Category: Foreign Affairs

  • John Healey – 2024 Statement on Foreign Affairs and Defence

    John Healey – 2024 Statement on Foreign Affairs and Defence

    The statement made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, in the House of Commons on 18 July 2024.

    May I say how great it is to see you in the Chair for this debate, albeit in a temporary role? And may I say, through you, that the Foreign Secretary wanted to be here for the debate, but he and the Prime Minister are hosting the leaders of over 40 European countries at the European Political Community meeting at Blenheim palace today—it is an important day for our country. He will look forward to following the debate as soon as he returns.

    I congratulate all 315 re-elected and returning Members of this House, and welcome in particular all Members who were elected for the first time. Savour that special feeling when you first walk into this Chamber and sit on these green Benches. Remember it; respect it. Our constituents have given each of us their confidence; they have given us the mandate to serve them and the country.

    Two week ago, I stood at my local constituency election count in a sports hall in Rotherham. It is the honour of my life to stand at this Dispatch Box today as the Defence Secretary—as part of the new Government at the start of this new era for Britain. The last time that I spoke at this Dispatch Box was a week before the election in 2010, as a housing Minister dealing with planning reform. Even then, I warned that

    “there are fundamental flaws in the Conservatives’ proposed planning regime”.

    However, my main argument on that day focused on accountability. I said:

    “accountability is a central tenet”—[Official Report, 29 March 2010; Vol. 503, c. 611.]

    of public life, serious decisions and good government. Having re-entered Government, I feel that just as fiercely as I did 14 years ago. What we do, what we say and how we conduct ourselves in Government matters. We must always be accountable in this House, to the public and to Parliament. By doing that, we will help to regain trust in Government and return politics to public service.

    I pay tribute to my predecessors, Grant Shapps and Ben Wallace, whom I shadowed for over four years from the Opposition Benches. The House will now miss them both in differing ways. They served as Defence Secretaries during what the Chief of the Defence Staff has described as the most extraordinary time for defence in his career. That responsibility now passes to me. I am grateful to have the support of such a stand-out ministerial team: the Minister for Defence Procurement and Industry, my right hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool Garston (Maria Eagle); the Minister for the Armed Forces, my hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth Sutton and Devonport (Luke Pollard); the Minister for Veterans and People, my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Selly Oak (Al Carns); and Lord Coaker in the other place.

    The first duty of any Government is to defend the country and keep our citizens safe. That is why I pay tribute, on behalf of the House, to the men and women who serve in Britain’s armed forces, many of whom are overseas on deployment right now. They are rightly respected worldwide for their bravery and their professionalism. We thank them for what they do to keep us all safe, as we thank those out of uniform in UK defence. They will have this new Government’s fullest support to do their job in defending this country

    That is why at the NATO summit in Washington last week, the Prime Minister confirmed the Government’s unshakeable commitment to NATO, and our total commitment to spending 2.5% of GDP on defence. It is why the Prime Minister launched this week a first-of-its-kind strategic defence review. And it is why we announced in the King’s Speech legislation to create a new armed forces commissioner to improve service life.

    bI wish the right hon. Gentleman, who was a committed parliamentarian in his shadow role, all the best in his new role, to which he brings great depth and seriousness. He has just described the strategic review and outlined the ambition to get to 2.5% of GDP. If that strategic review recommends more than 2.5%, will the Government still enact it in full?

    John Healey

    We have launched the strategic defence review, which was a manifesto commitment. It will be conducted within the framework set out in our manifesto, with the determination to complete it within the first year and to raise defence spending to 2.5% of GDP as soon as we can. The country has not spent at that level since I last stood at the Dispatch Box back in 2010 under the then Labour Government.

    I welcome to their roles the new shadow Defence Secretary, the hon. Member for South Suffolk (James Cartlidge), and the Liberal Democrat spokesperson on defence, the hon. Member for Honiton and Sidmouth (Richard Foord), who cannot be here for the debate—the hon. Member for Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross (Jamie Stone) is ably standing in for him, and we look forward to hearing what he has to say. I also welcome the SNP spokesperson on defence, the hon. Member for Angus and Perthshire Glens (Dave Doogan). As Defence Secretary, I want to take the politics out of national security. I say to the House: I will always look to work with you—putting country first, party second. I have offered the shadow Defence Secretary access to intelligence briefings, and will do so for other relevant Members. The new strategic defence review will brief and welcome submissions from other parties across this House.

    I want us to forge a British defence strategy for the future, not just a defence strategy for the new Labour Government. No party has a monopoly on defence or on pride in our military. We in the Labour party have deep roots in defending this country. Throughout the last century, it was working men and women who served, and sometimes died, on the frontline fighting for Britain. It was Labour that established NATO and the nuclear deterrent. As his Majesty the King said yesterday, our commitment to both is “unshakeable.” We are a party with deep pride in forging international law and security: the Geneva conventions, the universal declaration of human rights, the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty were all signed by Labour Prime Ministers. We are a party with deep respect for the serving men and women of our armed forces. Theirs is the ultimate public service: they defend the country and are essential to our resilience at home. I know they will inspire me in the weeks, months and years ahead in this job.

    As the former Prime Minister, the right hon. Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak), said yesterday in the debate on the Address:

    “Every month in my previous job, I became more concerned about the threats to our country’s security.”—[Official Report, 17 July 2024; Vol. 752, c. 51.]

    We know that these are serious times, with war in Europe, conflict in the middle east, growing Russian aggression and increasing global threats. We know, too, that there are serious problems. It was Ben Wallace who said to me in this Chamber last year that our armed forces had been “hollowed out and underfunded” over the past 14 years. Morale is at record lows, alongside dreadful military housing and a defence procurement system that the Public Accounts Committee has described as “broken” and wasting taxpayers’ money.

    Less than two weeks into this Government, we now see that those problems are much worse than we thought. Just today, new official figures that we have been able to release as scheduled show that forces families’ satisfaction has fallen to the lowest level ever reported. We cannot solve those problems all at once, but we are determined to fix them.

    Mr Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi (Slough) (Lab)

    My right hon. Friend is right to say that NATO is the cornerstone of our defence policy. We must also strengthen our role in the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, but would he elaborate on how we will be extending our support and solidarity to Ukraine as it faces Russian aggression?

    John Healey

    My hon. Friend has served with distinction in the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, a body that draws together well-informed, committed Members from all parties in this House. It is an important civilian bulwark in the NATO military alliance, and I thank him for that service. He intervened on me just as I was about to move to the topic of Ukraine, so I ask him to bear with me for two or three minutes; if I have not answered his questions by then, I would welcome another intervention.

    On Ukraine, I have been proud of UK leadership—proud that the UK and this House are united on Ukraine, because the defence of the UK starts in Ukraine. Ukraine is my first priority, and on my second day in this job, I was in Odessa. I spent the afternoon with President Zelensky and his team. We held our bilateral talks, we celebrated Ukraine’s navy day, and we also toured a military hospital, talking with injured Ukrainian servicemen. The Ukrainians, military and civilians alike, are fighting with huge courage. They have regained vast territory that was taken by Putin at first, and as a country without a navy, they have driven Russia’s fleet out of the western Black sea. They have opened up grain corridors and are now able to export almost as much as they did before Putin’s full-scale invasion in February 2022. However, Russia is far from a spent force, and if Putin wins, he will not stop at Ukraine.

    In opposition, we gave the Government our fullest support for all the military aid this country gave to Ukraine, and I trust this Opposition will do the same. The UK is united for Ukraine, and I want to work together to ensure we remain united for Ukraine. The Government are now stepping up support: with President Zelensky, I was able to say that we will speed up the delivery of the military aid already pledged. We will step up support through a new package of more ammunition, more anti-armour missiles, more de-mining vehicles and more artillery guns. At the NATO summit in Washington last week, the Prime Minister went further, confirming £3 billion a year to help Ukraine for as long as it takes.

    This King’s Speech shows the Government getting on with the job, just as we have in the first fortnight, with urgency and purpose. The Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and I have all spoken with our counterparts from across the world. At the NATO 75 summit, we met leaders of all 32 NATO nations—it was a NATO summit bigger, stronger and more united than ever. At that summit, the Prime Minister and Chancellor Scholz of Germany announced an new

    “firm commitment to strike a deep UK-Germany defence agreement…without delay”,

    a first step towards resetting Britain’s relationships with European allies. Last weekend, I hosted the Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister of Australia at Sheffield Forgemasters, then at Wentworth Woodhouse in Rotherham, where I reaffirmed our commitment to AUKUS and to our Indo-Pacific partners. I have also had the privilege of meeting outstanding personnel in these first less than two weeks, including personnel at the permanent joint headquarters, RAF Northolt and NATO maritime command, alongside top-class civilian officials in the Ministry of Defence and other Government Departments.

    This week, the Foreign Secretary went to the middle east, pursuing our push for peace and an immediate ceasefire, and the Prime Minister launched the strategic defence review headed by Lord Robertson, General Barrons and Dr Fiona Hill. That review will be carried out at pace, ensure that we have a NATO-first defence strategy, and put people at the heart of Britain’s defence plans. I thank the reviewers for the work they will do in the weeks and months ahead. To end where I started, Britain is today hosting the European Political Community—a 47-strong grouping of European leaders—at Blenheim palace, discussing Russian aggression, European security and counter-migration action.

    Mr Dhesi

    Will my right hon. Friend give way on that point?

    John Healey

    I obviously did not answer my hon. Friend’s questions on Ukraine earlier on. I give way again.

    Mr Dhesi

    I thank my right hon. Friend for allowing me to intervene once again—he is being very generous with his time. He slightly touched on this point, but does he agree that the level of death and destruction and the loss of innocent lives in Gaza are intolerable, and that we must work to have an immediate ceasefire, an immediate release of hostages and urgent humanitarian aid into Gaza? Will my right hon. Friend outline what His Majesty’s Government are doing to bring that into effect?

