Category: Foreign Affairs

  • Oliver Dowden – 2023 Speech to the UN General Assembly

    Oliver Dowden – 2023 Speech to the UN General Assembly

    The speech made by Oliver Dowden, the Deputy Prime Minister, on 23 September 2023.

    Mr President,

    As we meet here this evening millions of people in Morocco and Libya continue to struggle with the aftermath of a devastating earthquake and catastrophic flood.

    Let me extend the sympathy of the British people to all those who have lost loved ones.

    Our search and rescue teams have been deployed in Morocco and we have increased our humanitarian support for Libya.

    We will continue our support – alongside many other nations represented here in the weeks and months to come.

    This week, nations have gathered here to recommit to addressing the biggest challenges we face.

    Climate change, with catastrophic weather events telling us to act, now.

    The Sustainable Development Goals… and how to get them back on track after Covid.

    Migration, with millions crossing borders and dangerous seas, at the mercy of human traffickers.

    And Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine… an attack on a sovereign member of the United Nations by a Permanent Member of its Security Council.

    The most heinous assault imaginable on everything this organisation stands for, and was founded to prevent.

    With consequences felt not just by the brave people of Ukraine, but by millions more across the globe.

    Those hit by food shortages – particularly in developing countries – are Putin’s victims too.

    Russia could end this war tomorrow. Putin could end this war tomorrow. That is what the world demands.

    But until that happens, the United Kingdom will stand alongside Ukraine.

    Whatever it takes.

    For weeks, for months – if necessary, for years.

    Because if these United Nations – in which the United Kingdom believes, and helped to found – are to count for anything, it is surely for the cardinal principle that aggression cannot, and must not pay.

    These are the issues of the moment.

    But I want to focus on another challenge.

    A challenge that is already with us today, and which is changing – right now – all of our tomorrows.

    It is going to change everything we do – education, business, healthcare, defence – the way we live.

    And it is going to change government – and relations between nations – fundamentally.

    It is going to change this United Nations, fundamentally.

    Artificial Intelligence – the biggest transformation the world has known.

    Our task as governments is to understand it, grasp it, and seek to govern it.

    And we must do so at speed.

    Think how much has changed in a few short months.

    And then think how different this world will look in five years or ten years’ time.

    We are fast becoming familiar with the AI of today, but we need to prepare for the AI of tomorrow.

    At this frontier, we need to accept that we simply do not know the bounds of possibilities.

    We are as Edison before the light came on, or as Tim Berners-Lee before the first email was sent.

    They could not – surely – have respectively envisaged the illumination of the New York skyline at night, or the wonders of the modern internet.

    But they suspected the transformative power of their inventions.

    Frontier AI, with the capacity to process the entirety of human knowledge in

    Seconds, has the potential not just to transform our lives, but to reimagine our understanding of science.

    If – like me – you believe that humans are on the path to decoding the mysteries of the smallest particles, or the farthest reaches of our universe, if you think that the Millenium Prize Problems are ultimately solvable, or that we will eventually fully understand viruses, then you will surely agree that by adding to the sum total of our intelligence at potentially dizzying scales.

    Frontier AI will unlock at least some of those answers on an expedited timetable in our lifetimes.

    Because in AI time, years are days even hours.

    The “frontier” is not as far as we might assume.

    That brings with it great opportunities.

    The AI models being developed today could deliver the energy efficiency needed to beat climate change, stimulate the crop yields required to feed the world, detect signs of chronic diseases or pandemics, better manage supply chains so everyone has access to the materials and goods they need, and enhance productivity in both business and governments.

    In fact, every single challenge discussed at this year’s General Assembly – and more – could be improved or even solved by AI.

    Perhaps the most exciting thing is that AI can be a democratising tool, open to everyone.

    Just as we have seen digital adoption sweep across the developing world, AI has the potential to empower millions of people in every part of our planet, giving everyone, wherever they are, the ability to be part of this revolution.

    AI can and should be a tool for all.

    Yet any technology that can be used by all can also be used for ill.

    We have already seen the dangers AI can pose: teens hacking individuals’ bank details; terrorists targeting government systems; cyber criminals duping voters with deep-fakes and bots; even states suppressing their peoples.

    But our focus on the risks has to include the potential of agentic frontier AI, which at once surpasses our collective intelligence, and defies our understanding.

    Indeed, many argue that this technology is like no other, in the sense that its creators themselves don’t even know how it works.

    They can’t explain why it does what it does, they cannot predict what it will – or will not – do.

    The principal risks of frontier AI will therefore come from misuse, misadventure, or misalignment with human objectives.

    Our efforts need to preempt all of these possibilities – and to come together to agree a shared understanding of those risks.

    This is what the AI Safety Summit that the United Kingdom is hosting in November will seek to achieve.

    Despite the entreaties we saw from some experts earlier in the year, I do not believe we can hold back the tide.

    There is no future in which this technology does not develop at an extraordinary pace.

    And although I applaud leading companies’ efforts to put safety at the heart of their development, and for their voluntary commitments that provide guardrails against unsafe deployment, the starting gun has been fired on a globally competitive race in which individual companies as well as countries will strive to push the boundaries as far and fast as possible.

    Indeed, the stated aim of these companies is to build superintelligence.

    AI that strives to surpass human intelligence in every possible way.

    Some of the people working on this think it is just a few years away.

    The question for governments is how we respond to that.

    The speed and scale demands leaders are clear-eyed about the implications and potential.

    We cannot afford to become trapped in debates about whether AI is a tool for good or a tool for ill; it will be a tool for both.

    We must prepare for both and insure against the latter.

    The international community must devote its response equally to the opportunities and the risks – and do so with both vigour and enthusiasm.

    In the past, leaders have responded to scientific and technological developments with retrospective regulation.

    But in this instance the necessary guardrails, regulation and governance must be developed in a parallel process with the technological progress.

    Yet, at the moment, global regulation is falling behind current advances.

    Lawmakers must draw in everyone – developers, experts, academics – to understand in advance the sort of opportunities and risks that might be presented.

    We must be frontier governments alongside the frontier innovators.

    The United Kingdom is determined to be in the vanguard, working with like-minded allies in the United Nations and through the Hiroshima G7 process, the Global Partnership on AI, and the OECD.

    Ours is a country which is uniquely placed.

    We have the frontier technology companies.

    We have world-leading universities.

    And we have some of the highest investment in generative AI.

    And, of course, we have the heritage of the Industrial Revolution and the computing revolution.

    This hinterland gives us the grounding to make AI a success, and make it safe.

    They are two sides of the same coin, and our Prime Minister has put AI safety at the forefront of his ambitions.

    We recognise that while, of course, every nation will want to protect its own interests and strategic advantage, the most important actions we will take will be international.

    In fact, because tech companies and non-state actors often have country-sized influence and prominence in AI, this challenge requires a new form of multilateralism.

    Because it is only by working together that we will make AI safe for everyone.

    Our first ever AI Safety Summit in November will kick-start this process with a focus on frontier technology.

    In particular, we want to look at the most serious possible risks such as the potential to undermine biosecurity, or increase the ability of people to carry out cyber attacks, as well as the danger of losing control of the machines themselves.

    For those that would say that these warnings are sensationalist, or belong in the realm of science-fiction, I simply point to the words of hundreds of AI developers, experts and academics, who have said – and I quote:

    “Mitigating the risk of extinction from AI should be a global priority alongside other societal-scale risks such as pandemics and nuclear war.”

    I do not stand here claiming to be an expert on AI, but I do believe that policy-makers and Governments ignore this expert consensus at the peril of all of our citizens.

    Our Summit will aim to reach a common understanding of these most extreme risks, and how the world should confront them. And at the same time, focus on how safe AI can be used for public good.

