Category: Speeches

  • Ed Davey – 2026 Speech on Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor (former Prince Andrew)

    Ed Davey – 2026 Speech on Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor (former Prince Andrew)

    The speech made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, in the House of Commons on 24 February 2026.

    I beg to move,

    That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions to require the Government to lay before this House all papers relating to the creation of the role of Special Representative for Trade and Investment and Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor’s appointment to that role, including but not confined to any documents held by UK Trade and Investment, British Trade International (BTI) and its successors, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, the Cabinet Office and the Prime Minister’s Office containing or relating to advice from, or provided to, the Group Chief Executive of BTI, Peter Mandelson, the Cabinet Office and the Prime Minister regarding the suitability of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor for the appointment, due diligence and vetting conducted in relation to the appointment, and minutes of meetings and electronic communications regarding the due diligence and vetting.

    Thank you, Mr Speaker, for your statement ahead of this debate.

    The appalling crimes of Jeffrey Epstein and his associates have rightly stunned the whole world. The scale of Epstein’s operation was shocking—selling human beings for sex, turning hundreds of young women and girls into victims and survivors—and those women are at the front of our mind today as we finally seek transparency, truth and accountability.

    Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor shamed our country and the royal family, but for too long, Members of Parliament were barred from even raising criticisms of him, let alone properly scrutinising his role as trade envoy, because of the outdated tradition that mentions of any member of the royal family in this House must, in the words of the previous Speaker, be

    “very rare, very sparing and very respectful”.—[Official Report, 28 February 2011; Vol. 524, c. 35.]

    I encountered this at first hand back in 2011, when I was asked to respond to an Adjournment debate on behalf of Lord Green, who was then the Minister for Trade and Investment. The debate was led by the late Paul Flynn, but even he—an ardent and outspoken republican, as I am sure many of us remember, was not allowed to raise any actual concerns about Andrew himself. Paul called it “negative privilege”, and that is what it was. He said his mouth was “bandaged by archaic rules”, and that had very real and damaging consequences. I am pleased to see the Minister in his place, because I know he was also constrained by those rules when he raised similar issues. In that debate, Epstein’s name was not mentioned once, and there was no chance to debate the substance. Standing in for the responsible Minister, I set out the Government’s position, as it had been for a decade, in support of the prince’s role as trade envoy. Looking back and knowing what we all know now, I am horrified by it. I cannot imagine what it must have been like for the survivors and their families to hear Andrew praised like that, as they did so often all around the world, so I apologise to them, and I am determined to change things.

    I was struck by the words of Amanda Roberts, Virginia Giuffre’s sister-in-law, after Andrew was arrested last week. She said this could be a stain on the royal family for the rest of our history, or

    “it could be a moment where they, and we, decide that this is the time when cultural change happens.”

    As a staunch supporter of His Royal Highness the King and the royal family, I believe we must help to bring about that cultural change now.

    Liz Saville Roberts (Dwyfor Meirionnydd) (PC)

    The leader of the Liberal Democrats is making a powerful speech. I am sure he will agree that decades of deferential and, frankly, sycophantic treatment by Parliament and state authorities are being exposed as having enabled Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor to behave as though he were untouchable. I am sure he will also join me in calling on the Government to introduce independent oversight of those members of the royal family who undertake official duties, and in requiring transparency and scrutiny of anything paid for by the state from now on, because apparently, they work for us.

    Ed Davey

    I am grateful for that intervention. We must build a culture of transparency and accountability; I think that is essential. I hope that we as a House will look at ending the archaic “negative privilege” rules that Paul Flynn spoke about, and remove the bandages from our mouths. Today, we are free of those bandages, when it comes to Andrew. Our motion focuses on finally getting out the truth about his role as a special representative for trade and investment.

    Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

    First, I commend the right hon. Member and his party for bringing forward the motion, and for the way that he interviewed on TV this morning. Certainly, he speaks not just for this House, but for this nation. We are all greatly shocked at what has taken place, but does he agree that King Charles, Queen Camilla, Edward, Sophie, William and Kate are members of the royal family who need our support at this time? Does he also agree that now is perhaps the time to tell them that we in this House love them, and that this nation loves them? We understand the pain they are suffering, and we support those members of the royal family who are above reproach on this.

    Ed Davey

    I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his intervention, and I think he probably speaks for the whole House. Indeed, the intention of this debate is to bring this House together. The changes that we think are necessary would protect the royal family and strengthen the monarchy, which in some places has been criticised. That is important, and it is why we need these reforms.

    The motion focuses on the start of this—on the appointment of the former Prince Andrew to this role back in 2001. We have seen reporting that says that the King, then the Prince of Wales, expressed his concerns about that appointment. More alarmingly, we have read that Peter Mandelson wrote to the then Prime Minister, Tony Blair, as his former Trade Secretary, pushing for Andrew’s appointment—one friend of Epstein lobbying for a job for another friend of Epstein, and a job that might help Epstein enrich himself. We clearly need to get to the bottom of that appointment and the role that Mandelson played in it, and only the papers demanded by this motion will allow us to do that. We need them published as soon as possible, without delay.

    There are many questions about Andrew’s conduct in the role, which is now subject to a criminal investigation. As you said, Mr Speaker, we clearly do not want to jeopardise that investigation through anything we say today. We must let the police get on with their work, especially for Epstein’s victims, survivors and their families, who deserve to see justice done at last. However, I would highlight one example of the way that Jeffrey Epstein sought to use Andrew’s role as a trade envoy to enrich himself.

    Monica Harding (Esher and Walton) (LD)

    My right hon. Friend is talking about Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor’s role as a trade envoy. When I was working overseas for the British Council, Mountbatten-Windsor came to an exhibition I had put on about Dolly the sheep, which was a fine example of British scientific innovation, but he stood up in front of Japanese dignitaries and business people and said, “This is rubbish. This is Frankenstein’s sheep.” Would my right hon. Friend agree with me that that was a very poor example of promoting British trade interests?

    Ed Davey

    I am grateful for my hon. Friend’s intervention, which shows not only that we need to focus on the scandals we have heard about, but that even greater questions are raised if the trade envoy was actually speaking against British commercial interests. I hope that not just in this debate, but in other debates, and in Select Committees and elsewhere, we will get to the bottom of that issue.

    As I was saying, I would like to highlight one example of how Jeffrey Epstein sought to use Andrew’s role as trade envoy to enrich himself. Channel 4 uncovered emails in the Epstein files in which Epstein was trying to meet the Libyan dictator Gaddafi in the dying months of the Gaddafi regime, to help him find somewhere to “put his money”—something that the Minister raised at the time. In other words, Epstein looked at the deadly crisis in Libya and saw a chance to make some money, and he thought his friend Andrew could help. This is what he said in one of the emails:

    “I wondered if Pa should make the intro”.

    A few weeks later, Andrew wrote back, “Libya fixed.”

