggest monthly bills many people pay is their mortgage – and an important source of income for people is their savings.

    So it’s no wonder that people are starting to talk about what a rise in interest rates might mean for us all.

    Of course, interest rates are not something for me to set. That’s for the independent Monetary Policy Committee at the Bank of England.

    But inevitably, with the US Federal Reserve having made their decision to raise rates last month, there is a discussion about how and when we begin to move out of a world of ultra-low rates.

    Let’s be clear, higher interest rates are a sign of a stronger economy.

    The job of government is to make sure we’ve got in place the policies to monitor overall levels of indebtedness across families and the wider economy, while backing savings too.

    That doesn’t just happen by itself.

    It requires positive action and a plan, and that’s what we’ve put in place.

    So I’ve created a powerful new Financial Policy Committee in the Bank of England that can check overall levels of debt in the economy, and deal with specific risks such as the buy-to-let mortgage market.

    These steps are not always popular, but they do make our economy more resilient.

    British families have also worked hard these past few years to reduce their debts – and so debt as a proportion of income has fallen.

    But there is more to do to make sure British household finances are sound.

    40% of British adults don’t have a week’s wages put aside to cover an unexpected expense, and almost half don’t have any pension savings.

    Of course, putting money aside is often difficult, every family is different – and it’s up to each one to make their own decisions about when it’s right to borrow and when it’s right to save.

    But that is not an excuse for government inaction and complacency.

    Overall we must make it easier and more attractive for people to save.

    For while there may be a global glut of savings, here in Britain not enough people on lower and middle incomes are saving for their retirement.

    That’s why we’ve got a plan to change that: auto-enrolment – the scheme where employers enrol all employees into a pension – is having a huge impact: there are three million more people are saving into a pension compared to just two years ago.

    We’ve made pension saving more attractive – by removing the restrictions on how people can spend their savings when they reach retirement.

    We’ve massively increased ISA limits – the most popular way for people to save tax-free.

    Last month we launched our Help to Buy ISA – already over 140,000 people have opened an account and are starting to save for their first home.

    And in April we’re introducing our new state pension. It will be far simpler than the current system, more progressive and much fairer to women.

    It’s all part of supporting saving for everyone. And there’s more critical work to do in 2016.

    There’s also work to do to shake the national debate out of that sense of complacency about our economic prospects that I talked about earlier.

    Yes, the British economy has performed better than almost anyone dared to hope. And as an issue, the economy has slipped down the list of everyday concerns.

    But the biggest risk is that we all think that it’s “job done”. Many encourage this, irresponsibly suggesting that we can just go back to the bad old ways and spend beyond our means for evermore.

    Though the year is only seven days old, already we’d had their predictable calls for billions of pounds, literally billions more debt-fuelled public spending.

    They reject all the reforms we propose to deliver better-quality public services for less taxpayers’ money.

    Today I want to issue this warning: unless we finish the job of fixing the public finances, to get Britain back into the black by finally spending less than we borrow, all of the progress we have made together could still easily be reversed.

    That’s why we’ve got to go on fixing the roof while sun is shining.

    The prize for us all if we do is that Britain could become the most prosperous of all the major nations in the world in the coming generation.

    In 2015 we won the support of the British people for our economic plan – and we set out in the Budget and Autumn Statement the means to achieve that.

    We established new fiscal rules to reduce debt and get that surplus.

    We set out department spending plans that mean we live within our means.

    Taken together, it is part of a huge national effort to get our house in order – what the Office for Budget Responsibility describes as the biggest reduction in government consumption outside of demobilisation in over 100 years.

    If 2015 was the year for setting out that plan – 2016 is the year for the delivery of it.

    That is why it is so critical.

    Economic security and sound public finances don’t just happen – they require hard effort and continued application.

    And this year we will require that. You know – as do I – that none of us can see the future.

    We don’t know what exactly will happen to the global economy.

    We don’t know when the next turn of the cycle will come.

    But we do know that we haven’t abolished boom and bust.

    So there is no excuse for inaction. We are in charge of our own destiny.

    We can back infrastructure investment and innovation.

    We can be an outward facing nation – forging new and stronger links with the rest of the world.

    We can continue to support higher pay, lower tax and consumer markets that foster choice and competition.

    We can do more to support savers.

    This plan is what Wales, and the UK, needs.

    And it is why the economy remains centre stage to everything we want to achieve in this country.

    So 2016 is not mission accomplished. But our future is very much in our hands.

    This year is mission critical year.

    Now is the time to make the long term decisions to secure our country’s future.

    And in the forthcoming Budget and beyond, that’s precisely what I’ll do, for Wales and for the whole of the UK.

  • David Cameron – 2016 Speech in Hungary

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    Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, in Budapest, Hungary on 7 January 2016.

    Well thank you very much and thank you Viktor [Orbán] for the warmth of your welcome and for your friendship and your support. As you say, it’s a decade since a British Prime Minister has been to Hungary. That’s far too long and I’m delighted to be here today.

    I came to your country as a student in 1985. I came as a young man a couple of times, actually, in the 1990s and later, and it’s great to be back here as Prime Minister and to see the incredible progress of this country and to see your Prime Ministership and economy that is growing, unemployment that is low, and a very successful Hungarian economy it is. And thank you for what you said about Britain’s investment. It is a strong economic relationship we have, and a number of British companies are operating here, and I would like to see that number increase.

    Britain and Hungary have important and close relations. We’re both members of NATO, enthusiastic members of NATO. We’re both members of the European Union. And we’ve worked together very closely. I think we share a lot of the same perspectives about Europe. We want a Europe that works, but we want a Europe that respects nation states, and a Europe that does not try to do everything, that recognises the role of nations states and believes in subsidiarity, that there are many things that are better left for countries to do themselves. But we should cooperate where we can achieve goals that suit us all.

    We’ve discussed at some length the European reform agenda that I’ve put forward and the 4 points, the 4 areas where we think there needs to be progress. We want to see a Europe where, of course if some countries want to integrate further, they can, but for Britain this is not an ever-closer union. This is a cooperation over economics, over things we share in common, over policies where we can advance our mutual interests, but we don’t believe in an ever-deepening political project for Britain.

    We want, as you said, a Europe that adds to our competitiveness, not that takes away from our competitiveness. We want a Europe that’s signing trade deals with the fastest-growing areas of the world, that’s completing the single market in energy, in services and digital; things that can drive the growth in jobs that we want to see in our countries. We want a Europe that has fair rules for those countries that are in the eurozone and those countries that are outside the eurozone. And this is, I think, an area where Britain and Hungary can make common cause. We want to make sure, yes, that the euro is a success. That is important for my economy, important for your economy. But we need to make sure that those of us outside the eurozone suffer no disadvantage, suffer no discrimination. And I think it’s important we get that right in the discussions we have.

    And finally we have discussed the issue of welfare and of the movement of people. Let me be clear, I support the free movement of people. People in Britain welcome the fact they are able to go and live and work in other European countries. But what matters is that we deal with the scale and the pressures that sometimes that movement can create. And Britain’s welfare system has provided something of an additional draw in terms of movement of people, and it’s that that my proposal of the 4-year wait for welfare benefits is designed to address.

