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Category: Northern Ireland

  • Doug Beattie – 2023 Comments on Northern Ireland’s Place with the United Kingdom’s Internal Market

    Doug Beattie – 2023 Comments on Northern Ireland’s Place with the United Kingdom’s Internal Market

    The comments made by Doug Beattie, the Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, on 16 January 2023.

    This is a much more low-key statement from the UK and EU than the build up implied, which provides a lesson in raising expectations in such a delicate negotiation. I would implore both the UK Government and the European Union not to become tempted to agree a deal simply to conclude negotiations, and rather focus on taking time to find a deal that provides long lasting solutions to the range of problems caused by the Northern Ireland Protocol.

    Northern Ireland’s place with the United Kingdom’s Internal Market must be restored and protected. Sticking plaster solutions will not cut it. The long-term effect of the implementation of the Protocol in its current form will be the erosion of Northern Ireland’s place within the United Kingdom. We have warned of this since 2019 and will continue to oppose any deal which makes Northern Ireland a place apart from the rest of the UK.

    Nobody can be expected to agree a deal over which they have no input or control. London is adding to the democratic deficit, not solving it. We must have a say in our own future. There would never have been a Belfast Agreement if the Government had behaved like this. It’s intolerable.

  • Northern Ireland Executive Department – 2022 Comments on the Australia Trade Bill

    Northern Ireland Executive Department – 2022 Comments on the Australia Trade Bill

    The comments made by the Northern Ireland Executive Department on 14 January 2022.

    Submission from Department for the Economy.

    Northern Ireland Executive Department with responsibility for trade issues.

    Free Trade Agreement:

    1      The Department is supportive of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) being reached between the UK and Australia, providing opportunities for some companies in Northern Ireland. However, the extent to which NI importers / consumers will be able to access goods under the terms of the UK-Australia FTA is limited to the extent to which product standards and regulations are aligned with, and in scope of, the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol.

    2          We recognise and welcome potential opportunities created for the Northern Ireland financial and cyber security sectors through the mobility and professional services provisions of the FTA. Also, the removal of trade barriers to exports gives potential to Northern Ireland advanced manufacturing, machinery and transport sectors to grow. This is to be welcomed.

    3.     However, the FTA published on 16 December 2021 does not deliver on UK interests as sensitive agriculture sectors are not given sufficient protection from imports. Notwithstanding the broader point made at Paragraph 1 above, our biggest concerns arising from the FTA is the impact on the beef and sheep sectors.

    4.   The Tariff Rate Quotas (TRQs) established are well in excess of current import levels.  The final TRQs prior to the removal of all tariff protection of 170,000 tonnes for beef and 125,000 tonnes for sheep represent 16% and 49% of UK consumption respectively.  Clearly if Australian imports approach anything close to these levels, there will be a major impact on domestic producers.

    5.   The beef quota has been set at 35,000 tonnes from the first year, which is an almost tenfold increase on Australia’s current beef TRQ of 3,761 tonnes which carries an in-quota tariff of 20%. The sheep meat quota will double Australia’s access from the first year.

    6.   The safeguard mechanism in years 11 – 15 of the FTA, is applicable in year 11 if imports exceed 110,000 tonnes for beef (representing 10% of UK consumption) and 75,000 tonnes for sheep meat (representing 29% of UK consumption). This volume of imports from Australia would already present significant difficulties to domestic producers, therefore the safeguard mechanism is set at too high of a level to offer protection and after 15 years there will be no protection.

    7.   The UK Government has stated that Australia will not be exporting significant amounts of beef to the UK or that Australian imports will replace imports from other countries.  Whilst recognising the appeal of Asian markets to Australian exporters, it is likely that Australia’s insistence on achieving a rapid and very sizeable increase in market access signals an intention of making significant use of it.

    8.   It would be expected that Australia will seek to increase exports of both beef and sheep meat to the UK following the implementation of the FTA. Australia exported 1.03 million tonnes of beef in 2020 which was a decrease of 190,000 tonnes on 2019.  Therefore it is certainly conceivable that Australia could export at least a further 170,000 tonnes to the UK over a period of 15 years.  There is no guarantee that Australian exporters will focus only on the Asian market for future growth opportunities and neither is there any guarantee that Australia exports to the UK will only impact on other countries exports of beef to the UK.

    9.   It should be pointed out that should EU exports of beef to the UK fall, this will be most significant for the Republic of Ireland and a surplus of beef on the Irish market will have negative consequences for the market in Northern Ireland. Furthermore if Australian beef displaces imports from other countries to Great Britain, this gives rise to concerns that it will also displace sales of Northern Ireland beef in our largest market.

    10.   The level of market access given to Australian beef, sheep and dairy products is unprecedented in FTAs between a country with defensive agricultural interests in sensitive products and a large agricultural exporter of these products.  Normally such agreements are characterised by low volume TRQs and high out-of-quota tariffs.  For example the agreement between the EU and Mercosur (not yet implemented) saw a TRQ of 99,000 tonnes agreed for beef (with a 7.5% duty) which caused significant concern from the agricultural industry.  On a pro-rata basis, this would equate to a TRQ of around 10,000 tonnes for the UK which is in stark contrast to level of market access in the UK/Australia FTA.

    11.   The outcome on SPS standards appears to be satisfactory, however, concerns remain in relation to animal welfare and anti-microbial resistance (AMR) as Australia allows the use of growth hormones to increase the weight of cattle, electro-immobilisation and tail docking of cattle, and mulsing of sheep, none of which is permitted in the UK.  The retention of tariffs on imports of pig, poultry and egg products is welcomed.

    12.   The FTA includes articles on non-regression from current standards on animal welfare but the provisions are weak. Ongoing co-operation on animal welfare and AMR may be beneficial but there is no guarantee that this will result in the same level of standards in these areas in the future.  The UK should have taken the differing animal welfare standards and approach to AMR into account in the negotiations on market access for beef, sheep and dairy products.

    Economic Consequence of Free Trade Agreement

    13.   In terms of potential economic consequences of the deal for farmers, Australia has a number of distinct advantages over Northern Ireland, and the rest of the UK, in terms of the land available for farming, climate and lower standards that allows it’s farmers to be able produce at a considerably lower cost. Analysis by the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (DAERA) shows that under normal conditions, Australian sheep prices can be £1/kg lower than the GB price and for beef around £1.10/kg lower than the GB price. Consequently there is a lot of potential for Australian beef and sheep exports to the UK to expand substantially over time as tariffs are eliminated.

    14.   Australian beef and sheep products have the potential to undercut UK producers and to reduce Northern Ireland’s market share in GB for these products. GB is by far Northern Ireland’s most important market accounting for around 70% by value of beef and sheep meat processed in Northern Ireland. We expect that the FTA will have a negative impact on Northern Ireland farmers from loss of market share in GB arising from increased Australian exports of beef and sheep meat.