    Although the Epstein-Gaddafi meeting does not appear to have happened, this shows clearly what these relationships were all about for Epstein: increasing his own wealth and power. The idea that the role of special trade envoy for our United Kingdom may have been used to help him do that—to help a vile paedophile sex trafficker enrich himself—is truly sickening. Again, I pay tribute to the Minister, who tried to raise this at the time, like his colleague, the late Paul Flynn. It shows again why we need to change the rules of this House that govern Ministers and the debate here.

    Matt Bishop (Forest of Dean) (Lab)

    I thank the Leader of the Opposition for giving way. [Interruption.] Sorry, the leader of the Liberal Democrats—I stand corrected. [Hon. Members: “More!”] It’s coming.

    I asked the Chief Secretary to the Prime Minister yesterday in this House about the speed of bringing legislation forward. Victims, Members of this House and Members of the Lords all want this process to happen as swiftly as possible. Does the right hon. Member agree with the Chief Secretary’s comments and that whatever happens with Andrew or anybody else, we must keep pushing to get legislation brought forward swiftly, not in the years to come?

    Ed Davey

    I am grateful for both the hon. Gentleman’s Freudian slip and his suggestion that we need to speed up action in this area.

    Let me begin to conclude. In many ways, this is the first truly global scandal, from the White House and silicon valley to Oslo and Paris. But it is also a deeply British scandal, reaching right to the top of the British establishment. Can there be many people more symbolic of the rot that eats away at the British establishment than the former Duke of York and special trade envoy, and the former Business Secretary, First Secretary of State and ambassador to the United States? Their association with Epstein and their actions on his behalf, while trusted with the privilege of public office, are a stain on our country.

    Today, we must begin to clean away that stain with the disinfectant of transparency. Whether it is the President of the United States and his Commerce Secretary, Peter Mandelson and Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor or Epstein himself, their victims and survivors have seen those responsible evade accountability and escape justice for far too long. I hope—I desperately hope—that is ending now, and I hope the House will approve this motion.

  • Yvette Cooper – 2026 Statement on El Fasher

    Yvette Cooper – 2026 Statement on El Fasher

    The statement made by Yvette Cooper, the Foreign Secretary, on 19 February 2026.

    The findings of this UN report are truly horrific – atrocities including systematic starvation, torture, killings, rape and deliberate ethnic targeting used on the most horrendous scale during the Rapid Support Forces siege of El Fasher.

    The UK called for this report to be commissioned by the UN in November to hold perpetrators of these vile atrocities to account, and today I will take its conclusions to the chamber of the Security Council and ensure that the voices of women of Sudan who have endured so much are heard by the world. 

    Today’s report describes the most unimaginable and chilling horrors – including people forced to choose between starvation or eating animal feed, children subjected to mass rape, civilians ambushed and slaughtered as they fled the sieged city, patients and staff killed in their hospital, perpetrators boasting of mass crimes on social media, and calling for “extermination”.   

    We need urgent action from across the international community including urgent international criminal investigations into the mounting evidence of atrocities in El Fasher to ensure accountability for vile perpetrators, justice for victims and to break the cycle of bloodshed.

    We urgently need an end to arms flows. Reports into breaches of the arms embargo which we agree should be extended and enforced, must be investigated. The obstructions to the Fact Finding Mission from both warring parties are shameful and unacceptable – the UN needs unimpeded access to bring atrocities and breaches to account.

    Most important of all we need global action and pressure in pursuit of a ceasefire, and essential humanitarian access with support for survivors.

    Our response must be emphatic: the UK has sanctioned four senior RSF commanders accused of committing heinous atrocities in El Fasher.  And this week we joined the US and France in proposing they will be designated in the UN too – these crimes must not go unanswered. 

    The world is still failing the people of Sudan. When the stories started to emerge about the horrors of El Fasher it should have been a turning point, but the violence is continuing. Today, in the Security Council, the UK as President will make sure the world does not look away. It is time to listen to the women of Sudan not the military men who have been prosecuting this war. We need action for justice, accountability and peace.

  • Yvette Cooper – 2026 Statement on the Situation in the Middle East

    Yvette Cooper – 2026 Statement on the Situation in the Middle East

    The speech made by Yvette Cooper, the Foreign Secretary, at the United Nations in New York on 18 February 2026.

    Colleagues, let me begin by welcoming my fellow Ministers joining today’s session and also by thanking Under-Secretary-General Di Carlo for her briefing, as well as Hiba Qasas and Nadav Tamir for their powerful remarks which remind us of the opportunity that lies before us, an opportunity to end the cycle of violence and suffering, and to build a better future, free from terror, free from occupation, and to bring lasting peace and security to the region, and to come together in the very spirit of this United Nations.

    For more than two years, the human cost has been unimaginable. Families shattered. Communities destroyed or displaced.

    Trauma that will reverberate for generations.

    The pain of the horrific Hamas terrorist attacks against Israel on October 7th, the suffering of the hostages, and the devastation of the war that followed in Gaza, with over 70,000 Palestinians killed. That is ever-present.

    With thanks to the leadership of the United States, Egypt, Qatar and Türkiye – alongside a wider intense intense diplomatic drive from many of the nations represented here today – a ceasefire was secured and endorsed by this Council, in Resolution 2803.

    The hostages are home, and the families of those deceased can finally lay their loved ones to rest.

    And we have an international determination to deliver Phase 2 of the Peace Plan.

    But the ceasefire itself remains fragile.

    And the progress we all seek is at risk.

    We have seen ceasefire violations on both sides. 

    Hamas has continued to attack Israeli forces. 

    And over 600 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli attacks since the ceasefire began.

    And this is deeply disturbing and undermines Phase 1 of President Trump’s peace plan. 

    Gaza must not get stuck in a no-man’s land between peace and war. 

    So to deliver Phase 2, we see four priorities for urgent action.

    Firstly, we must begin the serious process of decommissioning Hamas’s weapons.

    In line with the 20 Point Plan, Hamas must destroy its terrorist infrastructure and weapons production sites as a first step towards full demilitarisation. And we stand ready to play our part.

    Hamas must have no future role in running of Gaza.

    Because that is crucial for the security of Israelis and Palestinians alike. Alongside this we need to see the Palestinian police strengthened, the International Stabilisation Force deployment, and IDF withdrawal from the Strip.

    Second, we need to build stable Palestinian governance.

    The National Committee for the Administration of Gaza must be supported to succeed.

    This crucial body which was included alongside the Board of Peace in Resolution 2803 now needs to be supported to deliver for the Palestinian people, leading day-to-day service, delivery and recovery efforts, establishing its legitimacy and credibility.

    That is the best way to weaken Hamas and render them irrelevant.

    And there must be a clear plan for the links and transition from the Committee to a reformed Palestinian Authority.

    Because Palestine must be run by Palestinians.

    Third, we must prevent the destabilisation of the West Bank and preserve the viability of a Palestinian state. 

    We have seen the Palestinian economy face strangulation, including the Israeli government withholding some of the Palestinian authority’s own tax revenues.

    We are witnessing an all-time high of Israeli settlement expansion and settler violence, in flagrant breach of international law.

    With Palestinian families and communities driven from their homes, beaten while farming in their own land.

    Attacks that sow terror among civilians.