    So we’ve had good discussions. We obviously now have a limited time between now and the February European Council, but I’m confident that, if we work hard with goodwill on all sides, we should try for an agreement at that Council. But as I have said, I only have to hold my referendum by the end of 2017. If it takes longer to make an agreement, then obviously what matters to me is the substance rather than the timing.

    We’ve also discussed the important issues of mutual concern. The migration crisis into the European Union, where I think we have many common perspectives. We agree we have got to solve these problems upstream. We need a peace deal in Syria. We should go on supporting, as Britain does very generously, Syrian refugees in Lebanon, in Turkey, in Jordan and indeed in Syria itself. I quite agree with Viktor that Europe needs strong external borders and those that help provide those strong external borders I believe are doing very much the right thing.

    We talked about the crisis in Syria and how we can work together. We’ve talked about the work that we’re doing to confront Daesh and Islamist extremism, and the very welcome contribution that Hungarian forces are making as part of the coalition. And we’ve also discussed relations with Russia and the importance of Europe working together, particularly over implementing the Minsk Agreement with respect to Ukraine.

    So it’s been a very good meeting. Viktor and I have worked together now for many years. I look forward to working with you for many more years in the future, and I think there are important perspectives that we share, not just on Europe, but on defence, on NATO, and on these broader issues too. So thank you for the welcome, it’s very good to be back and I promise it won’t be another 10 years before a British Prime Minister, indeed this British prime minister, comes back to Hungary.

    Thank you.

  • Philip Hammond – 2015 Speech on Somali

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Philip Hammond, the Foreign Secretary, in New York, United States on 9 November 2015.

    It is an honour to follow the Prime Minister of Somalia who is working so hard to rebuild his country. Let me also thank the Secretary-General, and you Ambassador Antonio for all the African Union has done to ensure that the United Nations and African Union are working together to bring peace and prosperity to the people of Somalia.

    Our purpose today is to discuss what more we can do to defeat Al Shabaab and deliver a better future for Somalia. But before we do, I think it is helpful to remind ourselves of the past.

    Just four short years ago, inside Somalia, Al Shabaab controlled major cities, including Kismayo and the capital, Mogadishu. The security environment made trying to run a business a high risk venture, where owners risked their goods, their property and, sometimes, their lives.

    And this affected all of us directly too. In 2010 alone, there were 174 pirate attacks and Somali pirates held 404 hostages.

    Fortunately, there has been much progress.

    Al Shabaab is on the back foot, with AMISOM and the Somali National Army now controlling 80% of Somali territory. And Somalia’s economy is reviving, with GDP growth on the increase and shops and businesses opening at ever increasing rates.

    And off the of shores Somalia, there have been no successful pirate attacks for over 2 years, as the Prime Minister said.

    I am pleased to be able to describe this progress, as the UK has long recognised the need to build enduring peace and security in Somalia.

    Our commitment is clear and we have invested heavily. We are Somalia’s second biggest bilateral donor. We have opened an Embassy in Mogadishu: the only EU member state to do so. And we have strong personal links, with a thriving Somali diaspora in the UK.

    But we must today take time to recognise and pay tribute to the bravery and sacrifices made by the AMISOM and Somali National Army troops on the frontline of this fight.

    And we should pay tribute to the Federal Government of Somalia for the commitment they have demonstrated in helping to steer Somalia towards completion of the federal map and a permanent, sustainable, political settlement.

    I also commend the vital role of the UN. Nick Kay has worked tirelessly since July 2013 as the SRSG to ensure the UN has been at the centre of international coordination and support for Somalia under difficult conditions including the tragic loss of seven UN civilians. We are very grateful to him and his team for everything they have done.

    I am also grateful to UNSOA, the UN’s most direct and tangible contribution to countering terrorism and extremism in the Horn of Africa. The successes of AMISOM and the Somali National Army in combating Al Shabaab would have been impossible without the essential logistical support the Mission provides.

    It is clear that UNSOA has been under-resourced; that it has been operating at the very edge of its capabilities. And so I’m pleased that today, we have all agreed on the importance of putting that right: and I thank you for supporting the Resolution that was put before us today.

    But the challenge for all of us, Somali and non-Somali alike, is to sustain effort and momentum. And to be fully coordinated as we do so.

    On security, that work has started. The President has committed to significant security sector reform and I urge him and his Government to press forward with the implementation of those reforms. The UK will continue to play its part. As our Prime Minister announced here in September, we will deploy UK military logistical, engineering and training expertise to reinforce UNSOS in support of the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia.

    Building security and stability are key, but the foundation on which they rest is political progress. And in 2016 the eyes of the world will be on Somalia. Conducting a credible electoral process in 2016 is critical. Failure to do so would risk undermining the collective effort to defeat Al Shabaab and all that has been achieved so far. It would risk undermining the international community’s support for Somalia. But most importantly, it would undermine the right of the Somali people to hold their leaders to account.

    Ensuring a credible electoral process will allow Somalia to show the world just how much progress has been made since 2012. It will quieten the remaining sceptical voices who say political renewal can’t be achieved. And it will help in ensuring the international community remains committed to supporting Somalia on the right path: a path towards a more secure, peaceful future.

    The UK remains committed to supporting progress in Somalia. I urge the Council, and other international allies to continue their commitment to Somalia. Unity of purpose and effort will ensure success.

    Over the coming year, our commitment must be shared by all across the political spectrum in Somalia. Personal differences and vested interests must be set aside, for the good of the whole nation. As this Council has set out in Resolution 2232, all key actors and institutions in Somalia, including Parliament, should engage constructively to ensure progress. Only then can we truly say Somalia has turned a corner.

    Thank you.

  • David Cameron – 2015 Speech to HMS Bulwark

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, to HMS Bulwark in Malta on 11 November 2015.

    Thank you very much indeed. Let me say that in this extraordinary and beautiful harbour, and on this remarkable ship and on Armistice Day, the pleasure and the honour is entirely mine standing in front of you.

    I think it is fitting that we do it on Armistice Day when we think about those that served and fell for our country in causes so that we could live with the freedom we enjoy today. But I really want to thank you, from the bottom of my heart, for what you’ve done. I well remember that day in April when it was so important to act and act quickly, and the way you responded from moving from Gallipoli to here has been absolutely brilliant. And above all, you should be incredibly proud of the lives that you’ve saved.

    There will be people who will live out extraordinary dreams and lives that wouldn’t have happened, were it not for what you have done in the Mediterranean.

    This is the biggest problem facing Europe today. It’s a movement of people bigger than anything we’ve seen since the Second World War and I think you can be proud of the role that you’ve played, those lives that you’ve saved, those lives you have transformed – over 4,700 people in the last 60 days alone.

    So how are we going to solve this great problem? What role is Britain going to play as a member of the European Union, as we help to tackle this enormous challenge?

    Well the first thing we should do is do what you’ve done and respond with humanity. We are a moral nation, we care about the lives of others. And going on and saving lives and helping people is part of what we should do as a country. You should be incredibly proud of the role that you’ve played in that.

    But saving lives is not going to be enough. We need a real partnership with the countries from which these people are coming. And that is what this summit in Malta today and tomorrow is all about. Bringing together the countries of Africa, the countries of Europe so we can work together.