    15.   The FTA will reduce the competitiveness of Northern Ireland products on the GB market which as outlined above is by far the most import market for Northern Ireland agri-food products.  Greater divergence in tariff policy between GB and Northern Ireland will result in more trade friction between GB and Northern Ireland in order to prevent goods from accessing the EU market without paying the EU tariff.

    16.   The FTA also gives rise to concerns of the potential impact on the UK Internal Market as it will create a divergent tariff regime between GB and Northern Ireland. Australian imports could come into GB at zero tariff which would undermine the competitiveness of Northern Ireland agricultural products in the GB market but when these goods are moved to Northern Ireland, they would be subject to a tariff unless they meet the not at risk provision in the Protocol. That will complicate goods movements from GB to NI further and a divergent tariff regime within the UK does not protect the UK Internal Market but rather does the opposite. Therefore the UKG should carry out an assessment as to whether section 46 of the UK Internal Market Act is being complied with.

    Future Trade Deals

    17.   The UK is currently in the latter stages of negotiating a free trade agreement with New Zealand, has launched negotiations with India, is developing mandates for the review of the Canada and Mexico continuity trade agreements and has commenced accession negotiations to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).  We now expect that many countries negotiating FTAs with the UK or those seeking an FTA in the future, particularly New Zealand will push for a similar level of agricultural access to that given to Australia. Northern Ireland also has defensive concerns with New Zealand (dairy, beef and sheep).

    18.   There is concern at the level of market access already granted for sensitive agricultural products.  For example for lamb, 125,000 tonnes have been granted to Australia (prior to all tariff protection being removed) and New Zealand currently holds a TRQ via the WTO of 114,205 tonnes which when added together equates to 94% of UK consumption.

    19.   The cumulative impact of FTAs is likely to put further pressure on UK agriculture particularly if they are concluded on the same basis as the FTA with Australia.  Furthermore, without adequate safeguards, accession to CPTPP creates the possibility that agri-food products produced and processed anywhere within the block could be eligible for export to the UK without tariff.  There are opportunities in obtaining greater access to the Asian market.  However there must be realism about the economic potential for this to occur with lower cost producers and that most countries seek to prevent imports replacing domestic production to a significant extent.

    Impact Assessments

    20.   The Government’s revised impact assessment has moved away from using a regional apportionment approach in the main model to addressing potential differential regional impacts in the sensitivity analysis. The impact assessment highlights gains in services sectors and potential expansion in the manufacture of machinery across the UK. However, economic benefits of FTAs do not arise without reallocation of resources within the economy. While the impact assessment shows a small economic gain to the UK economy, there are significant reductions in output in agriculture, forestry, and fishing (around -£94 million) and semi-processed foods (-£225 million). When the sensitivity analysis is applied this results in a forecast reduction of 0.04%, or £16m, for the Northern Ireland economy. It also forecasts that in the same scenario Northern Ireland would be the only UK region to experience an overall decrease in economic output resulting from a specialisation in agriculture and semi-processed food, particularly beef and sheep.

    21.   The agriculture and food processing sectors in Northern Ireland are a significant element of our local economy, with around 78,000 employed in these sectors (based on 51,301 total farmers and workers and 24,945 food and drink processing full time and 2,034 employment agency workers), and around 4% of Northern Ireland’s Gross Value Added (GVA) equating to nearly £1.7bn at basic prices. The impact assessment is believed to accurately reflect the negative impact that will be felt in Northern Ireland from the FTA.  There are concerns that given the commitment by the UK Government that trade deals must work for all parts of the UK, it did not seek a different outcome on agriculture which would have avoided a negative impact on Northern Ireland. It is worth noting that the impact assessment was only shared the afternoon before publication, allowing no time to discuss the impacts on Northern Ireland.

    22.      Whilst an early analysis of the impacts of this deal for Northern Ireland would have been helpful there is now a need to go further. The UK is negotiating or seeking to negotiate individual trade agreements with various countries, however, the assessment of the impact of these agreements needs to be considered on a cumulative basis. An impact assessment of the combined impacts of the proposed Australia and New Zealand agreements needs to be prepared. This in turn should set the baseline for assessing impacts, to be expanded, as additional new or revised deals such as Canada, Mexico, India and accession to the CPTPP are negotiated.

    23.      Ultimately, the interaction between the provisions of UK Free Trade Agreements and Northern Ireland’s legal obligations under the Protocol are complex and create uncertainty in two key regards: firstly, the extent to which NI importers and consumers can access the full range of goods covered by the agreement, and; secondly, the effect on the competitiveness of NI suppliers within the UK. With limited success, officials continue to press their UK counterparts for greater clarity and assurances around the interaction of trade policy and the Protocol.

  • Keir Starmer – 2023 Speech in Belfast on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    Keir Starmer – 2023 Speech in Belfast on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    The speech made by Sir Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, at Queen’s University Belfast on 13 January 2023.

    Thank you Ian for that introduction.

    It is always an honour to speak at Queen’s – so I’d like to thank the President and Vice-President for the invitation today.

    This is a special place. A first-class university for research, technology and innovation, business and health.

    An institution that has always been rooted in its communities here in Belfast and in Northern Ireland, but which also enjoys a huge global reach.

    A reach never more on display than in the appointment of your Chancellors and we can see them on the walls here today.

    After all, who better to carry the message of peace this city embodies around the world, than Hillary Clinton?

    I’ve been here to Queen’s many times. In fact, I remember the last time clearly because I was half way through my speech, the United Kingdom announced a vote on Article 50…

    What a relief that’s all behind us now.

    That day, I came here to reflect on the success of the Police Service of Northern Ireland…

    And my role as the Human Rights Advisor to the Policing Board which oversees it.

    I’m immensely proud of the work of the board, of that whole period in my life.

    It’s given me a lasting love of Northern Ireland. Friendships that have endured, including people in this room here today, memories I’ll always cherish.

    And you know – after we were married, my wife and I took our first holiday here, because I wanted to show her Northern Ireland, the people and the communities that I’d met.

    I was in love with this island and that love has stayed with me.

    It’s also taught me so much about politics, about change, about the power of hope.

    And this year is a moment of reflection for Northern Ireland and, speaking for myself, standing here in 2023, It’s hard to describe just how different it feels to the Northern Ireland of 20 years ago, when I first came to take up my role here. How raw the emotions were back then, in a country still coming to terms with its hard-won but fragile peace.

    I wanted a chance to serve – because it felt like a huge moment.

    A chance to turn the page on decades, if not centuries, of pain, and I wanted to make a contribution. Help create a lasting institution.

