Category: Foreign Affairs

  • David Lammy – 2024 Speech on 75 years of the Modern Commonwealth

    David Lammy – 2024 Speech on 75 years of the Modern Commonwealth

    The speech made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 4 September 2024.

    Well your Excellencies, guests, friends,

    It’s wonderful, really, really quite wonderful to host so many remarkable people here today. Together, you tell a wonderful, modern, diverse story about what is our Commonwealth.

    A network which connects people around the world – athletes, artists, activists, authors. An organisation which I believe is vital to tackling the challenges before us today. And a family which I am very, very proud to call my own.

    This is personally a very, very special moment for me as Foreign Secretary. As many of you will know, my parents came to Britain from Guyana, as part of the Windrush generation.

    And I stand before you as Foreign Secretary, tracing my lineage back to Africa through of course the trans-Atlantic slave trade. So I feel the pain and anguish of that heritage, as did my parents.

    But I share with them a keen awareness of my Commonwealth roots, a sense of belonging and solidarity with all members of the Commonwealth diaspora and the powerful optimism for what a multicultural society can be.

    And this spirit drives me as Foreign Secretary, as I seek to reconnect Britain with the world. A task in which I believe a revived, reinvigorated Commonwealth has a significant role to play. This belief reflects the fact that the world has changed radically in 75 years since the Commonwealth was born.

    You could argue there have been 3 phases to our organisation’s history:

    • an imperial phase under His Majesty George VI
    • a post-colonial phase under Her Majesty Elizabeth II
    • and now, under His Majesty Charles III, we have entered a new multipolar phase

    And this mirrors changes in the wider world. We are now well and truly in a multipolar age. And we face global challenges which can only be overcome if we all – all of us, the Global North and the Global South – focus on tackling them together.

    The Commonwealth must show how we can contribute then to achieving that unity of purpose. In doing so, we benefit from an array of legacies.

    Like that of my dear friend Baroness Scotland, who has overseen the establishment of the Climate Finance Hub and the Blue Charter, the growth in our membership, and ensured the Commonwealth’s voice is heard at the top tables of diplomacy across the world.

    And that of the late, great Guyanese Secretary-General, Sir ‘Sonny’ Ramphal, Who embedded the Commonwealth’s reputation as a unique platform for taking action on global challenges, for giving a voice to small states, for helping to forge closer, more equitable, relations between the Global North and the Global South.

    Next month, we will select our new Secretary-General. Africa is central to the world’s future – demographically, economically, and of course geopolitically. So I am excited that our next Secretary-General will hail from one of our African members. And I look forward to working with them to build on their predecessors’ efforts.

    Of course, we are also building on the enormous legacy of Her late Majesty The Queen. Two years since her passing, we treasure her role in cementing ties between us. The warmth and affection in which she is held across the Commonwealth testifies, both to her skills as a diplomat – she was, quite simply, the greatest diplomat of our time and to her vision for how to do diplomacy – a vision, frankly, far ahead of its time.

    A vision of leaders in the Global North and Global South working together, in a spirit of partnership. A vision that the Commonwealth exemplifies, as a forum in which voices from all corners of the globe – one third of the world’s population – are heard and respected.

    His Majesty the King, as Head of the Commonwealth, has been clear that he shares the vision of a family of nations in tackling the challenges of our time, strengthened by sharing diverse perspectives and experiences. And it is a vision embraced by the new British Government as well.

    This government will only succeed in reconnecting Britain with the world on the basis of mutual respect. And so it is natural for us to want to seize the opportunities the Commonwealth offers, particularly with leaders gathering in Samoa in October.

    Friends, at that meeting, I believe passionately that leaders should come together, listen to one another, engage in a spirit of respect.

    But it is also vital that we:

    • focus on the existential challenges we share
    • focus on the actions which can make the biggest difference
    • focus on how we maximise the Commonwealth’s enormous, enormous potential

    And I set just 3 priority areas that we could look at.

    The first of these is supporting economic growth. The Commonwealth’s combined GDP is expected to reach nineteen-and-a-half trillion dollars by the end of 2027 – nearly double what it was ten years before. We should take advantage of that, focusing more on increasing investment flows.

    In Samoa, with other members, I will launch a comprehensive plan of action to pool our shared expertise, boost investment opportunities, and harness new technologies for all over the next 2 years. Growth must be shared. Growth must be sustainable. And we must deliver it together.