    This is deeply deeply wrong, and a clear contravention of the resolutions of this Council, and counter-productive. It only makes the Israeli and Palestinian people less secure.
    Fourth and most important of all, most immediately, we must address Gaza’s catastrophic humanitarian situation.

    Families, repeatedly displaced, are spending this winter desperately seeking shelter amidst the rubble.

    Without electricity. Without water supplies or healthcare.

    Children have frozen to death, and died while awaiting medical evacuations.

    This is unconscionable and, crucially, it is preventable.

    To address these dire needs the United Kingdom has contributed over $100m for humanitarian support in Gaza this year.

    Since the ceasefire, aid flows have increased, more crossings are partially reopened, but the level of need cannot be met unless more restrictions are lifted covering essential medical equipment, components for field hospitals, basic shelter items.

    Because delays and restrictions cost lives. And we also risk now going dangerously backwards.

    The Israeli government policy of deregistering and shutting down the operations of international NGOs in Gaza – including British organisations like Save the Children – risk choking off essential access to people in desperate need and closing fragile health facilities, so we need an urgent change in course.

    So I urge the authorities to urgently ensure that experienced and long-standing organisations can continue to operate, and the UN and its partners must remain at the heart of the response throughout the whole of Gaza, including the proper protection of all UNRWA and UN staff, premises, and operations.

    Colleagues,

    Last September, I came to the UN and – and alongside allies – affirmed the UK’s recognition of the State of Palestine.

    This historic step, 75 years after Britain’s recognition of the State of Israel, reflected our commitment to a two-state solution, to the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and the security of Israel.

    And I spoke then about the profound peril facing the two-state solution and the need for the world to come together and take action for peace.

    That remains true today.

    So Britain remains steadfast in our support for the security of Israel and its people.

    Because a two-state solution can be the gateway to transform the region: with normalisation, regional integration and peaceful coexistence.

    But security cannot be achieved by an indefinite or humiliating occupation that denies security and sovereignty to the Palestinian people.

    So despite the trauma; despite the suffering of recent years, there remains the hope for a better future.

    As we have heard from the powerful testimonies of our civil society briefers today.

    In March this year the UK will hold a Peacebuilding Conference to bring together Israel and Palestinian civil society leaders to build trust and challenge divisions, because peace is built not just by governments, but by whole societies.

    The UK has its own experience of peacebuilding in Northern Ireland, which was a conflict that many said could never be resolved and communities that many said could never co-exist.

    There are other members of this Council who have equivalent or deeper insights. And we know that we cannot undo the trauma of the past. But we can chart a different course for generations to come.

    To help realise Palestinian self-determination.

    To help provide Israel with long-term security.

    And to secure the two-state solution as the only path to lasting peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis alike.

  • King Charles III – 2026 Statement on the Arrest of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor

    King Charles III – 2026 Statement on the Arrest of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor

    The statement made by King Charles III on 19 February 2026.

    “I have learned with the deepest concern the news about Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor and suspicion of misconduct in public office.

    What now follows is the full, fair and proper process by which this issue is investigated in the appropriate manner and by the appropriate authorities.

    In this, as I have said before, they have our full and wholehearted support and co-operation.

    Let me state clearly: the law must take its course.

    As this process continues, it would not be right for me to comment further on this matter.

    Meanwhile, my family and I will continue in our duty and service to you all.

    Charles R.”

  • Sarah Edwards – 2026 Speech on School Minibus Safety

    Sarah Edwards – 2026 Speech on School Minibus Safety

    The speech made by Sarah Edwards, the Labour MP for Tamworth, in the House of Commons on 12 February 2026.

    It is good to see so many hon. and right hon. Members present to take part in this important debate on school minibus safety. No family should ever have to question whether their child will return home safely from a school activity. For my constituents Liz and Steve Fitzgerald, that unthinkable fear became a devastating reality. In November 1993, a minibus carrying 14 children was involved in a catastrophic crash on the M40 near Hagley. Twelve children and their teacher lost their lives, and among them was Liz and Steve’s beloved daughter, Claire.

    I first met Liz and Steve while campaigning in my by-election in 2023. They bravely shared their story with me and invited me to support their ongoing campaign to make school minibuses safer, so that no child would ever be put at risk while travelling to or from school activities. Since then, I have stood with them in their tireless efforts to improve safety, not just for the children who travel in these vehicles, but for the teachers and staff who are asked to drive them. More than 30 years have now passed since that tragedy, and while important improvements have been made in areas such as seatbelt provision and vehicle construction standards, the underlying regulatory framework that allows teachers to drive minibuses without full professional training remains largely unchanged.

    Children’s safety should not be up for debate. This is about reducing risks that we already know can be prevented. It is about asking whether the legal framework that governs the transport of pupils to and from school activities truly matches the weight of that responsibility. Every time a child steps on to a school minibus, parents place their trust in the system that stands behind it. That system must be strong, consistent and—above all—capable of keeping every child safe. At the moment, many of us believe that that system falls short.

    The system that governs school minibuses is built around section 19 permits, introduced under the Transport Act 1985. These permits allow not-for-profit organisations, including schools, to run minibuses without holding a full public service vehicle operator’s licence. Under that system, drivers must meet certain basic licensing conditions, but they are not required to hold a full passenger carrying vehicle licence. Nor are they required by law to undertake accredited professional training.

    The official guidance, which dates from 2013, states that drivers must be suitably trained and correctly licensed. It even recognises that driving a minibus requires additional skills, and is simply not the same as driving a large car. However, it is guidance, so it is advisory, and there are no checks by the Department for Education or Ofsted on its implementation or use. Schools are encouraged to consider specialist training, but they are not required to do so. At the moment, the guidance is not strong enough to guarantee children’s safety. That is why, alongside Liz and Steve Fitzgerald, and the NASUWT, I have been calling for stronger, clearer regulations to make sure that every child can travel safely, and that teachers and staff are properly trained and supported to carry out that responsibility.

    It is also important to understand how and why the framework came about. Section 19 and 22 did not emerge from a careful review of child passenger safety. They were shaped largely by European market rules designed to regulate competition. In other words, the system that we rely on today was driven more by economic considerations than by the safety of schoolchildren. That historical origin has left us with a fragmented and confusing framework.

    Private schools that are not charities are treated as commercial operators, and they must hold a full operator’s licence, meet strict financial and safety requirements, appoint a qualified transport manager, and employ fully licensed, professionally trained drivers with regulated hours. That comprehensive legal framework is designed to protect children and ensure accountability. By contrast, many state schools transport children daily under section 19 permits without the same safeguards. They operate largely on guidance rather than law, with no mandatory professional training or oversight. In practice, teachers may drive minibuses at the end of a full teaching day without the protections required of commercial drivers.

    That raises simple but troubling questions. Why should a child’s safety depend on the type of school they attend? Why should children in private schools travel under a full safety regime, while children in state schools rely on discretion and good will? I criticise not independent schools, which are complying with the law, but the two-tier system that affords different levels of protection to children—that is unfair and unacceptable.