    One that could reach out to all communities, hold the police to account, and in doing so help preserve that peace for future generations. I think we did that.

    Accountability, transparency, human rights, the framework we put in place was critical for both communities to have a degree of faith.

    That the Police Service of Northern Ireland was new, was different, was worth those risky first steps.

    We were tested of course – every day.

    As Tony Blair said at the time – every advance made in the name of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement has to be “ground out”.

    But over time, policing in Northern Ireland did change. The PSNI did become an institution which enjoys cross-community support, Catholics did sign-up to serve.

    Not enough – in Northern Ireland, you can always point to the work that still needs to be done, but, if you’d said to us then, in 2003, that in 20 years we’d have the PSNI we have today.

    That one day, a Sinn Féin leader would stand shoulder to shoulder with unionist leaders, in a campaign to help recruit new officers, yes – that would have felt like an achievement worth celebrating.

    And there are people here today who deserve huge credit for helping make that happen.

    This year, should be a year we celebrate achievements like that.

    All the achievements – big and small – of the Good Friday Agreement.

    25 years of relative peace, prosperity and a better Northern Ireland.

    It’s a proud moment for me, reflecting on the small role I played in that.

    And it’s obviously a huge moment for my party. The Good Friday Agreement is the greatest achievement of the Labour Party in my lifetime, without question.

    But of course, the real achievement – the real pride – belongs to the people and communities here in Northern Ireland.

    It’s your bravery, your determination, your courage, resilience and yes, your willingness to sacrifice, to compromise, to stand, despite everything, in the shoes of other communities.

    And above all – to keep doing so when there were bumps in the road, provocations, outbreaks of violence. That’s what won this peace.

    It’s why I fell in love with this place – I’d never seen anything like that spirit, that hope.

    I talk a lot about hope at the moment.

    About how hard it is for people to get through the challenges we face without the real possibility of something better.

    How, as we lurch from crisis to crisis, we’re losing our faith that the future will be better for our children.

    Some communities in the United Kingdom might once have taken that for granted – but not here.

    Because what I saw in Northern Ireland 20 years ago, were people and communities experiencing that hope for the first time.

    It’s what powered the Good Friday Agreement – drove the communities of this country on towards the history they made.

    And we’ve got to get it back.

    Because I get the sense – with the protocol, with the political situation at Stormont, not to mention the other problems we see here: the NHS, the cost-of-living, an economy on its knees.

    That the thought of April being a true celebration feels a little on ice.

    I understand that.

    Anniversaries are hard in Northern Ireland, looking back is hard.

    Even when we do so with pride, as we should in April – it’s tough.

    The past is a painful place for so many people, so many communities.

    People have suffered a lot. And with that comes a fear.

    Fear that if we stop trying to move forward – if things grind to a halt – then we could yet go backwards.

    It’s why, here more than anywhere, you always need that hope of a better future.

    That’s the spirit of 1998, that’s what the Good Friday agreement asked of people.

    It wasn’t to forgive, or forget – they were demands that could never be made.

    It was only to look forward. To commit to a journey. Walk, step by step. Each stride difficult, each stride precious, towards a better future, together.

    The anniversary this year should be a true celebration – people deserve that.

    History was made here, hard-won.

    But to respect that history, people also deserve action on the issues which currently hold Northern Ireland back. For politics to do its job and give people the chance to look forward with hope.

    There is a small window of opportunity before April – we’ve got to use the anniversary to fix minds.

    Get the country and its political process moving forward again.

    Deliver for the people of Northern Ireland.

    I see two key priorities for this.

    They’re both urgent, both need to happen now, and so of course they rely on a change of direction from the Prime Minister.

    But in each priority, I also want to show the values I will bring to Northern Ireland, if I have the honour to serve as Prime Minister.

    First – the British Government must normalise and strengthen relationships with Dublin.

    The Taoiseach held out an olive branch in recent weeks – we must take it.

    But honestly, relations should never have been this strained.

    Brexit was a rupture in the UK’s diplomatic stance, a call to change, in every area of our society, which had to be recognised.

    I’ve been very clear about this – my Government will make it work, will take on the mantle of that vote, will turn its slogans into practical solutions.

    Yet throughout the last seven years, nothing has been more self-defeating than the determination of some Conservative ministers, to see our friends in Dublin as adversaries on Brexit.

    That has damaged the political process here in Northern Ireland – no question.

    And it’s certainly not the spirit of 1998.

    We should never lose sight of what binds us together on these islands – our shared commitment to peace here above all other considerations.

    So I encourage the Prime Minister, as the Taoiseach has said, to recognise past mistakes.

    It will help him with the second priority, the obvious one – the protocol.

    Look – there’s no point varnishing the truth, to get beyond the current stalemate we have to make the protocol work.

    Nobody wants to see unnecessary checks on goods moving between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

    We just need to find a solution.

    And I want to commend the recent agreement on trade data-sharing, commend the EU, commend the Government.

    If they are finally serious about a deal, there will be no sniping from us – I can promise you that.

    I go back to the Good Friday Agreement – the pride we feel in the Labour Party towards it, has no bounds.

    But we know the political effort didn’t come just from us, from Tony Blair and Mo Mowlam, it didn’t come just from Bertie Ahern and Mary McAleese, from the unwavering support of the US – of Bill Clinton and George Mitchell, or the tenacity and brilliance of John Hume and David Trimble.

    It was also built on the work of John Major and Albert Reynolds, and afterwards by Lord Patten – whose commission led to the PSNI and the Policing Board, in the first place.

    My point is this – the spirit of 1998, on both islands, is not one of tribal politics.

    This is the process which brought Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness together – and they made it work – there can be no clearer example than that.

    So I say to the Prime Minister, if there is a deal to do in coming weeks – do it.

    Whatever political cover you need, whatever mechanisms in Westminster you require, if it delivers for our national interest and the people of Northern Ireland – we will support you.

    The time for action on the protocol is now.

    The time to stand up to the ERG is now.

    The time to put Northern Ireland above a Brexit purity cult, which can never be satisfied – is now.

    We can find ways to remove the majority of checks – a bespoke SPS agreement, a monitoring system that eradicates checks on goods that will only ever be sold in Northern Ireland.

    The opportunity for these reforms is there – and they would deliver for communities and businesses across these islands.

    Northern Ireland can be prosperous under the protocol.

    But it requires leadership from you, Prime Minister.

    And look – I enjoyed my dialogue with the DUP and unionist parties yesterday, so I want to reach out on this, speak to all unionist communities.

    There are legitimate problems with the protocol and these must be recognised in any negotiations.

    And as for the process that got us here, to this point, I think your anger about that is more than justified.