    The next area, of course, is tackling the climate emergency. There is no long-term geopolitical stability without climate stability. And there can be no climate stability without a common sense of purpose coordinated action in the Global North and Global South. I therefore want the Commonwealth to play a clearer, more powerful role in building a green and sustainable future.

    In Samoa, we must further raise our ambitions for the Climate Finance Access Hub commit to stronger support for Small Island Developing States and step-up action to protect nature and the ocean. Climate action is essential for passing a liveable planet to future generations. And we must deliver it together.

    And the final area that we could focus on is education of course and the skills of wonderful, beautiful young people. As Member of Parliament representing an inner city constituency here in London, I know what it does to young people to be told that they have no future.

    And as someone who was fortunate enough because of that hard work of my parents, that great Windrush generation I was fortunate enough to have the chance to study at Harvard University, I know how educational opportunities can set you on a completely different path.

    In Samoa, we must support even more scholarships, places and learning via our various excellent education programmes. Sixty percent of Commonwealth citizens are not yet 30 years old. They deserve the chance to benefit from greater opportunities in life. And we must deliver this together.

    Delivering together – I have tried to give a small flavour of how we can do this in Samoa. I am very grateful to the Government and people of Samoa for preparing so effectively for CHOGM and our gathering – and welcome the first such meeting in a Pacific Island Country.

    In his final address as Secretary-General, Sir ‘Sonny’ Ramphal reflected on how such gatherings feel like a bit of a club. Members share a special relationship, an intimacy, with one another. And this creates a particular chemistry.

    In Samoa, leaders with different points of view, facing different circumstances, will nevertheless come together, understand each other’s point of view and perspective, and agree to deliver things together.

    That is what makes the Commonwealth unique. That is the vision of Her Late Majesty The Queen. The vision she championed. And that is the spirit which I engage with the Commonwealth, in Samoa and beyond.

    Thank you so much for the privilege to serve.

  • Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech in Berlin

    Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech in Berlin

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 28 August 2024.

    Thank you.

    And can I first express my sincere condolences for the shocking attack in Solingen last week.

    Our country knows what it’s like to suffer such senseless and despicable acts…

    And our thoughts are with all the families affected by this terrible event.

    And Olaf – thank you.

    It’s fantastic to be with you here in Berlin.

    Not, alas…

    My first visit here as Prime Minister.

    Football, it turns out…

    Decided to visit it’s second home in Spain, this time.

    But anyway – it was still an incredible experience…

    And a showcase for the fantastic hospitality of this great nation.

    So thank you for hosting yet another episode in English footballing trauma! I’ve been through a lot.

    Anyway – I’m delighted to be back at this moment of opportunity for our two countries.

    Olaf – on every occasion we’ve met, we’ve talked about our ambitions for the future…

    Our values of security, prosperity, respect…

    And our shared determination to harness the power of government…

    For the service of working people.

    That is what we are doing today.

    A new UK-Germany Treaty…

    A once in a generation chance to deliver for working people…

    In Britain and in Germany.

    A new agreement…

    A testament to the depth and potential of our relationship.

    With deeper links on science, technology, development, people, businesses, culture.

    A boost to our trading relations…

    Germany – of course, already the UK’s second largest trading partner in the world.

    And through that – a chance to create jobs here and in the UK…

    And deliver that most precious of goods, for both our countries…

    Economic growth.

    Let me be clear – growth is the number one mission of my Government.

    And what we understand, clearly…

    Is that building relationships with our partners – here in Germany and across Europe…

    Is vital to achieving it.

    That is what our agreement today represents – the chance that we have.

    We’ll also deepen cooperation on shared social challenges…

    For example, on illegal migration.

    Because we cannot smash the smuggling gangs who perpetrate this vile trade…

    Without the help of our partners.

    And I’m really glad that we had substantive discussions today about how we tackle the smuggling gangs and agreed to develop a joint action plan to tackle illegal migration.

    So we will renew our commitment to the Calais Group…

    Enhance our intelligence sharing on organised immigration crime.

    But also – increase collaboration on tackling climate change.

    An important goal for the planet, of course…

    For greater energy security…

    But also – for tackling the drivers of challenges like illegal migration at source.

    And finally – at the heart of this Treaty…

    Will be a new Defence Agreement.

    An agreement that builds upon our already formidable defence co-operation…

    But which expands that relationship to face the threats of a volatile world, together.