    John Healey

    My hon. Friend is right: the scale of the conflict and, in particular, the deaths that we see in Gaza are not just intolerable, but agonising. When we think back, the terrorist attack launched on Israel in October was deeply shocking as well. I am proud that it was the Labour party that led the debate in Parliament in February, when this House agreed to push for an immediate ceasefire. I am proud of the way that we have led arguments for that ceasefire, but also of the way we worked in private in opposition—work that we are now picking up in government. My hon. Friend may not have heard me say this, but the Foreign Secretary has already been to the middle east to pursue what the Prime Minister, when he was Leader of the Opposition, declared at the end of October in a speech at Chatham House: that if we got into government, we would help lead a new push for peace. In the first fortnight, that is exactly what we have been doing.

    Jeremy Corbyn (Islington North) (Ind)

    I congratulate the Secretary of State on the appointment he has received; I know it is a position he has sought, and I wish him well. The conflict that is going on and the bombing in Gaza have already resulted in 40,000 deaths. Are the Government serious in pushing Israel to take part in an immediate ceasefire? Are they also prepared to suspend or stop all arms sales to Israel in order to save further lives?

    The Secretary of State also made a point in his speech about the need to adhere to international law. There are international court judgments at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court; are the Government going to support those judgments and ensure that they are carried out, whatever the political consequences? They require action to be taken internationally to bring a halt to this appalling conflict. Forty thousand are already dead, and the occupation continues. Surely there must be a way forward that stops the loss of life.

    John Healey

    The right hon. Member is no longer a member of the Labour party, but I know that he watches what we do and say very closely. He will know that from the outset, we have argued that international humanitarian law must apply in this conflict, and must apply equally to both sides. The answer to his first question is yes: this Government are serious about pursuing an immediate ceasefire, which is why the Foreign Secretary has already been out to Israel to press that case.

    On the question of arms sales to Israel, on the Foreign Secretary’s first day in post, through the established system that we use, he commissioned the British Government’s most up-to-date assessment of the degree to which any of our UK arms export licences may be facilitating a serious risk of a breach of international law. He has said clearly that he wants that process to be as swift and transparent as possible, and he is looking hard at exactly that issue. I hope that underlines the simple answer to the right hon. Member’s first question: yes, this Government are serious about a ceasefire, and about the application of international humanitarian law without fear or favour.

    Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

    First, I commend the Secretary of State for the role he played in opposition and the role he now plays in government. I think that each of us, on hearing the words of the Secretary of State, will be inspired and feel more confident about road forward. When it comes to the middle east, we are all aware of the influence of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in Iran, and we are aware of the axis of evil of Iran, North Korea, Russia and China. We are also aware that the IRGC supplies ammunition, finance and personnel to the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and terrorist groups right across Syria. When it comes to addressing that group and what it does across the world, can the Secretary of State today give the House an assurance that it is a priority for this Government to proscribe the IRGC and put it out of action?

    John Healey

    I can tell the hon. Gentleman that we are looking really hard, as he and this House would expect, at the growing threats that Iran poses not just as a state, but through its proxies and its growing alliances with other hostile nations. In many ways, he helps me supply an answer to a question that I have sometimes been asked over the last two days, which is: why have another strategic defence review now? The simple answer is exactly that: the threats are increasing and changing, the nature of warfare is changing and the growing importance of our alliances is becoming clearer. It is for that reason, a year after the last Government’s defence review, that this is imperative. We will pursue this properly and do it at pace, because that is what we need to do both to respond to the growing and changing threats we face and to take the decisions we must take on the capabilities we need to defend the country.

    I will wind up now so that other Members from all sides can speak. We were elected on a manifesto promising change. After less than two weeks, I hope that the House and the public see that the work of that change has begun to strengthen the foundations of this new mission-driven Government in making Britain better defended and making Britain democracy’s most reliable ally. The Prime Minister said in his speech in this House yesterday:

    “This Government have been elected to deliver nothing less than national renewal…and start the work of rebuilding our country—a determined rebuilding, a patient rebuilding, a calm rebuilding.”—[Official Report, 17 July 2024; Vol. 752, c. 54-55.]

    That is the task he has set me to lead with my Defence team, but there is so much more to do. I want defence to be central not just to the future security of Britain, but to the country’s success in this new era, bringing greater economic growth and wealth across the UK, reconnecting Britain in the world and forging a new partnership for Britain between Government, business and workers with their trade unions. Together we will make Britain more secure at home and strong abroad.

  • Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech at the NATO Summit Press Conference

    Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech at the NATO Summit Press Conference

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 12 July 2024.

    Good evening thank you for being here, I really appreciate it. This is of course my first week as Prime Minister…

    But I’ve come here to Washington, three and half thousand miles from home…

    For a very simple reason.

    Because every policy we have in pursuit of our missions…

    Everything we’re going to do to improve people’s lives…

    All that we hold dear…

    Depends on our security.

    That is our first priority…

    It is always our first priority…

    I made that crystal clear to the British people in our campaign…

    And so I also came to this summit with a clear message.

    A message of enduring and unwavering commitment…

    To the NATO alliance.

    To Ukraine.

    To the collective security of our country, our continent, and our allies around the world.

    I’m proud to represent a party that was instrumental in creating NATO 75 years ago.

    It was Labour Prime Minister, Clement Attlee…

    And a Labour Foreign Secretary, Ernie Bevin…

    Who fought so hard to make this a reality.

    This is our history – and we’re proud of it…

    And I am determined to take that pride forward into the future.

    So have no doubt – we will match our words with action.

    We live in a new and dangerous era…

    One defined by volatility and insecurity.

    We face the generational threat of Russia…

    Aided by the likes of North Korea and Iran.

    Conflicts – rage across the Middle East and North Africa.

    The challenge of China.

    Terrorism.

    And international institutions, that should be at the heart of the response…

    Are being undermined.

    Our collective reaction to this moment, will shape the world for decades to come.

    So we must stand up for our interests.

    But we must also stand up for our values.

    Because it was that insight…

    That unity of interests and values…

    That guided Attlee and Truman in creating NATO 75 years ago.

    We must mobilise what Bevin called…

    Our “collective moral and material force.”

    Because our values are not a point of weakness, as Putin may think…

    They are the source of our strength.

    NATO has become the most successful alliance in history…

    Precisely because democracy, freedom and the rule of law…

    were hardwired into the NATO Charter.

    And that is the legacy we inherit today…

    An inheritance not just of an institution…

    But of a duty and of service.

    And it is our duty now…

    To take these fundamental principles…

    And adapt them to meet the test of our times.

    That starts in Ukraine.

    Together with our allies today…

    We have reaffirmed our unshakeable support…

    For Ukraine’s ultimate victory.

    Our determination – to deliver justice for the awful crimes that Russia has committed.

    You will have all seen the scenes this week in Kyiv…

    Russia using some of the deadliest weapons in its arsenal…

    On innocent children.

    Striking a hospital.

    When I went to Kyiv, I saw for myself the devastation and inhumanity of Russian aggression.

    I went to Bucha, just outside Kyiv and spoke to some of the people there

    who described to me and pointed to me on the road

    Where they had picked up the bodies of their friends

    their family members

    who had been killed, many of them handcuffed

    And had to transport them to find graves for them

    It’s In shopping trollies, they told me, that is the only way they could move those bodies

    And that had a profound effect on me as they dug those graves – mass graves – of people who had been shot and left on their own.

    The alternative to Ukraine’s victory is unthinkable.

    Not only an afront to our values…

    A green light to aggressors everywhere.

    And the fate of Ukraine is a cause that unites Britain.

    And that is why we will deliver…

    £3 billion worth of support to Ukraine each year… for as long as it takes.

    We will speed up our delivery of military aid.

    And together with our NATO allies…

    We have pledged €40 billion of support to Ukraine every year…

    We’ve established a new body to coordinate that support…

    Agreed to ramp up industrial production…

    And confirmed Ukraine’s irreversible path to full NATO membership.

    As I told President Zelensky today…

    NATO will be stronger with Ukraine as a member.

    And because of the generational threat from Russia, that demands a generational response…

    So we will increase NATO’s focus on future threats around the world…

    With Britain playing its full role.

    We will continue to put our armed forces at NATO’s disposal…

    Maintain our presence in Estonia and Poland…

    Lead the land arm of the Allied Response Force this year…

    And maintain and modernise our nuclear deterrent.

    Today, this alliance is stronger than ever.

    23 members are now spending 2% of their GDP on defence.

    But in light of the grave threats to our security, we must go further.

    So we will conduct a Strategic Defence Review…

    To strengthen our armed forces…

    And protect our national security.

    And we will set out a clear path to spending 2.5% of our GDP on defence.

    And I say with candour to all our allies…

    We must understand that this is now essential.

    This is a defensive alliance.

    We do not seek conflict.

    But we know that the best way to avoid it is to prepare for it…

    And to lead.

    Britain belongs on the world stage…

    So I am determined…

    To reset our relationship with Europe…

    Return to leadership on climate change…

    And engage more deeply with the global south.

    Because whether the challenges we face are military…

    Or global challenges like climate change, cyber and energy security…

    We will meet them head on.

    Stand – shoulder-to-shoulder with our friends and allies.

    Because history shows – we are stronger when we do.

    This morning I laid a wreath…

    At the Tomb of the Unknown Solider at Arlington Cemetery.

    It was an incredibly moving moment, just being there, seeing the very, very many graves

    And that wreath laying

    To honour the sacrifice made by so many Americans…

    Side by side with British troops…

    In defence of our freedom.

    It is a reminder of our unbreakable bond with the United States.

    A bond which I reaffirmed here with President Biden.

    And a reminder…

    That we must honour the service and sacrifice of our veterans…

    With the decisions that we take today.

    So we meet this moment with a new resolve…

    Determined to renew Britain’s place on the world stage…

    Proud of what we have to offer…

    Confident, not just in the value of our strength…

    But in the strength of our values.

    Britain was at the heart of creating NATO 75 years ago.

    And our commitment remains unshakeable…

    The foundation of our security and prosperity for many years to come.

    Thank you.

  • David Lammy – 2024 Speech on Reconnecting Britain for our Security and Prosperity

    David Lammy – 2024 Speech on Reconnecting Britain for our Security and Prosperity

    The speech made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 5 July 2024.

    It is the honour of my life to stand before you as Foreign Secretary. A descendant of enslaved people. A black, working class, man from Tottenham. A community which has never produced a Foreign Secretary before.

    This speaks to what a modern, multicultural Britain can be. Proudly internationalist. Determined to deliver for working people. And committed to building a better future for us all.

