Category: Foreign Affairs

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 15 June 2024.

    Thank you President Amherd, President Zelenskyy.

    Colleagues, Russia chose to wage war on Ukraine, and we come here united because we choose peace.

    Peace based on the foundational principles of the United Nations Charter.

    The Ukrainian people did not ask for this fight.

    But, in defending their country, their valour and their sacrifice has been truly humbling to witness.

    It is a cruel paradox…

    …that the things that make life worth living…

    …are also the things for which brave men and women are prepared to die.

    For family.

    For freedom.

    For the ability to shape one’s own future.

    We salute them all…

    …just as we abhor all of those who have pushed this fate upon them.

    I recall my first visit to Kyiv where I saw the explosive devices that departing Russian soldiers had placed in children’s toys and footballs.

    There can be no justification for that.

    There can be no justification for escalating nuclear rhetoric.

    There can be no justification for disrupting food supplies to tens of millions of vulnerable people.

    Now there will be of course a diversity of views round this table, but I commend and thank everyone for their participation here today, demonstrating that you all seek a genuine peace to this conflict.

    Because Putin has no interest in genuine peace.

    He has launched a sustained diplomatic campaign against this very summit, ordering countries to stay away.

    And we should ask, why does Russia feel that they are so threatened by a summit discussing the basic principles of territorial integrity, food security and nuclear safety?

    Instead, Russia’s representative at the United Nations said recently that:

    “The only topic for any international meetings on Ukraine will be the unconditional surrender of the Kyiv regime”.

    Well that will never happen.

    Because aggression cannot and will not prevail.

    Instead, we must set out the principles for a just and lasting peace, based on international law and the UN Charter.

    That is the path to a permanent cessation of hostilities.

    Showing that we will always protect the right of all nations to determine their own future.

    This summit is a chance to start down that path…

    To respond together to the global impacts of the war in Ukraine, to send a strong message from the international community to Russia and beyond, that we want to end the suffering.

    We want to see an end to this war.

    And we want to make this the day that the path towards a just and lasting peace in Ukraine became that much closer.

    Thank you.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Remarks at the G7 Press Conference

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Remarks at the G7 Press Conference

    The remarks made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 14 June 2024.

    Let me start by thanking Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and the Italian people for welcoming us to Puglia.

    I’ve come to this Summit to stand with our allies and friends…

    …as we protect the United Kingdom’s security, our prosperity, and our values.

    And the stakes could hardly be higher.

    The world today is more dangerous than it has been for decades.

    War rages in Ukraine and the Middle East.

    Conflict, climate change, and hunger has displaced more than 100 million people globally.

    And new technologies like AI create new opportunities and significant new risks.

    That’s why the UK has made a hard and fast pledge to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP by 2030.

    We’re taking unprecedented action to stop the boats and reduce migration.

    And I’m pleased that the G7 has today committed to closer coordination on AI safety…

    …following the UK’s lead at Bletchley Park.

    Because the problems we face are global in nature – so we need global solutions.

    And that’s what I’ve been arguing for at this G7 Summit.

    First, on migration.

    Illegal migration is now a global emergency.

    More people are moving across borders today than at any other time in history.

    We cannot stand by and watch this human tragedy unfold.

    The G7 has focused on dealing with the root causes of migration…

    …including a new package of UK development assistance for Africa…

    …and Italy’s new Apulia Food Systems initiative to tackle food insecurity.

    We’re also doing more to combat the people traffickers…

    …because we all agree that it is for sovereign nations to control their borders, and not criminal gangs.

    And the G7 has together launched a new coalition to counter people smuggling.

    And I’m particularly pleased the G7 has agreed to work together…

    …to make sure the governance of migration is effective and sustainable.

    The second area of G7 action is on China.

    China’s assertiveness has only intensified since our last Summit in Hiroshima.

    Their actions threaten to undermine the free and open Indo-Pacific.

    They’ve conducted cyber targeting of democratically elected British MPs.

    And China is increasingly working together with other authoritarian states like Iran, North Korea, and Russia.

    Around 80% of Russia’s battlefield components come from Chinese companies.

    That’s why the UK has issued sanctions against Chinese entities interfering with our democracy.

    It’s why we’ve protected our technologies and supply chains through the National Security Investment Act.

    And it’s why we’ll always act in concert with allies to deter China’s most aggressive actions, and protect our economic security.

    But we need to keep the pressure on.

    The UK and others have already sanctioned Chinese entities for facilitating Russia’s defence industry.

    The G7 has now agreed with that principle.

    So the message is clear:

    If you prop up Russia’s war economy, prolonging this illegal war, you will pay a price.

    And that leads to my third point: the G7’s complete and total unity with Ukraine.

    Ukraine’s security is our security.

    We are in this for the long term. Putin will not outlast us.

    The UK has committed £3bn of military aid every year to the end of the decade.

    We’re dialling up the economic pressure on Russia with 50 new sanctions this week alone.

    And we’ve just announced over £240m for reconstruction.

    But as I’ve long argued, Russia itself must pay for the destruction it caused.

    And now, Russia will pay.

    Because at this Summit, the G7 has reached a historic breakthrough.

    After months of intensive discussions, we’ve agreed a new loan for Ukraine worth $50bn.

    And it will be repaid not by our taxpayers, but by the extraordinary revenues…

    …that come from frozen Russian assets, in Europe and around the world.

    This is just and it is right.

    But true justice will only come when Russia leaves Ukraine.

    Tomorrow I will be travelling to the Ukraine Peace Summit in Switzerland.

    Our goal is peace.

    But let us not confuse peace with surrender.

    Putin’s Russia is the aggressor.

    They brought war to a peaceful continent.

    Wreaked death and devastation on the people of Ukraine.

    Caused famine and hardship around the world.

    So peace must be based on international law and the UN charter. And it must be on Ukraine’s terms.

    That is what justice looks like.

    That is what we must work towards.

    That is how we secure a future for Ukraine that is peaceful, democratic, and free.

    And we, the G7, will stand united with Ukraine until that day comes.

    Thank you.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech on the 80th Anniversary of D-Day

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Speech on the 80th Anniversary of D-Day

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 6 June 2024.

    Eighty years ago, the weather broke – and the greatest invasion force in history left the shores of Britain to liberate Europe.

    We are here today to remember the sacrifice of the tens of thousands who did not make it home.

    And we are here to honour the service of those who did.

    Men like Ken Cooke.

    18 years old. He’d never been on a boat before. He’d never been on a beach before.

    Yet with his regiment, the Green Howards, he landed in the first wave to storm Gold Beach.

    Or Stan Ford, 19, who was manning a gun turret on HMS Fratton when a torpedo struck, blowing him into the water.

    The ship sank in 4 minutes. 31 of Stan’s shipmates were lost from a crew of 80.

    Or Royal Marine Dennis Donovan, who landed on Juno Beach alongside Canadian forces.

    They fought their way off the beach and into the bitter house-to-house fighting to take Langrune-sur-Mer.

    By the end of the first day, a quarter of his unit was dead or wounded.

    Ken, Stan, and Dennis are here today, alongside dozens of their fellow veterans.

    We are humbled to be with you. And for what you did that day, we will always be grateful.

    I can guess how they might feel when they hear us applaud their courage.

    “I’m no hero”, they will say. “I just did my duty”.

    That humility is so much a part of why they are truly the best of us.

    But to call one person a hero does not diminish the heroism of others.

    Each of you who contributed that day – sailor, soldier, aviator, civilian…

    …whether you fought on the beaches, or parachuted from the skies, or flew fighters or gliders…

    …whether you were an engineer, or a radio operator, or an intelligence officer…

    …your actions freed a continent and built a better world.

    You risked everything. And we owe you everything.

    We cannot possibly hope to repay that debt.

    But we can – and we must – pledge never to forget.

    After the war, many of you dedicated your lives to telling the story of what happened here.

    You sold poppies and raised millions for charity.

    You taught generations of young people about the horrors of war.

    You lived lives of quiet dignity and dedication in your homes, workplaces, communities.

    Yet with each passing year, it falls now to those of us who listened in awe to your stories…

    …to pass them on to our own children and grandchildren.