    The speed of this progress demands this is not a one-off, or even an annual gathering.

    New breakthroughs are happening daily, and we need to convene more regularly.

    Moreover, it is essential that we bring governments together with the best academics and researchers to be able to evaluate the technologies.

    Tech companies must not mark their own homework, just as governments and citizens must have confidence that risks are properly mitigated.

    Indeed, a large part of this work should be about ensuring faith in the system, and it is only nation states that can provide the most significant national security concern reassurance that has been allayed.

    That is why I am so proud that the United Kingdom’s world-leading Frontier AI Taskforce has brought together pioneering experts like Yoshua Bengio and Paul Christiano, with the head of GCHQ and our National Security Advisers.

    It is the first body of its kind in the world that is developing the capacity to conduct the safe external red-teaming that will be critical to building confidence in frontier models.

    And our ambition is for the Taskforce to evolve to become a permanent institutional structure, with an international offer.

    Building this capacity in liberal, democratic countries is important.

    Many world-beating technologies were developed in nations where expression flows openly and ideas are exchanged freely.

    A culture of rules and transparency is essential to creativity and innovation, and it is just as essential to making AI safe.

    So that, ladies and gentlemen, is the task that confronts us.

    It is – in its speed, and its scale, and its potential – unlike anything we – or our predecessors – have known before.

    Exciting.

    Daunting.

    Inexorable.

    So now we must work – alongside its pioneers – to understand it, to govern it, to harness its potential, and to contain its risks.

    We will have to be pioneers too.

    We may not know where the risks lie, how we might contain them, or even the fora in which we must determine them.

    What we do know, however, is that the most powerful action will come when nations work together.

    The AI revolution will be a bracing test for the multilateral system, to show that it can work together on a question that will help to define the fate of humanity.

    Our future – humanity’s future – our entire planet’s future, depends on our ability to do so.

    That is our challenge, and this is our opportunity.

    To be – truly – the United Nations.

     

  • Oliver Dowden – 2023 Speech at the United Nations Security Council

    Oliver Dowden – 2023 Speech at the United Nations Security Council

    The speech made by Oliver Dowden, the Deputy Prime Minister, in New York, the United States, on 20 September 2023.

    Thank you, President.

    I am proud to sit here today in solidarity with President Zelenskyy. He and the Ukrainian people have met Russia’s invasion of their country with bravery, and with courage. I pay tribute to their fortitude.

    Ukraine’s fight against Russian aggression is not only a fight for freedom, it is also a fight for the principles upon which the United Nations itself is based, principles underpinned by our Charter which says that all States’ sovereignty is equal, that territorial integrity is inviolable, that disputes should be settled peacefully and that we must protect those things together.

    When Russia’s tanks rolled into Ukraine they trampled over every one of those principles. They have done so ever since. Every missile, every bomb, every false arrest, every piece of propaganda has been a flagrant assault, not only on freedom, but on our multilateral rules-based system.

    If we allow Russia to lay waste to what we have built here, the risks to world order, the risks to us all, are grave.

    For over a year and a half, Ukraine has been suffering the terrible consequences of Russia’s war of choice. We must never forget the human cost. 9,500 people killed. 17,000 people injured. Reports of 500,000 military casualties on both sides.

    Russia has callously targeted schools, hospitals, even playgrounds. Ukrainians have been tortured, they have been raped. Men, women, and thousands of children have been forcibly deported from their homes.

    And the devastation flows beyond Ukraine’s borders. Thanks to their destruction of thousands of tonnes of grain, the hungry and malnourished people of the developing world are Russia’s victims too. That is why the United Kingdom will contribute a further £3 million to the World Food Programme to continue President Zelenskyy’s ‘Grain from Ukraine’ initiative.

    Of course, the only end to this widespread suffering is through a just and lasting peace. Ukraine has demonstrated their commitment to peace time again and again including in Copenhagen and Jeddah this summer. But they have also shown on the battlefield this summer that they are capable of restoring the sovereignty and territorial integrity that must be the foundations of any peace.

    Ukraine’s counter-offensive has put Russia under pressure. In total, Ukraine has regained 50 per cent of the territory seized since the war began and in Kharkiv and Kherson, the yellow and blue flag flies high once again. That flag flies throughout the rest of the world, reflecting the solidarity we feel to Ukraine. Yet we might wonder what difference does this support make when Russia seems so impervious to UN demands?

    When it seeks to fuel its aims with arms from sanctioned states such as Iran and the DPRK and when it conducts sham elections in Ukraine’s sovereign territory? The truth is this: Russia knows the power of collective action because it tries so hard to weaken and divide the international community.

    So, just as we need to confront our biggest challenges on global poverty, on climate change, on artificial intelligence collectively, we need effective multilateralism to achieve resolution. To seek justice for the many, many victims. To rebuild ruined cities and create new opportunities. To get grain exports flowing again. To help put Ukraine back on the path to prosperity. To secure peace.

    And that is what we shall do, together.

    Thank you, Mr President.

  • James Cleverly – 2023 Opening Remarks at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York

    James Cleverly – 2023 Opening Remarks at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York

    The speech made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, in New York on 19 September 2023.

    Mike thank you very much and thank you for hosting me today and thank you all for coming.

    I was about to say I’ve done a bit of research but I don’t think it’s good starting a speech with an outright lie, so I’ll be a bit more honest. Members of my team have done a bit of research and I discover, because they’ve written it down here for me that the origins of the council lie in meetings between Brits and Americans in the aftermath of the First World War. And the conversation between our two countries has been a longstanding one and the work of this institution, the thinking about international relations is unsurprisingly as relevant today as it was back then.

    Those meetings occurred in one of those pivot points in history and as someone who I regard not only as an important interlocutor but increasingly someone that I regard as a friend, Tony Blinken reminded us in a speech that he gave last week, we too are living through a pivotal moment because we’re at the nexus of interconnected challenges.

    Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is not necessarily a trial of strength as the work that our two nations did through conflicts in the first and second world war but is absolutely a trial of our resolve – and the point that I have made, and the point that I will make here today and will continue to make is that the world is watching. Our resolve is being tested and we are being observed. You can applaud at any point you fancy.

    Now that is not of course the only area where our resolve is being tested.

    Our willingness to address issues such as climate change, how to deal with new technologies such as AI, all these things are testing our ingenuity and testing our resolve and today at the UN, this week at the UN we are reminded sadly that we are way behind schedule on the delivery against our Sustainable Development Goals.

    And after the economic dislocation of the pandemic and of the war in Ukraine, I think citizens here in the US, certainly in the UK and more widely across the world are asking their governments what are you doing about it, what are you doing to act on our behalf.

    Mike you’re a former US Trade Representative, a voice on the international stage and I suspect that you like me and indeed many of you in the room will understand that there is no real boundary between foreign policy and domestic policy and the idea that there is, is completely artificial but I think that it is now incumbent upon us that we pay more attention to the interrelationship between international policy and domestic policy.

    Last week, Tony Blinken spoke about having a fully integrated domestic and foreign policy.

    And my Prime Minister and the government he leads are also absolutely determined to address the principle concerns of our citizens, which they tell us loud and clear are about addressing illegal migration and economic growth. Those superficially appear to be domestic issues but of course as soon as you look at them in any kind of detail it becomes clear they can only be resolved through international engagement.

    So that is why we are intensifying collaboration with the countries on international illegal transit routes, migrant transit routes, as well as the countries from whom people are fleeing.

    We are working with international partners to break the business model of those evil people smugglers and we are deepening our economic ties with countries around the world to try and dissuade people from moving to try and remove the drivers of that migration. And I know that migration is an increasingly sensitive political issue here in the US and it is also a sensitive political issue in a number of other countries across Europe and beyond.