    And again Britain will play a huge and historic role. Our aid programme means we can get into those countries and help to tackle not just the poverty, but the failures of governance, the corruption, the conflict and all the things that cause people to leave their homes and make this perilous journey.

    But as well as responding with humanity, and with partnership, we also have to respond with resolve. And that is what the next stage of this mission is going to be all about. Because to be frank, it is not enough just to put people up and save their lives. We’ve got to go after the criminal gangs that are loading them into the boats and offering them false hope in the first place. We need to smash those gangs and that is what the next stage of this work is going to be all about.

    It will be difficult work but its absolutely essential and we will give you everything you need to make sure that work gets done properly. In the end, we have to break the link between getting on a boat and getting the chance to come to Europe. As long as that ability to do that is there, the criminal gangs will keep on exploiting people in the way they are today.

    So we know what needs to be done. The humanity of a moral nation. The partnership of a country that acts with others to get things done in the world. And a country that knows that resolution, resolve, is going to be absolutely key in dealing with this.

    And as you do so, as well as being proud of what you’ve done, I hope you will feel very proud of the country that you’re part of. There is no other country, no other major country, in the world that is both meeting its 2% NATO spending commitment and its 0.7% gross national income aid commitment. We are the engaged nation that recognises we need the hard military power that this great ship represents but also the incredibly important soft power of an aid programme that can help us live together and mend these countries from which so many people are coming.

    So that is the promise I make to you. We will go on investing in the military hardware that we need and go on investing in the aid programme that we need to help you, to help us, to solve these great problems that we face in Europe today.

    But above all, I want you as you go home, I hope for a break, at the end of the very hard work you’ve done – you’ve been in high readiness for four years, and you’ve been working round the clock for the last 60 days and more – I think you should be proud of the work you’ve done here in the Mediterranean, above all of the lives that you’ve saved, the futures that you’ve made possible. That is a very great thing for you to consider as you think of the rest of your service in the Royal Navy and our Armed Services.

    Thank you again for the welcome, thank you for your service, it’s an honour to stand with you here in Malta today. Thank you very much.

  • David Cameron – 2015 Press Conference with Indian Prime Minister

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the press conference between David Cameron, the Prime Minister, and Narendra Modi, the Indian Prime Minister, in London on 12 November 2015.

    Thank you everyone; good afternoon. It’s a huge pleasure to welcome Prime Minister Modi to London today on this, his first visit to the United Kingdom since taking office. It is the first of an Indian Prime Minister in almost a decade, and it’s a real opportunity to open a new chapter in the relationship between our 2 countries.

    I believe we are already natural partners, as the world’s oldest democracy and the world’s largest democracy, we share so many of the same values. And the ties between our people bind us together, with 1.5 million people of Indian origin living here in the UK, the second largest Indian diaspora anywhere in the world.

    Yet I do not believe that we’re realising the true potential of this relationship. And that is what Prime Minister Modi and I want to change. We want to forge a more ambitious, modern partnership, harnessing our strengths and working together for the long term to help shape our fortunes at home and abroad in the 21st century. As leaders, we share similar priorities to create jobs and opportunities for all, to protect our people from terrorism, and to tackle global challenges like climate change.

    And it makes sense to work together on these issues. So today we’ve discussed how to build a stronger economic partnership, a stronger defence partnership, and a stronger global partnership. And let me say a word about each.

    First, our economic partnership. Britain is the biggest major investor in India, bigger than the USA. British businesses already support nearly 700,000 jobs in India, and India invests more into the UK than it does in the rest of the European Union combined, creating almost 8,000 new jobs here last year alone. And during this visit, British and Indian companies are announcing new collaborations, together worth more than £9 billion.

    But I think there’s scope to go much further. Today we’ve discussed Prime Minister Modi’s vision for India, to transform its economy, building 100 smart cities, increasing the skills of 500 million young people, providing around the clock electricity for all; building 10,000km of roads. These are immense projects, and we’ve talked about how Britain can help to transform this vision into a reality. We want to become your number one partner for securing the finance needed for this ambitious plan, making London the world’s centre for offshore rupee trading.

    We’re getting that started with plans already in place today to issue over £1 billion of bonds, right here in London, including the first ever government‑backed rupee‑denominated bond to be issued internationally. We want British companies with their world‑class consulting, project management and engineering skills to help you plan, design and build these new cities. So I am delighted we’ve agreed a new 5‑year partnership to develop 3 cities: Amravati, Indore and Pune. We want UK and Indian scientists to work together to develop the low‑cost, low‑carbon energy that’s vital for the future, and that’s why we’re establishing a new, £10 million joint research collaboration into new technologies. We want our companies to truly make in India, and that’s why we’re re‑invigorating our forum of business leaders who we’ll see tomorrow.

    Second, we’ve agreed to establish a stronger, broader defence and international security partnership. All countries have a right to self-defence, and we want to assist India, the world’s largest defence importer, to modernise her capabilities. We’ll establish a new government‑to‑government framework to help make this happen. This will also mean increasing co-operation on new technologies and new capabilities, like cyber, like our aircraft carriers too.

    We’ll deploy a Royal Navy warship to the Bay of Bengal next February to take part in India’s first major international gathering of warships for a number of years. And we’ll work together to better protect ourselves from new and emerging threats, such as cyber‑attacks, with the UK helping to establish a new centre to train 1 million India cyber‑security professionals and offering assistance to set up a new Indian cyber‑crime unit.

    Finally, as global powers with a global outlook, we discussed what more we can do to solve the challenges we face. The UK firmly supports permanent membership for India on the United Nations Security Council. International institutions need to reflect the world as it is today, in order to maintain relevance and to support the rules‑based system that benefits us so much.

    Today, we agreed on the vital importance of securing an ambitious global deal in Paris later this year that keeps our goal of limiting global warming by 2050 to 2 degrees, within reach. And we discussed what more we can do to support free trade, in particular by accelerating talks on a free trade deal between the EU and India, which could benefit more than 1.7 billion people and be worth over £15 billion each year to the EU and India combined.

    So we’ve had some excellent discussions here today and I look forward to more this evening and of course tomorrow as well. We both have big ambitions for the relationship between our countries. We want a modern, essential partnership founded on old ties, but defined and fuelled by the modern, diverse, dynamic countries that we are both today.

    Thank you. Prime Minister Modi.

    Narendra Modi

    Mr Prime Minister Cameron, members of the media. Prime Minister Cameron has shown great hope and positivity with regard to the relationship with India. I’d like to thank you for that. You have done a great deal to strengthen this partnership between India and UK. I would like to thank you for your warm welcome and your gracious hospitality, and all the time that you have set aside for me during my visit here. So I’d really like to thank you for your past efforts in strengthening the partnership between our 2 countries.

    I am delighted to visit the United Kingdom. This is a relationship of immense importance to us. We are – the familiarity of history, the extraordinary people‑to‑people ties and our shared values give it a special character. And this has made it possible to give a special character to our relations. We also have vibrant and growing partnerships across all areas, trade and investment, defence and security, science and education, clean energy and health, technology and innovation, art and culture.

    At the international level, we have a broad range of shared interests that are vital to both our countries. Today we have agreed to intensify our political dialogue and hold regular bilateral summits. We have decided to turn our shared values into a partnership to support development in other regions of the world, and alongside we are committed to deepen co-operation across all areas.