    Because only by remembering can we make certain that the cause you fought for…

    …and that so many of your friends and colleagues died for…

    …that great cause of freedom, peace, and democracy…

    …will never be taken for granted.

    That is why we come here today.

    That is why we honour our veterans – now and always.

    And that is why I ask those who can, to rise and please join me in giving our heroes the welcome they so deserve.

  • Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech on a Safer Britain

    Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech on a Safer Britain

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 3 June 2024.

    Thank you, let me start by saying thank you Louise – for your service. What a fantastic contribution you will make to Parliament as the Labour MP for North East Derbyshire. And thank you John – for all your support and your leadership on this vital issue.

    Now, this week is the 80th anniversary of D-Day, so I want to start by remembering the bravery of those soldiers who sailed from the South of England to the beaches of France. The individual courage and the collective strength of our troops whose sacrifice that day turned the tide of the Second World War, brought liberation to Europe, and secured our freedom.

    This week and every week – we will remember them.

    And we will honour them.

    Some gave their lives so we could live freely. Others returned home to build a new Britain. We salute those who remain with us today and keep the memory of their fallen comrades alive. And we recognise with one voice, as a nation, that our debt can never be paid in full.

    But of course – we can honour their sacrifice with our decisions today. And we must. Because sadly, the world we live in today is perhaps more dangerous and volatile than at any time since then, and frankly, for my generation, that’s a shock.

    I mean, I remember vividly the day the Berlin Wall came down in 1989. I remember how I felt. A sense of freedom, of possibility, of peace. European countries once again free to choose their own futures, new allegiances being made, friendships forged out of the scars of war.

    And above all, a sense – as the wall came down – nothing like that could happen again. An end of an era.

    I didn’t think that in my lifetime I would see Russian tanks entering a European country again. The rumble of war rolling across our continent, soldiers kissing their children goodbye, desperate families fleeing across European borders in search of safety.

    But in that moment, as we saw those pictures from Kyiv, I understood.

    The post-war era is over and a new age of insecurity has begun. An era where the burden of history – for people and nations will once again, be heavier on our backs.

    National security is the most important issue of our times. Something which, of course, is always true, and which for us, if we are privileged to serve our country, will become our solemn responsibility.

    That’s not something I say lightly: the security and defence of our nation is personal to my family. Like so many families, I have relatives who served in the second world war. My mum’s brother, my uncle Roger, served in the Falklands on HMS Antelope. And I remember the terrible wait when his ship was bombed.

    My mum’s fear as she sat by the radio every day, listening for news, and then the relief, a long week later, when we found out he had survived. So I know the courage, the service, and the sacrifice that allows us to sleep soundly at night from our forces and their families.

    I know it. I respect it. And I will serve it – with every decision. It is part of my story, and the reason why I said – from day one of my leadership – that the Labour Party had to change.

    Change for a purpose. To respect your service, face the future in this dangerous world, and above all – to keep Britain safe. That is why, with my changed Labour Party, national security will always come first.

    That’s a message I took to Kyiv last year when I visited President Zelensky. A pledge of unwavering British support in the face of Russian tyranny. But we have to be resolute, not just in our support for Ukraine but also – in this era, at home.

    We must face down malign actors who try to attack and weaken our nation, and not just through traditional warfare over air, land and sea, but with hybrid threats – to our energy supply, cyber security, information warfare.

    Now – I would prefer if politics were kept out of this issue – even at this election. Throughout the whole of this Parliament. I have deliberately not been partisan over issues of national security.

    Yet just before this election, the Tories questioned this Labour Party’s commitment to national security. And I will not let that stand. The people of Britain need to know that their leaders will keep them safe – and we will. Furthermore, the truth is that after 14 years of the Tories, we are less safe and less secure.

    You don’t have to take my word for it. The Tory’s own former defence secretary says the government has failed to take defence seriously. We have the smallest army since the time of Napoleon, at a time when other countries are firmly on a war footing.

    So – even as we work tirelessly for peace, we have to be fit to fight.

    So let me be unequivocal. This Labour Party is totally committed to the security of our nation. To our armed forces. And, importantly, to our nuclear deterrent.

    Just a few weeks ago I visited BAE Systems in Barrow-in-Furness. I was the first Labour leader to visit in 30 years.

    I saw the nuclear submarines being made. I saw an industry that supports the local community and I met workers who are proud to be doing their bit for our national security.

    They deserve our full support, and they will get it. The nuclear deterrent is the foundation of any plan to keep Britain safe – it is essential.

    That’s why Labour has announced a new triple-lock commitment to our nuclear deterrent. We’ll maintain Britain’s Continuous at Sea deterrent 24 hours a day, 365 days a year.

    Deliver all the needed future upgrades and we will build four new nuclear submarines like the ones I saw in Barrow. That won’t just keep us safe, it will also support good jobs and growth across the UK.

    One of my first visits after I became leader of the Labour Party was to Plymouth, the frontline of defence in this country. Devonport alone employs 2,500 service people and civilians, it supports 400 local businesses, and it generates around 10% of Plymouth’s income.

    And when I was there, I met the shipbuilding apprentices – talented, ambitious young people. And I looked them in the eye and promised that I would fight for the future of Plymouth’s defence industry. And I will.

    Because it’s only by harnessing and supporting the strength of proud communities like Plymouth, Barrow, Aldershot, and so many more, that means we can safeguard our security and our growth for the decades to come.

    I mean look at Ukraine now. Industrial capacity is an absolutely critical part of security. So with Labour, Britain will be fit to fight. Within the first year of a Labour government, we will carry out a new strategic defence review. And we’re absolutely committed to spending 2.5% of GDP on defence as soon as possible, because we know our security isn’t just vital for our safety today, it’s absolutely central to our success for the future.

    National security and economic security must go hand in hand.

    And we also know that playing our part on the world stage makes us stronger and better off at home. So make no mistake: I am absolutely committed to rebuilding relationships with our allies. I went to the Munich Security Conference back in February, I met with world leaders from the US, Europe and the Middle East and I met the Secretary General of NATO. And I pledged to each of them that with a Labour government, the UK would be a point of stability in a chaotic world, that we would always meet our international obligations, take our responsibilities seriously and be a leader on the world stage once more.

    Because when I spoke about D-Day at the beginning I wasn’t just talking about respect for our past, I was thinking about our future as well. Because that is the best example of what cooperation can achieve in the face of fascism and aggression.

    Our joint endeavour, our shared values, our common respect for freedom, democracy, liberty, that’s what we were fighting for and that fight never stops.

    There is a narrative you see sometimes that our values are a point of weakness. That’s what Putin thinks.

    But he’s wrong. Ukraine has shown that, and we must be prepared to stand up as well, because those values are our cause and our strength.

    Let me be clear. This is not a party-political issue, this is a national issue. It affects every single individual, every community, and Labour will always put our country first. We will serve working people across our nation, and respect our armed forces as they continue to protect our country.

    But on July 4th there is a choice. And you can choose to rebuild a country that is proud to stand shoulder to shoulder with European allies, that leads the way in standing up for our values and our freedom, all around the world, and that will never shy away from doing our duty at home and abroad.

    A stronger, safer, more secure Britain with Labour.

    That is the choice. It’s time to stop the chaos, time to turn the page and rebuild our country, together.

    Thank you very much.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Policy Exchange Speech on Security

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Policy Exchange Speech on Security

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 13 May 2024.

    Thank you Dean for that warm welcome. At some point during the second half of this year, we will all go to the polls and make a choice. Not just about Conservatives versus Labour, or Sunak versus Starmer. It will be a choice between the future and the past. I remain confident that my party can prevail, not just because of our record alone, but because we will be the only party really talking about the future and not with vague lofty platitudes, but with bold ideas and a clear plan that can change our society for the better and restore peoples’ confidence and pride in our country.

    I feel a profound sense of urgency. Because more will change in the next five years than in the last thirty.

    I’m convinced that the next few years will be some of the most dangerous, yet the most transformational, our country has ever known.

    So the question we face today is this: Who has the clear plan and bold ideas to deliver a secure future for you and your family?

    The dangers that threaten our country are real. They are increasing in number. An axis of authoritarian states like Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China is working together to undermine us and our values.