    The inconsistency goes further. Across the UK, standards vary by nation. In Northern Ireland, for example, driving a school minibus without a full D1 licence can be a disciplinary offence. Children’s safety should not depend on postcode, school type or geography. Every child deserves the same standards, protections and assurance that those responsible for their transport are properly trained and accountable.

    The Government recently stated before the Transport Committee that they do not wish to relax D1 licence requirements for community minibus drivers, citing road safety concerns. Around one in five candidates fails the D1 test, even after extensive training. That failure rate is a clear indication of the level of skill and competence required to operate such vehicles safely.

    Leigh Ingham (Stafford) (Lab)

    I am concerned that under the current system, someone could fail their test to drive a minibus in a professional setting and it would not stop them from driving one in a school setting, which does not require a D1 licence. Why is that licence not required to drive children to and from school activities? It fundamentally does not make sense. Does my hon. Friend agree?

    Sarah Edwards

    That is precisely my concern. It does not make sense at all given that failure means an inability to drive safely. We should surely apply the same standards or higher when children are involved.

    Under the current school system, a teacher over the age of 21 who holds only a standard category B car licence and has just two years’ driving experience can legally drive a minibus carrying children, without holding a full passenger carrying vehicle licence and without undertaking any mandatory accredited training—so, too, can the individual who has failed their D1 driving test. This creates a stark and troubling inconsistency in the Government’s own stated aims.

    In every other context, professional passenger transport is treated as high risk, with rigorous training, testing and regulation designed to protect passengers. Yet the law allows schoolchildren—the most vulnerable passengers, some might argue—to be transported under a system that relies on guidance rather than on statutory safeguards. We must ask ourselves: if the Government recognise the dangers and the skill required to drive a minibus in every other setting, why do they not apply the same standards to those entrusted with the lives of children? The safety of our school pupils should not be left to chance or good will.

    Current guidance recognises the dangers of driver fatigue and advises against long journeys after a day of work, but those are only recommendations. In practice, teachers are often expected to drive minibuses at the end of long teaching days. They are responsible for driving larger, more complex vehicles while supervising pupils at the same time. In some cases, they are the only adult on board. That presents serious risks in the event of a breakdown, an emergency or a behavioural incident. This is not about blaming teachers—they are dedicated professionals—but the system places enormous responsibility on them without the professional safeguards that exist in other areas of passenger transport. It is no surprise that growing numbers of teachers are choosing not to drive minibuses, citing stress and concerns about personal liability.

    There is also clear confusion and inconsistency in the system. Guidance on section 19 permits has been interpreted in different ways, and some local authorities and academy trusts apply their own requirements that differ from national guidance. That uncertainty does not make children safer. The NASUWT teaching union has described the current regime as “not fit for purpose”, and a 2024 survey found inconsistent compliance with legal requirements and guidance across many schools. In some cases, management is aware of the shortcomings. In others, problems arise because guidance is unclear and training is lacking. Vehicle faults and poor maintenance have been identified, leaving teachers unknowingly responsible for the vehicle’s roadworthiness. The same survey found that 24% of teachers felt pressured to drive a minibus despite feeling unqualified to do so. Although NASUWT guidance is available to teachers, the union ultimately advises staff not to drive minibuses at all, due to the legal, safety and personal liability risks involved.

    Concerns have also been raised about the use of lightweight minibuses, which are basically converted vans fitted with seats. Many of these vehicles weigh less than 3.5 tonnes, which allows schools to bypass the training and licensing requirements that would otherwise apply to those who obtained their category B car licence after 1997. In effect, these vehicles have become a cheaper workaround for schools, but that cost saving comes with significant safety compromises: these lightweight minibuses often lack essential features such as side impact protection or full airbag coverage, leaving children and staff more vulnerable in the event of a collision. In practice, gross vehicle weight limits are not always routinely checked before journeys begin. Many teachers are unaware that once they take a vehicle on to the road, they are legally responsible for not only their driving but ensuring that the vehicle is roadworthy and compliant with regulations.

    This combination of under-equipped vehicles, insufficient oversight and limited professional training creates a serious safety risk. Teachers can find themselves responsible for dozens of children in a vehicle that is not designed to carry them safely, with no back-up if something goes wrong. The risk is not theoretical; it is a real and present danger that must be addressed. We should not accept a system where cost, convenience or outdated loopholes determine the level of protection that children receive. Every child, in every school, should be transported in a vehicle that meets robust safety standards, driven by someone who is properly trained, and supported by a clear and enforceable legal framework.

    The so-called short distance exemption further complicates matters. Section 19 permits assume that journeys will normally take place within a 10-mile radius, except in rural areas, but many schools, including church schools and large multi-academy trusts operating across several counties, regularly travel well beyond that distance for sports fixtures and other activities. When what is meant to be exceptional becomes routine, it is reasonable to ask whether the legal framework is still fit for purpose.

    At the same time, parents are often unaware of the regulatory distinctions that underpin school transport. Traditional written consent forms once gave parents a clear understanding of arrangements. Increasing reliance on digital systems means that many parents simply assume that robust, uniform standards are already in place. How many parents have been informed prior to a trip and asked whether they were happy for their child to be driven in a minibus by a teacher or staff member who could not demonstrate the level of training required for professional minibus operators?

    Everything that we have heard and considered today makes it clear that the current system is failing both children and staff. We are allowing a two-tier approach to safety, where the protection that a child receives depends on the type of school that they attend. That cannot continue.

    Sarah Edwards

    I met Ministers from the Department for Transport in May 2025 and from the Department for Education more recently, but the suggested changes are yet to be made. The issue was not mentioned in the Government’s road safety strategy. I have already raised that concern with the Minister, and I am raising it in the House today to provide the detail and substance behind those concerns for the official record.

    The road safety strategy sets out excellent ambitions for the protection of road users and cites issues around appropriate licences, which I applaud. I know the Minister is rightly proud of the strategy as a piece of work. I raise the issue of the continued use of permits for school minibus driving precisely because it cuts across the sentiment of the strategy, and I am disappointed that terms like “community transport” or “school minibuses” do not appear in the document at present, despite these inconsistencies being known to Departments.

    I ask the Minister to take action about the following suggestions that I will set out. All schools, whether state-funded or independent, must be held to the same safety standards, with best practice an absolute minimum. Section 19 permits for schools should be replaced with statutory regulations, moving from guidance-based advice to enforceable legal standards, and aligning all school minibus operations with road safety priorities rather than simply community exemptions.

    The Department for Education should have a list of all associated minibuses that schools use and operate, regardless of whether they are a local authority or an academy trust school. This information should be jointly shared with the Department for Transport, because at present no such information exists, nor does the ability to extract minibus accident data from generic passenger vehicle data, meaning that minibuses are treated in the same way as buses or coaches in Government data. That makes further analysis of the issue difficult.

    The professionalisation of school minibus driving must be mandated. All drivers should hold a passenger carrying vehicle licence or D1 qualification in order to operate a school minibus. Every school fleet should be overseen by a transport manager, and drivers must undergo checks on eyesight, health and driving records.