    Today, we have signed a civil nuclear agreement. This is a symbol of our mutual trust. And we have also resolved to combat climate change. The global centre for clean energy partnerships in India is one of the areas where we have agreed to co-operate, and this will strengthen safety and security in the global nuclear industry.

    We attach great value to defence and security co-operation with the UK, including joint military exercises, and trade – defence trade and collaboration. And this co-operation will continue to grow. I am gratified to note that in February 2016, UK will participate in the international fleet review in India. UK will also be strong partners in India’s defence modernisation plans, including our make an India mission in the defence sector. And I’m convinced that UK will play an important role in this mission of ours.

    Economic partnership is a key pillar of our partnership. I am convinced that this relationship will grow rapidly in the years ahead, given the size and scale of opportunities in a rapidly expanding India and Britain’s own formidable economic strengths.

    The UK is the third-leading investor in India, and India invests much more in UK than in other European Union countries. In – for greater investment in India, we are launching a new fast-track mechanism. We also welcome the revival of the India-UK CEO Forum. We are – we will also increasingly raise funds in London’s financial market. I am pleased that we will issue a railways rupee bond in London stock market. This is – for this is where the journey of Indian Railways had begun.

    In the next 2 days, I am looking forward to our engagement with the business sector, and we are – we hope to hear significant announcements from this sector. I am pleased with the progress in our co-operation in clean energy and climate change involving our governments and the private sector. This is an area of immense importance, and it offers enormous opportunities.

    Our – with regard to India’s comprehensive and ambitious national plan on climate change, we have a lot of expectations from our bilateral co-operation. We look forward to a concrete outcome in Paris within the framework of the UN Convention on Climate Change, that charts decisive goals for a sustainable and low-carbon future for the world.

    We have also achieved many other tangible outcomes in other areas that are all part of India’s national priorities. These include smart cities, healthcare, clean river initiatives, skills and education. Indeed, we agreed that technology, research and innovation will be strong foundations of our partnership across all areas. Both our nations will be able to create more opportunities for our people and increase their prosperity. And at the same time, we will advance our many shared interests and address our challenges. These include peace and stability in Asia, especially in South Asia and West Asia; maritime security; cyber security; and of course, terrorism and extremism.

    Prime Minister Cameron, I will continue our discussions on these and other issues in Chequers today and tomorrow. But before I conclude, I wish to thank Prime Minister Cameron and the UK for the strong British support for India’s permanent membership of the reformed UN Security Council and membership in the international export control regimes. I look forward to the honour of speaking in Parliament and addressing the India-UK business summit. And I will have, therefore, the opportunity to speak at length about the rich promise of this relationship.

    Today, we have outlined a bold and ambitious vision for our strategic partnership, and the decisions we have taken today reflect our firm commitment to pursue it and the confidence to achieve it. Indeed, the outcomes today have shown that we have already taken our relationship to a new level. Thank you.

    Question

    Prime Minister Cameron, you’ve visited India 3 times since you came to power. Why has it taken so long to get a return visit?

    And Prime Minister Modi, India is becoming an increasingly intolerant place. Why?

    David Cameron

    Let me answer your question. Actually, India is not only the first major country I visited as Prime Minister, it was also the first major country I visited as leader of the opposition, so I have been wanting to see a strengthening of this relationship, not just for the last 5 years, but the last 10 years, and I think we have made some important progress. The figures on investment are very striking, you know, India invest more into Britain then into the whole of the rest of the EU combined, and in terms of G20 countries, Britain is the biggest investor, bigger than America, bigger than France, bigger than Germany, into India. But I think where we agree, is that we shouldn’t rest on our laurels, we should try and raise our sights and look at these projects, like Smart Cities, like Digital India, like Clean India, where we can bring expertise and really forge a partnership. India soon will be the third largest economy in the world, Britain is the fifth largest economy in the world. We have, I think, real potential. As for the time it takes to have a visit, I’m delighted that the Prime Minister is here. We’ve met many times before at G20s, most recently in New York, and we agreed to make this visit an absolute centrepiece of building the stronger relationship, which is what we are doing today. Prime Minister.

    Narendra Modi

    It’s true that there has been a gap of 10 years. Nonetheless, during my term in the past 1 year there have been 11 ministerial visits from India to the UK and from the UK to India. Therefore, the relations between the UK and India is continuing. In fact, I have had the opportunity of discussing at length with Prime Minister twice, and we have all committed to taking our relationship forward. In terms of the questions you have raised, India is a land of [inaudible] – India is the land of Ghandi and therefore there is something that is deeply entrenched in our culture, in our traditions, which is that of not accepting anything that is – that has to do with intolerance. Therefore, if any event takes places, wherever it may occur in India, whether it’s once or twice, in a country of 1.2 billion people, every incident that happens is a serious incident for us, and we do not tolerate such incidents of violence at all. We take strong actions and we will continue to take strong actions and legal actions against such incidents. India is a vibrant democracy which, on the basis of the constitution, protects every citizen, and the values of every citizen in accordance with our constitution, and we’re committed to that.

    Question

    So, my question is to both the Prime Ministers. Sir, both India and the UK are victims of terror from the same terrorist groups. Both our cities are being bombed by the people who are trained from the same sort of terrorism. Both countries lost lives in Afghanistan, the same set of terrorists. In your discussions today sir, did you discuss the shared concerns? And did you agree on some of the co-operation in this field?

    Narendra Modi

    Thank you. As far as terrorism is concerned, your concern is vital for anyone who believes in humanity, and I would like to state that – with satisfaction, that in the United States all the initiatives taken against terrorism, both India and the UK have been standing together shoulder to shoulder, to fight against all sorts of terrorism and we have taken a common stand in the UN.

    Both our countries face extreme threat from terrorism, that is why fighting terrorism is not something that just 1 or 2 or 3 countries can do. This is the responsibility of every human that’s in the world, every humanitarian, every human being. Today, terrorism has spread so far that it has no frontiers. It has no barriers. New groups are born every day. New equipment falls into their hands every day, so terrorists don’t manufacture their own equipment, obviously it comes from somewhere. Mahatma Gandhi used to say that you only get justice when you know what injustice is. So, who do we designate as terrorists? Who helps the terrorists? In fact, there is a proposal in the United Nations on this issue, but unfortunately, it is just hanging without any settlement and the UK and we agree that we need to discuss this at length. That is why all well-meaning nations should work together. All those who help terrorists, in one way or the other, should be fought against and we all should work towards protecting humanity.

    David Cameron

    [Inaudible] today about the terrorist threat that we both face. We’re going to have intensive discussions tomorrow morning on exactly this issue. India has suffered on the streets of Mumbai, for instance. We have suffered on the streets of London, and we have to confront, particularly this Islamist extremist violence and terrorism, which is doing so much damage, not just to our countries but also to the world. The argument I would make is it’s not enough simply to close down terrorist groups and close down ungoverned space which is what our intervention in Afghanistan was about; was to try and make sure that that country was run by a government with the power to keep terrorist groups out of that country. We also need to deal with the narrative that the terrorists use, with the culture of grievance they try to build up to justify unjustified actions, and that, I think will be part of our discussions tomorrow.