    War has returned to Europe, with our NATO allies warning that if Putin succeeds in Ukraine, they might be next.

    War rages, too, in the Middle East as Israel defends itself not only against the terrorists of Hamas but a barrage of missiles fired – for the first time – directly from Iran.

    Right now in Africa, conflicts are being fought in 18 different countries. And Putin’s recklessness has taken us closer to a dangerous nuclear escalation than at any point since the Cuban missile crisis.

    These are not faraway problems. Iranian proxies are firing on British ships in the Red Sea, disrupting goods destined for our high streets.

    Here at home, China has conducted cyber targeting of our democratically elected MPs. Russia has poisoned people with chemical weapons.

    And when Putin cut off the gas supplies it had a devastating impact on people’s lives and threatened our energy security.

    And in this world of greater conflict and danger, 100 million people are now displaced globally.

    Countries like Russia are weaponising immigration for their own ends, and criminal gangs keep finding new routes across European borders.

    Illegal migration is placing an intolerable strain on our security and our sense of fairness, and unless we act now and act boldly this problem is only going to grow.

    Extremists are also exploiting these global conflicts to divide us.

    People are abusing our liberal democratic values – the freedom of speech and right of protest – to intimidate, threaten and assault others, to sing antisemitic chants on our streets and our university campuses, and to weaponise the evils of anti-Semitism or anti-Muslim hatred in a divisive, ideological attempt to set Briton against Briton.

    And from gender activists hijacking children’s sex education to cancel culture, vocal and aggressive fringe groups are trying to impose their views on the rest of us.

    They’re trying to make it morally unacceptable to believe something different and undermine people’s confidence and pride in our own history and identity. Scottish nationalists are even trying to tear our United Kingdom apart.

    But for all the dangers ahead, few are felt more acutely than people’s sense of financial insecurity. We’ve been pounded by a series of once-in-a-generation shocks.

    The worst international financial crisis since the great depression in the 1930s. The first global pandemic since the Spanish flu in 1918.

    The biggest energy shock since the 1970s. Global forces, yet they are hitting our living standards here at home.

    We must be prepared strategically, economically, with robust plans and greater national resilience, to meet this time of instability with strength.

    And people’s sense of insecurity is only heightened by the fears about new technologies like AI.

    When the IMF says 40% of jobs could be affected, or hundreds of leading experts say the risks could be on a par with pandemics or nuclear war, and when children are exposed to bullying, sexualised content or even self-harm online, people want to know they’ve got someone in charge who understands these dangers, because only if you understand what is happening can you be trusted to keep us safe.

    But the paradox of our age is that for all the profound dangers we face, right now, we also hold in our hands an opportunity for human progress that could surpass the industrial revolution in speed and breadth.

    Technologies like AI will do for the 21st century what the steam engine and electricity did for the 19th.

    They’ll accelerate human progress by complementing what we do, by speeding up the discovery of new ideas, and by assisting almost every aspect of human life.

    Think of the investment they will bring, the jobs they’ll create, and the increase in all our living standards they’ll deliver.

    Credible estimates suggest AI alone could double our productivity in the next decade.

    And in doing so, help us create a world of less suffering, more freedom, choice, and opportunity.

    Just imagine. Every child in school with their own personalised tutor, and every teacher free to spend more time personally developing each student.

    New frontiers in medical diagnostics where a single picture of your eyes can not only detect blindness but predict other diseases like heart attacks or Parkinson’s.

    And counterintuitive as it may seem, throughout human history, the greatest breakthroughs of science and learning have so often come at the moments of greatest danger.

    The first electronic digital computers were developed by British codebreakers in the Second World War. Solar technology went from powering pocket calculators to a viable commercial technology following the energy crisis of the 1970s.

    The fastest development, and deployment, of a vaccine in history came during the Covid pandemic.

    And so it is incumbent upon us to make this a period not just of great danger, but great progress, too.

    That’s why we launched a bold plan to make science and technology our new national purpose.

    We’re rightly proud of Britain’s spirit of discovery and entrepreneurship made us the leading country in the industrial revolution.

    But we can be just as proud, just as confident, just as optimistic about our future, and our prospects to lead again in this new industrial age.

    And doing so will enrich our lives and create good, well-paid jobs in the growth industries of the future here at home.

    At the same time, new and fast-growing economic superpowers like India, Indonesia, and Nigeria are significantly reshaping the global economy.

    And just as this ever more interconnected world creates new dangers, it also creates new possibilities.

    The United Kingdom is uniquely placed to benefit. We’ve always been an open, trading, maritime nation; and Brexit has given us the opportunity to trade even more.

    And we invent, discover, and produce new products and services that the world wants to buy.

    From aircraft wings in Filton, to financial services in Glasgow, to incredible cultural exports like film, music, and TV, or sports like the Premier League.

    Everywhere from rural Kenya to the cityscapes of South Korea, people stay up all times of day and night to watch their favourite British team.

    It’s no wonder that Brexit Britain has leapt above France, Japan, and the Netherlands to become the world’s fourth biggest exporter.

    And the more we export, the better our businesses will do, the more jobs we will create, the more wealth we will generate – right across our country.

    This is the opportunity before us. A world transformed by technological progress. Huge global markets hungry for new talent, goods, and services. You can see it all around us.

    Two brothers from Merseyside sat around their kitchen table and built Castore a £1bn sportswear business taking on global giants like Nike and Adidas, their kit now worn by Red Bull Formula 1 and Bayer Leverkusen.

    British companies and workers right across the country are pioneering offshore wind and exporting it around the world. Already, we’ve built the first floating offshore wind farm.

    And our innovations have helped reduce the cost of wind energy by around two-thirds, and increased the size of turbines to the equivalent of the Eiffel Tower with blades bigger than Big Ben.

    And you can see the opportunity too in healthcare, giving people longer, healthier lives. In Denmark, NovoNordisk created the Ozempic drug which is not only helping to tackle chronic disease globally, but singlehandedly grew Denmark’s entire economy last year.

    All this progress should show us that while this is one of the most dangerous periods we’ve ever known, it will also be one of the most transformational.

    And if we make the right choices, if we have a bold enough vision, then we should feel confidence, pride, and optimism that Britain’s future is secure.

    My point is this: our country stands at a crossroads. Over the next few years, from our democracy to our society to our economy – to the hardest questions of war and peace – almost every aspect of our lives is going to change.

    How we act in the face of these changes – not only to keep people safe and secure but to realise the opportunities too, will determine whether or not Britain will succeed in the years to come.

    There is an important choice facing the country because despite having 14 years with nothing to do but think about the future, Labour have almost nothing to say about it. No plans for our border, no plans for our energy security, no plans for our economy either and no principles either. Keir Starmer has gone from embracing Jeremy Corbyn to Natalie Elphicke, all in the cynical pursuit of power at any price. So Labour have no ideas, what they did have they’ve u-turned on. They have just one thing, a calculation that they can make you feel so bad about your country that you won’t have the energy to ask about what they might do with the incredible power that they will yield. I’m not saying the past doesn’t matter, I know people are feeling anxious and uncertain, that their sense of confidence and pride in this country has been knocked. I understand that, I accept it and I want to change it. What I cannot accept is Labour’s view that all the worries you have are because of 14 years of Conservative Government. In the last 14 years, we’ve made progress in the most difficult conditions any governments has faced since the Second World War.

    A world leading economy, we’ve seen the 3rd highest growth rate in the G7, and created 4 million jobs, 800 a day.

    We took difficult decisions to restore our country’s financial security and control national debt, and that allowed us to support the country through Covid, deliver the fastest vaccine roll-out in the world, provide record funding to the NHS, and protect state pensions with the triple lock.

    We’ve reformed welfare by capping benefits and introducing Universal Credit to help people into work.

    We’ve reduced absolute poverty, pensioner poverty, child poverty. We’ve cut carbon emissions by a third.

    Maintained our position as NATO’s second biggest defence power. Halved violent and neighbourhood crime. And improved standards in our schools with English schoolchildren not just the best readers in the UK, but in the western world.

    We’ve legislated for equal marriage. And it is now not even surprising for people from ethnically diverse backgrounds to lead Scotland, Wales, and the United Kingdom.