    Britain has enormous potential. But the world faces huge challenges. More countries engaged in conflict than at any time since World War II.  Rapidly changing technology. And a climate emergency.

    This government will reconnect Britain for our security and prosperity at home. What happens here in the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office is essential. Diplomacy matters.

    We will begin with a reset with Europe, on climate and with the global South.  And a gear-shift when it comes to delivering on European security, global security and British growth.

    My story is a story of progress. Progress won by all those who fought for a better future.

    Together, let us fight for a better future once again. Change begins now.

  • Foreign Office : Locations Abroad

    Foreign Office : Locations Abroad

    A list of the overseas locations operated by the Foreign Office as of 19 June 2024.

    General/geographic grouping Country/Territory Post Location (name) Type of Post

    Africa Angola Luanda British Embassy
    Africa Botswana Gaborone British High Commission
    Africa Burundi Bujumbura British Embassy Office
    Africa Cameroon Yaounde British High Commission
    Africa Chad N�Djamena British Embassy
    Africa Democratic Republic of the Congo Kinshasa British Embassy
    Africa Democratic Republic of the Congo Goma British Embassy Office
    Africa Djibouti Djibouti British Embassy
    Africa Eritrea Asmara British Embassy
    Africa Eswatini Mbabane British High Commission
    Africa Ethiopia Addis Ababa British Embassy
    Africa The Gambia Banjul British High Commission
    Africa Ghana Accra British High Commission
    Africa Guinea Conakry British Embassy
    Africa Ivory Coast Abidjan British Embassy
    Africa Kenya Nairobi British High Commission
    Africa Lesotho Maseru British High Commission
    Africa Liberia Monrovia British Embassy
    Africa Madagascar Antananarivo British Embassy
    Africa Malawi Lilongwe British High Commission
    Africa Mali Bamako British Embassy
    Africa Mauritius Port Louis British High Commission
    Africa Mozambique Maputo British High Commission
    Africa Namibia Windhoek British High Commission
    Africa Niger Niamey British Embassy
    Africa Nigeria Abuja British High Commission
    Africa Nigeria Lagos British Deputy High Commission
    Africa Nigeria Port Harcourt British Liaison Office
    Africa Nigeria Kaduna British Liaison Office
    Africa Nigeria Enugu British Office
    Africa Nigeria Kano British Office
    Africa Rwanda Kigali British High Commission
    Africa Senegal Dakar British Embassy
    Africa Seychelles Victoria British High Commission
    Africa Sierra Leone Freetown British High Commission
    Africa Somalia Mogadishu British Embassy
    Africa Somalia Hargeysa British Office
    Africa South Africa Cape Town British Consulate General
    Africa South Africa Johannesburg British Trade Office
    Africa South Africa Pretoria British High Commission
    Africa South Sudan Juba British Embassy
    Africa Sudan Khartoum British Embassy
    Africa Uganda Kampala British High Commission
    Africa Tanzania Dar Es Salaam British High Commission
    Africa Tanzania Dodoma British High Commission Office
    Africa Zambia Lusaka British High Commission
    Africa Zimbabwe Harare British Embassy
    Americas Antigua and Barbuda St.John’s British High Commission
    Americas Argentina Buenos Aires British Embassy
    Americas Barbados Bridgetown British High Commission
    Americas Belize Belmopan British High Commission
    Americas Bolivia La Paz British Embassy
    Americas Brazil Recife British Consulate General
    Americas Brazil Sao Paulo British Consulate General
    Americas Brazil Rio De Janeiro British Consulate General
    Americas Brazil Belo Horizonte British Consulate General
    Americas Brazil Brasilia British Embassy
    Americas Canada Calgary British Consulate General
    Americas Canada Vancouver British Consulate General
    Americas Canada Montreal British Consulate General
    Americas Canada Ottawa British High Commission
    Americas Canada Toronto British Consulate General
    Americas Chile Santiago British Embassy
    Americas Colombia British Embassy
    Americas Costa Rica San Jose British Embassy
    Americas Cuba Havana British Embassy
    Americas Dominican Republic Santo Domingo British Embassy
    Americas Ecuador Quito British Embassy
    Americas El Salvador San Salvador British Embassy
    Americas Grenada St.George’s British High Commission
    Americas Guatemala Guatemala City British Embassy
    Americas Guyana Georgetown British High Commission
    Americas Haiti Port au Prince British Embassy
    Americas Jamaica Kingston British High Commission
    Americas Mexico Mexico City British Embassy
    Americas Mexico Cancun British Consulate General
    Americas Mexico Guadalajara British Trade Office
    Americas Mexico Monterrey British Trade Office
    Americas Panama Panama City British Embassy
    Americas Paraguay Asunci�n British Embassy
    Americas Peru Lima British Embassy
    Americas St. Vincent & Grenadines Kingstown British High Commission
    Americas Saint Lucia Castries British High Commission
    Americas The Bahamas Nassau British High Commission
    Americas Trinidad and Tobago Port of Spain British High Commission
    Americas United States Seattle British Government Office
    Americas United States Boston British Consulate General
    Americas United States Chicago British Consulate General
    Americas United States New York British Consulate General
    Americas United States Denver British Office
    Americas United States Washington British Embassy
    Americas United States San Francisco British Consulate General
    Americas United States Los Angeles British Consulate General
    Americas United States Atlanta British Consulate General
    Americas United States Houston British Consulate General
    Americas United States Miami British Consulate General
    Americas United States Orlando British Office
    Americas United States Minneapolis UK Government Office (DIT)
    Americas United States Raleigh UK Government Office (DIT)
    Americas United States San Diego UK Government Office (DIT)
    Americas Uruguay Montevideo British Embassy
    Americas Venezuela Caracas British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Australia Melbourne British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific Australia Canberra British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Australia Sydney British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific Australia Perth British Consulate
    AsiaPacific Australia Brisbane British Consulate
    AsiaPacific Brunei Darussalam Bandar Seri Begawan British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Cambodia Phnom Penh British Embassy
    AsiaPacific China Beijing British Embassy
    AsiaPacific China Shanghai British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific China Chongqing British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific China Guangzhou British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific China Hong Kong SAR British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific China Wuhan British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Pyongyang British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Fiji Suva British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Indonesia Jakarta British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Indonesia Bali British Honorary Consulate
    AsiaPacific Japan Tokyo British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Japan Osaka British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific Laos Vientiane British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Malaysia Kuala Lumpur British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Mongolia Ulaanbaatar British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Myanmar (Burma) Yangon British Embassy
    AsiaPacific New Zealand Wellington British High Commission
    AsiaPacific New Zealand Auckland British Consulate General
    AsiaPacific Papua New Guinea Port Moresby British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Philippines Manila British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Samoa Apia British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Singapore Singapore British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Solomon Islands Honiara British High Commission
    AsiaPacific South Korea Seoul British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Taiwan Taipei British Trade & Cultural Office
    AsiaPacific Thailand Bangkok British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Tonga Nuku’alofa British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Vanuatu Port Vila British High Commission
    AsiaPacific Vietnam Hanoi British Embassy
    AsiaPacific Vietnam Ho Chi Minh City British Consulate General
    Eastern Europe & Central Asia Armenia Yerevan British Embassy
    Eastern Europe & Central Asia Azerbaijan Baku British Embassy
    Eastern Europe & Central Asia Belarus Minsk British Embassy
    Eastern Europe & Central Asia Georgia Tbilisi British Embassy
    Eastern Europe & Central Asia Kazakhstan Astana British Embassy
    Eastern Europe & Central Asia Kazakhstan Almaty British Trade Office
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  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 15 June 2024.

    Thank you President Amherd, President Zelenskyy.

    Colleagues, Russia chose to wage war on Ukraine, and we come here united because we choose peace.

    Peace based on the foundational principles of the United Nations Charter.

    The Ukrainian people did not ask for this fight.

    But, in defending their country, their valour and their sacrifice has been truly humbling to witness.

    It is a cruel paradox…

    …that the things that make life worth living…

    …are also the things for which brave men and women are prepared to die.

    For family.

    For freedom.

    For the ability to shape one’s own future.

    We salute them all…

    …just as we abhor all of those who have pushed this fate upon them.

    I recall my first visit to Kyiv where I saw the explosive devices that departing Russian soldiers had placed in children’s toys and footballs.

    There can be no justification for that.

    There can be no justification for escalating nuclear rhetoric.

    There can be no justification for disrupting food supplies to tens of millions of vulnerable people.

    Now there will be of course a diversity of views round this table, but I commend and thank everyone for their participation here today, demonstrating that you all seek a genuine peace to this conflict.

    Because Putin has no interest in genuine peace.

    He has launched a sustained diplomatic campaign against this very summit, ordering countries to stay away.

    And we should ask, why does Russia feel that they are so threatened by a summit discussing the basic principles of territorial integrity, food security and nuclear safety?

    Instead, Russia’s representative at the United Nations said recently that:

    “The only topic for any international meetings on Ukraine will be the unconditional surrender of the Kyiv regime”.

    Well that will never happen.

    Because aggression cannot and will not prevail.

    Instead, we must set out the principles for a just and lasting peace, based on international law and the UN Charter.

    That is the path to a permanent cessation of hostilities.

    Showing that we will always protect the right of all nations to determine their own future.

    This summit is a chance to start down that path…

    To respond together to the global impacts of the war in Ukraine, to send a strong message from the international community to Russia and beyond, that we want to end the suffering.

    We want to see an end to this war.

    And we want to make this the day that the path towards a just and lasting peace in Ukraine became that much closer.

    Thank you.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Remarks at the G7 Press Conference

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Remarks at the G7 Press Conference

    The remarks made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 14 June 2024.

    Let me start by thanking Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and the Italian people for welcoming us to Puglia.

    I’ve come to this Summit to stand with our allies and friends…

    …as we protect the United Kingdom’s security, our prosperity, and our values.

    And the stakes could hardly be higher.

    The world today is more dangerous than it has been for decades.

    War rages in Ukraine and the Middle East.

    Conflict, climate change, and hunger has displaced more than 100 million people globally.

    And new technologies like AI create new opportunities and significant new risks.

    That’s why the UK has made a hard and fast pledge to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP by 2030.

    We’re taking unprecedented action to stop the boats and reduce migration.

