Category: Northern Ireland

  • Brandon Lewis – 2021 Statement Following Death of HRH The Duke of Edinburgh

    Brandon Lewis – 2021 Statement Following Death of HRH The Duke of Edinburgh

    The statement made by Brandon Lewis, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 10 April 2021.

    Prince Philip lived an extraordinary life of service – the Queen’s loyal consort, a naval hero and a man who inspired so many across Northern Ireland, and the world, through the Duke of Edinburgh’s Award.

    As a regular visitor to Northern Ireland, having made 56 official visits in his lifetime, I know there will be many people who will wish to pay their respects and mourn his passing. He will be remembered not only as a truly dedicated public servant but also a devoted husband, father, grandfather and great-grandfather.

    My deepest condolences to Her Majesty the Queen and the whole of the Royal family as they mourn this tremendous loss.

  • Andrew Adonis – 2021 Comments on the Situation in Northern Ireland

    Andrew Adonis – 2021 Comments on the Situation in Northern Ireland

    The comments made by Andrew Adonis on 9 April 2021.

    The best way to avoid rapidly accelerating tension in Northern Ireland is to have no border controls between Britain and Northern Ireland and no border controls between Northern Ireland and Ireland. That means single market membership for the whole UK.

  • Brandon Lewis – 2021 Statement on Northern Ireland

    Brandon Lewis – 2021 Statement on Northern Ireland

    The statement made by Brandon Lewis, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 8 April 2021.

    All communities in Northern Ireland must work together to resolve the tensions that we are currently facing. The people of Northern Ireland deserve better than a continuation of the violence and disorder that we have witnessed in recent days. I know, from my ongoing contact with party leaders, that this is a view that is shared by all. The only way to resolve differences is through dialogue and in that regard we must all lead by example.

    Those engaged in this destruction and disorder do not represent Northern Ireland.

    I have seen first hand the true spirit of Northern Ireland – the creativity, the optimism and the determination to never return to the conflict and division of the past. We cannot allow that spirit to be crushed by a small minority intent on violence.

    The strength of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement lay in providing a framework for all communities in Northern Ireland, through mutual respect and tolerance, to live and work together.

    I am aware of the ongoing concerns from some in the unionist and loyalist community over recent months and I have been engaging and listening to those concerns. However, I remain clear that the right way to express concerns or frustrations is through dialogue, engagement, and the democratic process, not through violence or disorder.

    Today, I will be meeting with community, faith and political leaders. Following engagement earlier today, I welcome the statement from the Executive and join them in appealing for calm. I will do all I can to continue to facilitate further constructive discussions on the way forward over the coming days. I remain in close contact with the Prime Minister to keep him updated.

  • Louise Haigh – 2021 Comments on Disturbances in Northern Ireland

    Louise Haigh – 2021 Comments on Disturbances in Northern Ireland

    The comments made by Louise Haigh, the Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 6 April 2021.

    This reprehensible violence is unjustified and unjustifiable. It serves no purpose and is risking the lives of frontline workers.

    As a former Special Constable, it is sickening to see frontline officers subject to violent attacks simply for doing their job.

    The concerns and frustrations communities are feeling must be addressed through dialogue and political leadership alone.

    A clear message must be sent that there is simply no excuse for violence.

  • James Cleverly – 2021 Statement on the Report on Victim Compensation for Gaddafi-sponsored IRA terrorism

    James Cleverly – 2021 Statement on the Report on Victim Compensation for Gaddafi-sponsored IRA terrorism

    The statement made by James Cleverly, the Minister for the Middle East and North Africa, in the House of Commons on 23 March 2021.

    In March 2019, the then Foreign Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for South West Surrey (Jeremy Hunt) appointed Mr William Shawcross as his special representative on UK victims of Gaddafi-sponsored IRA terrorism. Mr Shawcross was commissioned to write an internal scoping report on the subject of compensation for UK victims of Gaddafi-sponsored IRA terrorism. Mr Shawcross submitted his report in March 2020.

    The Government thank Mr Shawcross for his report. Since it was commissioned as an internal scoping report, to provide internal advice to Ministers, and draws on private and confidential conversations held by Mr Shawcross, the Government will not be publishing the report.

    These important issues have needed careful and thorough consideration across Government given the complexity and sensitivity of the issues raised.

    The UK Government reiterate their profound sympathy for UK victims of Gaddafi-sponsored IRA terrorism and indeed for all victims of the Troubles. We recognise the pain and suffering of victims of violent crime, including terrorism, and provide publicly funded support and compensation schemes for those affected.