    And the economy now decisively has momentum. Inflation down from over 11% to 3%. Wages rising faster than prices.

    And in the first quarter of this year, we grew faster than France, Germany, Japan, Italy, and even America.

    The plan is working – so we must stick to it, and not go back to square one.

    And when Labour ignores the achievements of the last 14 years, or try to reduce the last 14 years to 49 days, remember what they’ve actually doing is trying to distract you from the thing that matters most, the future. Maybe they can depress their way to victory with all their talk and scaremongering, but I don’t think it’ll work because at heart, we’re a nation of optimists. We’re not blind to the challenges or threats that we face.

    We just have an innate belief that whatever they are, we can overcome them, as we have done so many times in our history. And create a secure future for you and your family.

    Let me tell you more about my vision for how I would lead this country through this time of danger and transformation.

    The highest priority of a Conservative Government is to keep our country safe. We’ve proudly taken the generational decision to increase defence spending to a new baseline of 2.5% of GDP, by 2030. Yet Labour have refused to match our pledge. Keir Starmer supported a former Labour leader who wanted to abolish the army and withdraw from NATO and Labour’s current deputy leader, Shadow Foreign Secretary and many others, voted against our nuclear deterrent, the ultimate guarantee of our security.

    The global displacement of a hundred million people is a new and defining challenge of our age. But we can and will protect ourselves against illegal migration. That’s why we’re pioneering the Rwanda scheme. And so, when people see that if they come here illegally, they will be swiftly detained and removed, they will be deterred from making that perilous journey, stopping the boats and saving thousands of lives.

    I know that our international frameworks are outdated. So there may be flashpoints ahead with the ECHR.

    And if the Strasbourg Court make me choose between the ECHR and this country’s security, I will choose our country’s security every single time.

    And nor will I ever compromise on defending our values, our history, and our way of life, against those who seek to undermine them.

    I am unapologetically proud of who we are.

    And under my leadership, ours will be a country where people can disagree in good faith, but where they must do so with respect and decency for others.

    A country where the benefits of belonging to our Union are self-evident to the overwhelming majority of our people.

    A country where we protect and strengthen the greatest institution of all – the family, better protect children from the harms of the online and offline worlds, and do more to protect single sex spaces.

    A country where we celebrate the small acts of kindness that bind our society together, and where we actively work to rebuild the civic involvement and pride that have always formed part of our distinctive national culture.

    A country where we honour those prepared to pay the highest price for our freedoms, as we make this the best place in the world to be a veteran here at home.

    And a country where we properly respect the older generation.

    They’ve contributed all their lives, so whatever the triple lock costs, it is morally right to give older people dignity and comfort in retirement.

    But as well as strengthening our national security and restoring pride in our national culture, we’ll also protect you from the dangers of a more unstable world by giving you greater peace of mind over your financial security.

    People have been struggling to make ends meet – I know that. In the last few years, you’ve seen rising energy bills, mortgage rates, the cost of the weekly shop.

    And I hope I’ve shown through my time in office that, from furlough to support with your energy bills, the government I lead will always be there for you.

    But that’s only possible if we take the tough decisions to strengthen the country’s finances and control debt.

    You can trust me to do that.

    When I stood for the leadership of my party, and my opponent’s policies imperilled our financial strength, I was sooner prepared to lose than abandon what I believe so deeply is right for our country.

    I feel the same conviction about Net Zero.

    In a more unstable world, where dictators like Putin have held us to ransom over energy prices, I reject the ideological zeal of those who want us to adopt policies that go further, faster than any other country, no matter the cost or disruption to people’s lives.

    But even as we strengthen our security and our sense of pride and confidence in ourselves, I also feel a sense of urgency about readying our country to succeed in a world transformed.

    That starts by giving all our young people – wherever they live and whatever their background – the skills and knowledge to succeed.

    Building on the success of the last 14 years, we will create a truly world-class education system.

    The Advanced British Standard is the most far-reaching reform to education for 16-18 year olds in a generation.

    We’re tearing down the artificial barriers between technical and academic education.

    Increasing children’s time in the classroom.

    Studying a greater breadth of subjects to match our competitors.

    And unapologetically saying that every single child must leave school not just literate but numerate as well.

    Now, I know this will not win universal acclaim but maths will be fundamental to our children’s life chances in this new technological age.

    And it is our duty to give them those skills. And more. We’ll end rip-off degrees and massively expand the number of apprenticeships, because a degree is not the only path to success in the modern economy.

    And we’ll make sure that everyone has the funding they need to retrain or learn new skills, at any point in their lives, because in the future education won’t stop when you walk out of the school gates.

    But for Britain to finish first in today’s world, we don’t just need the skills to succeed, we need to create a dynamic, innovative economy fuelled by technological progress, so we lead in the industries of the future and help you and your family become wealthier and more economically secure.

    The government I lead is creating the conditions for a new British dynamism. By investing in the new infrastructure of the future – not just roads, railways, and buses, but gigabit broadband, research and development, computing power.

    By helping to create hundreds of thousands of good, secure, well-paid, highly-skilled jobs, that will level up opportunity right across our country.

    And yes, by taking the necessary decisions to build the right homes in the right places to support those jobs.

    But true British dynamism won’t come from the State alone. It will come from you. It will come from the ingenuity and creativity of the British people, given the support, the opportunities and the rewards to have, pursue and realise big ambitions.

    If you have a brilliant new idea – I want you to build it. If you’re passionate about solving a problem – I want you to pursue it.

    If you simply want to set up on your own – I want you to get out there and do it.

    Because you won’t find the future written in a slide deck in a Whitehall quango.

    You’ll find it out there in our country.

    And so the government I lead will create the conditions for people themselves to try, to build, to invent – yes, sometimes to fail, but more often to succeed.

    That’s why we’re cutting taxes directly on investment. It’s why we’re cutting taxes to encourage innovation.

    And it’s why we’re seizing the freedom and flexibility of Brexit. Because so often, the EU’s default approach was top down, precautionary regulation.

    Whereas we in the UK now have the chance to be more agile, so that rather than stifling innovation and growth, we encourage it, in everything from financial services to agriculture, from healthcare to house building.

    Above all, we will reward hard work.

    Because you don’t get anything in life without hard work.

    So we’re making the tax system simpler, fairer, and more rewarding, cutting National Insurance by £900 for the average worker, alongside increasing the state pension by £900 this year.

    We’re raising the National Living Wage to end low pay.

    And we’re reforming welfare to make sure that work always pays, and our safety net is fair to those who pay for it.

    Not least because giving people support to get off welfare and into work gives them purpose, dignity and hope and it is also the only sustainable way to cut legal migration.

    A world-class education system.

    A dynamic, innovative economy.

    Hard work valued and rewarded.

    That’s how Britain will succeed in future.

    That’s how we’ll grow the economy.

    And that’s how we’ll transform public services, too.

    Imagine a welfare system where new technologies allow us to crack down on the fraudsters, exploiting the hardworking taxpayers who fund it.

    Imagine the huge opportunities to cut crime through technologies like live facial recognition, helping police catch wanted criminals, find missing people, and spend more time on the beat.

    And imagine our NHS, still free at the point of use, but transformed for the future.

    A service staffed by tens of thousands more doctors and nurses, thanks to our Long Term Workforce Plan.

    Backed by record funding made possible by years of fiscal discipline. With far greater choice over where you can receive your care, made as simple as choosing what to watch on iPlayer.

    And I believe there will be no more powerful example of what all the forces of British dynamism, innovation, scientific discovery and technological progress can achieve, than this:

    To address, finally, the fear of one word that still lurks in the back of everyone’s minds, that touches almost every family in our country, and that envelopes our whole world, if we or a loved one hears it: cancer.

    Yet even here, if we are bold enough, there can be cause for new hope. We already know we can prevent most lung cancer cases – the UK’s leading cause of cancer deaths – by stopping smoking.

    That’s why I took the important decision to create a smokefree generation.

    And with huge breakthroughs in early diagnosis and new treatments, like the MRNA vaccine for skin cancer, I believe we can be just as bold and ambitious in improving rates of cancer survival.