    Question

    Thank you Prime Minister. Prime Minister Cameron can I ask you, how comfortable do you feel welcoming Prime Minister Modi to this country, given that for the first 2 years of your premiership he was not permitted to visit this country because of his record as Chief Minister of Gujarat?

    And on Europe, can I ask you, Donald Tusk has just said that unless the European Union strengthens its external borders, there will be no future for Schengen. Do you agree with him?

    And what do you say to Martin Schulz who says that Europe is very happy to spend billions of pounds on bankers helping them, but is pretty miserable when it comes to helping migrants?

    And Prime Minister Modi, can I ask you, in the next 2 years, the United Kingdom will be having a referendum on whether to remain in or leave the European Union. Do you see a future for the United Kingdom outside the European Union? And also Prime Minister Modi, can I ask you, tomorrow night you will obviously have a rapturous reception at Wembley Stadium, but there are a number of protestors out today who are saying, and I’m wondering what you say to them, that given your record as Chief Minister of the State of Gujarat, you do not deserve the respect that would normally be accorded to the leader of the world’s largest democracy? Thank you.

    David Cameron

    Well, lots of questions there. Let me try and answer all of them. I’m pleased to welcome Prime Minister Modi here. He comes with [inaudible] from the people of India who made him Prime Minister with a record and historic majority. As for what happened in the past, there were legal proceedings. There were also, as my colleague, Priti Patel said earlier today, representations from the British government at the time. But we are now discussing the future partnership between Britain and India, both of us backed by our countries for this parliament to work together to strengthen the partnership that we have.

    On the other issues that you raise: the reason for supporting banks in a crisis is not that they are uniquely wonderful things or wonderful people, but simply if you allow banks to collapse, they pull down every other business with them. But that’s why we’ve reformed the system in this country so that if banks get in trouble in future, they are bailed out by their own creditors and not by the taxpayer.

    As for support for migrants, I think Britain can hold its head high up internationally because we have given more than any other European country, indeed more than any other country in the world, apart from the United States of America, to help with the Syrian refugee crisis, supporting the neighbouring countries, supporting people in Syria, and of course supporting the refugee camps. No country apart from America has done more.

    As for what Donald Tusk says about Schengen: Britain is not in Schengen. We have kept our own borders, while being part of the European Union. So, it is not really for me to say, but obviously I want to help my colleagues in Europe deal with this migration crisis. That is why actually we have done more than any other European country to support the European asylum support officers that are helping to deal with this crisis on Schengen’s external borders. And we’ll continue to do that.

    But clearly, you need to have either a system with external borders or a system with internal borders. You can’t have borders that don’t work at either level. But as I say, Britain will remain out of Schengen. We will keep our own borders. We think that’s important for our security.

    I think those were all your questions. Prime Minister.

    Narendra Modi

    I came in 2003 and had been warmly welcomed at that time as well. The UK has never stopped me from coming here. They have never banned me from coming here. Perhaps I could not come because of my own time constraints, so please do correct this wrong perception you may have.

    Secondly, yes, there will be a referendum in the UK after 2 years. I believe that the citizens of this country are very intelligent and wise. I have nothing to say to them, as far as India is concerned. If there is an entry point for us to the European Union, that is the UK and that is Great Britain. And if we have economic co-operation with any country, then the largest economic co-operation is with the UK. Yes, we are going to other European Union countries as well, but we will continue to consider the UK as our entry point into the European Union, as far as possible.

    Question

    My question is: India is facing a lot of changes currently, and you have recently initiated many initiatives. So, Prime Minister, I would like to ask you, given the economic and social situation in India, what kind of co-operation are you expecting from the UK?

    And Mr Prime Minister Cameron, I would like to ask you that India and UK have had historical relations. How would you define them in this new context? And what kind of new steps you will take so that these relations are further strengthened?

    Narendra Modi

    The direction that India wants to take in its future progress, for instance, let me give you an example. We have very high [inaudible] density in India. About 27,000 to 28,000 towers are standing tall, and they all use diesel, and we have to import diesel. That is not something that is very good for the climate, as you know. And UK has developed a hydrogen fuel cell technology. We wish to – that UK would make this technology available to the – to India, so that we can use it to power these towers, which will increase the number to 40,000. So on the one hand, we’ll be able to stop using diesel, we will contribute to reducing our carbon footprint, and therefore impact the climate. And if you look at coal, we have to try and figure out how we can bring about coal gasification using green energy, skill development. UK has done extraordinary work in terms of skill development. In the health sector as well, UK has worked in building a very good health system, hospital system.

    So we have discussed all these different issues, and we have also seen how even the poorest person in India can benefit from all this. And my visit to UK this time would – enables me to say how we can move forward and how we will be moving forward together.

    David Cameron

    That’s what we’ve been talking about. I think it’s probably true that for years, the relationship between Britain and India was in some way imprisoned by the past. I think sometimes in recent years, it’s been imprisoned by misconceptions that trade with India is simply about outsourcing. Look at the relationship today. If someone had told you 20 years ago one of the most successful car manufacturers in Britain expanding and selling all over the world would be a combination of Indian capital and British design and manufacturing expertise, people would say, ‘Really, is that going to happen?’ Well, that’s what Jaguar Land Rover, just one example, is all about.

    So I think it’s time to set this relationship free from those misconceptions and from the past, and recognise that this is a modern, dynamic partnership of 2 countries who face similar challenges: how do we get growth and prosperity, how do we combat terrorism, how do we ensure a green environment for our future and our children? Those are the things that we’re now talking about, and I think the excitement is that with Prime Minister Modi’s vision of smart cities, of clean India, of digital technology, of skilling up tens of millions of young people in India, there are huge opportunities for Britain to play a part in building that future together, and that’s why we are so, I think, excited today to be signing so many different agreements across such a wide range of areas, demonstrating this is a truly modern and dynamic partnership.

    With that, we have a packed timetable – 2 speeches this afternoon, including the first to Parliament – and we must go and make the most of that. But thank you very much.

  • David Cameron – 2015 Statement on Syria

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the statement made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, at Downing Street, London on 13 November 2015.

    Good morning. Last night, the United States carried out an air strike in Raqqa, Syria, targeting Mohammed Emwazi – the ISIL executioner known as Jihadi John.

    We cannot yet be certain if the strike was successful.

    But let me be clear. I have always said that we would do whatever was necessary, whatever it took, to track down Emwazi and stop him taking the lives of others.

    We have been working, with the United States, literally around the clock to track him down. This was a combined effort. And the contribution of both our countries was essential.

    Emwazi is a barbaric murderer. He was shown in those sickening videos of the beheadings of British aid workers. He posed an ongoing and serious threat to innocent civilians not only in Syria, but around the world, and in the United Kingdom too.

    He was ISIL’s lead executioner, and let us never forget that he killed many, many, Muslims too. And he was intent on murdering many more people.

    So this was an act of self-defence. It was the right thing to do.

    Today I want to thank the United States: the United Kingdom has no better friend or ally.

    And I want to pay tribute to all those professionals in our own security and intelligence agencies and armed forces for the extraordinary work they do on behalf of our country. On this, as so often, they’ve been working hand in glove with their American colleagues. We are proud of them.