    That of course means a shared resolve to stand up for the security of our people and the wider European continent.

    And that begins with our unyielding support for Ukraine – we discussed that in some detail today.

    Because, as Europe’s largest contributors to Ukraine’s war efforts…

    And as the nations with the highest defence expenditure among European countries in NATO…

    We know only too well the debt we owe to the Ukrainian people…

    Who fight not just to defend themselves…

    But for all the people of Europe.

    So today – we reaffirmed our commitment to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

    We also share a common commitment to resolve the crisis in the Middle East, and agree on:

    …Israel’s right to self-defence, in compliance with International Humanitarian Law…

    …the need for de-escalation across the region; and for restraint and caution to be exercised…

    Unfettered humanitarian access into Gaza…

    …agreement to a ceasefire and release of all hostages…

    …and the importance of working together towards a political solution…

    based on the creation of a Palestinian State alongside a safe and secure Israel.

    The only way to provide long-term peace and security for both Israelis and Palestinians.

    That of course – is not an easy goal.

    But it is one that we are committed to pursuing, together.

    Because – as today shows…

    Britain can advance its interests much more effectively…

    When we stand with our friends and partners.

    This Treaty is part of a wider reset – grounded in a new spirit of co-operation… with our shared understanding that this will be developed at pace and that we hope to have agreed it by the end of the year.

    A Britain reconnected…

    Resetting our relationships…

    Rediscovering our common interest…

    Delivering for working people.

    Britain and Germany already have an incredible relationship.

    We invest billions in each other’s countries.

    Thousands and thousands of jobs are supported through trade.

    And every year, millions of people travel between our two countries…

    Exchanging ideas…

    Collaborating, creating and connecting.

    But today – we build on that…

    A bright new future for UK-German relations…

    Two great countries – brought closer together than ever before.

    The strongest strategic partners in Europe and on the world stage.

    Thank you so much for hosting us here today.

  • Eric Pickles – 2024 Speech at the 80th Anniversary of the Genocide of the Roma Ceremony at Auschwitz

    Eric Pickles – 2024 Speech at the 80th Anniversary of the Genocide of the Roma Ceremony at Auschwitz

    The speech made by Eric Pickles in Auschwitz, Poland on 2 August 2024.

    Dear survivors, your excellencies, friends,

    Here, we stand at the epicentre of evil, remembering the murdered and the lost. Remembering those that suffered and survived the murder factory of Auschwitz-Birkenau and the other death camps of Europe run by the Nazis and their collaborators.

    The Holocaust and the genocide of the Roma are well documented. There are plenty of photographs that burn into the retina, leaving indelible images impossible to forget.

    For me, this uniquely depraved time is symbolised by two haunting photographs, both of children. Symbolising the waste and the loss of young life cut short and its unfulfilled promise.

    Firstly, the photograph of a frightened and confused seven-year-old Tsvi Nussbaum, with his hands raised over his head, surrounded by heavily armed German soldiers at the end of the Warsaw Uprising—a child victim surrounded by adult bullies. Tsvi may have survived; I hope he did.

    Secondly, “The Girl with the Headscarf” is a nine-year-old Dutch Romani girl looking out of a railway truck. In this case too, we have a name: Anna Maria ‘Settela’ Steinbach. The terror and hopelessness in that young girl’s face will stay with me forever. Sadly, Settela did not survive. She is a vivid symbol of a lost generation, of what could have been.

    Today, we remember people like Krystyna Gil—whom many of you knew personally—and places like Szczurowa.

    The village of Szczurowa had been home to Polish Roma families for centuries.

    But on July 3rd, 1943, a German police unit used local farmers to round up the Roma of the village and take them to the local churchyard on carts.

    They were murdered and buried in a mass grave. Afterwards, the Nazis and their collaborators burned the Roma homes.

    Krystyna survived because her mother managed, unnoticed, to pass her into the hands of her Polish grandmother.

    Krystyna’s mother, ten-year-old brother, two-year-old sister, three aunts, and four cousins were murdered.

    Krystyna survived in hiding with her non-Roma family for the remainder of the war.

    The murder of the ninety-three Szczurowa Roma was not an isolated incident.

    We know of over one-hundred-and-eighty sites in Poland alone where Roma were executed in large groups, sometimes together with Jewish people.

    So, the Polish Roma were killed in extermination camps, died in ghettos and murdered by the Nazi’s murder squads.

    There are differences depending on when and where you look.