    Because if we can bring together my vision of a country transformed, with our world class education system that trains the PhD oncologists and apprentice lab technicians, and our dynamic economy that attracts investors and incubates the billion-pound biotech businesses of the future, our post-Brexit regulatory freedoms to approve trials in a safe but faster way.

    And the scale of our NHS to help us research and trial those new drugs in a way no other country can, then just one example of the incredible achievements this country can make would be to make a generational breakthrough against this cruel disease and fundamentally change what it will mean for our children and grandchildren to hear the word cancer.

    Today I’ve set out my vision for how Britain can succeed in one of the most dangerous yet transformational eras we’ve ever known.

    The values that lie behind that vision are a new patriotism: a confidence in ourselves and in all that we can achieve.

    I reject those who insidiously question our history and our identity.

    I believe in that innate confidence in ourselves that has always run through our island story.

    And just as we’re proud of all that we created, invented, and discovered in our past, so we can be confident and optimistic about what we will achieve in our future.

    My pledge to you is that I will create the conditions to make that possible, to help you fulfil your ambitions.

    To build the world-class education system that gives our children the skills they need to succeed, no matter where they started off in life.

    To create the dynamic, innovative economy that will give you the opportunity of a wealthier, more financially secure life for you and your family.

    To restore our sense of civic pride and national cohesion so we can be secure in the knowledge that we are all on the same side.

    And above all, you can trust me to keep you and your family safe and secure from the threats we face at home and abroad.

    There are storms ahead.

    The dangers are all too real.

    But Britain can feel proud again.

    Britain can feel confident again.

    Because with bold action and a clear plan, we can and we will create a secure future.

  • David Cameron – 2024 Keynote Speech at the National Cyber Security Centre

    David Cameron – 2024 Keynote Speech at the National Cyber Security Centre

    The speech made by David Cameron, the Foreign Secretary, at the National Cyber Security Centre in London on 9 May 2024.

    I have been Foreign Secretary for almost 6 months. And I have been determined to make every day count.

    I have visited 33 countries, 1 Overseas Territory, and criss-crossed 6 continents.  I lead a Department working hard to respond to crises, counter threats, champion development, and boost UK jobs.

    I like to say being Prime Minister was a great apprenticeship for this job. But being Foreign Secretary is not entirely the same.

    Indeed, precisely because you are so often on the road, leading a large organisation, you must make doubly sure not to confuse activity with action.

    So let me use this speech to take a step back.

    Economics, politics and foreign policy

    My starting point is that we cannot divorce foreign policy from economic performance.

    Investing more overseas requires a growing economy. And to be taken seriously, you need to show the dynamism of your own economy and its capacity for growth and renewal.

    From this room, you can see the four iconic chimneys of Battersea Power Station. I can remember standing there as Leader of the Opposition, launching the 2010 election manifesto. It was a derelict building, left vacant and crumbling for decades.

    Today, it is transformed. And that’s thanks to our drive to secure Malaysian investment and offer determined government support, hundreds of offices and flats, shops and restaurants now sit beneath those towers.  And it demonstrates our continued attractiveness to overseas investors.

    But nor can we divorce foreign and economic policy from domestic politics.  All over the western world, we see the rise of political movements that want us to pull up the drawbridge, claiming that we will be better off if we focus purely on domestic concerns.

    I believe these movements are profoundly wrong.  Not just because Britain is an outward-facing nation, with almost 1 in 10 of us living abroad, and a set of interests and connections that are truly global, not limited to any one region or continent. But because what happens abroad matters directly to our citizens.

    However, our approach must not be to ignore the rise of these movements. It must be to deal with what has caused them to grow, so we can engage with the world and therefore safeguard our national interests.

    I believe the 2 biggest drivers are clear. One, failing to control borders properly and tackle illegal immigration. And second leaving too many people in too many places behind, cut off from the uneven benefits of globalisation.

    Any political party that fails to address these drivers will find itself incapable of governing effectively and getting things done.

    That’s why we’re fixing our immigration system, breaking the business model of smuggling gangs.  And why we need to ensure the whole country shares in the benefits of long-term growth.

    And the role of Foreign Secretary is not separate from this work: it is integral to it. Ultimately what guides everything I do as Foreign Secretary is Britain’s prosperity and Britain’s security.

    Earlier this year I returned to the Berlin Wall. I remember the days of its fall as if it was yesterday. Visiting Germany with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Meeting dissidents who had kept the flame of freedom alive behind the Iron Curtain. Hacking off a chunk of the Wall – a piece of history – for myself.

    Together with travelling in the Soviet Union between school and university, these were defining events in my political development.  As the era of state socialism was crumbling, the sense of optimism, of possibility, was infectious.

    Contrast that with today.

    War in the heart of Europe. From Tallinn to Warsaw, Prague to Bucharest, a chill has once more descended across the European continent. Those nations closest to Russia seeing what is happening in Ukraine and wondering if they will be next.

    And not far from Europe, war rages in the Middle East, as Israel seeks to defend itself and bring the hostages home, while innocent citizens in Gaza endure a crisis that will only worsen if aid cannot reach them, safely.

    All this while there are conflicts in 18 countries in Africa. This is a world more dangerous, more volatile, more confrontational, than most of us have ever known.

    We need to face up to that fact and act accordingly.  Not in a year or two.  Not in a few months.  But now.

    The courage to act

    Returning to frontline politics, what stands out to me is how many reasons are found for us not to act. It too often feels as if the fundamental change in the world has not yet been met with a fundamental change in how many in the free world are thinking and acting.

    Both in Britain and the wider world, there are too many who adopt a kind of defensive crouch. Not just those I’ve already mentioned who want to pull up the drawbridge. But also those who think we can’t act, claiming we have become too weak, not powerful enough militarily or effective enough economically.  Or those who won’t act, so fixated are they on the risks– be it of escalation, unintended consequences, legal jeopardy, or simply causing offence.

    Fear of making the wrong choice leads to another meeting or another strategy paper, even when not acting is actually the worst choice of all.

    While, as the Prime Minister said in Warsaw recently, an axis of authoritarian states – like Russia, Iran, North Korea and China – is increasingly acting together in an attempt to undermine us and our allies and the world order on which we depend.

    My conviction is that we, with our partners, can choose to make a difference.

    Entering politics in the 1980s, it was not at all obvious how or when the West would prevail over the Soviet Union.  Some urged us to reduce our defences or abandon the nuclear deterrent. But we stood firm and it worked.

    Similarly, towards the end of my time as Prime Minister, it was not obvious we could defeat Daesh. Some declared that an Islamic State in control of vast swathes of Iraq and the Levant was here to stay. That an intervention would only see us bogged down in the Middle East. But together with our friends and allies, we drove their so-called caliphate right back.

    We in Britain, and in the wider West, we have agency. The question is whether we have the courage to use it.  The courage to act.

    So how then should we act?  I see 6 points which really matter if we are to rise to the challenges we face.

    First, we need to make security our top priority.

    If you want a picture of the dangers in the world, you can actually look right here at home in the last few months. Attacks on our democracy from China, including spying on the Electoral Commission and cyber targeting of our Members of Parliament. Reminders of the wide-ranging, covert Russian playbook, including a suspected sabotage attack on a warehouse in east London just last week. And – as the Director General of MI5 has made clear – numerous Iranian plots to assassinate British or UK-based individuals perceived as enemies of the regime, again right here in the UK.

    As Prime Minister, I was proud to host the 2014 NATO Summit in Wales, at which all Allies committed to spend at least 2% of GDP on defence. And I am proud to speak today at the National Cyber Security Centre, which we set up to make Britain the safest place to live and work online.

    Today, as the threat has grown and evolved, we in government need to do even more to prioritise security.

    And so we have passed the National Security Act and a new Investigatory Powers Act, so we can defend ourselves against espionage more effectively. We have introduced the National Security Investment Act, so we can screen investment into our critical national infrastructure. We have prepared the Foreign Influence Registration Scheme, so we can bolster our resilience here in Britain against covert foreign influence.

    And, crucially, the Prime Minister has committed to spend 2.5% of GDP on defence – the biggest investment in defence for a generation, and increased defence R&D get at least 5% of the defence budget, so we stay at the cutting edge of defence technology.