    The use of lightweight minibuses must be phased out or banned. Children should travel in vehicles built to proper safety standards, not those chosen to save costs. A national inspection and enforcement regime must be introduced. DVSA inspections should cover all school transport, not just commercial operators, with vehicles and drivers tracked in a centralised, transparent system.

    Legal grey areas must be clarified. Government guidance should remove ambiguity around terms such as “volunteer”, “hire or reward” and “non-commercial”, and the guidance must be court-tested and enforceable.

    Teacher wellbeing and safety must be protected. Driving duties should not fall to teachers after a full working day. Minibus driving should be recognised as a specialised responsibility in schools, not an informal task. We also believe that transport safety should be included in Ofsted inspections, and the long-term impact of accidents on both pupils and staff, including mental health and trauma, must be taken seriously.

    In closing, these are not abstract or minor reforms. They are essential steps to ensure that every child can travel safely to and from school activities, and that the adults entrusted with that responsibility are fully supported, trained and accountable. I think of Liz and Steve Fitzgerald, and the courage it has taken them to turn their personal tragedy into a tireless campaign for safer school transport. Their determination reminds us all why reform cannot wait, because sadly during the time that we have been campaigning together and meeting Ministers, other such tragedies have occurred.

    I urge the Government to take steps to close the ambiguity and to further their aims for road safety for all who use them. Our children deserve nothing less than a system that guarantees their safety, values the teachers who transport them and removes the inequalities and risks that underpin the current framework. It is time for decisive action. I thank the Minister for coming here today and I commend this debate to the House.

  • Yvette Cooper – 2026 Comments on the Death of Alexei Navalny

    Yvette Cooper – 2026 Comments on the Death of Alexei Navalny

    The comments made by Yvette Cooper, the Foreign Secretary, on 14 February 2026.

    Since Yulia Navalnaya announced the loss of her husband here in Munich two years ago, the UK has pursued the truth of Alexei Navalny’s death with fierce determination

    “Only the Russian Government had the means, motive and opportunity to deploy this lethal toxin against Alexei Navalny during his imprisonment in Russia.

    Today, beside his widow, the UK is shining a light on the Kremlin’s barbaric plot to silence his voice.

    Russia saw Navalny as a threat. By using this form of poison the Russian state demonstrated the despicable tools it has at its disposal and the overwhelming fear it has of political opposition.

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Speech at the Munich Security Conference

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Speech at the Munich Security Conference

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 14 February 2026.

    For many years, for most people in the United Kingdom, war has been remote. Something that concerns us deeply, but which happens far off.

    But now we feel the solidity of peace, the very ground of peace now softening under our feet. It is the job of leaders to be ahead of these seismic shifts. Yet that is against the grain of history.

    Time and again, leaders have looked the other way, only re-arming when disaster is upon them. This time, it must be different. Because all of the warning signs are there.

    Russia has proved its appetite for aggression, bringing terrible suffering to the Ukrainian people. 

    Its hyper-threats extend across our continent, not just threatening our security, but tearing at our social order. 

    Collaborating with populists to undermine our values. Using disinformation to sow division. Using cyber-attacks and sabotage to disrupt our lives and deepening the cost-of-living crisis.

    It is true that Russia has made a huge strategic blunder in Ukraine, and the Russian casualties number well over a million. But even as the war goes on, Russia is re-arming, reconstituting their armed forces, an industrial base. 

    NATO has warned that Russia could be ready to use military force against the Alliance by the end of this decade. In the event of a peace deal in Ukraine, which we are all working hard to achieve, Russia’s re-armament would only accelerate.

    The wider danger to Europe would not end there. It would increase. So we must answer this threat in full.

    At the outset, it is important to be prepared. We do not seek conflict. Our objective is lasting peace, a return to strategic stability, and the rule of law.

    And in the face of these threats, there is only one viable option. 

    Now, to break the convention of a house of speeches, we are not at a crossroads. The road ahead is straight and it is clear.

    We must build our hard power, because that is the currency of the age. We must be able to deter aggression. And yes, if necessary, we must be ready to fight.

    To do whatever it takes to protect our people, our values, and our way of life. And as Europe, we must stand on our own two feet. And that means being bold.

    It means putting away petty politics and short-term concerns. It means acting together to build a stronger Europe and a more European NATO, underpinned by deeper links between the UK and the EU, across defence, industry, tech, politics, and the wider economy. Because these are the foundations on which our security and prosperity will rest.

    This is how we will build a better future for our continent. True to the vibrant, free, diverse societies that we represent, showing that people who look different to each other can live peacefully together. But this isn’t against the tenor of our times.

    Rather, it’s what makes us strong, as we’re prepared to defend it with everything that we have.

    And we are not the Britain of the Brexit years anymore.

    Because we know that in a dangerous world, we would not take control by turning in.  We would surrender. 

    And I won’t let that happen. That’s why I devote time as Prime Minister to Britain’s leadership on the world stage.

    And that’s why I’m here today. Because I am clear, there is no British security without Europe, and no European security without Britain. That is the lesson of history, and is today’s reality as well.

    So together we must rise to this moment. We must spend more, deliver more, and coordinate more.

    And crucially, we must do this with the United States.

    The US remains an indispensable power. Its contribution to European security over 80 years is unparalleled. And so is our gratitude.

    At the same time, we recognise that things are changing. The US National Security Strategy  spells out that Europe must take primary responsibility for its own defence. That is the new law.

    Now, there have been a series of thoughtful interventions about what this means, including the argument that we’re at a moment of rupture. 

    Now, I would agree that the world has changed fundamentally, and that we must find new ways to uphold our values and the rule of law. But in responding to that, we must not disregard everything that has sustained us for the last 80 years.

    That could be a moment of destruction. And instead, I believe, we must make this a moment of creation. Instead of a moment of rupture, we must make it one of radical renewal.

    So, rather than pretending that we can simply replace all US capabilities, we should focus on diversifying and decreasing some dependencies. We should deliver generational investment that moves us from over-dependence to interdependence. I’m talking about a vision of European security and greater European autonomy.

    It does not herald US withdrawal, but answers the call for more burden-sharing in Europe and remake the ties that have served us so well. Because we know the value of our own power. The nature of our power is at the core of human decision.

    It achieved something that leaders have been trying to do for centuries. From Westphalia to the Congress of Vienna to Versailles. After centuries of conflict, the founders of NATO finally united our continents in peace and security.

    Our militaries, that once faced each other on the battlefield, now stand side-by-side, pledged to each other’s defence. It is a shield over our heads every single day. And whilst some on the extremes of our politics chip away at this alliance, we defend it.

    I am proud that my party fought for NATO’s creation. While our then Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin called it a spiritual union of the West. And we’ve shown our fidelity to that idea, asserting each other’s sovereignty, as we did on Greenland.

    And crucially, coming to each other’s aid under Article 5. We fought together in Afghanistan, at terrible cost to many in my country and across many allied countries. And so I say to all NATO members, our commitment to Article 5 is as profound now as ever. And be in no doubt, if called on, the UK would come to your aid today.

    Instead, we must move forward together to create a more European NATO. As I see it, Europe is a sleeping giant. Our economies dwarf Russia more than ten times over.