    The UK Government are clear that the primary responsibility for the actions of the IRA lies with the IRA. Nevertheless, the Gaddafi regime’s support for the IRA was extensive. It is widely documented in the public domain. It involved money, weapons, explosives and training from the 1970s onwards. It helped fuel the Troubles in Northern Ireland and enhanced the IRA’s ability to carry out attacks in Northern Ireland and Great Britain.

    The responsibility for providing compensation specifically for the actions of the Gaddafi regime lies with the Libyan state. The Government have therefore repeatedly urged the Libyan authorities, including at the highest levels of the Libyan Government, to engage with UK victims and their representatives, and to address their claims for compensation.

    However, there are clear practical difficulties in obtaining compensation from Libya for Gaddafi-sponsored IRA terrorism. The conflict, political instability and economic instability that have prevailed in Libya for most of the last 10 years since the fall of the Gaddafi regime present particular challenges.

    Mr Shawcross has considered these issues, including the difficulties of defining UK victims of Gaddafi-sponsored IRA terrorism given the extensive nature of Libyan support for the IRA, and the range of proposals for providing compensation to victims. The Government have reflected fully on these issues. The Government’s considered view is that an additional, UK-funded mechanism for providing compensation to victims of the Troubles would not provide accountability for the specific role of the Gaddafi regime in supporting the IRA.

    Mr Shawcross also considered whether compensation for UK victims should be funded from Libyan frozen assets in the UK. Under international law, when assets are frozen, they continue to belong to the designated individual or entity. Frozen assets may not be seized by the UK Government.

    In implementing financial sanctions, the UK is obliged to comply with the relevant United Nations obligations. UN Security Council resolution 2009 (2011) states that the aim of the Libya financial sanctions regime is

    “to ensure that assets frozen pursuant to resolutions 1970 (2011) and 1973 (2011) shall as soon as possible be made available to and for the benefit of the people of Libya”.

    There is also no legal basis for the UK to refuse the release of frozen assets once conditions for delisting or unfreezing those assets set out in UN Security Council resolution 2009 of 2011 are met.

    Therefore, regrettably, the UK has no legal basis to seize frozen Libyan assets or to refuse the release of frozen assets. The Government cannot lawfully use Libyan assets frozen in the UK to provide compensation to victims.

    The UK Government have also considered whether they should provide compensation to victims from public funds, which it may subsequently recoup from Libya. The responsibility for providing compensation specifically for the actions of the Gaddafi regime is the direct responsibility of the Libyan state. It is not therefore for the UK Government to divert UK public funds specifically for this particular purpose.

    Victims of violent crime, including terrorism, occurring in Great Britain can access the criminal injuries compensation scheme, funded by the UK Government, subject to eligibility criteria and time limits. Bereaved family members can access bereavement and funeral payments. In Northern Ireland, victims have access to the Northern Ireland criminal injuries compensation scheme. The Troubles permanent disablement scheme, to be delivered by the Northern Ireland Executive, will provide acknowledgement payments to people living with permanent physical or psychological disablement resulting from being injured in Troubles-related incidents. Details of when the scheme will be open for applications, and how people can apply, will be published by the Northern Ireland Executive.

    The UK will continue to press the Libyan authorities to address the Libyan state’s historic responsibility for the Gaddafi regime’s support for the IRA.

  • Louise Haigh – 2021 Comments on the Prime Minister and the Northern Ireland Protocol

    Louise Haigh – 2021 Comments on the Prime Minister and the Northern Ireland Protocol

    The comments made by Louise Haigh, the Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 4 March 2021.

    Northern Ireland faces real challenges as a result of the Prime Minister’s deal, but they must be addressed through political leadership.

    The Prime Minister must take personal responsibility for finding lasting solutions that lower tension and make the protocol work. Unilaterally undermining his own agreement has only provoked further instability.

    He should show leadership and hold urgent talks with all parties to the protocol, and Northern Ireland’s political parties, to ensure the voice of all communities is being heard loud and clear.

    The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement is the basis on which communities have lived in peace for two decades. It has endured because cooperation is the only way – that must be the focus.

  • Louise Haigh – 2021 Comments on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    Louise Haigh – 2021 Comments on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    The comments made by Louise Haigh, the Shadow Northern Ireland Secretary, on 3 March 2021.