    What this reminds me of is the need to strengthen our traditional alliances and also to build additional ones. In terms of strengthening our pre-existing alliances I’m very pleased that Prime Minister Sunak and President Biden signed the Atlantic declaration earlier this year, it’s about reinforcing one of our strongest friendships in the world, it forms part of a continuum of close working relationship, it’s the first Atlantic charter signed by Prime Minister Churchill and President Roosevelt, whatever happened to those guys did they make it in the world? I don’t remember, but it is part of a longstanding friendship and it has reminded us once again in a time of conflict in the European continent how important our bilateral relationship is.

    Whilst we look at the horrors that are being perpetrated against the Ukrainian people by the Russian armed forces, we are reminded that once again at a time of need, the United States of America and the United Kingdom and others of course, have really stepped forward and are playing a leading part, once again in defending democracy and freedom.

    The US is the leading supplier of military aid to Ukraine and I pay tribute to your nation’s generosity. And the Ukrainians are making the most of their support. And I know sometimes there’s frustration with the pace of their counter-offensive, I’ve had military briefings, and whilst I don’t want to bore you with the details, the Russian occupying forces have spent a huge amount of time and effort fortifying the whole of that southern part of Ukraine, meaning that any advance would inevitably need to be both slow and methodical. But the support of the US, the support of the UK the support of other nations around the world, both NATO members and further afield has made a difference.

    It gave the Ukrainians a fighting chance at the beginning of this conflict. Those depth strike capabilities, those long range missiles that the UK and others are now providing are enabling the Ukrainians to target logistics hubs, communications hubs, command control hubs giving them the ability to methodically push back against Russia.

    Putin believed that he could outlast Ukraine and outlast Ukraine’s friends around the world. He was wrong. Because time is not on Russia’s side. Some brutal statistics.

    Russia has suffered many times more fatalities in combat in just over eighteen months than the Soviets did during their 10 years in Afghanistan. That level is unsustainable.

    As we saw Prigozhin and the Wagner Group with their attempted mutiny, cracks are appearing, and again I quote Tony Blinken, cracks are appearing in the Russian system and the longer this conflict persists the longer those cracks will work their way through the system. Putin is scared of a mass mobilisation.

    His circle of friends both in Russia and internationally is shrinking.

    Last year, only four countries defended Russia in a UN General Assembly vote on Ukraine.

    And whilst the world’s largest economies met last week in New Delhi, he was finalising his plans in a solitary summit with an impoverished dictator.

    That is the damage that Putin’s poor decision making has done to his own country.

    And so, the lesson I take from that is that we need to maintain our resolve. Putin’s calculation was that he could outlast us. We have to prove him wrong. And we have to prove him wrong not just to ensure that the conflict in Ukraine has a proper and good resolution where the Ukrainians get their country back, but because every current dictator and would be dictator and future potentate will look at how we respond to this challenge and they will factor that into their calculations about future actions.

    So we need to send the message loud and clear that we have the resolve, we have the strategic patience, that we will do the right thing until this is resolved. Because if we do not then we will invite further aggression which we will then inevitably have to deal with at some point in the future.

    Ukraine will not give up. The UK will not abandon them. And we will continue to advocate for the international community to lend them their support.

    Now, obviously Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is not the only issue that we have to discuss. There are many, many challenges on the world stage.

    I’ve recently returned from a trip to Beijing, where I spoke with the Chinese government about areas where we have deep, deep disagreements. For example, their treatment of the Uyghur Muslim minority in Xinjiang, their failure to abide by commitments freely entered into over Hong Kong, their aggressive posture across the Taiwan Strait.

    But, of course, I also engage with them on some of the issues that are important to all of us: the economic recovery, post conference, how we make sure that we benefit from AI, and that we address the challenges and potential dangers of that technology. And so we don’t have the luxury of dealing with only one challenge or one situation at a time. We have to look holistically. The United Kingdom has always been a globally focused country. We enjoy good working relationships with the United States, as I’ve already said, and our other friends in the Americas, our European friends and colleagues, but also we have enhanced our focus on the Indo Pacific region, where of course we have long standing friendships and we intend to enhance those.

    So to give myself some time to answer your questions, I will summarize by saying that the challenges the world presents us are legion. But we do have the opportunity to make positive progress. We do have the opportunity to get the Sustainable Development Goals back on track.

    It is going to mean that we work with our traditional friends and allies, but it also means that we have to give voice to the emerging powers in the world. The UK has encouraged an expansion of the United Nations Security Council for example, we believe that India, Brazil, Germany, Japan should have permanent membership, and Africa really deserves a louder voice on the world stage.

    We think there needs to be change, evolution, and modernization of the international financial system so that we can apply the really big bucks held in the private sector to some of the challenges that we need to address. My Prime Minister has recently announced to the G20 a $2 billion commitment from UK to the Green Climate Fund to reinforce the value that we place on the natural world and the future of our children.

    So there are plenty of things that we can discuss. I throw myself open to questions from the floor. You can ask me anything you like. There are three caveats. There are some things that I don’t know. You probably find that hard to believe, but nevertheless, it’s true. There are some things that I do know that I’m not going to tell you about. And other than that, I am quite willing to answer questions on any subject that either I’ve covered here that are maybe in your heads.

  • Oliver Dowden – 2023 Speech on the Strength of UK-Italy Relations

    Oliver Dowden – 2023 Speech on the Strength of UK-Italy Relations

    The speech made by Oliver Dowden, the Deputy Prime Minister, in Italy on 14 September 2023.

    Ladies and gentlemen, at the risk of derailing what The Economist has rightly called the ‘blossoming’ relationship between the United Kingdom and Italy, perhaps you’ll permit me to say:

    Vorrei ringraziare tutti voi di essere qui stasera, in questa bellissima citta, in questa antica e famosa universita.

    Grazie di cuore.

    Thank you to the Rector, for welcoming us to this fine seat of learning.

    Thank you Mayor, for your very warm welcome to your wonderful city, which is so beloved of my fellow Brits.

    Thank you to Lord Willetts and Carlo Calenda, for your leadership of Pontignano… and for all you do to nurture the close friendship between our nations.

    And thank you – above all – to all of you for being here.

    You all believe in the importance of this relationship between the United Kingdom and Italy.

    Important, not just because of our friendship, culture and our long shared history.

    But because you are strong believers in how much more we can achieve together as modern European nations facing the same challenges:

    from supporting Ukraine in its fight for freedom

    to confronting economic and energy security challenges

    to tackling illegal migration.

    And you know that to succeed, we must address them together.

    The number of my colleagues attending this conference demonstrates that this is certainly the view of the British Government.

    (Although it would perhaps be an exaggeration to say that they took a lot of persuading to come to Siena!).

    Their presence is a testament to the United Kingdom’s determination to drive forward a new strategic partnership between London and Rome.

    Now our topic for this year’s Pontignano is ‘Adapting to technological change’.

    But before I say a few words on that, let me take a step back and look at our relationship with Italy – to take stock, as diplomats like to say.

    A turning point.

    My counterpart, Antonio Tajani, said at the start of the year that relations between the UK and Italy were ‘at a turning point.’

    And he was right.

    Look at the situation that confronts us:

    war in Europe

    threats to our energy and our food supplies

    climate change

    irregular migration, across the Mediterranean and the Channel.

    And all of it underpinned by the onward march of technology.

    Set against that backdrop, it is surely no wonder that our two countries – sharing so many interests whose strengths complement each other in so many ways – should seize this moment to work more closely together.

    And that is exactly what we are doing.

    A longstanding friendship.