    We have huge defence capabilities, yet too often this adds up to less than the sum of its parts. Fragmented industrial planning and procurement have led to gaps in some areas, and massive duplication in others. 

    Europe has over 20 types of frigate, and 10 types of fighter jet. We have over 10 types of main battle tank, whilst the US has one. It’s wildly inefficient, and it harms our collective security. The US security umbrella has allowed these bad habits to develop. But now we must break them. 

    And we have shown that we can coordinate in great effect, as was just set out. Supporting Ukraine in a way that Putin never really imagined. Creating the Coalition of the Willing, which now covers almost all of Europe, as well as Canada and our friends in the Asia-Pacific. And going further in our support, with the UK announcing over £500 million this week for more air defence for the Ukrainian people. To meet the wider threat, it is clear that we are going to have to spend more faster. 

    And we have shown our collective intent in this regard as well. With the historic agreement to increase spending to 5% on security and defence. And we are prepared to explore innovative solutions. So we are stepping up work with like-minded allies on options for a collective approach to defence financing, to help accelerate this vital investment.

    And as we increase spending, we must use it to its full potential. We must come together to integrate our capabilities on spending and procurement and build a joint European defence industry. I welcome the steps that we have taken so far, which could allow us to participate in the £90 billion Euro loan to Ukraine.

    I hope we can work together like this going forward. Because, look, the logic of defence is solidarity and collective effort, not market access. 

    In a crisis, our citizens expect us to be ready. So we need to deliver a step change in collaboration. 

    And I am proud of the work we are already doing together. Delivering cutting-edge drones with Ukraine. Developing next-generation long-range missiles with Germany, Italy and France. Working with our JEF allies to protect our northern flank.

    Doubling our deployment of British commandos in the Arctic. Taking control of NATO’s Atlantic and Northern Command in Norfolk, Virginia. And transforming our Royal Navy by striking the biggest warship deal in British history with Norway.

    We are building a fleet of warships to hunt Russian submarines and protect undersea infrastructure. We want to replicate this level of collaboration with other allies across the High North and the Baltics. 

    And I can announce today that the UK will deploy our Carrier Strike Group to the North Atlantic and the High North this year led by HMS Prince of Wales, operating alongside the US, Canada and other NATO allies in a powerful show of our commitment to Euro-Atlantic security.

    That is also why we are enhancing our nuclear cooperation with France. For decades the UK has been the only nuclear power in Europe to commit its deterrent to protect all NATO members. But now any adversary must know that in a crisis they could be confronted by our combined strength.

    It shows beyond doubt how vital it is that we work together. So, we must also look at what more we can do with the EU. 

    We must go beyond the historic steps that we took at last year’s UK-EU summit to build the formidable productive power and innovative strength that we need. British companies already account for over a quarter of the continent’s defence industrial base. 

    They are a job-creating, community-building machine employing around 239,000 people across the UK, including in Wales, where this month we’re launching the first of five regional defence-grade deals.

    We want to bring our leadership in defence, tech and AI together with Europe to multiply our strengths and build a shared industrial base across our continent which could turbocharge our defence production. 

    That requires leadership. To drive greater coherence and coordination across Europe. That is what we’re doing with Germany and France in the E3, working closely with EU partners, particularly Italy and Poland as well as with Norway, Canada and Turkey. 

    So my message today is the United Kingdom is ready. We see the imperative. We see the urgency. We want to work together to lead a generational shift in defence industrial cooperation. 

    Now this includes looking again at closer economic alignment.

    We are already aligned with the single market in some areas to drive down the prices of food and energy. We are trusted partners. And as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said this week, deeper economic integration is in all of our interests.

    So we must look at where we can move closer to the single market in other sectors as well where that would work for both sides. 

    The prize here is greater security. Stronger growth for the United Kingdom and the EU, which will fuel increased defence spending and the chance to place the UK at the centre of a wave of European industrial renewal.

    I understand the politics very well. It will mean trade-offs. But the status quo is not fit for purpose.

    And to me there is no question where the national interest lies. I will always fight for what’s best for my country. 

    I started today talking about avoiding mistakes of the past like delaying action or fragmenting our efforts. 

    But there is something else. In the 1930s, leaders were too slow to level with the public about the fundamental shift in mindset that was required. 

    So we must work harder today to build consent for the decisions we must take to keep us safe. 

    Because if we don’t, the peddlers of easy answers are ready on the extremes of left and right and they will offer their solutions instead. 

    It’s striking that the different ends of the spectrum share so much. Soft on Russia. Weak on NATO. If not outright opposed. And determined to sacrifice the relationship we need on the altar of their ideology.

    The future they offer is one of division and then capitulation. 

    The lamps would go out across Europe once again. But we will not let that happen.

    If we believe in our values, in democracy, liberty and the rule of law. This is the moment to stand up and to fight for them. That is why we must work together.

    And show that by taking responsibility for our own security, we will help our people look forward. Not with fear, but with determination. And with hope.

    Thank you very much.

  • Emma Reynolds – 2026 Speech on Food Security

    Emma Reynolds – 2026 Speech on Food Security

    The speech made by Emma Reynolds, the Environment Secretary, at the British Ambassador’s Residence in Paris on 12 February 2026.

    Good evening, bonsoir, mesdames et messieurs. Distinguished guests, colleagues and friends. Thank you for welcoming me to Paris this evening.

    And thank you Andrew for that kind and rather cheesy introduction.

    Je suis ravie d’etre ici ce soir avec vous. Paris occupe une place toute particulière dans mon cœur. J’ai travaillé en France dans ma tendre jeunesse à l’âge 19 ans comme serveuse a la gare de Lyon Partdieu. J’en ai retenu deux choses essentielles: l’importance d’un service de qualité… et une passion toujours aussi intense pour le fromage, la charcuterie et le vin français.

    And in fact, when I reflect on my time living here in France I can see some similarities between being a waitress and being a politician – you’re working long hours, serving the people, and also, alas, dealing with complaints – but unfortunately, we politicians can’t blame the kitchen when things go wrong!

    This impressive residence – Hotel Charost – has a rich history. The Duke of Wellington bought it off Napoleon’s sister, but don’t worry; the money and indeed the gold Britain paid for it was used by the French emperor to finance his return from exile!

    And this residence has served for over 200 years as a place where British and French people have come together to discuss the issues of the moment and explore the opportunities ahead.

    That is exactly what I want to do this evening with you.

    Today has been a day full of rich conversations.

    I had the great pleasure of meeting my French counterpart, Minister Annie Genevard, to discuss the future of our farming sectors, international trade and the agreement that we are negotiating between the UK and the EU on sanitary and phytosanitary rules – un accord sur les normes sanitaires et phytosanitaires – which you can see why we shorten to “SPS agreement”.

    I have also had meetings with Ambassador Olivier Poivre D’Arvor to discuss our shared ocean priorities – from marine protected areas to the plastics treaty.

    And Ambassador Barbara Pompili and I covered the biodiversity agenda, including our joint work on biodiversity credits.