    But one thing remains constant: none of this could have happened without deep-rooted prejudice against Roma. This prejudice continued after 1945, and Krystyna dedicated her life to fighting it.

    She was a major advocate for a memorial to mark the Szczurowa massacre, which was inaugurated in May 1966.

    In 1993, a large wooden cross was placed beside the monument, which pupils of the local school tend to this day.

    Krystyna continued to fight for the victims’ names to be specified on the memorial plaque. Eventually, in 2014, these names – which included those of her mother, siblings, aunts and cousins – were added.

    Throughout the 1990s she was active in the Association of Roma in Poland. In 2000 she founded the first organization for Roma women in Poland.

    She worked tirelessly to educate young people about what she had experienced and everything she had lost. To make them aware of what can happen when antigypsyism is ignored, when history is neglected.

    We are here because we refuse to neglect this history.

    We are here because of people like Krystyna.

    We are here to carry on her work.

    In 2020, the Member Countries of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, the IHRA, pledged their political commitment to remember this history, to honour the victims and the survivors.

    That same year, we adopted the IHRA working definition of antigypsyism/anti-Roma discrimination, which provides a starting point for raising awareness and for taking action.

    In 2018, the Czech government closed down the industrial pig farm at Lety on the site of a former concentration camp for Roma. In March this year, I attended the moving ceremony which saw the opening of the Lety Memorial.

    Remembrance triumphed over neglect and a government took ownership of their duty to history.

    Earlier this year the groundbreaking online Encyclopaedia of the Nazi Genocide of the Sinti and Roma in Europe was launched.

    It marks the first comprehensive overview of the existing knowledge on the persecution and murder of the Sinti and Roma under National Socialism.

    And as you heard yesterday, the IHRA is now finalising a set of recommendations to help policy makers include this history in education curricula.

    It will sit alongside the materials to help educators teach about the broader history of Roma in Europe developed by the Council of Europe.

    These milestones are the result of the work of activists and survivors like Krystyna, who, sadly, passed away in 2021.

    Krystyna’s message to young people was simple. And it remains a reminder to us all:

    “Respect each other, love one another. Do not hate one another, because it does not lead to anything good, only bad.”

    We remember, because the neglect of this history plays into anti-Roma discrimination today.

    We remember, to ensure governments and society reflect openly and honestly on our pasts.

    Democratic values can only be built on truth and the truth can never harm us.

    Krystyna and other survivors and activists laid the groundwork. Now it’s up to us to truly embed education, commemoration, and research of this history into our institutions.

    It’s up to us to remember the truth.

  • David Lammy – 2024 Statement on the Restart of Negotiations on Gaza Ceasefire

    David Lammy – 2024 Statement on the Restart of Negotiations on Gaza Ceasefire

    The statement made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 15 August 2024.

    We are at a crucial moment for global stability. The coming hours and days could define the future of the Middle East. That is why today, and every day, we are urging for our partners across the region to choose peace.

    As the UK made clear at the UN Security Council this week, the situation in Gaza is devastating. The strike on the al-Tabeen school demonstrated that Palestinians in Gaza have nowhere safe to turn.

    These talks are an opportunity to secure an immediate ceasefire that protects civilians in Gaza, secures the release of hostages still cruelly held by Hamas and restores stability at a dangerous moment for the region.

    The UK will continue to use every diplomatic lever to bring about a ceasefire. In the last week, I have spoken with partners from across the region on the urgent need to bring this conflict to an end and the Prime Minister has spoken to his US, French and German counterparts, as well as the Iranian and Egyptian Presidents.

    It’s clear from these conversations that a ceasefire would not only protect civilians in Gaza, but also pave the way for wider de-escalation and bring much-needed stability for the Middle East.

    It is in the interests of both Israelis and Palestinians for a deal to be agreed, urgently. I urge all parties to engage in the negotiations in good faith and show the flexibility needed to reach an agreement.

    I thank Qatar, Egypt, the US and all international partners for their efforts in co-ordinating this vital moment.

  • David Lammy – 2024 Statement on the Bangladesh Interim Government

    David Lammy – 2024 Statement on the Bangladesh Interim Government

    The statement made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 9 August 2024.

    The UK welcomes the appointment of the interim government in Bangladesh, led by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus. The interim government has the UK’s support as it works to restore peace and order, for the sake of the Bangladeshi people. We urge all actors to prevent further violence and loss of life.