    And I’m pleased that the G7 has today committed to closer coordination on AI safety…

    …following the UK’s lead at Bletchley Park.

    Because the problems we face are global in nature – so we need global solutions.

    And that’s what I’ve been arguing for at this G7 Summit.

    First, on migration.

    Illegal migration is now a global emergency.

    More people are moving across borders today than at any other time in history.

    We cannot stand by and watch this human tragedy unfold.

    The G7 has focused on dealing with the root causes of migration…

    …including a new package of UK development assistance for Africa…

    …and Italy’s new Apulia Food Systems initiative to tackle food insecurity.

    We’re also doing more to combat the people traffickers…

    …because we all agree that it is for sovereign nations to control their borders, and not criminal gangs.

    And the G7 has together launched a new coalition to counter people smuggling.

    And I’m particularly pleased the G7 has agreed to work together…

    …to make sure the governance of migration is effective and sustainable.

    The second area of G7 action is on China.

    China’s assertiveness has only intensified since our last Summit in Hiroshima.

    Their actions threaten to undermine the free and open Indo-Pacific.

    They’ve conducted cyber targeting of democratically elected British MPs.

    And China is increasingly working together with other authoritarian states like Iran, North Korea, and Russia.

    Around 80% of Russia’s battlefield components come from Chinese companies.

    That’s why the UK has issued sanctions against Chinese entities interfering with our democracy.

    It’s why we’ve protected our technologies and supply chains through the National Security Investment Act.

    And it’s why we’ll always act in concert with allies to deter China’s most aggressive actions, and protect our economic security.

    But we need to keep the pressure on.

    The UK and others have already sanctioned Chinese entities for facilitating Russia’s defence industry.

    The G7 has now agreed with that principle.

    So the message is clear:

    If you prop up Russia’s war economy, prolonging this illegal war, you will pay a price.

    And that leads to my third point: the G7’s complete and total unity with Ukraine.

    Ukraine’s security is our security.

    We are in this for the long term. Putin will not outlast us.

    The UK has committed £3bn of military aid every year to the end of the decade.

    We’re dialling up the economic pressure on Russia with 50 new sanctions this week alone.

    And we’ve just announced over £240m for reconstruction.

    But as I’ve long argued, Russia itself must pay for the destruction it caused.

    And now, Russia will pay.

    Because at this Summit, the G7 has reached a historic breakthrough.

    After months of intensive discussions, we’ve agreed a new loan for Ukraine worth $50bn.

    And it will be repaid not by our taxpayers, but by the extraordinary revenues…

    …that come from frozen Russian assets, in Europe and around the world.

    This is just and it is right.

    But true justice will only come when Russia leaves Ukraine.

    Tomorrow I will be travelling to the Ukraine Peace Summit in Switzerland.

    Our goal is peace.

    But let us not confuse peace with surrender.

    Putin’s Russia is the aggressor.

    They brought war to a peaceful continent.

    Wreaked death and devastation on the people of Ukraine.

    Caused famine and hardship around the world.

    So peace must be based on international law and the UN charter. And it must be on Ukraine’s terms.

    That is what justice looks like.

    That is what we must work towards.

    That is how we secure a future for Ukraine that is peaceful, democratic, and free.

    And we, the G7, will stand united with Ukraine until that day comes.

    Thank you.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech on the 80th Anniversary of D-Day

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech on the 80th Anniversary of D-Day

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 6 June 2024.

    Eighty years ago, the weather broke – and the greatest invasion force in history left the shores of Britain to liberate Europe.

    We are here today to remember the sacrifice of the tens of thousands who did not make it home.

    And we are here to honour the service of those who did.

    Men like Ken Cooke.

    18 years old. He’d never been on a boat before. He’d never been on a beach before.

    Yet with his regiment, the Green Howards, he landed in the first wave to storm Gold Beach.

    Or Stan Ford, 19, who was manning a gun turret on HMS Fratton when a torpedo struck, blowing him into the water.

    The ship sank in 4 minutes. 31 of Stan’s shipmates were lost from a crew of 80.

    Or Royal Marine Dennis Donovan, who landed on Juno Beach alongside Canadian forces.

    They fought their way off the beach and into the bitter house-to-house fighting to take Langrune-sur-Mer.

    By the end of the first day, a quarter of his unit was dead or wounded.

    Ken, Stan, and Dennis are here today, alongside dozens of their fellow veterans.

    We are humbled to be with you. And for what you did that day, we will always be grateful.

    I can guess how they might feel when they hear us applaud their courage.

    “I’m no hero”, they will say. “I just did my duty”.

    That humility is so much a part of why they are truly the best of us.

    But to call one person a hero does not diminish the heroism of others.

    Each of you who contributed that day – sailor, soldier, aviator, civilian…

    …whether you fought on the beaches, or parachuted from the skies, or flew fighters or gliders…

    …whether you were an engineer, or a radio operator, or an intelligence officer…

    …your actions freed a continent and built a better world.

    You risked everything. And we owe you everything.

    We cannot possibly hope to repay that debt.

    But we can – and we must – pledge never to forget.

    After the war, many of you dedicated your lives to telling the story of what happened here.

    You sold poppies and raised millions for charity.

    You taught generations of young people about the horrors of war.

    You lived lives of quiet dignity and dedication in your homes, workplaces, communities.

    Yet with each passing year, it falls now to those of us who listened in awe to your stories…

    …to pass them on to our own children and grandchildren.

    Because only by remembering can we make certain that the cause you fought for…

    …and that so many of your friends and colleagues died for…

    …that great cause of freedom, peace, and democracy…

    …will never be taken for granted.

    That is why we come here today.

    That is why we honour our veterans – now and always.

    And that is why I ask those who can, to rise and please join me in giving our heroes the welcome they so deserve.

  • Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech on a Safer Britain

    Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech on a Safer Britain

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 3 June 2024.

    Thank you, let me start by saying thank you Louise – for your service. What a fantastic contribution you will make to Parliament as the Labour MP for North East Derbyshire. And thank you John – for all your support and your leadership on this vital issue.

    Now, this week is the 80th anniversary of D-Day, so I want to start by remembering the bravery of those soldiers who sailed from the South of England to the beaches of France. The individual courage and the collective strength of our troops whose sacrifice that day turned the tide of the Second World War, brought liberation to Europe, and secured our freedom.

    This week and every week – we will remember them.

    And we will honour them.

    Some gave their lives so we could live freely. Others returned home to build a new Britain. We salute those who remain with us today and keep the memory of their fallen comrades alive. And we recognise with one voice, as a nation, that our debt can never be paid in full.

    But of course – we can honour their sacrifice with our decisions today. And we must. Because sadly, the world we live in today is perhaps more dangerous and volatile than at any time since then, and frankly, for my generation, that’s a shock.

    I mean, I remember vividly the day the Berlin Wall came down in 1989. I remember how I felt. A sense of freedom, of possibility, of peace. European countries once again free to choose their own futures, new allegiances being made, friendships forged out of the scars of war.

    And above all, a sense – as the wall came down – nothing like that could happen again. An end of an era.

    I didn’t think that in my lifetime I would see Russian tanks entering a European country again. The rumble of war rolling across our continent, soldiers kissing their children goodbye, desperate families fleeing across European borders in search of safety.

    But in that moment, as we saw those pictures from Kyiv, I understood.

    The post-war era is over and a new age of insecurity has begun. An era where the burden of history – for people and nations will once again, be heavier on our backs.

    National security is the most important issue of our times. Something which, of course, is always true, and which for us, if we are privileged to serve our country, will become our solemn responsibility.

    That’s not something I say lightly: the security and defence of our nation is personal to my family. Like so many families, I have relatives who served in the second world war. My mum’s brother, my uncle Roger, served in the Falklands on HMS Antelope. And I remember the terrible wait when his ship was bombed.

    My mum’s fear as she sat by the radio every day, listening for news, and then the relief, a long week later, when we found out he had survived. So I know the courage, the service, and the sacrifice that allows us to sleep soundly at night from our forces and their families.

    I know it. I respect it. And I will serve it – with every decision. It is part of my story, and the reason why I said – from day one of my leadership – that the Labour Party had to change.

    Change for a purpose. To respect your service, face the future in this dangerous world, and above all – to keep Britain safe. That is why, with my changed Labour Party, national security will always come first.

    That’s a message I took to Kyiv last year when I visited President Zelensky. A pledge of unwavering British support in the face of Russian tyranny. But we have to be resolute, not just in our support for Ukraine but also – in this era, at home.

    We must face down malign actors who try to attack and weaken our nation, and not just through traditional warfare over air, land and sea, but with hybrid threats – to our energy supply, cyber security, information warfare.

    Now – I would prefer if politics were kept out of this issue – even at this election. Throughout the whole of this Parliament. I have deliberately not been partisan over issues of national security.

    Yet just before this election, the Tories questioned this Labour Party’s commitment to national security. And I will not let that stand. The people of Britain need to know that their leaders will keep them safe – and we will. Furthermore, the truth is that after 14 years of the Tories, we are less safe and less secure.

    You don’t have to take my word for it. The Tory’s own former defence secretary says the government has failed to take defence seriously. We have the smallest army since the time of Napoleon, at a time when other countries are firmly on a war footing.

    So – even as we work tirelessly for peace, we have to be fit to fight.

    So let me be unequivocal. This Labour Party is totally committed to the security of our nation. To our armed forces. And, importantly, to our nuclear deterrent.

    Just a few weeks ago I visited BAE Systems in Barrow-in-Furness. I was the first Labour leader to visit in 30 years.

    I saw the nuclear submarines being made. I saw an industry that supports the local community and I met workers who are proud to be doing their bit for our national security.

    They deserve our full support, and they will get it. The nuclear deterrent is the foundation of any plan to keep Britain safe – it is essential.

    That’s why Labour has announced a new triple-lock commitment to our nuclear deterrent. We’ll maintain Britain’s Continuous at Sea deterrent 24 hours a day, 365 days a year.

    Deliver all the needed future upgrades and we will build four new nuclear submarines like the ones I saw in Barrow. That won’t just keep us safe, it will also support good jobs and growth across the UK.

    One of my first visits after I became leader of the Labour Party was to Plymouth, the frontline of defence in this country. Devonport alone employs 2,500 service people and civilians, it supports 400 local businesses, and it generates around 10% of Plymouth’s income.