    I said this yesterday, I will say it here and I want every community in Northern Ireland to hear it – the Labour Party will always be a good faith guarantor of the constitution and the principle of consent.

    That commitment is written in to the agreement we want to celebrate in April – it stands above politics, it should stand above Brexit negotiations as well.

    I think people know we would have done things differently, and that we will stand by those values when in Government.

    But I also say this – in the coming weeks, it’s possible there will be siren voices in Westminster that say again, there is another path, a path that doesn’t require compromise on the protocol.

    In fact, it’s possible those siren voices will include – may even be led by – the very people who created the protocol.

    That were cavalier with the constitutional settlement of this United Kingdom.

    That came to this island and acted – to be blunt – in bad faith.

    You can listen to those voices, of course, it’s not for me to determine the interests of any community here.

    But I would counsel that the example to follow is not theirs. But the spirit of negotiation, of conciliation, of courage, that, in the end, is always the force which moves Northern Ireland forward towards the future.

    That’s what I want to do in April – look forward.

    Northern Ireland is personal to me, the Good Friday Agreement is personal to me.

    The drift, the lack of momentum, the elevation of ideological politics above the constitutional settlement – that would never happen with my Labour Government. Wouldn’t happen with any Labour Government.

    It’s not how we approach politics on this island.

    It’s not how my predecessors helped broker peace.

    My ambition as Prime Minister would be to give the people of Northern Ireland the hope I saw here in 2003, the sort of hope you can build your future around, that aspirations are made of.

    And which can – as we’ve seen for 25 years – bring communities together.

    Ordinary hope and ordinary politics – that’s what the people of Northern Ireland deserve.

    And we will govern by their example.

    When things get tough, we will persevere.

    Embrace the spirit of 1998.

    Keep our eyes fixed firmly on the future.

    A future of peace and prosperity.

    Partnership between Britain and Ireland.

    And a politics which delivers for every community in Northern Ireland.

    Thank you.

  • Gordon Brown – 2009 Joint Statement with Irish Taoiseach on Northern Ireland

    Gordon Brown – 2009 Joint Statement with Irish Taoiseach on Northern Ireland

    The statement made by Gordon Brown, the then Prime Minister, on 17 December 2009.

    While work remains to be done, we are both convinced that significant progress is being made on the remaining issues concerning devolution of policing and justice and other issues still outstanding from the St Andrews Agreement.

    It is clear that all the main Northern Ireland parties support the devolution of policing and justice and want to see this happen. The Governments believe that, while there remain issues to be resolved, the parties have made substantial progress over recent months towards the transfer of policing and justice powers.

    The First and deputy First Ministers set out in November last year the steps that they both agreed needed to be taken to finalise the process. Those steps are near to completion.

    The legislation to create the model for the new Justice Department was agreed at Westminster in March. The legislation to create the new Justice Department has completed its passage through the Assembly. The process to identify the Justice Minister is now underway.

    The Prime Minister agreed a generous financial settlement in September that will ensure that a devolved Justice Department will have the resources it needs to manage particular financial pressures around, for example, hearing loss claims without detriment to front line policing and justice services. The financial package will only be available if devolution is completed in the coming months.

    Maintaining this progress and the early completion of devolution are important to sustaining public confidence across the whole community and to further enhancing Northern Ireland’s international reputation.

    This is both realistic and achievable.

    The only steps that remain in the process agreed by the First and deputy First Ministers are for the Northern Ireland parties, once the outstanding issues are resolved, to complete the process of public consultation and an Assembly vote seeking the transfer of powers.

    Once final agreement is reached by the parties, approval by Westminster of the necessary transfer orders can be achieved within a matter of weeks following a request from the Assembly. The British Government stands ready to bring forward these orders in the New Year.

    We have discussed the limited number of outstanding issues with the parties. We believe that there are no differences incapable of resolution and are optimistic the parties can find early agreement.

    We will stay in close touch with the parties as they continue discussions over the coming days.

    We believe that early completion of devolution is important. We have, therefore, asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the Minister for Foreign Affairs to meet at the beginning of January to review progress towards the necessary cross community vote in the Assembly.

    While these matters can best be resolved by the Parties themselves, we remain available to help as required.

  • Doug Beattie – 2022 New Year’s Message

    Doug Beattie – 2022 New Year’s Message

    The new year’s message made by Doug Beattie, the Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, on 31 December 2022.

    As we come to the end of 2022 it would not be an understatement to call it an historic year. We celebrated the Platinum Jubilee of Queen Elizabeth II, 70 years as our Monarch, an incredible achievement. Later we mourned her passing and then proclaimed a new Monarch, King Charles III. The Ulster Unionist Party also mourned the loss of our former leader, Lord Trimble, who did so much to bring peace to Northern Ireland alongside others, through the Belfast Agreement. Our thoughts are with his family and all those who lost loved ones.

    Politically things have been difficult for the United Kingdom in 2022 with the Westminster Government going through several Prime Ministerial changes and our own devolved Government at Stormont, collapsing once again. Underpinning all this we saw war returning to Europe with the Russian invasion of Ukraine and a cost-of-living crisis that has left many families struggling.

    The Northern Ireland Protocol has dominated political discourse throughout 2022. The Ulster Unionists’ position on the protocol has not changed since 2019. We made the argument then that the protocol would not work and we have been proven right in the same way we said BREXIT could destabilise the United Kingdom and again we were proven right.

    As the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party I have been clear that I am a whole United Kingdom unionist – that our actions as unionists in Northern Ireland must complement the Union of nations that make up the United Kingdom. This means taking our place within that Union, having our voice heard, putting country before party, people before self.

    Unionist cooperation goes far beyond just political parties here in Northern Ireland. Unionist cooperation means cooperating with unionists in England, Scotland and Wales ensuring our actions do nothing to undermine any part of the Union while at the same time ensuring we create a prosperous United Kingdom with democracy, fiscal responsibility, security, social justice, equality and opportunity for all our citizens at its heart.

    It is fair to say that throughout 2022 the ideals of the United Kingdom have been tested as never before as individual and party self-interests came to the fore. Unionism needs to be very careful that the protections for Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom that the late David Trimble and his colleagues brought about through the Belfast Agreement, are not washed away without a strategic estimate even taking place.

    The Northern Ireland Protocol must be dealt with. It undermines the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom and that in itself, goes against well-established norms for international treaties. Yet due to BREXIT we must do something to protect our farming industry and other industries and services that create a strong economy which in turn creates a strong Northern Ireland that will maintain our place in the United Kingdom.

    As a party we have put forward many solutions, some of which are now the main negotiating points between the United Kingdom and the European Union.

    The Northern Ireland Protocol is a problem which will be solved by negotiation or legislation. However, the cost-of-living crisis, the crisis in our National Health Service and within our service sectors will only be dealt with through a functioning devolved government.