    What struck me throughout today’s meetings was a common thread: a shared commitment to high standards, practical cooperation, and the understanding that the challenges we face – from climate to food security to ocean health – do not respect borders. And that we can stand tall in the world, working together in partnership to solve these challenges.

    Why food security matters now

    And that reminded me of something I learnt from my many years working in Brussels.

    That the relationship between the United Kingdom and our European neighbours is not simply a matter of treaties and trade statistics, as important as they are. It is built on something deeper.

    We have shared values, shared culture and a shared history. And most importantly we have a shared future.

    As the UK Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves said yesterday, Britain’s future is inextricably bound with Europe’s future. For economic reasons, for security, for resilience and for defence. Geography matters in our world today. None of the trade agreements the UK has done around the world are as important as our trade arrangements with the EU.

    That is why our Labour government committed to the British people that we would reset and deliver on the partnership with our European friends. And that is exactly what we are doing.

    Because this partnership, based on our shared values, matters even more in this uncertain world.

    War on our continent, with the illegal Russian invasion of Ukraine.

    Increasing geopolitical tensions.

    New biosecurity threats – plant and animal diseases that do not respect borders.

    All these challenges demand greater cooperation, not isolation.

    And climate change is placing unprecedented pressure on food systems, biodiversity, and the natural resources we all depend upon.

    This is not a distant threat. Droughts, floods, extreme weather events – are already disrupting harvests, straining supply chains, and driving up costs for farmers and consumers alike.

    Food security has direct consequences for the safety and wellbeing of our populations. In this new geopolitical reality, it is inseparable from national security.

    That is why food security has become a strategic priority for governments across Europe – and why the strength of our relationships with our closest partners matters more than ever.

    For our shared security. And our shared prosperity.

    UK-France food systems are deeply connected

    The English Channel, la Manche, is one of Europe’s most important food corridors.

    Every day, high-value, time-sensitive goods cross in both directions, serving consumers and supporting producers on both sides.

    France exports over €7 billion euros in agri-food products to the UK each year.

    In return the UK exports over €3 billion euros of such produce to France.

    French produce on British tables; British products in French markets.

    Indeed, some of the finest French produce can be found in some of the best French restaurants – many of which are of course in London.

    French wine, cheese, chocolate and croissants are fantastically popular back home amongst the French expats but also les roast bifs.

    I must confess a particular weakness for a good Côtes du Rhône or indeed Burgundy.

    I read of President Macron’s visit to the trade show, Wine Paris, just this week, championing French producers and seeking new markets.

    We share that instinct: to support our agricultural sectors, defend quality, and find partners who value what we grow and make.

    And I’m sure that many of you have your own British favourites. I know that British salmon, whisky and lamb are valued in French restaurants and markets. Some of you might even drink a morning cup of tea.

    These flows of agri-food products represent millions of meals, thousands of livelihoods, and generations of trade built on trust. And something more, that the French know better than anyone else, food is culture.

    What crosses the Channel reflects not just commerce, but connection.

    Our supply chains are not national systems operating in parallel. They are integrated networks.

    The UK’s food security benefits when France and the wider EU are thriving. French resilience benefits when UK production and supply are stable.

    SPS agreement benefits

    This brings me to the agreement we are working towards with the EU.

    The SPS agreement is designed to restore the Channel corridor to its full potential.

    Exports of British farm products to the EU have dropped by a fifth in the five years since Brexit. And I heard in a roundtable this afternoon with French producers that they have had similar challenges exporting to the UK.

    That’s not good for farmers and consumers on both sides of the channel.

    This agreement will change that.

    It will make trade faster, easier, and cheaper.

    Businesses large and small will benefit from less time and money spent on complex paperwork at the border.

    Consumers will have greater access to the high-quality products they value.

    The agreement will mean over €300 million euros worth of cheese entering the UK from France would no longer need to be checked at the border and can reach customers more quickly.

    It also means that over €500 million euros worth of UK fish arriving in France each year can be sold faster and more reliably.

    Frictionless trade, efficient borders, open supply chains – these directly support farmer incomes, consumer prices, and shared resilience.

    The mutual benefits are significant.

    They tie the UK and EU together on food security and improve movement and reliability on both sides of the Channel.

    Shared high standards

    There is sometimes a temptation, when discussing trade agreements, to suggest that standards must be traded off against supply.

    My government rejects that view.

    The UK and EU are natural allies in upholding high standards of animal welfare and environmental protection – and in championing these principles internationally, protecting the integrity of our food systems while leading the global transition to sustainable agriculture.

    High standards are not a barrier to trade. They are what makes trade valuable. They are what consumers trust. And they are what will distinguish European agriculture in an increasingly uncertain world.

    Sustainable farming and food security

    The climate crisis means we cannot secure our food systems simply by producing more. We must produce food differently.

    Sustainable farming is not a constraint on food security – it is the foundation of it. Soil health, water management, biodiversity, reduced emissions – these are not luxuries. They are the conditions on which productive agriculture depends.

    Farmers who protect and restore their land are not just producing food. They are safeguarding the capacity to produce food for generations to come.

    As G7 and G20 members, the UK and France have both the platform and the obligation to drive global action on climate – in our food systems but also in energy, trade, and the protection of natural ecosystems worldwide.

    Last week I addressed scientists and policymakers gathered in Manchester for the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services.

    At that gathering, I delivered remarks on behalf of His Majesty the King, who spoke of nature as “the ultimate foundation of our societies and, critically, our economy” – and of the urgent need to reverse biodiversity loss.

    His Majesty is right. Together we will demonstrate that protecting and restoring nature isn’t just an environmental necessity, it is essential for our security, our economy, and our future.

    The King also highlighted the International Advisory Panel on Biodiversity Credits, jointly established by the UK and French governments, as a model for how nature finance can channel investment towards nature across the world.

    That partnership – practical, innovative, and rooted in shared values – extends to the work ahead.

    And tomorrow I look forward to meeting Environment Minister Monique Barbut to discuss how we can work together through France’s G7 presidency this year and beyond – and demonstrate what multilateralism can deliver.

    Today has been a reminder of why these partnerships matter – not just in policy documents, but in practice.

    The conversations I’ve had with my French colleagues and counterparts, have reinforced my belief that the UK and France are ready to write the next chapter together.

    Because the challenges we face – climate change, geopolitical instability, pressures on our food systems – are not challenges any country can meet in splendid isolation.

    They demand cooperation between trusted partners who share not just interests, but values.

    That is what the UK and France have built together.

    Not a relationship of convenience, but one grounded in shared history, mutual respect, and a common vision for the future.

    In the months ahead, as we work to finalise the SPS agreement and deepen our cooperation, I am confident we will demonstrate what this partnership can achieve – not just for our two countries, but as a model for how neighbours can work together in an uncertain world.

    And in the spirit of partnership, I should warn you: the sparkling wine you have been drinking is produced by the finest English vineyards! But don’t worry – le vin rouge est francais!

    The entente may be tested, but I trust it will remain cordiale.

    But in all seriousness, I hope you’ll join me in toasting the friendship between our nations – past, present, and future.