    The people of Bangladesh deserve accountability and a peaceful pathway to an inclusive democratic future.

  • David Lammy – 2024 Statement on Situation in Bangladesh

    David Lammy – 2024 Statement on Situation in Bangladesh

    The statement made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 5 August 2024.

    The last 2 weeks in Bangladesh have seen unprecedented levels of violence and tragic loss of life. A transitional period has been announced by the Chief of the Army Staff.

    All sides now need to work together to end the violence, restore calm, de-escalate the situation and prevent any further loss of life.

    The people of Bangladesh deserve a full and independent UN-led investigation into the events of the past few weeks.

    The UK wants to see action taken to ensure Bangladesh a peaceful and democratic future. The UK and Bangladesh have deep people-to-people links and shared Commonwealth values.

  • David Lammy – 2024 Statement Following the Release of Vladimir Kara-Murza and Paul Whelan

    David Lammy – 2024 Statement Following the Release of Vladimir Kara-Murza and Paul Whelan

    The statement made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 1 August 2024.

    I strongly welcome the news that Russia has released a number of prisoners today, and am particularly relieved that British nationals Vladimir Kara-Murza and Paul Whelan will soon be reunited with their families.

    Mr Kara-Murza is a dedicated opponent of Putin’s regime. He should never have been in prison in the first place: the Russian authorities imprisoned him in life-threatening conditions because he courageously told the truth about the war in Ukraine. I pay tribute to his family’s courage in the face of such hardship and hope to speak to him soon.

    Paul Whelan and his family have also experienced an unimaginable ordeal. I look forward to speaking to him as he returns home to his family in the United States after over 5 years in detention.

  • David Lammy – 2024 Speech at ASEAN Foreign Minister’s Meeting in Laos

    David Lammy – 2024 Speech at ASEAN Foreign Minister’s Meeting in Laos

    The speech made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, in Laos on 26 July 2024.

    Thank you, Your Excellency Dato Erywan, for your kind words and all your work as UK Country Coordinator. And thank you, Deputy Prime Minister Saleumxay Kommasith, for hosting us in your beautiful country.

    As Foreign Secretary, I have a clear mission: reconnecting Britain with the world. Joining you at the end of only my third week in office shows my long-term commitment to this relationship.

    Britain’s new government recognises that the world is changing rapidly. That we are all stronger when we work together. And that in the Indo-Pacific in particular, ASEAN has a distinct and important voice, working to affirm ASEAN’s centrality for over 50 years.

    So I am delighted that Britain is now ASEAN’s 11th Dialogue Partner. We have made good progress on over 80% of our Plan of Action commitments, and we are showing a genuine spirit of partnership together.

    Take health. COVID sharply illustrated how interconnected the world has become. Today, UK experts have been involved in drafting the ASEAN One Health Plan. And I just launched a new Health Security Partnership Programme, so that together, we can prevent, detect and address health threats of the future.

    Our first joint statement shows our desire to take that spirit of partnership further.

    Let me highlight 3 areas where I see potential to do more.

    First, security. You founded ASEAN during the Cold War. Today, geopolitical rivalry is again on the rise. From Ukraine to Gaza, there are more active conflicts than at any time since 1945. We cannot treat these conflicts in isolation – prosperity and stability in the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific are indivisible.

    And so Britain is committed to working with you to promote peace and security in this region and beyond. By supporting ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus on Myanmar. And seeking to join the ASEAN Regional Forum and ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus.

    Second, economic growth. Our trading relationship is worth almost £50 billion.

    The UK is a top 10 investor in southeast Asia and the region’s third largest partner in financial services. If ASEAN were a single nation – and don’t worry, I recognise this disguises the great diversity of your membership – you would be Britain’s eighth biggest trading partner.

    We can deepen those ties, creating economic opportunities for all.

    Third, climate. Our new government is determined to be back at the forefront of climate action. We will take more action at home, and deepen partnerships abroad, including through our planned ASEAN-UK Green Transition Fund.

    Together, we need to seize the opportunities of the clean energy transition.

    It’s vital to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals – one of your priorities in the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, and to building more resilient economies on a liveable planet.

    Today is about dialogue. So I want to hear your priorities.

    Our goal must be to become even more closely connected. So that we can meet the challenges of this rapidly changing world.

  • Ed Davey – 2024 Speech on NATO and European Political Community Meetings

    Ed Davey – 2024 Speech on NATO and European Political Community Meetings

    The speech made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, in the House of Commons on 22 July 2024.