    We are, of course, building on a very strong foundation.

    The ties between our peoples go back centuries – indeed all the way back to ancient Rome and through the Renaissance.

    More recently – 80 years ago, British Forces landed at Salerno, as part of their central role in the liberation of this country.

    And next year we will mark the 80th anniversary of Anzio and Monte Cassino.

    Today, the bonds between us are thriving and vibrant.

    And there is also a mutual respect and affection between our peoples – epitomised in Italians’ moving reaction to the death of our late Queen a year ago.

    And your enthusiasm at the Coronation of King Charles III earlier this year.

    Indeed our new Monarch loves Italy, as he himself told an Italian television crew in the Mall the night before he was crowned.

    So there is a rich tapestry of ties between us. And that vibrant partnership is an invaluable source of strength, as we face together the most challenging set of circumstances in many decades.

    Until recently, perhaps the defining political moment of my generation was the 9th November 1989 – the date that the Berlin Wall came down and liberty rolled across our continent.

    Now a new date is inscribed in our memories.

    The 24th February 2022 – the date Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine and its missiles rained down on Ukrainian cities.

    The events of that day, and every day since, have reminded us of some old truths.

    The need for strong defence to deter war.

    The need to stand up to aggression today, or risk greater aggression tomorrow.

    The need for friends and allies to stick together and stand up for what we believe in.

    Every day since the invasion, that is exactly what the United Kingdom and Italy have done – as G7 partners and leading members of NATO.

    Let me pay tribute to Italy’s response.

    You have been at Kyiv’s side every step of the way.

    And I am proud of the role that Britain has played and will continue to play, for as long as it takes.

    If anyone doubted Britain’s enduring commitment to European security, you have your answer, not just in our words, but in our actions.

    And as we sit here tonight, in this cradle of European civilisation, let us spare a thought for the people of Ukraine, a fellow European country, who face another night in bomb shelters or on the front line.

    Forging a new relationship between the UK and Italy – real momentum…

    It is not just on Ukraine, however, that cooperation has been galvanised between our two countries.

    There is a real determination to make this relationship between Britain and Italy count for more, to be more than the sum of its parts.

    Take a look at the last nine months:

    In December our Prime Ministers signed – with their Japanese counterpart – the Global Combat Air Programme to build a new generation of combat aircraft together.

    In February, our Defence and Trade Secretaries signed agreements forging ever closer relations.

    And then in April, our Prime Minister was delighted to welcome PM Meloni to Downing Street where they signed an ambitious Memorandum of Understanding – covering issues from national security to cultural ties.

    The agreement also covered another subject on which our countries share the same challenge: illegal migration.

    This is a challenge that is political, societal, criminal.

    Our electorates demand that we deal with it, and we must.

    We both share the same sense of urgency – and albeit at different ends of Europe, we are facing the same phenomenon:

    Large numbers of arrivals by sea.

    Unscrupulous traffickers in human lives.

    The death traps into which they place innocent  women and children.

    The tragedies in the dark waters off the Channel,  off Lampedusa or the Calabrian coast.

    So we are significantly expanding our cooperation together.

    Working together in bodies such as the G7 and the Council of Europe.

    Adapting to technological change.

    In so doing, we will, of course, be taking advantage at every opportunity of new technologies – the theme of this Pontignano.

    I am delighted that British scientists will once again be able to collaborate with those in Italy and across Europe as part of the Horizon programme.

    And, as a Minister from the country that invented the steam engine, speaking in the land of Marconi, I know how well both our countries know the revolutionary power of technology.

    And the list of technologies that have fundamentally altered the course of human history is relatively short: fire, metals, the printing press, the combustion engine, electricity, fission, the internet.

    All of these tools have been bent to achieve a step-change in the pace of human progress.

    And now I believe that we are on the cusp of another such inflection point, one that has the potential to make the pace of progress supersonic:

    Artificial Intelligence, or more specifically, the advent of artificial general intelligence, represents, at once the most exciting and the most daunting challenge of our age.

    Exciting, because there is an opportunity, as our PM has put it, for human progress that could surpass the industrial revolution in both speed and depth.

    For game-changing innovations in all aspects of our lives:

    unthinkable advances in medicine

    cures for cancer and dementia

    growing crops to feed the world…

    or solving climate change.

    But also daunting.

    Not only will AI expedite and intensify the existing threat landscape,

    in Artificial General Intelligence, humans face the potential of a technology that surpasses both the capability of our collective endeavour, and the limits of our understanding.

    We have to accept that the answer to many of our questions about the AI frontier will be ‘we don’t yet know’.

    We do not yet know what these machines might be capable of.

    What we do know is that, to date, the limits of human progress have been capped by the sum of our collective intelligence.

    By adding to that sum with AI – at potentially dizzying scales – we will redraw the bounds of what we previously thought possible.

    But, as scary – and exciting – as that is,

    it should not be a barrier to our exploration.

    But it does mean that we need a new approach to regulation.

    One that iterates to build faith in the systems that will come to underpin so many aspects of our lives.

    This approach will involve active and ongoing collaboration between Governments, Al labs and academics, amongst others.

    Many organisations outside of national Governments, in particular private companies – including those in Italy – have been pivotal to the most recent advances in AI.

    I know that many such companies are taking part in Pontignano this year.

    And these collaborations will be crucial to ensure the safe and reliable development and deployment of frontier AI throughout the world.

    The United Kingdom is acutely aware of the importance of this moment – and of the need to act swiftly and with resolve.

    Domestically, the Prime Minister has asked me to chair a Resilience sub-committee of the National Security Council, which will be taking a methodical approach to assessing the risks of AI.

    And internationally, our forthcoming AI Summit at Bletchley Park in November will aim to agree how we can collaborate on frontier AI safety:

    to agree a shared assessment of the frontier risks

    as well as share some of the best examples from around the world of how AI is being used to improve lives.

    Already, the UK has been working with industry leaders such as Google DeepMind, OpenAI and Anthropic, who will give us unprecedented access to their products and models.

    So that we can mitigate against the risks, and take advantage of the opportunities.

    The importance of their cooperation cannot be overstated.

    We need them to ensure that our frontier systems are aligned with human objectives.

    And we need them to ensure that they are deployed safely,

    Because – ultimately – we need end users to have confidence in these transformative tools.

    The Summit is an important forum to begin to address these questions.

    But it is only one of the first steps in a very long journey.

    We look forward to working with our colleagues in the Italian Government and across the world.

    Together we have a huge stake – for our countries, as for the sake of humanity.

    So my message is a simple one: it is vital that we work together to make AI safe.

    I look forward to discussing this collaboration with you at this conference.

    And to our colleagues in the Italian Government.

    Let me say that the United Kingdom sees Italy as a crucial partner in helping us to achieve this goal.

    We look forward to working very closely with you on this, and on other shared priorities, from migration to economic security to climate, as you assume the Presidency of the G7 next year.

    So, there is plenty here for this year’s Pontignano to discuss.

    This medieval city is famed – not just for its beauty – but for its enduring identity, its spirit and its character through the centuries.

    Famous too for Lorenzetti’s 14th century frescos at the Palazzo Publicco – not far from here – depicting the tenets of good government, and the consequences of bad government.

    So this is an ideal and inspiring place for such discussions – a city which has long stood for humanity’s ability to solve apparently intractable problems.

    A city which centuries ago understood the importance of developing a legal and political framework by which society can be governed in the best interests of the wider community.

    I like to think that if Ambrogio Lorenzetti were here today, he might recognise some of the dilemmas modern democracies are wrestling with as we seek the right way forward.

    A few hundred metres from here, there is the famous pavement in the Duomo – the intricate work of artisans here in Siena many centuries ago.