    If this strike was successful, and we still await confirmation of that, it will be a strike at the heart of ISIL. And it will demonstrate to those who would do Britain, our people and our allies harm: we have a long reach, we have unwavering determination and we never forget about our citizens.

    The threat ISIL pose continues. Britain and her allies will not rest until we have defeated this evil terrorist death cult, and the poisonous ideology on which it feeds.

    Today though, my thoughts, and the thoughts of our country, are with the families of those who were so brutally murdered.

    Japanese citizens Kenji Goto and Haruna Yukawa, American journalists Steven Sotloff and James Foley and aid worker Abdul-Rahman Kassig.

    And of course our own citizens. Aid workers David Haines and Alan Henning. Nothing will bring back David and Alan. Their courage and selflessness stand in stark contrast to the empty callousness of their murderers.

    Their families and their friends should be proud of them, as we are. They were the best of British and they will be remembered long after the murderers of ISIL are forgotten.

  • David Cameron – 2015 Lord Mayor’s Banquet Speech

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet Speech held at the Guildhall in London on 16 November 2015.

    Introduction

    My Lord Mayor, My Late Lord Mayor, Your Grace, My Lord Chancellor, My Lord President of the Council, Lord Speaker, Your Excellencies, My Lords, Aldermen, Sheriffs, Chief Commoner, Ladies and Gentlemen.

    We meet today in the aftermath of the worst terrorist attack in Europe for a decade.

    The thoughts and prayers of this hall – and our whole country – are with the friends and families of all those affected – including the British victims.

    These were innocent people going about their lives enjoying a Friday night out brutally gunned down by callous murderers.

    Murderers who thought that their acts of depravity could somehow destroy everything we stand for.

    They could not have been more wrong.

    Britain, France and our allies around the world will never be cowed by terrorism.

    We will only redouble our resolve to defeat it.

    Tonight I want to talk about how.

    But before I turn to the specific terrorist threat, let me first say a word about our wider approach to Britain’s national security.

    Because at the heart of the National Security Strategy that we are publishing next week are some key choices which provide the foundations from which we can defeat this terrorist scourge.

    Economic security

    The first choice is about ensuring our economic security.

    As I argued at this dinner last year, economic security and our national security go hand-in-hand.

    You cannot have one without the other.

    It is only because we have a strong economy that we can afford the resources to invest in our national security.

    It is only because we have halved the deficit and made our economy the fastest growing in the G7 last year that we can maintain the second best funded armed forces in all of NATO – and together with France, the most capable and globally deployable in Europe.

    So we will continue to see through our long-term economic plan and take the difficult decisions to deal with our deficit.

    Hard power

    Second, we are using our economic strength to invest in hard military power.

    As I will explain later, whatever others might wish were the case, the reality is that there are times when you do need to be able to deploy military force.

    And if you don’t have it, you can’t deploy it.

    So in a difficult spending review where resources are tight, we are choosing to spend 2% of our GDP on defence every year for the rest of the decade.

    With a growing economy this means a rising defence budget – with more money every year.

    But it’s not just about the amount of money we spend or the size of our forces, it’s also about our ability to deploy them quickly with the right equipment to get things done.

    We have seen how vital drones are in the fight against ISIL so with this extra money we are doubling our fleet of drones.

    We know we need the ability to carry out airstrikes so this money will provide for more fighter aircraft.

    We want to increase the capabilities of our brilliant special forces.

    So there will be a £2 billion programme of new investments over this Parliament.

    We will maintain our continuous at-sea nuclear deterrent.

    And we will also invest in a new generation of cyber defences to block and disrupt attacks before they can harm our United Kingdom.

    All these measures – and more – come from the choice that we make to spend on our security to deal head-on with the wide range of threats that we face today.

    Aid

    But keeping our people safe in the modern world means tackling the causes of the threats we face – not just dealing with their consequences.

    So the third key choice that we make is to keep our promises to the poorest in the world by spending 0.7% of our Gross National Income on aid.

    I have made the argument many times before that this is the right thing to do morally and I’ve made the argument that it’s in our national interest.

    But tonight I want to make a slightly different point tonight.

    Our aid budget makes us the fastest in the world to react.

    At the migration summit in Valetta last week, as other countries were struggling to work out their contribution to the international effort to stop this lethal trade in human beings across the world, I was able to say very quickly what we would spend, where the money would come from, what we’d do.

    We don’t need to spend time deliberating wondering whether we can afford to help or not, we can focus immediately on what we can do that will help the most.

    So when a typhoon hits the Philippines – British sailors were among the first to arrive.

    And with Ebola in Africa, I knew we could afford to act – and act comprehensively and it was the rapid contribution of British forces, humanitarian workers and medical staff who helped to make Sierra Leone Ebola-free last week and prevent the spread of this dreadful disease around the world.

    This ability to respond swiftly, flexibly, generously means that we have a big impact on the way the world responds to crises.

    And we are going to enhance that capability by refocusing our aid spending so we will target at least half of the Department for International Development’s budget on stabilising and supporting broken and fragile states, and do so much more to help refugees closer to their homes.

    This will make our aid spending an even more fundamental part of our strategy to keep our country safe.

    And it will help to maintain Britain’s position as number one in the world for soft power.

    And yes, it may be called soft power but whether it’s saving the lives of refugees by stopping them from having to make that terrible journey across the Mediterranean, helping the Lebanese build defences against ISIL, or helping countries establish the building blocks of democracy and justice and the rule of law, I can tell you that soft power packs a real punch.

    Building alliances

    The fourth key choice we have made in taking a comprehensive approach to our security – is to engage with countries around the world even when there are difficult issues to address.

    Some people said I shouldn’t have invited the leaders of India, China and Egypt to Britain in recent weeks.

    Others concluded that it’s a sort of zero sum game, with the drawbacks of engagement being balanced out exactly by the benefits to our trade.

    Frankly, I disagree with both of those views.

    It is not just about trade – important as that is.

    It’s about influence.

    It’s about using our world class diplomatic network to build relationships that mean you can work together to solve shared problems and have the ability to express concerns where you need to.

    Think about the consequences of not engaging.

    Is anyone really saying that I shouldn’t talk to the Egyptians on the day after an airliner is blown up in their country and when it is Britain’s national interest that we support their airport security and get our own people safely home?

    The people who wanted me to raise the dumping of cheap steel with the Chinese are also often the same people who say I shouldn’t meet the Chinese in the first place.

    Well, I can’t raise the issue if I’m not talking to them, just as we can’t influence their rise in the world if we’re not willing to engage.

    The bottom line is this.

    Yes, it is a strategic choice to engage with countries where we have concerns.

    But my view is this.

    You can’t conduct foreign policy by press releases and pious statements in Parliament.

    You have to engage and build the alliances that can make a difference.

    A deeper partnership means a deeper conversation and a greater ability to address the issues that might concern us.

    So the National Security Strategy that we are publishing next week will give Britain the resources it needs to increase both its hard and soft power and build the relationships that can project and enhance our influence in the world.

    And it’s against this background that I want to turn specifically to the terrorist threat that we face.

    Full spectrum

    The more we learn about what happened in Paris the more it justifies the approach that we are taking in Britain.

    When you are dealing with radicalised European Muslims, linked to ISIL in Syria and inspired by a poisonous narrative of extremism, you need an approach that covers the full spectrum – military power, counter-terrorism expertise and defeating the poisonous narrative that is the root cause of this evil.