    The Prime Minister personally negotiated checks down the Irish Sea, and those checks have been known in detail for many months.

    It is the Government’s staggering lack of preparation that has left Northern Ireland so exposed.

    This is the deal the Prime Minister demanded – he should show some responsibility, and find the lasting solutions with the EU that remain the only way to give businesses the certainty they are crying out for.

    Today’s unilateral action will do nothing to solve those long-term challenges facing Northern Ireland.

  • Brandon Lewis – 2021 Comments on Investment in Northern Ireland

    Brandon Lewis – 2021 Comments on Investment in Northern Ireland

    The comments made by Brandon Lewis, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 24 February 2021.

    I am absolutely delighted to sign the Heads of Terms for the Derry/Londonderry and Strabane City Deal. The UK Government has committed £105 million of capital funding to support and encourage economic development across the region, creating jobs, boosting opportunity and encouraging further inward investment.

    Today’s announcement is part of the UK Government’s commitment to developing and delivering a comprehensive and ambitious set of City Deals across Northern Ireland and delivering a stronger economy that works for everyone.

  • David Lidington – 2006 Speech on a New Direction for Northern Ireland

    David Lidington – 2006 Speech on a New Direction for Northern Ireland

    The speech made by David Lidington on 12 October 2006.

    It’s been a good year for our party in Northern Ireland. Our membership is growing and we have regained our toehold in local government.

    We are the only political party that contests elections in every part of the United Kingdom.

    I look forward to the day when we can welcome to our conference not just Conservative councillors, but Conservative Assembly members and Conservative Members of Parliament from Northern Ireland as well.

    Northern Ireland is changing.

    Not everything’s good. Sectarian tensions run deep. Paramilitary groups still use intimidation to exert social control.

    But while serious problems remain, most people in Northern Ireland can at last lead their lives in the normal way that all of us here take for granted.

    The face of Belfast and other cities has been transformed, not by bombs, but by new shops, hotels, offices and homes.

    Even in places like Crossmaglen, for the first time in decades, the police can patrol on foot without routine Army support.

    Politicians of all parties can claim some credit for making this possible.

    But let us never forget, that the peace Northern Ireland has today was won through the courage and endurance of the Royal Ulster Constabulary and our Armed Forces. We shall always remember their bravery and we shall honour the sacrifice that they made.

    And of course the victims of terrorism will carry physical and mental scars for the rest of their lives. We have a duty to speak out for them.

    That’s why we opposed Labour’s amnesty for ‘on the run’ terrorists. It was unjust. It betrayed victims and their families and I am glad that we helped force the Government to abandon its plan.

    Whatever their religion or national identity, people in Northern Ireland have the same everyday hopes and aspirations as the rest of us. They want a prosperous economy, good schools, better health services, decent homes, effective policing.

    As Conservatives, we support the Union. And we also believe in trusting the people.

    An Assembly and stronger local councils would make politics more accessible and more accountable than it can ever be under Direct Rule.

    Giving politicians in Northern Ireland responsibility for practical decisions about jobs, local taxes and public services will force a welcome change in the content of political debate.

    That’s why I support devolution and why I hope that the current talks succeed.

    But devolution and power-sharing will only work if all parties play by the same democratic rules.

    In a democratic society, there is no place for paramilitary gangs. I don’t care whether they call themselves “republican” or “loyalist”; they should go out of business, permanently and completely.

    The tiny loyalist parties are too small to qualify for ministerial office under devolution. But Sinn Fein is different. Sinn Fein is now the second-biggest party in Northern Ireland.

    Its leaders say that they are now committed to pursue their political objectives by exclusively democratic and peaceful means. Certainly, the decommissioning of weapons and the clear statement that the IRA’s so-called ‘armed struggle’ is finally over were events of historic importance. The police and the army believe that there has indeed been a fundamental change in republican strategy.

    But after all that has happened in the last 40 years, we are justified in looking for clear evidence that this change is both permanent and irreversible.

    That means two things in particular.

    First, IRA involvement in crime has to stop for good.

    Second, republicans should support the police and the courts. A power-sharing Executive simply isn’t going to work unless every minister in it is committed to uphold the rule of law.

    Let’s hear Sinn Fein’s leaders ask their supporters to give evidence to help convict the killers of Robert McCartney and give justice to other victims of crime.

    That’s the way to encourage trust.

    Northern Ireland today can look towards a better future. But there are still huge challenges.

    Northern Ireland is over-governed, its economy lags way behind the Irish Republic, with some inner city areas blighted by long-term unemployment and deprivation.