    At the other end of Europe, in London, there is another pavement – the famous Cosmati pavement, laid by British and Italian craftsmen in Westminster Abbey in 1268.

    One of the earliest examples of what Britons and Italians can achieve together when they put their minds to it.

    It was on precisely that pavement, watched by the entire world, that our new Sovereign was crowned in May.

    Let that be the spirit in which we embark on this Pontignano, and usher in a new chapter of British-Italian endeavour for the good of both our nations, of Europe and for the good of the world.

  • James Cleverly – 2023 Speech at the International Counter Terrorism Conference in Israel

    James Cleverly – 2023 Speech at the International Counter Terrorism Conference in Israel

    The speech made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, in Israel on 12 September 2023.

    Thank you for that wonderful, wonderful introduction. After such a glowing introduction, I am tempted not to actually say anything and to go out on our high.

    Thank you very much for those kind words, Jonathan, of introduction and more importantly, thank you for inviting me to speak with you here today.

    The work that this summit is doing is incredibly important, not just your country, not just to the region, but of course, also to the United Kingdom, and by extension to the wider world, because countering terrorism, sadly, remains as much of a challenge today, as it did when this university first dedicated an institute to focus on it just before the turn of the century.

    Yesterday, those of you in the room joined countless others across the world remembering the tragic events of 9/11. It’s, in some ways, hard to believe that that was 22 years ago. But at that terrible time, almost 3000 people, Americans and of course, others lost their lives at the hands of a brutal, vicious, unprovoked terrorist attack, there were 67 British nationals who died on that day, and five Israelis were also amongst those who lost their lives.

    And it was one of those events, I am sure where all of us remember exactly what we were doing when we saw the news. I remember I was in the commercial world, I was in the publishing industry, and I sold advertising in the publishing industry. I worked on a big open plan, sales floor in Soho, full of energy, full of excitement and I came back from lunch and came up with lift, came out onto the sales floor. Silence, the sales floor was almost completely deserted.

    Our sales director had a glass walled office right in the centre of the sales floor, so that he could keep an eye on all the hard working salespeople during the day. His office was rammed with people all staring at the television and I remember going in and saying what’s going on? And someone’s saying, oh, there’s been this terrible accident, a plane has hit a tower block in New York. I said, what is it? Some light aircraft? Someone said no, the news says it’s a jetliner. Of course, with all the lack of information and self-confidence that someone of my age then could muster I said, that doesn’t happen. Commercial aircraft don’t fly into tower blocks or flight plans, that just doesn’t happen.

    And I was in the middle of a heated argument about how that doesn’t happen. When we all watched live, the second aircraft hit the second tower, and all of us fell silent, and I felt numb, and the feeling has never left me. And I think even at that point, before fully understanding the implications of what happened, I realised that that event, changed the world and changed it forever. It is seared into our collective consciousness and it was emblematic.

    It remains emblematic of the savage era of terrorism ranging from highly organised attacks at one end of the spectrum, through to what’s sometimes feel almost to be random acts of violence perpetrated by individuals who’ve been radicalised, whether online or in their communities, and every kind of threat in between.

    I was born and brought up in London and like all Londoners, I remember again, seared into my memory, exactly what I was doing, exactly where I was exactly, what I was thinking when I heard about London’s 7/7 bombing attacks where 52 innocent victims met their death at the hands of Islamist terrorists.

    Terrorists we know pursue a range of goals and they operate across the world and their terrible attacks have plagued the lives of people across this region. For decades.

    The sad truth is that violent attacks like this are nothing new to you and the people of this region. Only a few months ago, the UK and Israel were sadly united in grief following the horrific murder of British Israeli citizens Lucy, Maya and Rina Dee. I’ve had the opportunity to meet with Rabbi Dee on a number of occasions and his stoicism and strength is a genuine wonder to behold but as everybody here knows, that was sadly not an isolated incident.

    And over time, the threats we face have evolved. But so of course, has our response and by acting together, by acting internationally, we have been able to reduce, although sadly not eliminate, the threat of terrorism, and our collective work and cooperation has saved countless lives.

    Terrorist networks are more fragmented than they have been previously, most organised terrorist groups focus their activity now on whipping up discontent and anger, and grooming others to act on their behalf.

    They target individuals who are already present in countries and try to encourage them to act violently on their behalf. But even if the terrorists approach has changed, the fundamental challenge sadly remains the same.

    Terrorists still have capacity, serious capacity to do us harm and they are constantly looking for gaps in our defences that they can exploit. Their methods, of course, have changed, have mutated, but that twisted logic remains timeless, whether it be Daesh or Hamas, or extreme right wing terrorists or revolutionary Marxists.

    They all insist that their political goals matter more than the lives of their innocent victims. They as well as their stooges, accomplices and apologists insist that their anger justifies the spilling of other people’s blood. And that is, sadly, why they are so callous in their disregard for the sanctity of human life.

    That’s why their logic stands in direct, glaring opposition to our values and that is why the UK is unequivocal in condemning all acts of terrorism and we have stood by Israel’s side, in the face of attacks this year and in the past, and we will continue to do so in the future.

    In the UK, we have just proscribed the Wagner group whose attacks against the heroic people of Ukraine seek to advance Russia’s political cause, and whose brutal actions across the continent of Africa have caused widespread harm and horror there.

    We call upon the whole international community to hunt the terrorists down to bring them to justice and create a world where terrorists find no support. Because to tackle terrorism, we need the full range of tools. The strongest of those, the most fundamental of those, is strong relationships. One of the reasons I’m here this week is to celebrate and publicise and shout about the strong bilateral relationship that the UK has with Israel.

    Earlier this year, you celebrated the 75th anniversary of your most modern incarnation. Foreign Minister Cohen and I signed a bilateral roadmap to strengthen our close strategic partnership. I am delighted that we are now also negotiating an upgraded trade agreement and that our tech hub has facilitated hundreds of innovative partnerships.

    Some of you in this room I know are aware of this, many of you will not be aware that Israel supplies one in seven of all medicines used in my country’s National Health Service. So thank you for that as well.

    But I think nothing better illustrates our partnership than the work that we do together to keep our peoples safe. I was incredibly impressed just a few minutes ago, immediately prior to coming here to be shown Israel’s Iron Dome defence capabilities which have made such a vital contribution in saving lives.

    Developing and deploying such capabilities is one way that Israel has been able to defend ourselves but of course, as famous and as visible as that is, it is not the only part of Israel’s defence, which is quieter, more discreet, sometimes invisible.

    Intelligence officers, police officers, diplomats, those who are tackling illicit finance flows. Those who analyse and try and disrupt radicalization online all have an incredibly important role to play, often, unseen, but nevertheless, essential in much of this work.

    The majority of this work relies on close cooperation, both bilaterally between the UK and Israel, and also as part of a network of other partners. I pay tribute to all those striving in both our countries day in and day out to identify and stop those who would do us harm and undermine the democracies in which we both live.

    Sadly, it is not only terrorist groups which have this goal. These groups, as you well know, have enablers in the region.

    The Iranian regime has publicly and regularly called for the destruction of the State of Israel, something that the UK would never countenance. They transfer weapons around the region, they fund terrorist groups, such as Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. These groups that attempt to rain death and destruction on the people of Israel, they fire rockets into civilian areas, they target children, and civilian infrastructure, they stab and they shoot innocent people, of all faiths, of all nationalities, of all ethnicities. People who are doing nothing more than going about their daily lives in your extraordinary country.

    Iran refuses to take responsibility for their complicity in these attacks. But we in the UK, are under no illusion at all, about Iran’s malign role. Just as our strategic partnership means working together to stop terrorist groups, it must also be to counter Iran’s destabilising actions in the region.