    It is vital we sustain this focus on security, doing what is required to harden our defences.

    Second, we need to be bolder in standing up for what we believe in.

    The national interest defines our foreign policy. Some try to portray this as somehow unprincipled. As if by putting the national interest first, we will sacrifice important values.

    Nothing could be further from the truth. It is profoundly in our national interests to defend those core beliefs.

    Freedom. The rule of law. Respect for human rights and human dignity.  And to defend the core principles of an open international order.

    Right not might. Sovereignty and territorial integrity. Freedom of navigation.

    These principles are not some mere abstractions. Words solemnly proclaimed in the UN Charter, Sustainable Development Goals or other international agreements.  Rather they are vital foundations for British and global security and prosperity.

    All the world’s citizens benefit when freedoms are upheld. Sovereignty is respected. And commerce flows freely around the globe.

    So we, our allies and our partners must stand up and defend them.

    Our adversaries openly challenge these principles. They have no qualms at distortions and even outright lies in the media.  And they use new tools and techniques to distract and mislead.

    We must be bolder in combating their poisonous methods of deceit.

    That’s what Britain and America did by publicising of our intelligence before Putin’s illegal invasion. It was an unprecedented step. And made it absolutely clear what Putin was planning to do: assault a neighbour, without a scrap of justification. We in the West need to undermine and expose the malign networks that Russia uses to spread its lies.

    Over the last 5 years, Britain’s invested £600 million in this effort.

    Funding the BBC World Service, which reaches over 300 million listeners each week, backing free media and the free flow of information.  Supporting independent journalism in places like Moldova and Bosnia, where Russia seeks to bully and bribe their way to manipulating media and undermining politics.

    Our adversaries also strive to undermine global trust in these beliefs and principles by attacking our own record. They gleefully accuse the West of double standards.

    I think we should be frank in our response. Yes, the suffering in Gaza is appalling. But an unprovoked war against an independent country like Ukraine that poses no threat is wholly different from the conflict that has grown from the brutal attacks of 7th October.

    And in each case, we are consistently pursuing the fastest route to a sustainable peace consistent with the principles of the UN Charter.  Every country in the world actually cares about principles like sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    And of course our adversaries say that we didn’t invest in the Global South. Nonsense. And it is the West who is funding the key parts of the global system doing the most to improve lives of people around the world.

    How much has Moscow given to the UN’s Central Emergency Relief Fund?  Seventy-four times less than Britain’s contribution.

    How much does Tehran invest in eradicating malaria?  Absolutely nothing to the Global Fund dedicated to eliminating this killer disease. Britain is the Fund’s third biggest donor – and has played a huge role in developing vaccines now poised to save many more lives.

    How much has Pyongyang do to protect our oceans?  Nothing like Britain’s Blue Belt, which is the largest marine protection area in the world – something that benefits not only our country, but our entire planet.

    And Britain is not alone in such generosity – our closest partners, big and small, give a huge amount as well.

    We are faced with a cynical assault on principles and programmes which have contributed so much to building a better world.  We must fight back – and never let that cynicism win.

    Third point – we need to adopt a harder edge for a tougher world.

    Pursuing our interests effectively means revisiting approaches to foreign policy born of good intentions and ask if they are truly fitting for the world of today. Prizing consensus over action. Not speaking out if it might upset others. Avoiding risks.

    Such attitudes perhaps seemed to cost us less in a more forgiving age. But if Putin’s illegal invasion teaches us anything, it must be that doing too little, too late, only spurs an aggressor on.

    And too often this lesson not having been learned.  Take the Red Sea, where ship after ship from a whole of countries have been attacked.  While many countries have criticised the Houthi attacks, it is actually only the US and Britain that have been willing and able to step up and strike back at them.

    Or defence spend in Europe, where still some seem unwilling to invest, even as war rages on our continent. Take women’s rights, where some are so cowed by accusations of neo-colonialism that they will not condemn practices like Female Genital Mutilation, ignoring survivors’ calls to eliminate it.

    This cannot go on. We need to be tougher and more assertive:

    • degrading the Houthis’ capabilities
    • making 2.5% a new benchmark for NATO Allies’ defence spend
    • and using travel bans to stop politicians voting in favour of FGM in the morning, and then hopping on a plane to go shopping in London in the afternoon

    And sometimes, a harder edge means being honest with ourselves.  Saying yes, we want to be a country that is ambitious and progressive. But no, we cannot afford to be naïve about how best to achieve our goals.

    So yes, we are open to the world, its people and ideas. But no, we will not permit criminal gangs to decide who can enter our country, and undermine voters’ trust in our ability to control our borders.

    By implementing our asylum partnership with Rwanda, we are acting in the national interest. And yes, we are committed to reaching net zero by 2050, and work globally to support others in meeting their own clean energy ambitions.

    But no, we will not refuse to grant new licences in the North Sea for vital oil and gas – nor will we demonise other countries using their own reserves – these things when they are vital for energy independence from the likes of Putin, and part of a responsible energy transition.

    Again by taking a proportionate, realistic approach to delivering our climate change goals, we are acting in the national interest.

    And yes, we support free trade. But no, we will not sign a free trade deal just for the sugar rush of the press release.  You only get one chance to do these properly, and it’s important to get it right. Via our patient negotiation of trade deals that are real wins, we are acting in the national interest.

    And yes again, we believe in free speech and freedom to protest. But no, we will not shy away from defending our democratic values. By doing things like the definition of extremism to ensure that the government does not legitimise those trying to overturn our principles, we are acting in the national interest.

    Fourth, we need to have a good dose of realism.

    In a much more competitive world, Britain must suffer no illusions about our place in it.

    I am proud to lead the FCDO, overseeing a diplomatic network in over 160 countries and territories, and a development budget of over 8 billion pounds not to mention our incredible intelligence and security services. I’m representing effectively a nation with a sovereign nuclear deterrent, a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, and a web of connections all over the world.

    But Britain is not a country like the US, whose every decision we make changes the world. There are vital areas where our action is decisive, but often we are a state whose decisions and adept diplomacy can influence the approaches of others.

    Realism is not defeatism – having less influence than the global superpower does not mean having no influence at all.

    While away from frontline politics, I heard a comment by a leading CEO that has stuck with me ever since. Britain, he said, is big enough to matter, but small enough to be nimble. That seems right to me.

    He was talking about regulation. But it can apply in so many other contexts. And it is an apt mantra for the modern world, in which new powers are emerging, and what matters is building coalitions to get things done.

    Why does Ukraine call us their number one ally? Not just for the level of our support and the speed in which we delivered it, but it’s how we’ve galvanised others.

    I vividly recall my experiences in 2014. Imposing even some sanctions on Russia required painstaking negotiation. But, gradually, we have made the case for going so much further.

    We have imposed unprecedented sanctions – with our allies. We have provided game-changing kit like long-range missiles and battle tanks – with our allies.  We have sustained support for Kyiv into a third year of war – once more, following the vote in Congress, with our allies.  And we are now maintaining our military support to Ukraine – £3 billion a year – until 2030, and beyond if necessary, and calling on our allies to join us in that pledge.

    To persuade we also need to be active. A fortnight ago, I became the first Foreign Secretary to visit all 5 Central Asian states and Mongolia.

    In a more contested, more competitive world, Britain needs to get out there and compete. We need to say to potential partners all over the world, if you want to make that choice to be more open, be more independent, we can help you make that choice.

    We are fortunate in Britain that English is the world’s global language. For young people, speaking English acts as a passport for success, giving an edge in areas like business and finance, law and diplomacy.

    That is why for instance Mongolia, a country bordering Russia and China, has made the extraordinary and brilliant decision to make English their second official language. Ukraine has launched a programme so all their civil servants can learn it.  This is a great advantage for Britain – an opportunity to get the world speaking our language, in both senses of that phrase.

    But sometimes we seem hesitant to recognise just what a vital tool of influence the English language can be. Sixty million people from almost every country in the world used the British Council’s free Learn English site.  I have expanded the British Council’s online teaching offer in Central Asia, and today I can announce a new £1 million programme for the Council to teach English to Ukrainian civil servants.