    À notre amitié – d’hier, d’aujourd’hui et de demain.

    Merci.

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Sir Chris Wormald

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Sir Chris Wormald

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 12 February 2026.

    I am very grateful to Sir Chris for his long and distinguished career of public service, spanning more than 35 years, and for the support that he has given me over the past year. I have agreed with him that he will step down as Cabinet Secretary today. I wish him the very best for the future.

  • Richard Hermer – 2026 Speech at the Great Synagogue in Sydney

    Richard Hermer – 2026 Speech at the Great Synagogue in Sydney

    The speech made by Richard Hermer, the Attorney General, at the Great Synagogue in Sydney on 6 February 2026.

    Rabbi Elton, Rabbi Feldman, members of the congregation – Shabbat Shalom

    Whenever and wherever I travel, I try to visit two types of venues close to my heart – courts and Shuls.  My children would say this shows I need to get out more.  I disagree, never more so than this evening – what a privilege it is to address you in this magnificent and historical Shul – which has been a centre of Australian Jewish life for almost 150 years. 

    And Australian Jewish life has been important for me and part of my Jewish identity for over 40 years.  I spent my year-off in Israel and on my very first night there met up with a group of Aussies from my same Jewish youth movement.  They became life-long friends bringing me back to these shores many times.  The bonds that we created have continued through to the next generation with both my children attending youth camps here as madrachot (youth leaders). L’dor v’dor (from generation to generation) 

    But the capacity in which I am here tonight is very different to previous years and the reason for my attendance is altogether more important and solemn. 

    I come on behalf of His Majesty’s Government of the United Kingdom and the Prime Minister, Sir Keir Starmer. I come to express our outrage at the terrorist attack at Bondi beach, to offer our condolences to the families of those killed and those injured to express our profound friendship and solidarity with the Jewish community of Australia as you come to terms with the horror of the attack and face the challenge of tackling modern antisemitism.

    Earlier today, not long after I arrived in Australia, I went to Bondi and stood on the green, and reflected on the horror of what had taken place there.

    Although I was appointed Attorney General only 18 months ago, tragically this is not the first time that I have spoken at Friday night services following an antisemitic terrorist attack. 

    As you will know, last Yom Kippur the Heaton Park Shul in Manchester was the subject of a dreadful terrorist attack – two people were murdered and others injured.  On the following Friday night I gave a D’var Torah at my own Shul in North London.  I spoke on behalf of the Prime Minister offering our condolences to the victims and to the British Jewish community and expressing our determination to address the rise of antisemitism.  But I also spoke as a Jew, as a member of the congregation – trying to make sense of the senseless, to articulate what this meant me, my family, my community as Jews in modern Britain – and I spoke as part of a Shabbat community the natural place to come together as one, to work through the pain, bewilderment and anger together, just as communities did across the world after 7 October.

    Hearing the news of the attack on Yom Kippur I imagine that I went through the same range of emotions as many of you felt on 14 December here in Sydney.  The first reaction is almost primal – are our family and friends safe?  Your mind spins through the list of your loved ones.  My eldest child is a student in Manchester and I knew she was planning on going to shul – I was being rushed to a national security meeting whilst trying to track her down.  Many of you no doubt were having the same agonising reactions here as the news of the horror broke.  Then immediate reaction is replaced by the flood of fear, anger and outrage at what has taken place – and the knowledge that for many families there was no reassurance that loved ones were safe, but rather calls that went unanswered and unimaginable loss.

    One sentiment that I also anticipate was shared by our two communities was the sense that although utterly shocking neither events were completely unexpected.  They gave cruel expression to our long-standing fear of the inevitable.  I have grown up in the UK normalising that our Shuls, schools and venues are by necessity protected by security for a good reason. 

    The attacks at Heaton Park and at Bondi beach took place at the other side of the globe within weeks of each other.  This reflects the unacceptable reality that there are very few places on this planet in which Jewish life exists without physical risk – it demonstrates the reach of modern antisemitism that strikes on our ability to live openly as Jews, to worship without fear and to belong wherever in the world we live, in the north, south, east or west.

    But yet – Jewish history, like the Jewish calendar is marked by the juxtaposition of not only sadness but joy, what has been called our dialectical dance – represented in myriad ways for example how we smash the glass under the chupa at weddings.

    As the late Rabbi Sacks wrote, in an essay that typically for him referenced Aristotle, Keirkegard and Robert Louis Stevenson, ‘In Judaism joy is the supreme religious emotion.  Here we are, in a world filled with beauty. Around us is the love that moves the sun and all the stars.  The soul that celebrates, sings.”

    So permit me, if short of expressing joy, in this moment of solemnity at least to seek to offer some optimistic reflections about where we find ourselves.

    The first is to remind our ourselves that even though our communities have been forced to endure these terrorist outrages, seen in our historical context this remains an extraordinary time to be jewish in our societies.  For centuries of Jewish existence, attacks on Jews would have been perpetrated by states, directly, indirectly or at best with atrocities committed whilst states and their institutions turned a blind eye.   The contrast in our era is profound – every arm of the state employed to track down and prosecute those involved in terrorist crime, a determination to root out antisemitism and to protect our communities.  The genuine heart felt expression of solidarity of our fellow citizens. 

    A few hours after the events in Manchester, the Prime Minister, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Foreign Secretary attend the Neilah service at West London Synagogue to show their solidarity with the jewish community.  Last week, for the first time in British history our Cabinet meeting was addressed by a Holocaust survivor Mala Tribich producing tears around the table. 

    And I also know from conversations with colleagues in both State and Federal Government in Australia of our shared sense of endeavour to tackle antisemitism at home and overseas and ensure that our societies are safe for jews to simply be jews – without having to look over shoulders or feel that we are not free to express our beliefs and practice our religion.  

    Secondly, I think a positive response in both our countries has been a determination that these outrages will not be used to divide communities.  We are blessed in both the UK and Australia to live in proud, tolerant and diverse nations.  The Jewish values we all grew up with recognise, indeed promote this value – that love for our fellow human beings will always outshine hatred and division.  To allow our anger to dictate another path would be to hand a victory to terrorists. What greater reflection of how, united, our communities are always stronger, is the extraordinary bravery of a Muslim father of two, a proud Australian, and a hero –  Ahmed al-Ahmed.

    In that moment, he showed something deeply human.

    A reminder of who we are, when fear doesn’t get the final say.

    That unity that is mirrored in millions of relationships across this country – deep friendships forged without regard to which God we pray to or the colour of our skin. 

    I think we should take joy in a world in which extraordinary people choose humanity over hatred, again and again and again. 

    So as we look towards the rest of 2026, we do so always mindful of the grievous loss sustained by the victims of terror, with a steely determination to root out antisemitism and intolerance in all its manifestations,  but with the Jewish spirit of believing that light will always outshine darkness. 

    Let me end where I began. To express on behalf of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom our condolences to the families of those killed an injured at Bondi Beach and our solidarity with the Australian Jewish community.

    May their memory be a blessing.

    Shabbat Shalom.