    We must also be careful to avoid a counsel of despair because there have been so many wonderful, positive developments in this region. Last year, for example, in the Negev Summit, building on the 2020 Abraham Accords, we saw light and we saw positivity.

    Just this weekend, Israeli officials took their place at a UN meeting hosted in Saudi Arabia, alongside other delegations from around the world. I hope that the next steps in the normalising of Israel’s relationships with its neighbours will carry us even further forward and even further along the path to sustainable, long term peace in this region.

    We fully support the summit process, as well as all efforts to build regional architecture based on peaceful coexistence, greater understanding, and closer cooperation. We will work with all of those to build on what has been achieved so far, in pursuit of that sustainable peace. Because this will not only help us beat those terrorists that I spoke about, but it will also help us defend ourselves against the hidden backers of those terrorists.

    On that subject, we must be increasingly aware of the military cooperation between Iran and Russia, most clearly illustrated by Iran’s wholesale provision of Shahed drones, to the Russian military.

    That is why all those, like the UK that oppose Iran must do everything we can to help the Ukrainians as they defend themselves.

    As we try to enhance regional cooperation, we cannot ignore the Israel Palestinian conflict, you will know that I feel there is no justification, there can be no excuse for the targeting of civilians. But we do not need to share or endorse the twisted logic of terrorists to understand that a two state solution is the best, perhaps the only, route to a genuinely sustainable peace in the region.

    Tomorrow marks the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Oslo Accords. This year, we also celebrated the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday agreements. Both were moments of hope. Neither was straightforward or easy to negotiate. Both required courage, imagination, perseverance, and demanded all sides to show the same quality to deliver lasting peace.

    In Northern Ireland, the shadow of terrorism has not completely gone and the troubles were not the same as the situation here. But what that example does show me is that the first step is always the hardest. It is only by reconciling with those with whom reconciliation seemed unthinkable, can peace prevail. That first step would be for all sides, Israelis and Palestinians, to recommit and to demonstrate unequivocal support for a two state solution.

    It means that both sides must crack down on activities that flame violence and spread racism and hate. That’s why we come back here to the sanctity of human life and we do need to make sure that there is a respect for law.

    I know that is something which I’ve been able to discuss here with the Israeli ministers and I commend Israel’s taking of legal action against those settlers who have perpetrated violence. Of course, we will always stand by Israel’s right to self defence and the right to self defence belongs exclusively to Israel’s security forces who operate within the line of international law.

    You should know that I will make the same point when I meet with the leadership of the Palestinian Authority, and I will make it clear that rather than spreading disgusting, anti-Semitic tropes, and outrageous distortions of history, they should be clear in their denouncement of violence.

    They should be clear that there is no acceptance for brutality and terrorists. And they should be clear there is no excuse to target Israelis, particularly Israeli civilians, because that is the only way that peace is possible the only way for peace to be sustainable for Israelis and Palestinians to come together, and to work together, and to fulfil the aspirations and hope that underpin the Oslo Accords.

    I am not naive. I know that these are incredibly challenging goals, and that they are exceptionally difficult. But I’ve also seen this country firsthand. I’ve read much of this country’s history. And one of the things that has always amazed and impressed me about Israel is Israel’s ability to seemingly do the impossible to survive in the face of seemingly overwhelming odds.

    75 years of your continued existence is proof that this is a country that can do amazing things. You have stood as a beacon of liberal democracy in the Middle East. And you have proven to be a great friend, and a valued partner to the United Kingdom. That is why I am and will always be proud to be seen as a friend of Israel.

    My good wishes to this country are as sincere as they are heartfelt. Shana Tova.

  • Andrew Mitchell – 2023 Statement on the Election Process in Zimbabwe

    Andrew Mitchell – 2023 Statement on the Election Process in Zimbabwe

    The statement made by Andrew Mitchell, the Minister for Africa, on 31 August 2023.

    The United Kingdom commends the people of Zimbabwe for demonstrating patience and resilience in exercising their democratic rights, and especially for maintaining a peaceful atmosphere on election day and beyond.

    We share the view of the Election Observation Missions’ preliminary statements that the pre-election environment and election day fell short of regional and international standards. Issues included limited transparency from the electoral commission, the lack of level playing field, the passing of repressive legislation, long delays in the opening of some polling stations, and reports of intimidation of voters. The UK takes note of the announcement by the Chair of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission of results on 26 August. However, we are concerned by a lack of transparency in the tallying of results, as well as the arrests of domestic observers.

    We urge all parties and citizens to continue to follow constitutional processes in the coming weeks, allow space for inclusive dialogue, and act with restraint.

  • Andrew Mitchell – 2023 Statement on Gabon

    Andrew Mitchell – 2023 Statement on Gabon

    The statement made by Andrew Mitchell, the Minister for Africa, on 30 August 2023.

    The UK condemns the unconstitutional military takeover of power in Gabon and calls for the restoration of constitutional government. We acknowledge concerns raised regarding the recent electoral process, including restrictions on media freedom, and urge all parties and citizens to commit to and follow legal and constitutional processes to resolve any electoral disputes. We continue to monitor the situation in Gabon.

  • James Cleverly – 2023 Speech to the International Crimea Platform Summit

    James Cleverly – 2023 Speech to the International Crimea Platform Summit

    The speech made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, on 30 August 2023.

    Thank you, President Zelenskyy, for bringing us together for this important discussion.

    When you established the International Crimea Platform two years ago, the UK committed its support to this important initiative to strengthen the global response against Russia’s illegal annexation.

    Our commitment to that undertaking hasn’t just endured, it has increased.

    Two years ago, none of us imagined the challenges we would all now face.

    But we have risen to the occasion, no one more so than the Ukrainian people.

    We are more united, more determined and more emboldened than ever before.

    As Crimea is a crucial part of the focus on Ukraine, it is only right that it remains at the centre of our discussions.

    As with Russia’s wider presence in Ukraine, it is civilians who have had to bear the brunt in Crimea.

    Houses searched, arbitrary arrests, illegal conscription, continuous abductions and reports of torture have revealed Putin’s chilling indifference to human life.

    You don’t liberate a country by sending its children to re-educations camps abroad. You don’t free people by suppression, subjugation, and the curtailing of democracy.

    The moral contract between Kyiv and the Kremlin is stark.

    Ukraine offers democracy, Russia tyranny.

    Ukraine strives to protect human rights. Russia disregards them.

    Like our Ukrainian friends, the UK works tirelessly to promote and protect human rights in Crimea by supporting human rights defenders and the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission.

    Together, we will hold those responsible for human rights violations and abuses to account. Just as we will hold Putin to account for withdrawing from the Black Sea Grain Initiative – an act that deprives the world’s most vulnerable of desperately needed food and supplies.

    Be in no doubt, the UK and the international community will never recognise Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea, or any Ukrainian territory, and will stand with you for as long as it takes.

    Let me end by wishing Ukraine a happy Independence Day for tomorrow. Your defiance, your strength and your resilience are an inspiration to us all.