    Let me take each in turn.

    Military power

    We have to be realistic and hard-headed about the threats we face: confronting this murderous violence requires a strong security response.

    Those who say we should have somehow arrested ‘Jihadi John’, don’t get the reality of the world we are in.

    The same is true of Junaid Hussain or Reyaad Khan.

    There is no government we can work with in Syria, let alone that part of Syria.

    There are no rigorous police investigations or independent courts upholding justice in Raqqa.

    We have no military on the ground to detain those preparing plots.

    And there was nothing to suggest that any of these people would ever leave Syria or stop planning to murder British and American citizens.

    In that situation, you do not protect people by sitting around and wishing for another world.

    You have to act in this world.

    And that means being prepared to use military force where necessary.

    Counter-terrorism

    Turning to counter-terrorism, our security services have foiled no fewer than 7 different terrorist plots right here in Britain over the past year alone.

    We should all be extraordinarily grateful for the work they have done in thwarting these attacks and keeping us safe.

    But we need to do more to ensure our agencies have the resources and the information they need to prevent and disrupt plots against this country at every stage.

    So in next week’s Strategic Defence and Security Review, we will make a major additional investment in our world class intelligence agencies.

    This will include over 1,900 additional security and intelligence staff and more money to increase our network of counter-terrorism experts in the Middle East, North Africa, South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.

    We will also more than double our spending on aviation security around the world with more experts overseas working side by side with host nations in the most vulnerable locations.

    We also need to do more to make sure the powers we give our security services keep pace with changes in technology.

    So we have published a draft Bill that will ensure that GCHQ, MI5 and our counter-terrorism police continue to have the powers to follow terrorist movements by tracking their online communications to intercept those communications under a warrant and to obtain data from computers used by terrorists and paedophiles.

    Now of course there will be those who criticise these measures as an infringement of civil rights.

    But I disagree.

    They are about protecting those liberties from terrorists who want to take them away.

    Furthermore, these are powers that have been used in every major recent counter terrorism investigation by MI5 and the police.

    And they have played an important part in thwarting many attacks from a plot to blow up the London Stock Exchange in 2010 to a sickening attempt to imitate the killers of Lee Rigby by murdering a soldier with a knife and a hammer in August last year.

    Our legislation will get the balance right – with powers matched by strong safeguards and judicial oversight to make us world leaders on transparency and accountability.

    Defeating the ideology

    But military power and counter-terrorism expertise will only get us so far.

    To defeat this terrorist threat in the long term – we must also understand and address its root cause.

    There is far too much confusion about this.

    Some say it’s wronged Muslims getting revenge on their Western wrongdoers but this overlooks that ISIL, al-Qa’ida and Boko Haram murder Muslims in huge numbers.

    Some say it’s because of the Iraq War but that overlooks that 9/11 – the biggest loss of British citizens in a terrorist attack – happened before the Iraq War.

    Some say it’s because of poverty and deprivation but that overlooks that many of these terrorists have had the full advantages of prosperous families or a Western education.

    I am not saying that these issues aren’t important.

    But we could deal with all of them and some people would still be drawn to extremism.

    The root cause of this threat is the poisonous ideology of extremism itself.

    This ideology, this diseased view of the world, has become an epidemic – infecting minds from the mosques of Mogadishu to the bedrooms of Birmingham.

    And we have to stop it at the start – stop this seed of hatred even being planted in people’s minds, let alone allowing it to grow.

    That means confronting the ideology with our own liberal values, exposing this extremism for what it is – a belief system that glorifies violence and subjugates its people – not least Muslim people.

    It means tackling both the violent and the non-violent extremism in all its forms because unwittingly or not those who promote extremist views – even if nonviolent themselves – are providing succour to those who want to commit or get others to commit violence.

    It means improving integration – by moving away from segregation in our schools and communities and inspecting and shutting down any educational institutions that are teaching intolerance.

    And it means actively encouraging reforming and moderate Muslim voices to speak up and challenge the extremists.

    And this final point is vital.

    Of course, this extremist ideology is not true Islam. That cannot be said clearly enough.

    But it is not good enough to say simply that Islam is a religion of peace and then to deny any connection between the religion of Islam and the extremists. Why? Because these extremists are self-identifying as Muslims.

    From Tunisia to the streets of Paris, these murderers all spout the same twisted narrative that claims to be based on a particular faith.

    To deny that is to disempower the critical reforming voices that want to challenge the scriptural basis on which extremists claim to be acting – the voices that are crucial in providing an alternative worldview that could stop a teenager’s slide along the spectrum of extremism.

    We can’t stand neutral in this battle of ideas.

    We have to back those who share our values – with practical help, with funding, campaigns, protection and political representation.

    This is a central part of how we can defeat this terrorism in the long term.

    And it is a battle of ideas that we must win – not just here at home – but together with our allies all around the world.

    This will be a huge challenge.

    But in Britain we have the soft power – the influence, the educational expertise and the alliances with other countries – to win this battle and defeat the causes of hatred and intolerance that threaten our security and the security of our allies across the world.

    Conclusion

    Lord Mayor, here in this great Guildhall is a copy of the Magna Carta signed just months before the first Lord Mayor’s Show 800 years ago and enshrining in this land the principles of liberty, justice and the rule of law.

    As this Hall stood open to the sky after the bombings of London in the heat of the Second World War it was Winston Churchill who addressed this Banquet as it temporarily moved to Mansion House.

    He spoke of the resolve of this ancient City of London and our determination that however long and hard the toil may be the British nation would never enter into negotiations with Hitler.

    It is that historic British resolve that we celebrate here again tonight.

    And it is that same resolve that will defeat this terrorism and ensure that the values we believe in – and the values we defend – will again in the end prevail.

  • Justine Greening – 2015 Speech on Syria

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening, the Secretary of State for International Development, in New York, United States on 17 November 2015.

    Let me thank Stephen O’Brien, Zeinab Bangura and Leila Zerrougui for their sobering briefings. And indeed the UK expresses its condolences in relation to the terrorist attacks over recent days in Paris, Beirut and elsewhere. They are a vivid reminder of the horrific human toll of the Syria and regional crisis.

    Like others here today, I’ve met Syrian refugees who have fled the bloodshed and violence consuming their country for over 4 years now. And their tales are of experiences that no one should have to go through.

    But, we must accept that these people have been let down. The generosity of countries bearing the brunt of the refugees like Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey has not been matched by a similar generosity from the whole international community. UN appeals are 45% funded. Overwhelming suffering and loss has been matched by political deadlock and an inadequate financial response.

    My message to the Council today is that for Syria, for its people, for us all – time is now running out.

    Time is running out for us to meet the most basic needs of the Syrian people – whether they are inside Syria or have fled the country.

    Time is running out for Syria’s children. A whole generation who are being robbed of a childhood, an education and a future.

    And time is running out for the international community, as we try to cope with the overwhelming numbers of refugees who have themselves run out of hope and are now looking elsewhere to build a new life for themselves and their families.

    Since day one, Britain has worked hard to help people on the ground and been at the forefront of the humanitarian response to this crisis – pledging $1.7 billion to date.