    And when I was there, I met the shipbuilding apprentices – talented, ambitious young people. And I looked them in the eye and promised that I would fight for the future of Plymouth’s defence industry. And I will.

    Because it’s only by harnessing and supporting the strength of proud communities like Plymouth, Barrow, Aldershot, and so many more, that means we can safeguard our security and our growth for the decades to come.

    I mean look at Ukraine now. Industrial capacity is an absolutely critical part of security. So with Labour, Britain will be fit to fight. Within the first year of a Labour government, we will carry out a new strategic defence review. And we’re absolutely committed to spending 2.5% of GDP on defence as soon as possible, because we know our security isn’t just vital for our safety today, it’s absolutely central to our success for the future.

    National security and economic security must go hand in hand.

    And we also know that playing our part on the world stage makes us stronger and better off at home. So make no mistake: I am absolutely committed to rebuilding relationships with our allies. I went to the Munich Security Conference back in February, I met with world leaders from the US, Europe and the Middle East and I met the Secretary General of NATO. And I pledged to each of them that with a Labour government, the UK would be a point of stability in a chaotic world, that we would always meet our international obligations, take our responsibilities seriously and be a leader on the world stage once more.

    Because when I spoke about D-Day at the beginning I wasn’t just talking about respect for our past, I was thinking about our future as well. Because that is the best example of what cooperation can achieve in the face of fascism and aggression.

    Our joint endeavour, our shared values, our common respect for freedom, democracy, liberty, that’s what we were fighting for and that fight never stops.

    There is a narrative you see sometimes that our values are a point of weakness. That’s what Putin thinks.

    But he’s wrong. Ukraine has shown that, and we must be prepared to stand up as well, because those values are our cause and our strength.

    Let me be clear. This is not a party-political issue, this is a national issue. It affects every single individual, every community, and Labour will always put our country first. We will serve working people across our nation, and respect our armed forces as they continue to protect our country.

    But on July 4th there is a choice. And you can choose to rebuild a country that is proud to stand shoulder to shoulder with European allies, that leads the way in standing up for our values and our freedom, all around the world, and that will never shy away from doing our duty at home and abroad.

    A stronger, safer, more secure Britain with Labour.

    That is the choice. It’s time to stop the chaos, time to turn the page and rebuild our country, together.

    Thank you very much.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Policy Exchange Speech on Security

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Policy Exchange Speech on Security

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 13 May 2024.

    Thank you Dean for that warm welcome. At some point during the second half of this year, we will all go to the polls and make a choice. Not just about Conservatives versus Labour, or Sunak versus Starmer. It will be a choice between the future and the past. I remain confident that my party can prevail, not just because of our record alone, but because we will be the only party really talking about the future and not with vague lofty platitudes, but with bold ideas and a clear plan that can change our society for the better and restore peoples’ confidence and pride in our country.

    I feel a profound sense of urgency. Because more will change in the next five years than in the last thirty.

    I’m convinced that the next few years will be some of the most dangerous, yet the most transformational, our country has ever known.

    So the question we face today is this: Who has the clear plan and bold ideas to deliver a secure future for you and your family?

    The dangers that threaten our country are real. They are increasing in number. An axis of authoritarian states like Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China is working together to undermine us and our values.

    War has returned to Europe, with our NATO allies warning that if Putin succeeds in Ukraine, they might be next.

    War rages, too, in the Middle East as Israel defends itself not only against the terrorists of Hamas but a barrage of missiles fired – for the first time – directly from Iran.

    Right now in Africa, conflicts are being fought in 18 different countries. And Putin’s recklessness has taken us closer to a dangerous nuclear escalation than at any point since the Cuban missile crisis.

    These are not faraway problems. Iranian proxies are firing on British ships in the Red Sea, disrupting goods destined for our high streets.

    Here at home, China has conducted cyber targeting of our democratically elected MPs. Russia has poisoned people with chemical weapons.

    And when Putin cut off the gas supplies it had a devastating impact on people’s lives and threatened our energy security.

    And in this world of greater conflict and danger, 100 million people are now displaced globally.

    Countries like Russia are weaponising immigration for their own ends, and criminal gangs keep finding new routes across European borders.

    Illegal migration is placing an intolerable strain on our security and our sense of fairness, and unless we act now and act boldly this problem is only going to grow.

    Extremists are also exploiting these global conflicts to divide us.

    People are abusing our liberal democratic values – the freedom of speech and right of protest – to intimidate, threaten and assault others, to sing antisemitic chants on our streets and our university campuses, and to weaponise the evils of anti-Semitism or anti-Muslim hatred in a divisive, ideological attempt to set Briton against Briton.

    And from gender activists hijacking children’s sex education to cancel culture, vocal and aggressive fringe groups are trying to impose their views on the rest of us.

    They’re trying to make it morally unacceptable to believe something different and undermine people’s confidence and pride in our own history and identity. Scottish nationalists are even trying to tear our United Kingdom apart.

    But for all the dangers ahead, few are felt more acutely than people’s sense of financial insecurity. We’ve been pounded by a series of once-in-a-generation shocks.

    The worst international financial crisis since the great depression in the 1930s. The first global pandemic since the Spanish flu in 1918.

    The biggest energy shock since the 1970s. Global forces, yet they are hitting our living standards here at home.

    We must be prepared strategically, economically, with robust plans and greater national resilience, to meet this time of instability with strength.

    And people’s sense of insecurity is only heightened by the fears about new technologies like AI.

    When the IMF says 40% of jobs could be affected, or hundreds of leading experts say the risks could be on a par with pandemics or nuclear war, and when children are exposed to bullying, sexualised content or even self-harm online, people want to know they’ve got someone in charge who understands these dangers, because only if you understand what is happening can you be trusted to keep us safe.

    But the paradox of our age is that for all the profound dangers we face, right now, we also hold in our hands an opportunity for human progress that could surpass the industrial revolution in speed and breadth.

    Technologies like AI will do for the 21st century what the steam engine and electricity did for the 19th.

    They’ll accelerate human progress by complementing what we do, by speeding up the discovery of new ideas, and by assisting almost every aspect of human life.

    Think of the investment they will bring, the jobs they’ll create, and the increase in all our living standards they’ll deliver.

    Credible estimates suggest AI alone could double our productivity in the next decade.

    And in doing so, help us create a world of less suffering, more freedom, choice, and opportunity.

    Just imagine. Every child in school with their own personalised tutor, and every teacher free to spend more time personally developing each student.

    New frontiers in medical diagnostics where a single picture of your eyes can not only detect blindness but predict other diseases like heart attacks or Parkinson’s.

    And counterintuitive as it may seem, throughout human history, the greatest breakthroughs of science and learning have so often come at the moments of greatest danger.

    The first electronic digital computers were developed by British codebreakers in the Second World War. Solar technology went from powering pocket calculators to a viable commercial technology following the energy crisis of the 1970s.

    The fastest development, and deployment, of a vaccine in history came during the Covid pandemic.

    And so it is incumbent upon us to make this a period not just of great danger, but great progress, too.

    That’s why we launched a bold plan to make science and technology our new national purpose.

    We’re rightly proud of Britain’s spirit of discovery and entrepreneurship made us the leading country in the industrial revolution.

    But we can be just as proud, just as confident, just as optimistic about our future, and our prospects to lead again in this new industrial age.

    And doing so will enrich our lives and create good, well-paid jobs in the growth industries of the future here at home.

    At the same time, new and fast-growing economic superpowers like India, Indonesia, and Nigeria are significantly reshaping the global economy.

    And just as this ever more interconnected world creates new dangers, it also creates new possibilities.

    The United Kingdom is uniquely placed to benefit. We’ve always been an open, trading, maritime nation; and Brexit has given us the opportunity to trade even more.

    And we invent, discover, and produce new products and services that the world wants to buy.

    From aircraft wings in Filton, to financial services in Glasgow, to incredible cultural exports like film, music, and TV, or sports like the Premier League.

    Everywhere from rural Kenya to the cityscapes of South Korea, people stay up all times of day and night to watch their favourite British team.

    It’s no wonder that Brexit Britain has leapt above France, Japan, and the Netherlands to become the world’s fourth biggest exporter.

    And the more we export, the better our businesses will do, the more jobs we will create, the more wealth we will generate – right across our country.

    This is the opportunity before us. A world transformed by technological progress. Huge global markets hungry for new talent, goods, and services. You can see it all around us.

    Two brothers from Merseyside sat around their kitchen table and built Castore a £1bn sportswear business taking on global giants like Nike and Adidas, their kit now worn by Red Bull Formula 1 and Bayer Leverkusen.

    British companies and workers right across the country are pioneering offshore wind and exporting it around the world. Already, we’ve built the first floating offshore wind farm.

    And our innovations have helped reduce the cost of wind energy by around two-thirds, and increased the size of turbines to the equivalent of the Eiffel Tower with blades bigger than Big Ben.

    And you can see the opportunity too in healthcare, giving people longer, healthier lives. In Denmark, NovoNordisk created the Ozempic drug which is not only helping to tackle chronic disease globally, but singlehandedly grew Denmark’s entire economy last year.

    All this progress should show us that while this is one of the most dangerous periods we’ve ever known, it will also be one of the most transformational.

    And if we make the right choices, if we have a bold enough vision, then we should feel confidence, pride, and optimism that Britain’s future is secure.

    My point is this: our country stands at a crossroads. Over the next few years, from our democracy to our society to our economy – to the hardest questions of war and peace – almost every aspect of our lives is going to change.

    How we act in the face of these changes – not only to keep people safe and secure but to realise the opportunities too, will determine whether or not Britain will succeed in the years to come.

    There is an important choice facing the country because despite having 14 years with nothing to do but think about the future, Labour have almost nothing to say about it. No plans for our border, no plans for our energy security, no plans for our economy either and no principles either. Keir Starmer has gone from embracing Jeremy Corbyn to Natalie Elphicke, all in the cynical pursuit of power at any price. So Labour have no ideas, what they did have they’ve u-turned on. They have just one thing, a calculation that they can make you feel so bad about your country that you won’t have the energy to ask about what they might do with the incredible power that they will yield. I’m not saying the past doesn’t matter, I know people are feeling anxious and uncertain, that their sense of confidence and pride in this country has been knocked. I understand that, I accept it and I want to change it. What I cannot accept is Labour’s view that all the worries you have are because of 14 years of Conservative Government. In the last 14 years, we’ve made progress in the most difficult conditions any governments has faced since the Second World War.