  • List of Foreign Secretaries

    List of Foreign Secretaries

    21st century


    Elizabeth Truss

    2021 to 2022

    Dominic Raab

    2019 to 2021

    Jeremy Hunt

    2018 to 2019

    Boris Johnson

    2016 to 2018

    Philip Hammond

    2014 to 2016

    William Hague

    2010 to 2014

    David Miliband

    2007 to 2010

    Margaret Beckett

    2006 to 2007

    Jack Straw

    2001 to 2006

    20th century


    Robin Cook

    1997 to 2001

    Sir Malcolm Rifkind

    1995 to 1997

    Douglas Hurd, Lord Hurd of Westwell

    1989 to 1995

    Sir John Major

    1989

    Sir Geoffrey Howe, Lord Howe of Aberavon

    1983 to 1989

    Francis Pym, Lord Pym of Sandy

    1982 to 1983

    Lord Peter Carrington, Baron Carrington

    1979 to 1982

    Dr David Owen, Lord Owen of the City of Plymouth

    1977 to 1979

    Anthony Crosland

    1976 to 1977

    James Callaghan, Lord Callaghan of Cardiff

    1974 to 1976

    Sir Alec Douglas-Home, Lord Home of the Hirsel

    1970 to 1974

    1960 to 1963

    Michael Stewart, Lord Stewart of Fulham

    1968 to 1970

    1965 to 1966

    George Brown, Lord George-Brown of Jevington

    1966 to 1968

    Patrick Gordon Walker

    1964 to 1965

    Richard Austen Butler, Lord Butler of Saffron Walden

    1963 to 1964

    John Selwyn Brooke Lloyd, Lord Selwyn-Lloyd

    1955 to 1960

    Harold Macmillan, Earl of Stockton

    1955

    Sir Anthony Eden, Earl of Avon

    1951 to 1955

    1940 to 1945

    1935 to 1938

    Herbert Morrison, Lord Morrison of Lambeth

    1951

    Ernest Bevin

    1945 to 1951

    Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, Viscount Halifax

    1938 to 1940

    Sir Samuel Hoare, Viscount Templewood

    1935

    Sir John Simon, Viscount Simon

    1931 to 1935

    Rufus Isaacs , Marquess of Reading

    1931

    Arthur Henderson

    1929 to 1931

    Sir Austen Chamberlain

    1924 to 1929

    James Ramsay MacDonald

    1924

    George Nathaniel Curzon, Marquess of Kedlesto

    1919 to 1924

    Arthur James Balfour, Earl of Balfour

    1916 to 1919

    Sir Edward Grey, Viscount Grey of Fallodon

    1905 to 1916

    Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, Marquess of Lansdowne

    1900 to 1905

    19th century


    Robert Cecil, Marquess of Salisbury

    1895 to 1900

    1887 to 1892

    1885 to 1886

    1878 to 1880

    John Wodehouse, Earl of Kimberley

    1894 to 1895

    Archibald Primrose, Earl of Rosebery

    1892 to 1894

    1886

    Stafford Northcote, Earl of Iddesleigh

    1886 to 1887

    George Leveson Gower, Earl Granville

    1880 to 1885

    1870 to 1874

    1851 to 1852

    Lord Edward Stanley, Earl of Derby

    1874 to 1878

    1866 to 1868

    George Villiers, Earl of Clarendon

    1868 to 1870

    1865 to 1866

    1853 to 1858

    Lord John Russell, Earl Russell

    1859 to 1865

    1852 to 1853

    James Harris, Earl of Malmesbury

    1858 to 1859

    1852

    Henry John Temple, Viscount Palmerston

    1846 to 1851

    1835 to 1841

    1830 to 1834

    George Hamilton Gordon, Earl of Aberdeen

    1841 to 1846

    1828 to 1830

    Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington

    1834 to 1835

    John William Ward, Viscount Dudley and Ward

    1827 to 1828

    Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh

    1812 to 1822

    Richard Wellesley, Marquess Wellesley

    1809 to 1812

    Henry Bathurst, Earl Bathurst

    1809

    Charles Grey, Lord Howick

    1806 to 1807

    Charles James Fox

    1806

    1783

    and 1783

    Henry Phipps, Lord Mulgrave

    1805 to 1806

    Robert Banks Jenkinson, Lord Hawkesbury

    1804 to 1805

    Dudley Ryder, Lord Harrowby

    1804

    18th century


    William Wyndham Grenville, Lord Grenville

    1791 to 1801

    Francis Godolphin Osborne, Marquess of Carmarthen

    1783 to 1791

    George Nugent Temple Grenville, Earl Temple

    1783

    Thomas Robinson, Lord Grantham

    1782 to 1783

  • James Cleverly – 2023 Speech in Lagos

    James Cleverly – 2023 Speech in Lagos

    The speech made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, in Lagos, Nigeria on 1 August 2023.

    I’m delighted to be here.

    All around us, Lagos is buzzing with activity and innovation. It’s global city of entrepreneurs and free market ventures. A thriving hub of science, technology and innovation. A pulsating, captivating metropolis – attracting investment from all corners of the globe.

    What better venue could there be to share the UK’s vision of our partnerships, not just with Nigeria, but with other African countries as well, a partnership we intend to endure for decades to come. The United Kingdom has long been a friend and partner of Nigeria – and other countries in Africa.

    As Foreign Secretary, I am proud of the UK’s ties to this continent. They are underpinned by our shared history, the diaspora communities in the UK and in African countries – as well as the countless professional connections across academia, business, defence and development. They are continually nourished by the precious bonds of friendship.

    Now, as the UK’s Foreign Secretary I’m not allowed to have a favourite continent. But if I did, it would be Africa. My mother was born here. I am proud of my Sierra Leonean roots. I’m also proud of the United Kingdom’s contribution to the history of this great continent.

    But I’m not here to talk about our shared history – fascinating a subject that it is, I am here to talk about the future. It was Ghana’s first president, Dr Kwame Nkrumah, who said that his country faces neither east nor west. It faces forward.

    That is very much my outlook too. It’s why I want to focus on our shared future in an era of geopolitical competition, demographic shifts, existential challenges and exciting new technologies as well.

    We are living through an era when the tectonic plates of world politics are shifting decisively. And a battle of ideas is taking place once again. This time, its focus is on the nature and the future of the international order.

    The UK’s position is clear. Respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, self-determination and human rights must prevail. Alongside democracy, the rule of law, liberty and freedom.

    And I know that these are your values too. Which is why we welcome the strong and principled stance that the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States have taken on the defence of democratic values and the constitutional order in Niger.

    These are all values that we cherish, and they are values of the UN Charter. Alongside self-determination, territorial integrity and an end to all laws of conquest and annexation.

    Russia’s attack of Ukraine and invasion of that country, is an attack on our shared values. An attack on the UN Charter and an attack on the international order.

    But this month Russia has hit a new low. We are witnessing the grotesque spectacle of a G20 nation, deliberately burning food stocks whilst there are millions of people around the world struggling to eat.

    We live in a world of rapidly increasing transnational threats. Climate change is the most urgent and obvious example. We need strong multilateral institutions – particularly International Financial Institutions – that represent the world as it is today, economically, politically and demographically.

    This is not currently the case. The UK recognises that. And we want to work with African leaders in partnership to change it.

    We want and need a better-functioning International Financial System. We want and need permanent African representation on the UN Security Council. We want and need the African Union to become a member of the G20. Because we want and need the sheer demographic heft of African countries to be appropriately recognised in international organisations. So that we can shape the future of our world in partnership with African countries.

    Why? Because, by 2050, 2 billion people will live in Africa. Half will be under 25. Africa’s share of the world’s population is forecast to double from 18% to 37% by 2100. Whilst Europe’s is set to shrink from 10% to just 5%.

    The shift in world power that this represents has been evident for some time. And it is my goal as Foreign Secretary to ensure that our strategic approach reflects that.

    African countries will play a pivotal role in determining the future of the international order. That is why I’m here this week. To renew old friendships and to forge new ones.

    I want us to take forward a mutually beneficial agenda on trade, investment, climate action and reform of the international order. As a partner, and as a friend. Because partnership and friendship will help us reach the ambitious goals we have set ourselves.

    A prosperous, stable and secure Africa is what everyone wants, and what everybody needs. It’s good for the 1.5 billion people who live on this great continent. It’s also good for the UK. And it’s good for the world.