    We need a new direction: smaller government; harnessing the energy of social enterprise and the voluntary sector to tackle poverty and rebuild broken communities; freeing business to create new jobs and investment.

    And Northern Ireland needs a fairer system of local taxation than the tax on homes that Labour is now imposing.

    Health spending is higher than the UK average. Yet the quality of treatment and the standards of public health can be amongst the worst. There’s too much waste and red tape, too little responsibility given to professionals at the sharp end. We need a new direction. People in Northern Ireland deserve better from the NHS than they get now.

    School results in Northern Ireland are better than in the rest of the country. But too many children from deprived areas still leave school unable to read or write. Vocational education and training aren’t good enough for the needs of a modern economy.

    We need to put that right – and can do so while keeping Ulster’s grammar schools. Those schools are successful and they have the support of the overwhelming majority of the people of Northern Ireland.

    Labour’s ban on academic selection is both vindictive and undemocratic. We were right to oppose them and we shall continue our campaign.

    Let me finish with this thought.

    As David reminded us on Sunday, politicians, governments don’t have all the answers. But we Conservatives pride ourselves on being a national party: one that speaks for men and women of every race, faith or social background.

    Let’s draw on that tradition to help the people, all the people of Northern Ireland to put the bitterness of the past behind them and build a shared future based on justice, reconciliation and trust.

  • Michael Gove – 2021 Statement on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    Michael Gove – 2021 Statement on the Northern Ireland Protocol

    The statement made by Michael Gove, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, in the House of Commons on 2 February 2021.

    I am grateful to the hon. Member for Sheffield, Heeley (Louise Haigh) for the chance to update the House on recent developments on the Northern Ireland protocol.

    On Friday afternoon, the European Commission, without prior consultation, published a regulation to enable restrictions on the export of vaccines from the EU. That regulation also invoked article 16 of the Northern Ireland protocol, barring the free movement of medicines from Ireland into Northern Ireland.

    It is important to be clear about what was proposed: not only plans to stop vaccines being delivered through legally binding contracts, at the height of a pandemic, but critically, a unilateral suspension of the painstakingly designed and carefully negotiated provisions of the protocol, which the EU has always maintained was critical to safeguarding the gains of the Northern Ireland peace process.

    Article 16 exists for good reasons, but it is meant to be invoked only after notification and only after all other options are exhausted, and in the interests of the people of Northern Ireland. None of those conditions was met. Worse still, neither the UK Government, representing the people of Northern Ireland, nor the Irish Government, an EU member, were informed. The Commission’s move has provoked anger and concern across all the parties and throughout civil society in Northern Ireland, as well as international condemnation.

    Following the reaction, the Commission did withdraw its invocation of article 16 and subsequently clarified, in conversations with my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister, that it would not interfere with vaccine supplies to Great Britain and Northern Ireland. I am grateful to the Prime Minister for his robust and sensitive intervention, and also to the Taoiseach, the Northern Ireland Executive and Vice-President Maroš Šefčovič for moving quickly to resolve the situation on Friday evening, but trust has been eroded, damage has been done and urgent action is therefore needed.

    Peace, progress and strong community relations in Northern Ireland have been hard won, but in recent days we have seen an increase in community tension and, as was reported last night, port staff in Belfast and Larne have been kept away from work following concerns for their safety. The decision was taken by Northern Ireland’s Agriculture Minister, Edwin Poots, and the local council. My right hon. Friend the Northern Ireland Secretary is engaging closely with the police and authorities on this issue, and of course, the safety and security of staff are the absolute priority.

    I would like to take this opportunity to thank Edwin Poots for his dedicated work. He is, coincidentally, stepping down from his post for health reasons this week, and I am sure all of us in the House would want to send him every good wish.

    Fixing problems on the ground now requires us all to work calmly. The EU needs to work with us, at speed and with determination, to resolve a series of outstanding issues with the protocol. I am grateful to Vice-President Šefčovič for his understanding of the need to make progress to see these problems resolved and to ensure that the protocol does what it was designed to do: avoid disruption to everyday lives while protecting Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market and our customs territory.

    I am also grateful to the First Minister of Northern Ireland and her Executive colleagues for their close working with the UK Government and their shared determination to resolve these issues. We will work over coming days to fix the difficulties on the ground, preserve the gains of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement and, of course, uphold Northern Ireland’s place as an integral part of our United Kingdom.