    A world leading economy, we’ve seen the 3rd highest growth rate in the G7, and created 4 million jobs, 800 a day.

    We took difficult decisions to restore our country’s financial security and control national debt, and that allowed us to support the country through Covid, deliver the fastest vaccine roll-out in the world, provide record funding to the NHS, and protect state pensions with the triple lock.

    We’ve reformed welfare by capping benefits and introducing Universal Credit to help people into work.

    We’ve reduced absolute poverty, pensioner poverty, child poverty. We’ve cut carbon emissions by a third.

    Maintained our position as NATO’s second biggest defence power. Halved violent and neighbourhood crime. And improved standards in our schools with English schoolchildren not just the best readers in the UK, but in the western world.

    We’ve legislated for equal marriage. And it is now not even surprising for people from ethnically diverse backgrounds to lead Scotland, Wales, and the United Kingdom.

    And the economy now decisively has momentum. Inflation down from over 11% to 3%. Wages rising faster than prices.

    And in the first quarter of this year, we grew faster than France, Germany, Japan, Italy, and even America.

    The plan is working – so we must stick to it, and not go back to square one.

    And when Labour ignores the achievements of the last 14 years, or try to reduce the last 14 years to 49 days, remember what they’ve actually doing is trying to distract you from the thing that matters most, the future. Maybe they can depress their way to victory with all their talk and scaremongering, but I don’t think it’ll work because at heart, we’re a nation of optimists. We’re not blind to the challenges or threats that we face.

    We just have an innate belief that whatever they are, we can overcome them, as we have done so many times in our history. And create a secure future for you and your family.

    Let me tell you more about my vision for how I would lead this country through this time of danger and transformation.

    The highest priority of a Conservative Government is to keep our country safe. We’ve proudly taken the generational decision to increase defence spending to a new baseline of 2.5% of GDP, by 2030. Yet Labour have refused to match our pledge. Keir Starmer supported a former Labour leader who wanted to abolish the army and withdraw from NATO and Labour’s current deputy leader, Shadow Foreign Secretary and many others, voted against our nuclear deterrent, the ultimate guarantee of our security.

    The global displacement of a hundred million people is a new and defining challenge of our age. But we can and will protect ourselves against illegal migration. That’s why we’re pioneering the Rwanda scheme. And so, when people see that if they come here illegally, they will be swiftly detained and removed, they will be deterred from making that perilous journey, stopping the boats and saving thousands of lives.

    I know that our international frameworks are outdated. So there may be flashpoints ahead with the ECHR.

    And if the Strasbourg Court make me choose between the ECHR and this country’s security, I will choose our country’s security every single time.

    And nor will I ever compromise on defending our values, our history, and our way of life, against those who seek to undermine them.

    I am unapologetically proud of who we are.

    And under my leadership, ours will be a country where people can disagree in good faith, but where they must do so with respect and decency for others.

    A country where the benefits of belonging to our Union are self-evident to the overwhelming majority of our people.

    A country where we protect and strengthen the greatest institution of all – the family, better protect children from the harms of the online and offline worlds, and do more to protect single sex spaces.

    A country where we celebrate the small acts of kindness that bind our society together, and where we actively work to rebuild the civic involvement and pride that have always formed part of our distinctive national culture.

    A country where we honour those prepared to pay the highest price for our freedoms, as we make this the best place in the world to be a veteran here at home.

    And a country where we properly respect the older generation.

    They’ve contributed all their lives, so whatever the triple lock costs, it is morally right to give older people dignity and comfort in retirement.

    But as well as strengthening our national security and restoring pride in our national culture, we’ll also protect you from the dangers of a more unstable world by giving you greater peace of mind over your financial security.

    People have been struggling to make ends meet – I know that. In the last few years, you’ve seen rising energy bills, mortgage rates, the cost of the weekly shop.

    And I hope I’ve shown through my time in office that, from furlough to support with your energy bills, the government I lead will always be there for you.

    But that’s only possible if we take the tough decisions to strengthen the country’s finances and control debt.

    You can trust me to do that.

    When I stood for the leadership of my party, and my opponent’s policies imperilled our financial strength, I was sooner prepared to lose than abandon what I believe so deeply is right for our country.

    I feel the same conviction about Net Zero.

    In a more unstable world, where dictators like Putin have held us to ransom over energy prices, I reject the ideological zeal of those who want us to adopt policies that go further, faster than any other country, no matter the cost or disruption to people’s lives.

    But even as we strengthen our security and our sense of pride and confidence in ourselves, I also feel a sense of urgency about readying our country to succeed in a world transformed.

    That starts by giving all our young people – wherever they live and whatever their background – the skills and knowledge to succeed.

    Building on the success of the last 14 years, we will create a truly world-class education system.

    The Advanced British Standard is the most far-reaching reform to education for 16-18 year olds in a generation.

    We’re tearing down the artificial barriers between technical and academic education.

    Increasing children’s time in the classroom.

    Studying a greater breadth of subjects to match our competitors.

    And unapologetically saying that every single child must leave school not just literate but numerate as well.

    Now, I know this will not win universal acclaim but maths will be fundamental to our children’s life chances in this new technological age.

    And it is our duty to give them those skills. And more. We’ll end rip-off degrees and massively expand the number of apprenticeships, because a degree is not the only path to success in the modern economy.

    And we’ll make sure that everyone has the funding they need to retrain or learn new skills, at any point in their lives, because in the future education won’t stop when you walk out of the school gates.

    But for Britain to finish first in today’s world, we don’t just need the skills to succeed, we need to create a dynamic, innovative economy fuelled by technological progress, so we lead in the industries of the future and help you and your family become wealthier and more economically secure.

    The government I lead is creating the conditions for a new British dynamism. By investing in the new infrastructure of the future – not just roads, railways, and buses, but gigabit broadband, research and development, computing power.

    By helping to create hundreds of thousands of good, secure, well-paid, highly-skilled jobs, that will level up opportunity right across our country.

    And yes, by taking the necessary decisions to build the right homes in the right places to support those jobs.

    But true British dynamism won’t come from the State alone. It will come from you. It will come from the ingenuity and creativity of the British people, given the support, the opportunities and the rewards to have, pursue and realise big ambitions.

    If you have a brilliant new idea – I want you to build it. If you’re passionate about solving a problem – I want you to pursue it.

    If you simply want to set up on your own – I want you to get out there and do it.

    Because you won’t find the future written in a slide deck in a Whitehall quango.

    You’ll find it out there in our country.

    And so the government I lead will create the conditions for people themselves to try, to build, to invent – yes, sometimes to fail, but more often to succeed.

    That’s why we’re cutting taxes directly on investment. It’s why we’re cutting taxes to encourage innovation.

    And it’s why we’re seizing the freedom and flexibility of Brexit. Because so often, the EU’s default approach was top down, precautionary regulation.

    Whereas we in the UK now have the chance to be more agile, so that rather than stifling innovation and growth, we encourage it, in everything from financial services to agriculture, from healthcare to house building.

    Above all, we will reward hard work.

    Because you don’t get anything in life without hard work.

    So we’re making the tax system simpler, fairer, and more rewarding, cutting National Insurance by £900 for the average worker, alongside increasing the state pension by £900 this year.

    We’re raising the National Living Wage to end low pay.

    And we’re reforming welfare to make sure that work always pays, and our safety net is fair to those who pay for it.

    Not least because giving people support to get off welfare and into work gives them purpose, dignity and hope and it is also the only sustainable way to cut legal migration.

    A world-class education system.

    A dynamic, innovative economy.

    Hard work valued and rewarded.

    That’s how Britain will succeed in future.

    That’s how we’ll grow the economy.

    And that’s how we’ll transform public services, too.

    Imagine a welfare system where new technologies allow us to crack down on the fraudsters, exploiting the hardworking taxpayers who fund it.

    Imagine the huge opportunities to cut crime through technologies like live facial recognition, helping police catch wanted criminals, find missing people, and spend more time on the beat.

    And imagine our NHS, still free at the point of use, but transformed for the future.

    A service staffed by tens of thousands more doctors and nurses, thanks to our Long Term Workforce Plan.

    Backed by record funding made possible by years of fiscal discipline. With far greater choice over where you can receive your care, made as simple as choosing what to watch on iPlayer.

    And I believe there will be no more powerful example of what all the forces of British dynamism, innovation, scientific discovery and technological progress can achieve, than this:

    To address, finally, the fear of one word that still lurks in the back of everyone’s minds, that touches almost every family in our country, and that envelopes our whole world, if we or a loved one hears it: cancer.

    Yet even here, if we are bold enough, there can be cause for new hope. We already know we can prevent most lung cancer cases – the UK’s leading cause of cancer deaths – by stopping smoking.

    That’s why I took the important decision to create a smokefree generation.

    And with huge breakthroughs in early diagnosis and new treatments, like the MRNA vaccine for skin cancer, I believe we can be just as bold and ambitious in improving rates of cancer survival.

    Because if we can bring together my vision of a country transformed, with our world class education system that trains the PhD oncologists and apprentice lab technicians, and our dynamic economy that attracts investors and incubates the billion-pound biotech businesses of the future, our post-Brexit regulatory freedoms to approve trials in a safe but faster way.

    And the scale of our NHS to help us research and trial those new drugs in a way no other country can, then just one example of the incredible achievements this country can make would be to make a generational breakthrough against this cruel disease and fundamentally change what it will mean for our children and grandchildren to hear the word cancer.

    Today I’ve set out my vision for how Britain can succeed in one of the most dangerous yet transformational eras we’ve ever known.

    The values that lie behind that vision are a new patriotism: a confidence in ourselves and in all that we can achieve.

    I reject those who insidiously question our history and our identity.

    I believe in that innate confidence in ourselves that has always run through our island story.

    And just as we’re proud of all that we created, invented, and discovered in our past, so we can be confident and optimistic about what we will achieve in our future.

    My pledge to you is that I will create the conditions to make that possible, to help you fulfil your ambitions.