    Our approach in Africa will continue to be driven by the needs and perspectives of our partners across the continent. Be it development, security, sustainability or green and clean infrastructure, we are working shoulder to shoulder with our African partners – and we will continue to do so.

    Of course – there are many unknowns. We do not know when the next pandemic will strike. We cannot predict exactly when Ukraine will defeat this Russia’s invasion. We don’t know how the situation in Sudan or Niger will evolve. We have limited control over the pace of geopolitical change. And we cannot predict, with any great precision, the ultimate effects of climate change.

    But what we do have is the power to set direction and plan strategically, laying the foundations of resilience whilst working towards our mutual prosperity and security.

    That’s why partnership is so important. And it’s why we will continue to support African countries through urgent crises via our bilateral programmes, as we work in concert with organisations like the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States to enhance stability and security.

    It’s why we continue to support the African Continental Free Trade Area. Because by strengthening stability and security, we will improve lives in Africa and the UK simultaneously.

    But let me come back to our venue here today. Lagos represents Africa’s ever-growing confidence, it’s ever-growing economic strength and the immense future potential.

    Through trade, investment and the combined force of public investment and private capital, the UK wants to partner with you in reaching your full economic potential. Because when African countries are prosperous and stable, the UK benefits.

    The UK has been one of the biggest international investors in Africa. According to The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, British companies collectively hold the largest stock of Foreign Direct Investment in African countries. Total trade in goods and services between the UK and Africa reached £44.7 billion in 2022 – an increase of 32.5% on the previous year.

    This is already an excellent foundation on which to build. But in the future, I want to do even more.

    Over half of British International Investment’s portfolio is in Africa. It committed nearly £700 million of investment in 2022 alone, and is set to become one of the largest climate investors in Africa by 2026.

    UK Export Finance has provided more than £3.5 billion for projects in Africa since 2020. And the City of London offers high-quality finance, investment opportunities and support in creating the right regulations for sustainable growth.

    In 2021 and 2022, African issuers raised £13 billion on the London Stock Exchange.

    Here in Nigeria, the UK’s Manufacturing Africa programme is supporting 22 manufacturing deals, worth $664 million, spanning electric vehicles, solar energy waste recycling – and much more. We strongly welcome President Tinubu’s economic reforms, including the removal of fuel subsidies and the unifying of exchange rates.

    And I was delighted to see that Ghana has adopted an ambitious economic reform programme to secure approval of their IMF programme. These decisions will encourage economic investment, and will help drive growth, and jobs.

    But sound macro-economic reforms at national level, no matter how inventive and bold, can only go so far. African countries need capital to drive investment, development and jobs.

    That’s why it’s imperative that International Financial Institutions accommodate our shared aspiration for a bigger, more responsive and fairer system. If multilateral development banks implement the recommendations of the G20’s independent Capital Adequacy Framework review, they will unlock hundreds of billions of dollars in development finance.

    The UK is taking a leading role on reform of International Financial Institutions. And we’re investing in the World Bank and the African Development Bank – which of course is majority African owned – so that they can finance infrastructure and support trade right across Africa.

    We support the aims of the Bridgetown Agenda. And I’m working with our partners to ensure that our aspiration is converted into action. It’s why we support the ‘Room to Run’ guarantee to the African Development Bank, which is expected to unlock up to $2 billion worth of new financing for projects across the continent.

    But the public sector alone cannot provide all the investment that is needed. Private capital is essential.

    That’s why the UK government is promoting private sector investment in Nigeria, and across the continent. And we will do our utmost to galvanise even more interest. I’ll come back to that in just a second.

    We will also continue to champion further multilateral reforms that will benefit Africa. Like the better and faster implementation of international tax rules that will stop revenues leaking from your national treasury. Or international rules for the governance of Artificial Intelligence and transformational technologies.

    Reform of international rules is not in the UK’s gift alone – no one country can bring about multilateral reform. But change is possible when we work in partnership on reforms that benefit not just African countries or the UK – but the whole world.

    A sustainable international order is in all our interests. It will make us safer. And it will drive future prosperity. Higher growth will bring more and better jobs as well as the revenue you need to update infrastructure and provide public services for all Nigerians.

    Whilst I’m on the subject of growth, let me say how strongly I believe that the inclusion of women is critical to all our economies. If women participated in labour markets on an equal footing with men, this could add $28 trillion, or 26%, to global GDP in 2025.

    Failure to take advantage of that statistic is wasteful beyond belief. That’s why British International Investment will ensure that at least 25% of their new investments focus on empowering women and girls’ and their economic development.

    And if we’re talking about future economic growth and our shared prosperity agenda, I have to say a word of praise for Nigeria. Your track record on tech is exceptional – indeed you received 44% of all international tech investment into Africa in 2021.

    And the UK is proud to be playing even a small part in your success. Our Digital Access Programme promotes connectivity and digital skills in Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa.

    This in turn stimulates innovation and sparks global development. And I’m also proud to announce a new £10 million partnership with Infacredit, which shares the risk in financing new infrastructure projects, and by doing so, leverages much more domestic private capital. That’s a great way of financing economic development, and we’re working to set up similar facilities in other African countries.

    But a real uplift in growth and prosperity cannot come without an increase in international trade. That’s why our Developing Countries Trading Scheme (DCTS) will extend tariff cuts to hundreds of more products exported from developing countries in Africa and elsewhere. This means that 98% of goods imported from Africa into the UK will enter duty free and new rules of origin will help the least developed economies integrate into global supply chains.

    Increased trade stimulates partnerships. And our collective power today – the power of African countries and the UK together – is founded on the quality and number of our partnerships. Only together can we adequately address shared challenges. Only together can we harness opportunities, and only together can we improve living standards.

    That’s why in April next year, we will be hosting the UK-African Investment Summit in London. This will be a milestone event and a further sign of the way we are stepping up our engagement and partnership with African countries.

    Our summit recognises the immense potential and opportunities for innovation across this continent for governments, businesses and for investors. And we want the summit’s outcome to be a new consensus across governments and the private sector that together we can deliver on inclusive growth, jobs, food security and the green economic transition.

    But you cannot have prosperity without security. Strengthening peace and security in Africa is therefore critical to unlocking our full joint potential.

    And it is also critical that we include women in peace processes so that they deliver better and longer lasting outcomes. Development gains and a fragile peace can be easily lost if large parts of a population are marginalised, or human rights are not respected.

    We will continue to focus on strengthening African countries’ resilience against threats, as well as addressing the drivers of conflict and instability. Strategic security and defence partnerships – like those we have with Nigeria, Ghana and Kenya – are a powerful means of achieving this goal.

    We support African countries in their ongoing fight to counter-terrorism. African leadership, with support from the UK and others, has eliminated piracy off the coast of Somalia – and dramatically curtailed piracy off the Gulf of Guinea. As a result, the whole world has benefited.

    But security and prosperity rely on scientific innovation. The UK government recognises the need for investment in science and technology. That’s why we plan to expand our science and technology partnerships. Building on the success of our Digital Access Programme, which promotes connectivity and digital skills in Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa.

    And we will work with our partners to commercialise scientific knowledge. Public-private partnerships and an open approach to science make the spread of innovation easier and the work of pioneers more accessible.

    Our spirit of partnership provides opportunities to collaborate and accelerates progress towards our shared objectives. I say again: when you benefit, we benefit. We are proud that there are already many strong examples of partnerships with the UK across this continent.

    My ambition is not just to emulate but to surpass those achievements. And to face our shared future with optimism. Let there be no doubt. When it comes to our partnerships, the best is yet to come.

    Thank you.