    I thank the Prime Minister for advance sight of the statement. Closer co-operation with our European neighbours is absolutely essential, whether on Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine or on tackling the criminal gangs responsible for the small-boats crisis, and I welcome the new Government’s change in approach. I also welcome their support for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. Clearly, we need to put an end to the humanitarian devastation there, get the hostages home, and open the door to a two-state solution. Upholding international law is also crucial. To that end, I hope the Government will respect last week’s ruling of the ICJ when they consider it.

    On the NATO summit, 70 years on from the foundation of NATO, the alliance has never been more relevant. We support the NATO summit pledge of long-term security assistance for Ukraine, as well as increased support now to ensure she can resist Russia’s attacks and liberate her territory. I am pleased that, in this new Parliament, this House will continue to stand united behind the brave Ukrainians opposing Russia’s illegal war, just as we have done together in recent years.

    However, I hope Members of this House will not be complacent about the impact that the upcoming US elections could have, not just on the security of the UK and our allies, but on the security of Ukraine. We must hope that the leadership of President Biden continues with his successor—I echo the Prime Minister’s tribute to President Biden—but whatever happens in the US, part of the answer is for the UK and Europe to increase defence spending. The previous Conservative Government have left a legacy of the smallest Army since the age of Napoleon and played fast and loose with public money, making our shared ambition to spend 2.5% of GDP on defence a much more complicated route. We look forward to the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s plan. I hope this Government will start by reversing the planned cuts to the Army of 10,000 troops. That is a vital first step, so will the Prime Minister reassure the House and the country that it will be a priority within the recently launched strategic defence review?

    We also urge the Government to move further and faster in taking steps to seize frozen Russian assets, of which there are £20 billion-worth on our shores and the same amount on the continent. I hope the Prime Minister recognises that we have an opportunity to lead within Europe on this vital issue: if the US cannot, Europe must.

    The Prime Minister

    I thank the right hon. Gentleman for raising those three issues. On the international courts, we respect the independence of the Court and international law—let me be very clear about that. I will not get tempted by questions about the US elections later this year, save to say that it will obviously be for the American people to decide who they want as their President, and as Members would expect, we will work with whoever is the President after they have made their choice. I take the right hon. Gentleman’s point about the low numbers of troops, which will be looked at in the strategic defence review that we are carrying out into threats, capability and resources.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech on NATO and European Political Community Meetings

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech on NATO and European Political Community Meetings

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 22 July 2024.

    I thank the Prime Minister for advance sight of his statement and join him in praising President Biden for his long career of public service both at home and abroad. Working together, we took our AUKUS partnership to the next level, supported Israel after the terrible events of 7 October, defended our countries from the Houthi threat and led global efforts to support Ukraine as it resisted Russia’s assault. On a personal level, it was a pleasure to work with him to strengthen the partnership between our two countries, and I wish him well.

    As the Prime Minister indicated, the world is increasingly uncertain—the most dangerous it has been since the end of the cold war. Russia continues its illegal and brutal invasion of Ukraine. Iran continues with its regionally destabilising behaviour. Both Iran and North Korea are supplying Russian forces in Ukraine as we speak, and China is adopting a more aggressive stance in the South China sea and the Taiwan strait. Together, that axis of authoritarian states is increasingly working together to undermine democracies and reshape the world order.

    In those circumstances, our alliances take on ever-greater importance. I commend the Prime Minister on his work with our closest allies at both the NATO summit in Washington and the European Political Community meeting at Blenheim. Across this House we built a strong consensus on foreign policy in the last Parliament, which has stood our country in good stead in this transition. Our allies, particularly Ukraine, know that although our Government have changed, Britain remains an active, involved and reliable partner.

    I am glad that the Prime Minister also shares our view of the value of the EPC community as a forum. I am pleased by and welcome the fact that he used the summit to discuss illegal migration, because it is one of the most pressing problems facing our entire continent. When it comes to illegal migration, we all face the same fundamental question: how to deal with people who come to our countries illegally while respecting our international obligations.

    Of course, it is not feasible or right to return Afghans to the Taliban, Syrians to Assad or Iranians to the ayatollahs, but nor can our country accommodate everyone who would like to leave Afghanistan, Syria or Iran and come here. I was pleased to hear the Prime Minister say that he was a pragmatist and that he would look at what works when it comes to squaring that circle. I urge him, in his conversations with other European leaders, to keep the option of further third-country migration partnerships on the table, as other countries have been discussing.