    To build the world-class education system that gives our children the skills they need to succeed, no matter where they started off in life.

    To create the dynamic, innovative economy that will give you the opportunity of a wealthier, more financially secure life for you and your family.

    To restore our sense of civic pride and national cohesion so we can be secure in the knowledge that we are all on the same side.

    And above all, you can trust me to keep you and your family safe and secure from the threats we face at home and abroad.

    There are storms ahead.

    The dangers are all too real.

    But Britain can feel proud again.

    Britain can feel confident again.

    Because with bold action and a clear plan, we can and we will create a secure future.

  • David Cameron – 2024 Keynote Speech at the National Cyber Security Centre

    David Cameron – 2024 Keynote Speech at the National Cyber Security Centre

    The speech made by David Cameron, the Foreign Secretary, at the National Cyber Security Centre in London on 9 May 2024.

    I have been Foreign Secretary for almost 6 months. And I have been determined to make every day count.

    I have visited 33 countries, 1 Overseas Territory, and criss-crossed 6 continents.  I lead a Department working hard to respond to crises, counter threats, champion development, and boost UK jobs.

    I like to say being Prime Minister was a great apprenticeship for this job. But being Foreign Secretary is not entirely the same.

    Indeed, precisely because you are so often on the road, leading a large organisation, you must make doubly sure not to confuse activity with action.

    So let me use this speech to take a step back.

    Economics, politics and foreign policy

    My starting point is that we cannot divorce foreign policy from economic performance.

    Investing more overseas requires a growing economy. And to be taken seriously, you need to show the dynamism of your own economy and its capacity for growth and renewal.

    From this room, you can see the four iconic chimneys of Battersea Power Station. I can remember standing there as Leader of the Opposition, launching the 2010 election manifesto. It was a derelict building, left vacant and crumbling for decades.

    Today, it is transformed. And that’s thanks to our drive to secure Malaysian investment and offer determined government support, hundreds of offices and flats, shops and restaurants now sit beneath those towers.  And it demonstrates our continued attractiveness to overseas investors.

    But nor can we divorce foreign and economic policy from domestic politics.  All over the western world, we see the rise of political movements that want us to pull up the drawbridge, claiming that we will be better off if we focus purely on domestic concerns.

    I believe these movements are profoundly wrong.  Not just because Britain is an outward-facing nation, with almost 1 in 10 of us living abroad, and a set of interests and connections that are truly global, not limited to any one region or continent. But because what happens abroad matters directly to our citizens.

    However, our approach must not be to ignore the rise of these movements. It must be to deal with what has caused them to grow, so we can engage with the world and therefore safeguard our national interests.

    I believe the 2 biggest drivers are clear. One, failing to control borders properly and tackle illegal immigration. And second leaving too many people in too many places behind, cut off from the uneven benefits of globalisation.

    Any political party that fails to address these drivers will find itself incapable of governing effectively and getting things done.

    That’s why we’re fixing our immigration system, breaking the business model of smuggling gangs.  And why we need to ensure the whole country shares in the benefits of long-term growth.

    And the role of Foreign Secretary is not separate from this work: it is integral to it. Ultimately what guides everything I do as Foreign Secretary is Britain’s prosperity and Britain’s security.

    Earlier this year I returned to the Berlin Wall. I remember the days of its fall as if it was yesterday. Visiting Germany with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Meeting dissidents who had kept the flame of freedom alive behind the Iron Curtain. Hacking off a chunk of the Wall – a piece of history – for myself.

    Together with travelling in the Soviet Union between school and university, these were defining events in my political development.  As the era of state socialism was crumbling, the sense of optimism, of possibility, was infectious.

    Contrast that with today.

    War in the heart of Europe. From Tallinn to Warsaw, Prague to Bucharest, a chill has once more descended across the European continent. Those nations closest to Russia seeing what is happening in Ukraine and wondering if they will be next.

    And not far from Europe, war rages in the Middle East, as Israel seeks to defend itself and bring the hostages home, while innocent citizens in Gaza endure a crisis that will only worsen if aid cannot reach them, safely.

    All this while there are conflicts in 18 countries in Africa. This is a world more dangerous, more volatile, more confrontational, than most of us have ever known.

    We need to face up to that fact and act accordingly.  Not in a year or two.  Not in a few months.  But now.

    The courage to act

    Returning to frontline politics, what stands out to me is how many reasons are found for us not to act. It too often feels as if the fundamental change in the world has not yet been met with a fundamental change in how many in the free world are thinking and acting.

    Both in Britain and the wider world, there are too many who adopt a kind of defensive crouch. Not just those I’ve already mentioned who want to pull up the drawbridge. But also those who think we can’t act, claiming we have become too weak, not powerful enough militarily or effective enough economically.  Or those who won’t act, so fixated are they on the risks– be it of escalation, unintended consequences, legal jeopardy, or simply causing offence.

    Fear of making the wrong choice leads to another meeting or another strategy paper, even when not acting is actually the worst choice of all.

    While, as the Prime Minister said in Warsaw recently, an axis of authoritarian states – like Russia, Iran, North Korea and China – is increasingly acting together in an attempt to undermine us and our allies and the world order on which we depend.

    My conviction is that we, with our partners, can choose to make a difference.

    Entering politics in the 1980s, it was not at all obvious how or when the West would prevail over the Soviet Union.  Some urged us to reduce our defences or abandon the nuclear deterrent. But we stood firm and it worked.

    Similarly, towards the end of my time as Prime Minister, it was not obvious we could defeat Daesh. Some declared that an Islamic State in control of vast swathes of Iraq and the Levant was here to stay. That an intervention would only see us bogged down in the Middle East. But together with our friends and allies, we drove their so-called caliphate right back.

    We in Britain, and in the wider West, we have agency. The question is whether we have the courage to use it.  The courage to act.

    So how then should we act?  I see 6 points which really matter if we are to rise to the challenges we face.

    First, we need to make security our top priority.

    If you want a picture of the dangers in the world, you can actually look right here at home in the last few months. Attacks on our democracy from China, including spying on the Electoral Commission and cyber targeting of our Members of Parliament. Reminders of the wide-ranging, covert Russian playbook, including a suspected sabotage attack on a warehouse in east London just last week. And – as the Director General of MI5 has made clear – numerous Iranian plots to assassinate British or UK-based individuals perceived as enemies of the regime, again right here in the UK.

    As Prime Minister, I was proud to host the 2014 NATO Summit in Wales, at which all Allies committed to spend at least 2% of GDP on defence. And I am proud to speak today at the National Cyber Security Centre, which we set up to make Britain the safest place to live and work online.

    Today, as the threat has grown and evolved, we in government need to do even more to prioritise security.

    And so we have passed the National Security Act and a new Investigatory Powers Act, so we can defend ourselves against espionage more effectively. We have introduced the National Security Investment Act, so we can screen investment into our critical national infrastructure. We have prepared the Foreign Influence Registration Scheme, so we can bolster our resilience here in Britain against covert foreign influence.

    And, crucially, the Prime Minister has committed to spend 2.5% of GDP on defence – the biggest investment in defence for a generation, and increased defence R&D get at least 5% of the defence budget, so we stay at the cutting edge of defence technology.

    It is vital we sustain this focus on security, doing what is required to harden our defences.

    Second, we need to be bolder in standing up for what we believe in.

    The national interest defines our foreign policy. Some try to portray this as somehow unprincipled. As if by putting the national interest first, we will sacrifice important values.

    Nothing could be further from the truth. It is profoundly in our national interests to defend those core beliefs.

    Freedom. The rule of law. Respect for human rights and human dignity.  And to defend the core principles of an open international order.

    Right not might. Sovereignty and territorial integrity. Freedom of navigation.

    These principles are not some mere abstractions. Words solemnly proclaimed in the UN Charter, Sustainable Development Goals or other international agreements.  Rather they are vital foundations for British and global security and prosperity.

    All the world’s citizens benefit when freedoms are upheld. Sovereignty is respected. And commerce flows freely around the globe.

    So we, our allies and our partners must stand up and defend them.

    Our adversaries openly challenge these principles. They have no qualms at distortions and even outright lies in the media.  And they use new tools and techniques to distract and mislead.

    We must be bolder in combating their poisonous methods of deceit.

    That’s what Britain and America did by publicising of our intelligence before Putin’s illegal invasion. It was an unprecedented step. And made it absolutely clear what Putin was planning to do: assault a neighbour, without a scrap of justification. We in the West need to undermine and expose the malign networks that Russia uses to spread its lies.

    Over the last 5 years, Britain’s invested £600 million in this effort.

    Funding the BBC World Service, which reaches over 300 million listeners each week, backing free media and the free flow of information.  Supporting independent journalism in places like Moldova and Bosnia, where Russia seeks to bully and bribe their way to manipulating media and undermining politics.

    Our adversaries also strive to undermine global trust in these beliefs and principles by attacking our own record. They gleefully accuse the West of double standards.

    I think we should be frank in our response. Yes, the suffering in Gaza is appalling. But an unprovoked war against an independent country like Ukraine that poses no threat is wholly different from the conflict that has grown from the brutal attacks of 7th October.

    And in each case, we are consistently pursuing the fastest route to a sustainable peace consistent with the principles of the UN Charter.  Every country in the world actually cares about principles like sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    And of course our adversaries say that we didn’t invest in the Global South. Nonsense. And it is the West who is funding the key parts of the global system doing the most to improve lives of people around the world.

    How much has Moscow given to the UN’s Central Emergency Relief Fund?  Seventy-four times less than Britain’s contribution.

    How much does Tehran invest in eradicating malaria?  Absolutely nothing to the Global Fund dedicated to eliminating this killer disease. Britain is the Fund’s third biggest donor – and has played a huge role in developing vaccines now poised to save many more lives.

    How much has Pyongyang do to protect our oceans?  Nothing like Britain’s Blue Belt, which is the largest marine protection area in the world – something that benefits not only our country, but our entire planet.

    And Britain is not alone in such generosity – our closest partners, big and small, give a huge amount as well.

    We are faced with a cynical assault on principles and programmes which have contributed so much to building a better world.  We must fight back – and never let that cynicism win.

    Third point – we need to adopt a harder edge for a tougher world.