    But the need is immense and growing. Greater efforts are needed, not only to meet people’s basic needs – but to provide jobs and an education for Syria’s children.

    That’s why our Prime Minister has just announced that the UK will co-host a global conference on the Syria crisis in February next year. This conference must be a turning point. It must raise the resources and deliver the policy changes that are needed.

    Let’s not forget, our response to this crisis, the actions we take – or don’t take – on Syria – will define how we respond to other protracted emergencies. The challenge of educating whole generations of children at risk of being lost to conflict. And, with forced displacement likely to remain a major feature of the global landscape, the challenge of supporting refugees and the countries that host them.

    But we recognise that humanitarian action alone is not sufficient. Syria isn’t a natural disaster, it’s a man-made one.

    We all know what’s causing the deaths and suffering. The Assad regime bears the primary responsibility. It’s Assad’s barrel bombs… it’s ISIL’s brutality too. It’s the targeting and the killing of aid workers. It’s the deliberate disregard for international humanitarian law, too often dressed up in a false, perverse argument of sovereignty.

    A negotiated political transition is the sole way to end the conflict in Syria and is key to alleviating the humanitarian crisis. I am encouraged by the constructive discussions in Vienna and the new momentum behind the process working towards peace for the people of Syria.

    But until that political settlement is reached we must recommit to:

    • ending targeted and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, particularly aerial attacks and shelling;
    • to the protection of health facilities, schools and essential infrastructure;
    • ensuring unimpeded access for humanitarian organisations;
    • and an end to the use of siege tactics;
    • and preventing and responding to gender-based violence. As is the case in all conflicts, girls and women have been left the most vulnerable to violence, abuse and exploitation.

    As we meet today, there are a long list of things that we will fail to agree on in relation to the Syria crisis. But help for those caught up in this crisis, humanitarian aid being able to reach those in need, these things shouldn’t be on that list. These are things that we should be able to agree to.

    There can be no excuse for flouting humanitarian law. There can be no excuse for preventing humanitarian agencies from reaching those in need. The Council must make that clear.

    We agreed Resolution 2191 on allowing the UN to use cross-border routes. This resolution has been critical for helping us get aid to people who would otherwise have had none. It is essential that we renew that resolution.

    Syria is perhaps the defining conflict of our age, not just for those in the region, but for all of us. It has shown all too clearly where there are failures in our humanitarian and political responses.

    And the World Humanitarian Summit next year will be a vital moment for us to commit to a new 21st century response to a protracted crisis – that brings together our development, humanitarian work and human rights. And, in this age of crisis, this summit is a vital moment to recommit to our humanitarian values and law.

    As the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon and the International Committee of the Red Cross President Peter Maurer have said, now is the moment to rally for humanity.

    We must respond to that call for the sake of Syria, and for the wider world, and for future generations. This is our shared responsibility and challenge – we must meet it. Thank you.

  • Justine Greening – 2015 Speech at UN Security Council

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening, the Secretary of State for International Development in New York on 17 November 2015.

    Thank you Secretary General, Wided Bouchamoui and Ambassador Skoog for introducing this session. I’m very pleased to chair the UN Security Council again today, the first Development Minister to be doing so. That’s because development and security are intrinsically linked.

    The United Kingdom extends its heartfelt condolences to those tragically caught up in terrorism. From Paris to Syria; from South Sudan to Yemen; from Beirut to Sharm el-Sheikh – we see more clearly than ever the pain, suffering and cost of conflict. The human cost. The Council heard yesterday about the bloodshed in Syria that has shattered so many lives.

    But also the social and economic cost to the whole country – and to future generations. It is estimated that the Syrian conflict has turned the clock back on that country’s development by 30 years.

    And it is conflict affected states that are the most off-track for achieving the Millennium Development Goals.

    The reality is – if we’re to achieve the new Global Goals for ending poverty, and live up to our promise to leave no one behind, then preventing conflict and building peaceful societies is absolutely vital.

    These past 15 years have shown us that trying to build development in any country without a solid foundation of peace and stability is like trying to build a house on the sand: it will simply be washed away when crisis hits.

    So how can we make sure that solid foundation is in place? Stability is not only about addressing war and conflict – it’s about countries having strong economies, healthy and educated populations and, critically, it’s about the strength of their institutions. Our Prime Minister has called it a Golden Thread of development.

    Stability means the rule of law and property rights, an independent judiciary. Because the poorest people on the world aren’t just going hungry – they lack justice, they want jobs, they want the right to own their own land and build their own businesses.

    And if individuals don’t have a voice in society it doesn’t mean their grievances aren’t there, only that there is no fair forum for them to be heard and so grievances fester and build.

    Stability means rights for girls and women. We know girls and women are those most vulnerable when crisis hits. And they must be an integral part of any peacebuilding and conflict solution. The ongoing high level review of Women, Peace and Security will be critical to this.

    And women’s economic empowerment is essential to sustainable development. Recent research estimates that if women in every country had the chance to play the same role in economic markets to men, as much as twenty eight trillion dollars would be added to the global economy by 2025.

    Stability means a society and institutions free of corruption. Corruption is bad for development, it’s bad for the poorest, and it’s bad for business. It corrodes the fabric of society and public institutions, acting as a perverse welfare system that transfers resources from the poor to the rich.

    So it’s addressing these things that can build the backbone of a stable state, without them individuals can’t fulfil their potential, communities cannot thrive, businesses won’t invest – the whole country stagnates.

    It’s not only national institutions that matter. The strength of international institutions is critical as well.

    We know the UN Security Council has a vital role in peacekeeping decisions and swift humanitarian actions. A vital role in ensuring that International Humanitarian Law is adhered to when conflict erupts – and in helping to find political solutions.

    But – as the Security General’s report on the United Nations and Conflict Prevention, and the UN peace operations and peacebuilding reviews set out – increasingly our international institutions need to take on a greater role in addressing the underlying causes of fragility and conflict.

    This means prioritising conflict prevention as much as its resolution – by taking early action when faced with the signs of deteriorating situation.

    It means moving from peacekeeping to peacebuilding.

    By investing in basic services in fragile and conflict-affected states, by helping to build a stronger economy and jobs, by supporting strong and accountable institutions: the rule of law, respect for human rights, free and fair access to markets and the rights of girls and women, and tackling corruption. And achieving that progress through the UN, and the World Bank and IMF as well.

    The UK believes that doing this is strongly in our national interests, in all countries’ national interests.

    Investment in prosperity and stability overseas is critical if we don’t want global problems to end up on our own doorsteps. Lack of development and exclusion provides fertile ground for extremism, for terrorism, organised crime and conflict to thrive. It drives migration.

    The UK has made a historic commitment to spending 0.7% of our national income on Development, with much of that spend already in fragile states and conflict-ridden countries. We’re supporting development and peacebuilding through the UN, and we are committing UK troops to UN operations in Somalia and South Sudan.

    We believe this investment is the right thing to do – and right for our national interests too.

    It’s about saving the next generation from the scourge of war, it’s about allowing every individual an opportunity to live the life they want, to build the future they want, free from violence and the threat of violence. And it’s about global prosperity and global peace and security, because conflict is costly in every sense.

    If we act now and together – then we can build a better, more prosperous, more secure planet for us all.

    Thank you.