    But this should is only the beginning.  I believe it should be a core part of our foreign policy and the Foreign Office’s mission to lead this global change, we will champion English learning around the globe. This year next year, long into the future.

    It is battle we are winning, and if we turn up and properly fight it we’ll win it faster and better.

    There is a fifth point.

    A recognisably British attribute, but which we can sometimes fail to recognise in ourselves. That is the need to be ruthlessly practical.

    As was observed by one of my predecessors, Ernest Bevin, he combined “a powerful sense of direction… rooted in moral principle” with “a street-wise pragmatism in choosing the best route forward”.

    And the result, NATO, speaks for itself.  As this example shows, being practical can have a hard edge, a certain ruthlessness, too.  Focusing on delivering a strong, united defensive alliance, rather than hoping a newly formed UN alone could ensure our security. Facing the world as it is, not as it was or as we wish it to be.

    And so yes, for instance we want the fighting to end in Gaza. But calling for an immediate ceasefire makes it no more likely. It is more practical to focus – as we have done in the UN and elsewhere, with the Israelis, and with our partners – on securing a humanitarian pause, stopping the fighting right now, so we can see hostages released, more aid delivered, then turn this into a sustainable ceasefire without a return to fighting.

    And yes again, ruthlessly practical we support multilateral reform, because we want the UN and organisations like the World Trade Organisation and World Health Organisation to succeed. But we are also increasing our support for other, more nimbler organisations having impact on the ground, like GAVI or the Global Fund that does so much brilliant work on diseases.

    And yes, we have made our biggest contribution ever to the Green Climate Fund to tackle climate change. But we are also making it easier for small island developing states to access this funding, helping friends across the Caribbean, who I was meeting with yesterday, and in the Pacific like Samoa, hosts of this year’s Commonwealth Summit.

    I could add 2 personal examples of being practical.

    Yes, I supported remaining in the EU. But I am now laser-like focused on ensuring Britain and the EU have the best possible relationship, not as members, but as friends, neighbours and partners. And I am doing all I can also to ensure Britain invests in new partnerships, such as CPTPP, a trade deal with one of the fastest growing regions of the world – the Indo-Pacific.

    And yes, I am a passionate believer in the power of aid and proud of my role in helping to design the sustainable development goals and boost Britain’s aid spending. But with our overseas aid budget under pressure, I also am proud to have led the Department in publishing a groundbreaking International Development white paper, and to be pressing for reform of the multilateral development banks and greater cooperation with the private sector – so others can also step up an provide the massive funding that’s going to be required to see those SDGs through.

    Finally, we need to demonstrate political will and strategic patience.

    It is not enough merely to wish for a better world and hope for the best. Nor can we let talk of past failings or present risks paralyse us completely. We in the West need to see things through, and see them through together.

    Our adversaries today know all too well our underlying strengths. They see that the economies of Ukraine and her partners outmatch Russia’s by around 25 to 1. They can see that Sweden and Finland turned to NATO – an alliance that defends territory, not takes territory – at a moment of uncertainty. They can see the flows of talented people head in our direction from across the globe.

    But they think they have honed in our greatest weakness. They believe that it is they who are more determined to succeed. That they can outlast us, can endure more pain, make more sacrifices.

    We are in a battle of wills. We all must prove our adversaries wrong – Britain, and our allies and partners around the world.

    We need to out-compete.

    The upcoming NATO Summit must see all Allies on track to deliver their pledge made in Wales in 2014 to spend 2% on defence. And we then need to move quickly to establish 2.5% as the new benchmark for all NATO Allies.

    We need to out-cooperate.

    Investing in old alliances which have served us well – the transatlantic bond and our many friendships in Europe, the Five Eyes and G7, NATO and the Commonwealth.

    But we also need to forge new partnerships, like the AUKUS alliance with Australia and the US, the GCAP jet project with Italy and Japan, or our JEF security collaboration with like-minded nations in northern Europe.

    And, crucially, strengthening our bilateral partnerships with that great mass of countries such as those in Central Asia who, I visited last week.  Who while they may not all be democratic, they see the destructive, reactionary policies of our adversaries as a threat to their security and their prosperity.

    And we need to out-innovate.

    Using the legal route before us to use frozen Russian assets for the benefit of Ukraine.  And leaning into the modern technology that fuels both the operations in this building and much of the modern economy, as the Prime Minister did so skilfully by hosting the AI Safety Summit last year.

    I know from experience – it is not straightforward to deliver these points. Dissonant voices press for different paths, easier to tread in the short-term, even as they store up problems for years to come. But I am not disheartened.

    History is not pre-ordained. I am often reminded of this as Foreign Secretary. Entering my office, I pass portraits of my predecessors. The world of today looks very different to that of Bevin and Eden, Grey and Salisbury, Canning and Castlereagh. And yet each faced times of challenge and change.

    Looking back, one can detect common threads, fundamental traditions, in how they acted in response. Prioritising Britain’s security. Standing up for what they believed in. Being hard-edged, realistic and practical in their pursuit of the national interest. Showing always political will. The past cannot tell us what to do today. But it can offer some guidance.

    Today, we are being tested yet again.  In both foreign and domestic policy, in Britain and the wider West, we are at a crossroads. If we make the right choices, act now, a bright future awaits. But if we hesitate, our adversaries will write our future instead of us.

    We need to show courage. The courage to determine our own destiny. The courage to rise to this moment of peril. The courage to act.

  • Andrew Mitchell – 2024 Speech at the Opening of the British High Commission Dodoma Office

    Andrew Mitchell – 2024 Speech at the Opening of the British High Commission Dodoma Office

    The speech made by Andrew Mitchell, the Foreign Office Minister, on 5 April 2023.

    Minister of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, Regional Commissioner of Dodoma, officials and honoured guests, mabibi na mbwana, ladies and gentlemen,

    Hamjambo! Hello.

    Nimefurahi kuwa hapa. I am delighted to be here.

    It is an honour to open the UK’s newest overseas office. I’m on a bit of a roll here, a few days ago I was in N’Djamena, the capital of Chad, to open our first ever Embassy there.

    It is a special privilege to be opening our High Commission in Dodoma in the month that your country celebrates the 60th anniversary of the Union.

    Today is not simply a sign of the confidence and value we place in our partnership with your government. It is also an outcome of the warm and enduring ties between our people, nurtured through decades of cooperation and friendship at all levels.

    Many notable Tanzanians have studied in the UK, from Julius Nyerere to Her Excellency President Samia Suluhu Hassan.

    These illustrious names are joined by over 800 former Commonwealth scholars and 300 former Chevening scholars. We are so proud of these brilliant links between our 2 countries and the fabulous cooperation these scholarships have produced.

    And as you are aware your excellences, the UK remains Tanzania’s second largest foreign investor, and one of our key bonds is our development partnership.

    And we want to invest in it further, drawing renewed inspiration both from Tanzania’s development ambitions and our recently published white paper on international development – which I must urge you to read if you have not  done so. It is a compelling page turner that sets out the Britain’s plan for getting the SDGs back on track by 2030. And it is available on our website fcdo.gov.uk.

    It was received very well by our partners. And we were so pleased when her excellence  President Samia agreed to provide a quote welcoming it. High praise indeed.

    And as you take stock of the past 6 decades, you have much to be proud of. Whether it is the long period of peace and social cohesion, or the opening of your economy in the 1990s to drive economic growth, or the progress in improving access to healthcare and education, including the recent achievement of parity of enrolment for girls in primary school.

    These are huge achievements all of us can take inspiration from.

    On the regional and global stage, we welcome President Samia’s efforts to champion investment in Africa’s human capital and food systems; for her advocacy for gender equality and climate action is particularly commendable.

    And we recognise the contributions Tanzania has made over the years to regional peacekeeping and the hosting of refugees, including in the eastern DRC.

    I know that you face challenges in making further progress on the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly to reduce extreme poverty and to deliver growth.

    I want to assure you that the UK is with you every step of the way as we clearly set out in our white paper. Our development roadmap prioritises mobilising more money from international financial institutions and increasing private sector investment in development.

    It is worth noting that around world something like 90% of all jobs are created not by governments but by the private sector.