    Pursuing our interests effectively means revisiting approaches to foreign policy born of good intentions and ask if they are truly fitting for the world of today. Prizing consensus over action. Not speaking out if it might upset others. Avoiding risks.

    Such attitudes perhaps seemed to cost us less in a more forgiving age. But if Putin’s illegal invasion teaches us anything, it must be that doing too little, too late, only spurs an aggressor on.

    And too often this lesson not having been learned.  Take the Red Sea, where ship after ship from a whole of countries have been attacked.  While many countries have criticised the Houthi attacks, it is actually only the US and Britain that have been willing and able to step up and strike back at them.

    Or defence spend in Europe, where still some seem unwilling to invest, even as war rages on our continent. Take women’s rights, where some are so cowed by accusations of neo-colonialism that they will not condemn practices like Female Genital Mutilation, ignoring survivors’ calls to eliminate it.

    This cannot go on. We need to be tougher and more assertive:

    • degrading the Houthis’ capabilities
    • making 2.5% a new benchmark for NATO Allies’ defence spend
    • and using travel bans to stop politicians voting in favour of FGM in the morning, and then hopping on a plane to go shopping in London in the afternoon

    And sometimes, a harder edge means being honest with ourselves.  Saying yes, we want to be a country that is ambitious and progressive. But no, we cannot afford to be naïve about how best to achieve our goals.

    So yes, we are open to the world, its people and ideas. But no, we will not permit criminal gangs to decide who can enter our country, and undermine voters’ trust in our ability to control our borders.

    By implementing our asylum partnership with Rwanda, we are acting in the national interest. And yes, we are committed to reaching net zero by 2050, and work globally to support others in meeting their own clean energy ambitions.

    But no, we will not refuse to grant new licences in the North Sea for vital oil and gas – nor will we demonise other countries using their own reserves – these things when they are vital for energy independence from the likes of Putin, and part of a responsible energy transition.

    Again by taking a proportionate, realistic approach to delivering our climate change goals, we are acting in the national interest.

    And yes, we support free trade. But no, we will not sign a free trade deal just for the sugar rush of the press release.  You only get one chance to do these properly, and it’s important to get it right. Via our patient negotiation of trade deals that are real wins, we are acting in the national interest.

    And yes again, we believe in free speech and freedom to protest. But no, we will not shy away from defending our democratic values. By doing things like the definition of extremism to ensure that the government does not legitimise those trying to overturn our principles, we are acting in the national interest.

    Fourth, we need to have a good dose of realism.

    In a much more competitive world, Britain must suffer no illusions about our place in it.

    I am proud to lead the FCDO, overseeing a diplomatic network in over 160 countries and territories, and a development budget of over 8 billion pounds not to mention our incredible intelligence and security services. I’m representing effectively a nation with a sovereign nuclear deterrent, a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, and a web of connections all over the world.

    But Britain is not a country like the US, whose every decision we make changes the world. There are vital areas where our action is decisive, but often we are a state whose decisions and adept diplomacy can influence the approaches of others.

    Realism is not defeatism – having less influence than the global superpower does not mean having no influence at all.

    While away from frontline politics, I heard a comment by a leading CEO that has stuck with me ever since. Britain, he said, is big enough to matter, but small enough to be nimble. That seems right to me.

    He was talking about regulation. But it can apply in so many other contexts. And it is an apt mantra for the modern world, in which new powers are emerging, and what matters is building coalitions to get things done.

    Why does Ukraine call us their number one ally? Not just for the level of our support and the speed in which we delivered it, but it’s how we’ve galvanised others.

    I vividly recall my experiences in 2014. Imposing even some sanctions on Russia required painstaking negotiation. But, gradually, we have made the case for going so much further.

    We have imposed unprecedented sanctions – with our allies. We have provided game-changing kit like long-range missiles and battle tanks – with our allies.  We have sustained support for Kyiv into a third year of war – once more, following the vote in Congress, with our allies.  And we are now maintaining our military support to Ukraine – £3 billion a year – until 2030, and beyond if necessary, and calling on our allies to join us in that pledge.

    To persuade we also need to be active. A fortnight ago, I became the first Foreign Secretary to visit all 5 Central Asian states and Mongolia.

    In a more contested, more competitive world, Britain needs to get out there and compete. We need to say to potential partners all over the world, if you want to make that choice to be more open, be more independent, we can help you make that choice.

    We are fortunate in Britain that English is the world’s global language. For young people, speaking English acts as a passport for success, giving an edge in areas like business and finance, law and diplomacy.

    That is why for instance Mongolia, a country bordering Russia and China, has made the extraordinary and brilliant decision to make English their second official language. Ukraine has launched a programme so all their civil servants can learn it.  This is a great advantage for Britain – an opportunity to get the world speaking our language, in both senses of that phrase.

    But sometimes we seem hesitant to recognise just what a vital tool of influence the English language can be. Sixty million people from almost every country in the world used the British Council’s free Learn English site.  I have expanded the British Council’s online teaching offer in Central Asia, and today I can announce a new £1 million programme for the Council to teach English to Ukrainian civil servants.

    But this should is only the beginning.  I believe it should be a core part of our foreign policy and the Foreign Office’s mission to lead this global change, we will champion English learning around the globe. This year next year, long into the future.

    It is battle we are winning, and if we turn up and properly fight it we’ll win it faster and better.

    There is a fifth point.

    A recognisably British attribute, but which we can sometimes fail to recognise in ourselves. That is the need to be ruthlessly practical.

    As was observed by one of my predecessors, Ernest Bevin, he combined “a powerful sense of direction… rooted in moral principle” with “a street-wise pragmatism in choosing the best route forward”.

    And the result, NATO, speaks for itself.  As this example shows, being practical can have a hard edge, a certain ruthlessness, too.  Focusing on delivering a strong, united defensive alliance, rather than hoping a newly formed UN alone could ensure our security. Facing the world as it is, not as it was or as we wish it to be.

    And so yes, for instance we want the fighting to end in Gaza. But calling for an immediate ceasefire makes it no more likely. It is more practical to focus – as we have done in the UN and elsewhere, with the Israelis, and with our partners – on securing a humanitarian pause, stopping the fighting right now, so we can see hostages released, more aid delivered, then turn this into a sustainable ceasefire without a return to fighting.

    And yes again, ruthlessly practical we support multilateral reform, because we want the UN and organisations like the World Trade Organisation and World Health Organisation to succeed. But we are also increasing our support for other, more nimbler organisations having impact on the ground, like GAVI or the Global Fund that does so much brilliant work on diseases.

    And yes, we have made our biggest contribution ever to the Green Climate Fund to tackle climate change. But we are also making it easier for small island developing states to access this funding, helping friends across the Caribbean, who I was meeting with yesterday, and in the Pacific like Samoa, hosts of this year’s Commonwealth Summit.

    I could add 2 personal examples of being practical.

    Yes, I supported remaining in the EU. But I am now laser-like focused on ensuring Britain and the EU have the best possible relationship, not as members, but as friends, neighbours and partners. And I am doing all I can also to ensure Britain invests in new partnerships, such as CPTPP, a trade deal with one of the fastest growing regions of the world – the Indo-Pacific.

    And yes, I am a passionate believer in the power of aid and proud of my role in helping to design the sustainable development goals and boost Britain’s aid spending. But with our overseas aid budget under pressure, I also am proud to have led the Department in publishing a groundbreaking International Development white paper, and to be pressing for reform of the multilateral development banks and greater cooperation with the private sector – so others can also step up an provide the massive funding that’s going to be required to see those SDGs through.

    Finally, we need to demonstrate political will and strategic patience.

    It is not enough merely to wish for a better world and hope for the best. Nor can we let talk of past failings or present risks paralyse us completely. We in the West need to see things through, and see them through together.

    Our adversaries today know all too well our underlying strengths. They see that the economies of Ukraine and her partners outmatch Russia’s by around 25 to 1. They can see that Sweden and Finland turned to NATO – an alliance that defends territory, not takes territory – at a moment of uncertainty. They can see the flows of talented people head in our direction from across the globe.

    But they think they have honed in our greatest weakness. They believe that it is they who are more determined to succeed. That they can outlast us, can endure more pain, make more sacrifices.

    We are in a battle of wills. We all must prove our adversaries wrong – Britain, and our allies and partners around the world.

    We need to out-compete.

    The upcoming NATO Summit must see all Allies on track to deliver their pledge made in Wales in 2014 to spend 2% on defence. And we then need to move quickly to establish 2.5% as the new benchmark for all NATO Allies.

    We need to out-cooperate.

    Investing in old alliances which have served us well – the transatlantic bond and our many friendships in Europe, the Five Eyes and G7, NATO and the Commonwealth.

    But we also need to forge new partnerships, like the AUKUS alliance with Australia and the US, the GCAP jet project with Italy and Japan, or our JEF security collaboration with like-minded nations in northern Europe.

    And, crucially, strengthening our bilateral partnerships with that great mass of countries such as those in Central Asia who, I visited last week.  Who while they may not all be democratic, they see the destructive, reactionary policies of our adversaries as a threat to their security and their prosperity.

    And we need to out-innovate.

    Using the legal route before us to use frozen Russian assets for the benefit of Ukraine.  And leaning into the modern technology that fuels both the operations in this building and much of the modern economy, as the Prime Minister did so skilfully by hosting the AI Safety Summit last year.

    I know from experience – it is not straightforward to deliver these points. Dissonant voices press for different paths, easier to tread in the short-term, even as they store up problems for years to come. But I am not disheartened.

    History is not pre-ordained. I am often reminded of this as Foreign Secretary. Entering my office, I pass portraits of my predecessors. The world of today looks very different to that of Bevin and Eden, Grey and Salisbury, Canning and Castlereagh. And yet each faced times of challenge and change.

    Looking back, one can detect common threads, fundamental traditions, in how they acted in response. Prioritising Britain’s security. Standing up for what they believed in. Being hard-edged, realistic and practical in their pursuit of the national interest. Showing always political will. The past cannot tell us what to do today. But it can offer some guidance.

    Today, we are being tested yet again.  In both foreign and domestic policy, in Britain and the wider West, we are at a crossroads. If we make the right choices, act now, a bright future awaits. But if we hesitate, our adversaries will write our future instead of us.

    We need to show courage. The courage to determine our own destiny. The courage to rise to this moment of peril. The courage to act.