    This will not be easy, but doing the right thing is seldom easy. As we enter 2023 we as Ulster Unionists have stark choices to make.

    We either work to solidify our place within the United Kingdom by reaching out to all corners of our society with understanding, respectful of difference; by being confident, optimistic and positive unionists looking to promote ourselves within the United Kingdom, Europe and further afield.

    Alternatively, we can withdraw from the government mechanisms of the United Kingdom, set ourselves alone and apart, and fail to have our voice heard or even acknowledged; promoting pessimistic, isolated unionism in Northern Ireland and watch it continue to flounder.

    I am dedicated to following the first path in order to reach out to those who view themselves as unionists, who have pro-union views, or those who will happily remain within a prosperous United Kingdom although they may have different cultural views or have different long-term aspirations.

    As I finish I would just ask you all to look beyond the slogans. View things strategically for 2023, see how by making this part of the United Kingdom prosper, by focusing on the economy, we secure Northern Ireland’s future.

    Happy New Year to you all.

  • Doug Beattie – 2022 Comments on Leo Varadkar and Political Relations with Unionists

    Doug Beattie – 2022 Comments on Leo Varadkar and Political Relations with Unionists

    The comments made by Doug Beattie, the Leader of the Ulster Unionists, on 16 December 2022.

    The change in Taoiseach in the Republic of Ireland this weekend comes at a pivotal time in negotiations between the European Union and United Kingdom, and in Anglo-Irish relations.

    I wish Micheál Martin well as he steps down from the role. We have had a good and constructive relationship during his time in office. I believe he listened in good faith to what Unionism had to say and understood the importance of having a good working relationship with his country’s nearest neighbours.

    As Leo Varadkar takes up the office again there will undoubtedly be apprehension from Unionism. His contribution during his first term, particularly when it came to Brexit and the Protocol, was not positive and I hope to see early indication that he has learned and matured on these particular issues in the intervening years. He will have a lot of work to do in rebuilding relations with Unionism in Northern Ireland, there is simply no escaping that fact, but we will continue to reach out and engage in good faith.

  • Alan Chambers – 2022 Comments in Support of Striking Nurses

    Alan Chambers – 2022 Comments in Support of Striking Nurses

    The comments made by Alan Chambers, the Ulster Unionist Health Spokesperson, on 15 December 2022.

    I was happy to stand in support of an official Royal College of Nurses picket line at Bangor Community Hospital this morning.

    During my time there I witnessed overwhelming public support for their action. Many gifts of food and beverages were being handed to them by generous members of the public.

    None of the staff were happy that they had been forced into taking such drastic action at this time. Rather than enduring the freezing conditions on the picket line they would all rather have been in their place of work providing the high level of care for their patients that we are so aware and grateful for.

    Listening to their stories it was obvious that this strike is not just about pay but also about the conditions that they have to deal with on a daily basis. They have major concerns over patient safety in hospital emergency departments, they feel no one is listening to them and strike action is their weapon of last resort.

    Retention of the current workforce should be a major obligation on local trusts. The welfare of staff, especially our valued overseas recruits, should be paramount rather than an attitude of just get on with it.

    Ward ratio of nurses to patients is also higher than is fair to nurses who carry the responsibility if things go wrong in the daily care of patients. These are all issues that are causing concern on top of cost of living pressures.

    There is an acceptance that many of these issues can’t be fixed in the short term but NHS staff want to see a political road map created that will plot a way forward. It is a matter of huge frustration that reform of the NHS will remain stalled while the Assembly is in cold storage with no Executive in place. The nurses want to see political leadership provided as soon as possible.

    Former Health Minister Robin Swann MLA was putting many elements of that road map in place but was denied the opportunity to finish the job by the collapse of the Executive and a lack of political support from some quarters in relation to much needed reform of how NHS services are delivered.

  • Jim Shannon – 2022 Comments on the Annual Fisheries Negotiations with EU and North Atlantic States

    Jim Shannon – 2022 Comments on the Annual Fisheries Negotiations with EU and North Atlantic States

    The comments made by Jim Shannon, the DUP MP for Strangford, in the House of Commons on 20 December 2022.

    Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

    I thank the Minister for his answers to the questions. He understands the issues for fisheries and, in particular, for fisheries in my constituency of Strangford and also in Portavogie. I spoke to the Anglo North Irish Fish Producers Organisation this morning. Will the Minister provide an assurance that the necessary parliamentary time will be provided to ensure the urgent passage of the statutory instrument to remove spurdog from the list of prohibited species? That will allow British fishermen to take advantage of the fact that there could be a fishery for this species in 2023, which is good news. My understanding is that the EU could fish for spurdog right now, but it has deferred the decision for two months. Time is therefore urgent. I know that the Minister will not want the British fishing sector to be disadvantaged in any way, so the two months must be used for the necessary SI to be introduced in this House.

    Mark Spencer

    As ever, the hon. Gentleman is very well-informed. There is a requirement for a statutory instrument to allow the spurdog quota to be accessed. This is a new quota. He is right in saying that we will have to process that SI as rapidly as possible. However, I cannot stand at the Dispatch Box and make commitments on behalf of the Leader of the House or business managers, but he can rest assured that the Department is working very hard to make sure that that SI is in a place to be deployed, and we will be pressing business managers to get it through the House as rapidly as possible.

  • Gordon Brown – 1998 Speech in Belfast

    Gordon Brown – 1998 Speech in Belfast

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, at the Parliament Buildings in Belfast on 12 May 1998.

    To be here in Belfast at this historic moment of opportunity for the people of Northern Ireland is a privilege in itself.

    And I am honoured to be able to pay tribute to all those who, not just by their participation in the peace negotiations of recent weeks, but in their everyday actions over many years have brought us closer to peace.

    From a country that has not known a single year, a single month, a single week, in which mothers have not wept for their sons or daughters, we now have, in our grasp, an opportunity that a few years ago only poets could dream of and church leaders could pray for – a lasting peace. The greatest honour history can bestow is that of peacemaker.

    And we owe a debt of gratitude to all those who have played their part in working towards peace. And I am particularly pleased to be here today alongside someone who, with Tony Blair, has done more than anyone else over twelve long and difficult months – Mo Mowlam. And I am pleased to be here with her and also with Adam Ingram who is working closely with her.

    And hopefully – when the decision is completed – some years from now we can look back and say in the words of Robert Frost, the American poet:

    “I can say somewhere ages and ages hence
    two roads diverged in a wood
    and I took the one less travelled by
    and that has made all the difference”

    But let me first repeat how pleased I am to be here. The first serving chancellor to visit Northern Ireland for 18 years. And to be here at such an important time and to make important announcements is a privilege for me.