    I know the Prime Minister is also interested in pursuing a security and defence co-operation pact with the European Union, and here I just urge him to be alert to the trade- offs involved. I hope he can reassure the House that any closer co-operation with the EU will not adversely affect the technological and procurement aspects of our other alliances such as AUKUS. Of course we are a pillar of European security, as our leadership on Ukraine has shown, but we also have alliances and interests that extend beyond the European continent.

    Turning to the NATO summit, it was good to see the alliance reaffirming its commitment to Ukraine, with the UK at the heart of that leadership. I hope the Prime Minister will keep the House updated on how the new unit to co-ordinate our collective support to Ukraine will indeed lead to an increase in vital support. I urge the Prime Minister to continue stressing to our allies that now is the moment to increase, not to pare down, our backing for Ukraine, as the UK has continued to lead in doing.

    In the 75 years of its existence, NATO has established itself as the most successful defensive alliance in history. The best way to strengthen the alliance is for its non-American members to do more, to show that we do not expect the Americans to bear every burden, and I welcome the Prime Minister’s indication that the Chancellor will soon set out a clear path to investing 2.5% of GDP in our armed forces—I hope by 2030. That would both show the Americans that the other members of the alliance are serious about boosting our own capabilities, and show President Putin and our adversaries that we are serious about defending our borders and allies from Russian or any other aggression.

    The Prime Minister also spoke about the situation in the middle east. We all want to see progress towards a two-state solution where Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side in peace, prosperity and security. However, as we make progress towards that goal, our friend and ally Israel must have the right to defend itself against the threat that it is facing—a threat demonstrated by the drone strike on Tel Aviv at the end of last week by the Iranian-aligned Houthi rebels.

    In conclusion, I thank the Prime Minister for coming to update the House today. I can assure him that we on the Opposition Benches will work with him on these questions of foreign policy and national security. We will ask questions, probe and push for answers—that is our duty as the official Opposition—but we will always act in the national interest and work constructively with him to ensure the security of our country.

    The Prime Minister

    I thank the Leader of the Opposition for his welcome comments in relation to President Biden, which I am sure will be well received, and for what he said about the consensus on foreign policy in relation to NATO and the EPC. That is important, and I am glad that we have managed to get that consensus over recent years, because we are in a more volatile world, and the world is looking in to see unity in the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to Ukraine. I have commended the role of the previous Government in relation to Ukraine, and I do so again. I took the deliberate decision when I was Leader of the Opposition not to depart on Ukraine, because I took, and continue to take, the view that the only winner in that circumstance is Putin, who wants to see division. It is very important for Ukraine to see that continued unity across this House.

    We will of course work with others. In relation to the point made by the Prime Minister—[Interruption.] Old habits die hard. On the point made by the Leader of the Opposition about security and co-operation with our EU allies, I do believe that is to our mutual benefit, but I can assure him and the House that it does not cut across, or come at the cost of, other alliances. We are fully committed to AUKUS—as I made clear in opposition, and I take this early opportunity to affirm it in government—because it is an area on which there is an important consistency across the House.

    In relation to the conflict in Gaza, the more that we in this House can be united, the better. It is an issue of great complexity, but the approach that has been shown is the right one, and we take it forward in that spirit.

    Liam Byrne (Birmingham Hodge Hill and Solihull North) (Lab)

    I congratulate the Prime Minister on his flying start on the world stage, and on his determination to build not simply a rules-based order, but a rights-based order rooted in what Churchill called the great charter and we call the European convention on human rights. We want its freedoms and liberties to be enjoyed by the people of Ukraine, but that will take victory over Russia. It will need more than courage; it will need resources. Did he discuss with international colleagues the need not simply to freeze Russian assets, but to seize and put them to work in defeating once and for all the tyranny of President Putin?

    The Prime Minister

    I thank my right hon. Friend for that question on the centrality of the Ukraine issue. Yes, of course, that requires resource and more pressure in relation to sanctions, but it also requires resolve. A key issue coming out of the NATO council in Washington was the real sense, particularly in relation to Ukraine, of a bigger NATO—with more countries than ever at the council—a stronger NATO, and a unity of resolve in standing up to Russian aggression, particularly in Ukraine. Resources and sanctions were central to the agenda there.