    I am reminded of the story of Dr Henry Cole, a minister sent to Ireland, on behalf of the Queen in the 1550s and so anxious were some to ensure he did not make the announcements he planned that when he opened his red box to take out the speech there was no speech – but simply a packet of playing cards. I have, I hope, more to offer.

    Now today I also want to pay tribute to all those who throughout the troubles, through dark days and dark years, have continued the long hard work of sustaining the productive base of the Northern Ireland economy, and kept alive the dream of peace with prosperity: those who have invested in Northern Ireland; those who have built up businesses; those who have worked together to tackle the social tensions of some of the worst-hit unemployment areas of Northern Ireland; those who through their actions have offered hope.

    But it is as a result of the hard work, the enterprise, and the commitment of thousands of men and women at work in Northern Ireland – managers and employees – that Northern Ireland has grown at 3 per cent a year on average over the last decade. That inward investment has risen, and that 73,000 jobs have been created in this period.

    For years we have been attempting to build the Northern Ireland economy against a background of violence.

    From today, 1998, we can begin to build on new foundations. Having created a framework for peace we can now create a framework for prosperity.

    Peace underpinned by prosperity. Prosperity made possible by peace. A peace sustained, because it is built on the rock of prosperity.

    So we need a new agenda for prosperity, an agenda for prosperity that is born out of an understanding of the need for growth, founded on new investment in Northern Ireland, driven forward by building up our skills and whose success will be new companies, new jobs, new opportunities in Northern Ireland.

    And let me say that the set of initiatives I am announcing today is not a shopping list dreamed up in a few days to tide us over a few months; it is a strategy that has been developed over many months that offers the prospect of prosperity for many years.

    And so today I want to match the new partnership for peace with a new partnership for prosperity.

    And to do that we need to achieve two things: to encourage the creation and growth of small and medium size enterprises and to attract inward investment.

    And there are five building blocks to achieve these goals:

    Stability – economic stability as well as political stability;
    Investment in the physical infrastructure of Northern Ireland, with a new fund for investment;
    Investment in people and in skills, with a new fund for skills;
    Investment in innovation and new ideas, with a new fund for innovation; and
    direct help to boost business investment, with a new fund for enterprise.
    And in each of these areas I want to make new announcements about what the government will do to match the enterprise of the people.

    So our policy is not for or against any one group – but against unemployment, under-investment, poverty and waste of potential.

    The first building block for prosperity is stability. To encourage entrepreneurs to set up in business here and to encourage businesses to locate here, we need stability. First, of course the stability that comes from lasting peace. But also economic stability. And this government has made it clear that it will do everything to ensure monetary and fiscal stability based on:

    Clear long-term objectives by which we will be judged – an inflation target of 2% and a commitment to fiscal stability that will be locked in by the conclusions of our comprehensive spending review; orderly procedural rules which guarantee certainty and therefore credibility in decision-making – making the Bank of England independent and legislating for a code for fiscal stability; and an open and transparent decision-making process which allows proper scrutiny and offers a confidence that a long term view is being pursued free of short term party political considerations.

    This foundation of economic stability is necessary to avoid the boom-bust which we have suffered from in the past.

    But stability is only the first building block for a peaceful and prosperous Northern Ireland. For business to succeed we have to invest in the future. We have to invest in the physical infrastructure, in skills, in innovation.

    So the second building block for prosperity is investment in our physical infrastructure.

    A modern economy needs good transport links, good schools, decent housing, reliable utilities and cutting-edge communication networks. Doing this properly means an end to the sterile old conflicts between public and private sector, it means public and private sector working in partnership to invest in the infrastructure of Northern Ireland.

    So today I want to announce new investment in our social and economic fabric. A 150 million pounds Northern Ireland investment fund to help create the transport network, housing and schools that Northern Ireland needs.

    Completing the best modern transport and communications links for Northern Ireland is a priority – linking up our towns, linking industrial estates to the seaports and airports, cutting the costs and times of travel from production to exports.

    To build a good transport system in road, rail, airports and seaports we need public and private sectors working together as a part of a publicly-led integrated transport strategy.

    We want to cut the time it takes to travel by road. Today I can announce an investment of 15 million pounds to upgrade the road from Belfast to Newry. I have been in contact with the European commission, and look forward to an early reaction on the scope for EU funding in support of further investment.

    The Belfast-Newry road and other new initiatives will be partly funded by the transfer of Belfast harbour from the public sector to a public private partnership which will further enhance the port’s operation and assure its future growth. Measures will be put in place to ensure that all employees will be able to benefit from the change.

    Today’s package will invest a further 87 million pounds to enable progress in other key road programmes:

    In the road from Belfast to Larne which will improve the connection between Belfast and this key port and important link with the mainland; in the west link through Belfast, connecting the M1 and M2 motorways, which will provide a through route from major sites of inward investment to the port and to the city centre; and in the bypass at Toome connecting Belfast and Londonderry, the Antrim to Ballymena road and the Londonderry to Ballygawley road which will all improve the road network of Northern Ireland bringing benefits to business.

    Transport links go beyond the roads. We want to raise the standard of the worst rail rolling stock to that of the best, and the Treasury Taskforce is already examining options for the development of our rail industry.

    And we will also use money from the Northern Ireland investment fund to improve infrastructure of St Angelo airport at Fermanagh.

    Some of the worst housing estates in Northern Ireland need a fresh start. And 11 million pounds has been allocated to the Northern Ireland investment fund to address these problems.

    But investing in Northern Ireland’s future means more than investing in the physical infrastructure. We need to invest in our human infrastructure – our key resource – the people. So the third building block for prosperity is investment in people and in skills so today I can announce a Northern Ireland skills fund.

    I want to remove the barriers that deprive thousands of men and women of training and employment opportunities in Northern Ireland today.

    I want employers to work with us on getting the new deal right here in Northern Ireland, not just for the young people who will benefit but for the companies to whom they will contribute.

    I want the New Deal to become more than ambulance relief for people in difficulty but the smart solution for companies looking for motivated people they can train with new skills.

    In Northern Ireland today – despite 6 years of economic recovery – over 8 per cent of the workforce are unemployed. Unemployment here is consistently above the level in the rest of the UK.

    So today I want to announce some measures to expand the new deal for jobs and training in Northern Ireland.

    Today I was pleased to see Shorts Brothers join with Northern Ireland electricity, Hilton hotels, Moy Park and other northern Irish firms to sign the agreement to participate. 220 employers in total have already signed up for the New Deal.

    Long-term unemployment has – for too long – been a drain on the Northern Ireland economy. People who become unemployed spend on average 45 per cent longer out of work than in the rest of the UK. The modernisation of the Northern Ireland economy means addressing the long-standing problem of long-term unemployment. Only then will we build a growing economy with economic opportunity for all.

    We promised in our manifesto to introduce a 75 pounds a week employment subsidy to help people unemployed over 2 years into work. That measure is particularly needed in Northern Ireland – and will begin here in June. But I want to provide more intensive help to make a real assault on long-term unemployment.

    So I can announce today that the whole of Northern Ireland will participate in a new initiative on jobs. From the autumn – everyone in Northern Ireland over 25 who has been unemployed more than 18 months can get the help they need to find work. We will create 30,000 new opportunities for the long-term unemployed.

    We will offer a gateway of support tailored to individual needs. Work experience. Help in starting a business. Work trials with employers. A “bridge to employment” programme to develop employment-related skills.

    And to give disabled people who want to work the opportunity to work a 9 million pounds pilot programme will begin in the autumn to help disabled people improve their employability through work experience, training and education.

    But the New Deal is only one way in which to invest in people. Modern employers will succeed when we get the best out of all our people, and to succeed in mastering the waves of technological change and fiercer competitive pressures we must invest in our key resource: people.

    One priority is improving standards in our schools, to which we are committed. And 18 million pounds from the Northern Ireland investment fund will be used to improve the infrastructure of our schools – building new schools and improving existing school buildings.

    But 80 per cent of those in employment today will be in the workforce in ten years time, education cannot stop at the school gates. There must be a concerted effort to improve skills and enable lifelong learning if we are to achieve the productivity gains we want in the years to come. We must have a stronger relationship between education and business in charting the way forward.

    The new University for industry will enable people from their homes all over urban and remote and rural areas to benefit from education from home, on a range of areas beyond the university level courses catered for by the open university.

    14 million pounds from the Northern Ireland investment fund will be used to support lifelong learning. More I.T. will be available to support the national grid for learning and capital investment in further education colleges.

    Adam Ingram has commissioned a skills audit in Northern Ireland to consult employers, to look at whether our education and training systems are equipped to meet the changing skill demands of business, and to identify mismatches between the skills we have in Northern Ireland and the skills we need for the future.

    And today I can announce a 14 million pounds investment in skills – targeted on the needs of business in Northern Ireland:

    conversion courses for graduates and new apprenticeships;
    technician-level training in the software and I.T. industries,
    in engineering and in hospitality – designed to meet the needs of inward investors and other employers.
    These industries are key to Northern Ireland’s future economic prosperity.

    The challenge we face is to get people back to work and equip people with the right skills. Many of you are employers who know the damage that long term unemployment can do to motivation and employability, and you know too the right skills which people need to succeed today. So we need to work together to make the new deal a success and to provide Northern Ireland with the right skills base.

    Northern Ireland has a growing reputation in research and development. But for too long great scientific advances here have gone on to become the manufacturing successes of other countries. We want the inventiveness and creative talents of Northern Ireland to flourish. But we want to ensure that ideas created in Northern Ireland are turned into successful businesses based in Northern Ireland. So we must invest in innovation, and this is the fourth building block for prosperity.

    We will therefore be inviting proposals for a new science park to provide a centre of excellence for businesses spun out from the universities and from our enterprise excellence programme.

    10 million pounds has been set aside as part of the Northern Ireland innovation fund to create the science park.

    The new university challenge fund which I announced in my budget will help convert today’s ideas in universities across the United Kingdom, into innovative businesses that will create wealth and jobs tomorrow.

    In addition a challenge fund of up to 5 million pounds will be made available to meet the funding gap faced by innovative spin-off firms at the science park and elsewhere in Northern Ireland.

    The final building block is the direct help we can give to business to boost investment and help small businesses turn themselves into large and growing businesses.

    Economic success will depends on the vision and ambition of entrepreneurs setting up businesses and making them grow.

    We must encourage these ambitions and give everyone the chance to realise them.

    So today I can announce a series of measures to encourage entrepreneurs and entrepreneurship in Northern Ireland, a Northern Ireland enterprise fund to help Northern Ireland businesses invest and grow.

    In the last two budgets we have cut tax on profits, cutting the main rate of corporation tax from 33p to 30p. And because we know that jobs and prosperity will come, not simply from having a small number of large businesses, but from a large number of small and growing businesses we cut the corporation tax rate for small companies from 23p to 20p. And to encourage investment in small and medium size companies we increased their first year capital allowances.

    It is upon this stable platform for business that we must build. So i want to announce an additional boost to investment in small and medium size companies in Northern Ireland.

    Every pound invested in plant and machinery in the coming four years will be fully offset against tax and therefore be wholly tax deductible.

    This extra tax help, to speed up investment for the rest of this parliament, will be an 100 million pound investment in the economy of Northern Ireland , 99% of businesses in Northern Ireland will benefit, including the tourism and service industries.

    Modern business investing in Northern Ireland will therefore benefit from two new sources of help: this special tax relief and the skills measures I announced earlier which will allow them to train and equip their workforce.

    In the United Kingdom our venture capital industry is proportionately much smaller than in the United States. Only 5 per cent of venture capital funds in the United Kingdom go to start-ups and early stage companies. While in the USA, nearly 25-30 per cent goes to these companies. The amount of hi-tech in venture capital is 50 per cent in the USA, but only around 20 per cent in the UK.

    For businesses to start-up, grow and be successful we need a strong venture capital market. This is a challenge facing the whole of the United Kingdom and the whole of Europe.

    I can announce that options for setting up a venture capital fund of at least 15 million pounds are being considered for Northern Ireland as a result of joint work by the department of economic development and the European investment bank. The intention is that the fund will be run on a public private partnership basis and will focus on the development of smaller businesses and the service sector, including tourism.

    Northern Ireland needs more small businesses but it also needs higher value-added businesses with potential to grow into the drivers of Northern Ireland’s future. That is why we are establishing an enterprise excellence programme. It will provide training, advice and access to finance to help today’s senior managers and research academics to become tomorrow’s entrepreneurs.

    Northern Ireland is a place of great natural beauty, a place of culture and history, and of creativity in music and in art. So with peace comes the opportunity to build a thriving tourism industry. And to kick-start the growth in this industry, as well as the tax help for investment, a 4 million pounds challenge fund will be set up together with a wide range of business support measures provided by the local enterprise development unit.

    And following the lifting of the EU ban on Northern Ireland beef there is a chance to boost overseas sales so we are setting up a 2 million pounds overseas marketing programme.

    Northern Ireland has been very successful at attracting inward investment which has helped to create many new jobs and reduce unemployment to its lowest level for a generation. 1997 was Northern Ireland’s best ever year for inward investment creating 5,000 new jobs. Fujitsu and Nortel have both located their software development facilities in Northern Ireland – bringing in 250 R&D jobs this year alone – and bringing the total jobs provided by these two companies to 700. This success at attracting inward investment must continue to grow.

    Mo Mowlam is already looking at how best to co-ordinate the work of the existing agencies, the industrial development board and the local enterprise development unit, including the possibility of creating an economic power house offering a wide range of support and services for businesses looking to invest in Northern Ireland.

    Later this year I will accompany Mo Mowlam on the first stage of a ten city tour of the United States and Canada, taking the case for investing in Northern Ireland to the captains of North American industry.

    The package I have announced today amounts to a 315 million pounds investment in the renewal and modernisation of Northern Ireland. The challenge we face is to build on economic and political stability, to promote enterprise and inward investment, to get people back to work and equip them with the right skills, and to build the infrastructure for a modern economy. And this is a challenge that we must face together – government, business and citizens, public and private sectors in partnership.

    The Northern Ireland agreement offers peace for Northern Ireland. A fresh start that offers a way out of 30 years of violence. This package offers faith in the future, the chance to build peace with prosperity, an economy of opportunity for all.

    And out of the dark days of recent years I believe we can look forward with new hope to an era of opportunity, leading Northern Ireland to a new age of achievement.

  • Hilary Benn – 2022 Parliamentary Question on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    Hilary Benn – 2022 Parliamentary Question on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    The parliamentary question asked by Hilary Benn, the Labour MP for Leeds Central, in the House of Commons on 13 December 2022.

    Hilary Benn (Leeds Central) (Lab)

    What recent discussions he has had with the European Commission on the operation of the Northern Ireland protocol.

    Ian Paisley (North Antrim) (DUP)

    How many hours his Department has spent on negotiations with (a) EU member states and (b) the European Commission on the Northern Ireland protocol in the last month.

    The Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (James Cleverly)

    Fixing the Northern Ireland protocol is a top priority for this Government. Since September I have been in regular contact with Vice-President Šefčovič. We last spoke on 1 December and I will be seeing him for further talks this week. My officials have also been working with our counterparts in the EU on a regular basis to try to resolve the issues, which we recognise—and we are impressing this upon them—are causing serious, genuine and damaging friction in relationships between the various communities in Northern Ireland.

    Hilary Benn

    I am grateful to the Foreign Secretary for that answer. It was reported recently that the Prime Minister has assured President Biden that an agreement will be reached with the EU in time for the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday agreement. We also read that the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill is on ice while the negotiations continue. Can the Foreign Secretary assure the House that if an agreement with the EU is reached—and we all hope that will happen—the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill will be dropped?

    James Cleverly

    The Northern Ireland Protocol Bill exists for a reason. The commitment that I made to Maroš Šefčovič in the conversations that I had with him and others was that we would not either artificially accelerate that process or artificially hinder or retard it. We have always said that our preferred option is through negotiations. We speak regularly, the tone is positive, and I think that there is now an understanding that the concerns that we have raised, and that have been raised particularly by the Unionist community in Northern Ireland, are not confected but real, and that any agreement would need to address them.

    Ian Paisley

    Is it not the case that there has not been one hour of actual negotiations, because the EU has not extended its mandate to allow for any changes whatsoever in the operation of the current protocol? That being the case, does the Foreign Secretary not believe that the EU will smell weakness in this Government if they take their foot off the pedal with the protocol Bill in the other place? I encourage him to press on with the Bill.

    James Cleverly

    I can assure the hon. Gentleman that the UK negotiating team are very conscious of the frustrations, particularly in the Unionist community in Northern Ireland. But we have also made the point to our interlocutors in the EU that, across communities in Northern Ireland, there is a recognition that the protocol is not working, that it needs to be addressed, and that the relationships between Northern Ireland and Ireland, and between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK—of which Northern Ireland is a part—all have to function properly. That is the underpinning of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement and that is what we seek to achieve through our negotiations.

    Kevin Foster (Torbay) (Con)

    One needs only to visit the port at Belfast and see the potential for new facilities there to realise the interruption there could be to the vital east-west trade routes that Northern Ireland relies on. Does the Foreign Secretary agree that it is vital that the Government are clear that we do not take anything off the table in getting to an agreement? Even though we want an agreement, we still need all the options to be on the table, to ensure that we get what we need for the United Kingdom.

    James Cleverly

    The United Kingdom’s position has been consistent. We recognise that the way the protocol is working is undermining community cohesion in Northern Ireland and disrupting business flows, particularly east-west between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK. These issues have to be addressed. That is, I think, something that the EU negotiating team understand, and we will continue negotiating in good faith. However, as I say, the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill exists for a reason, and we want to ensure that we get a good working resolution that is sustainable for all the communities in Northern Ireland.

    Mr Speaker

    I call the shadow Foreign Secretary.

    Mr David Lammy (Tottenham) (Lab)

    For 18 months we have been at an impasse on the Northern Ireland protocol. Instead of negotiations, we have had cheap rhetoric and threats to break agreements. With a UK Government showing determination and diplomatic skill, and an EU willing to be flexible, these problems would be easily resolvable. Is the real problem that the Prime Minister is in the pocket of the European Research Group, too weak to stand up to his Back Benchers, and putting his party before Northern Ireland?

    James Cleverly

    The right hon. Gentleman needs to keep up. We have had very well-tempered negotiations between the UK and EU negotiators. He will find in our public reporting of those negotiations that there has been a high degree of mutual respect. He says that there is an easy resolution. If he believes that, all I would say is that we are waiting to hear it. If it were easy, it would have been done already.

    Mr Speaker

    Let us hear from the SNP spokesperson.

    Alyn Smith (Stirling) (SNP)

    I say to the Foreign Secretary that if politics goes wrong for him, he has a great career in stand-up ahead of him.

    This discussion is not happening in a vacuum. The Foreign Secretary will be aware of a poll in The Irish Times yesterday that showed that 54% of the people of Northern Ireland are in favour of EU membership. I want to see a negotiated outcome over the protocol; we all do. There are things with the protocol that need to be addressed, and we all agree on that, but the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill is not the way to do that. Surely he must recognise that it is the biggest block to progress in these talks, and that now is the time to scrap it.

    James Cleverly

    I am the one who has been in the conversations with the EU. I know that it does not particularly like the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill, but, nevertheless, the conversations that I have had with my direct interlocuters and that our officials have been having with their opposite numbers in the EU system have been progressing. As I have said, there are still a number of serious issues that need to be resolved, but we are working in good faith. The Bill exists for a reason and it is important that it is there.

    I welcome the hon. Gentleman highlighting the fact that there is pretty much universal agreement now that the protocol needs to be changed, because that is what is driving an increased degree of community tension and disruption in Northern Ireland.

    While I am on my feet, let me welcome the hon. Gentleman resuming his place.