    There are 3 things  we think we should focus on.

    First, we must reform the international system to better serve your interests in terms of trade, tax, debt, and tackling money laundering and dirty money.

    Second, we must work together to tackle global challenges, be it climate change, food insecurity or investing in education and health.

    Finally, we must harness innovation and digital transformation, making the best use of  technologies, science and research.

    We have already hit the ground running. Later today we hope to  have the honour of  signing  a UK-Tanzania Mutual Prosperity Partnership. Strengthening bilateral trade and investment, supporting better jobs and delivering more inclusive growth – I am very excited by what this partnership will enable us to achieve together.

    Tackling climate change will be vital in delivering on this agenda. We support President Samia’s ambition to move Tanzania away from the damaging use of charcoal in cooking and to expand the use of renewable energy.

    I am therefore delighted that the UK will be spending £5.5 million over the next 2 years on promoting clean cooking, clean energy access and urban resilience. Our programming will help bring clean cooking to 200 schools as well as thousands of households and assist several clean technology businesses to scale up their operations in Tanzania.

    We have a responsibility, as we build prosperity, to ensuring opportunities for all to share in it. Something I know is very close to the heart of the Tanzania government.

    Since 2015, the Britain  has invested over £112 million in building the social safety net for Tanzania’s poorest households. The UK will continue to partner with the Government of Tanzania in its efforts to lift the most vulnerable out of poverty and increase resilience to climate and economic shocks.

    We will also work with the government in building a resilient health system, to reduce preventable deaths, respond to disease outbreaks and build the capacity for universal health coverage by 2030. To help drive forward this ambition, I am announcing today that the UK will invest £15 million in strengthening health systems in Tanzania including through a £10 million contribution to the multi-donor Health Basket Fund.

    Tanzania is at a crossroads, undergoing a demographic transition. By ensuring women and girls have secure access to quality, affordable, and inclusive family planning services, we can accelerate progress on human capital outcomes as outlined in your Vision 2050.

    And that is why I am also delighted to announce today that the UK will be extending its Scaling Up Family Planning programme, which has reached over 4 million women since 2017, by the sum of £12 million, to deliver lifesaving and transformative SRHR services to an additional 900,000 Tanzanians. This programme will help prevent 1,400 maternal deaths, 1 million unintended pregnancies, and 207,000 unsafe abortions.

    These initiatives demonstrate  Britain’s commitment to our very close cooperation, partnership, and above all, our friendship. And after a period of very considerable budgetary pressure in Britain, I can announce too today that for the next financial year, which starts today, our bilateral programmes with Tanzania, the British and Tanzania development programme will more than triple this year from £17.6 million to £57 million.

    So this office will be a little piece of the UK here in Dodoma, setting the stage for the next 60 years. As we work together to deliver for the people of our 2 great countries.

    To those of you based in Dodoma, we will now be your jirani [neighbour]. Please do pop in for a cup of tea anytime.

    Thank you for welcoming us to the neighbourhood. Asanteni sana.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Defence Speech Made in Warsaw

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Defence Speech Made in Warsaw

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, in Warsaw on 23 April 2024.

    My first duty as Prime Minister is the security of the British people.

    And fulfilling that profound responsibility is only possible because of you.

    Just ten days ago, I gave the order for the RAF to join an international effort…

    …intercepting a barrage of Iranian missiles headed towards Israel.

    Those pilots, like you, and like every generation of British service men and women before you…

    …were willing to put their own safety over the line…

    …for the security of others and the defence of our liberties and our values.

    From your Regiment’s service in Iraq and Afghanistan…

    …to your current role here in Poland, protecting NATO’s eastern flank…

    …you have made those sacrifices in the service of our country.

    I am truly humbled by your courage and professionalism.

    And on behalf of a proud and grateful nation, let me simply say: thank you.

    But I haven’t just brought you together today to express my gratitude.

    I want to talk to you about how we equip you to do your duty…

    …in an increasingly dangerous world.

    We have entered a period of history in which competition between countries has sharpened profoundly.

    An axis of authoritarian states with different values to ours…

    …like Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China…

    …are increasingly assertive.

    The danger they pose is not new.

    But what is new is that these countries – or their proxies…

    …are causing more instability, more quickly, in more places at once.

    And they’re increasingly acting together…

    …making common cause in an attempt to reshape the world order.

    Now I know there are some people who will think these are faraway problems.

    But they are not.

    They pose real risks to the United Kingdom’s security and prosperity.

    Russia has already poisoned people on British soil with chemical weapons.

    Caused energy bills to soar.

    Weaponised migration.

    And sent technology to Iran in exchange for weapons, like the Shaheed drones…

    …that I saw myself are wreaking such devastation on Ukraine.

    Iran themselves have threatened to kill and kidnap people within our borders for exercising their right to free speech.

    And used proxies like the Houthis, to attack British ships in the Red Sea…

    …disrupting supplies of crucial goods to our high streets.

    North Korea, too, is supplying munitions and artillery to Russia…

    …and their hackers have targeted British businesses and the NHS.

    And Chinese state-affiliated actors have conducted malicious cyber campaigns…

    …against British MPs.

    China itself is engaged in a huge military modernisation programme.

    Potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific…

    …could have an impact on the global economy far larger even than Covid.

    And China is increasingly working with others to try and reshape the world…

    …including their so-called ‘unlimited partnership’ with Russia.

    So the new assertiveness of these authoritarian states far from our shores must concern us.

    Because they are increasingly acting together…

    …against the fundamental values that we all hold dear…

    …of democracy, freedom, and the rule of law.

    Now, we must not overstate the danger.

    We’re not on the brink of war.

    And nor do we seek it.

    And people should feel reassured…

    …that the UK’s armed forces are some of the most professional…

    …well-trained, well-equipped, and battle-ready in the world.

    And I’m incredibly proud of all they’ve achieved.

    From patrolling the Arctic Circle as part of the Joint Expeditionary Force…

    …to the campaign against Daesh in the deserts of Iraq and Syria.

    From protecting the freedom of navigation in the Red Sea…

    …to policing the skies above Eastern Europe.

    And just look at the investments we’ve made in the last decade.

    £40 billion in the British Army…

    …who proudly provide one of NATO’s strategic reserves…

    …with 16,000 troops deployed to Europe this year.

    The Royal Air Force, equipped with new Typhoons, Chinooks, F35s…

    …with the GCAP programme delivering new fighter jets with Japan and Italy.

    The Royal Navy is a carrier navy once again…

    …with 22 new ships and submarines on the way…

    …and the historic AUKUS partnership building the most advanced nuclear-powered subs the world has ever known.

    And we’ve launched a new national endeavour to invigorate and invest more in our nuclear deterrent.

    And all of this is combined with our outstanding diplomatic network…

    …development expertise, law enforcement and intelligence agencies…

    …and our support for allies – above all the £12bn we’ve provided to Ukraine.

    So I’m proud of our record on defence.

    And confident in our ability to deter our adversaries.

    …and ensure the security of the United Kingdom.

    But in a world that’s the most dangerous…

    …it’s been since the end of the Cold War…

    …we cannot – and must not – be complacent.

    As Churchill said, in 1934:

    “To urge the preparation of defence is not to assert the imminence of war.

    On the contrary, if war were imminent…

    …preparations for defence would be too late.”

    I believe we must do more…

    …to defend our country, our interests, and our values.

    So today, I’m announcing…

    …the biggest strengthening of our national defence for a generation.

    We will increase defence spending to a new baseline of 2.5% of GDP, by 2030.

    That starts today.

    And rises steadily in each and every year.

    Over the next six years, we’ll invest an additional £75bn in our defence.

    And it will be fully funded with no increase in borrowing or debt.

    So this is not some vague aspiration for the future.

    We have a clear plan for what we’ll spend, when we’ll spend it, and how we pay for it.

    A plan that makes the United Kingdom by far the largest defence power in Europe – and second largest in NATO.

    Today is a landmark moment in the defence of the United Kingdom.

    This is a generational investment in British security and British prosperity.

    It makes us safer at home and stronger abroad.

    Now we have three immediate priorities for this new investment.

    First, we will put the UK’s own defence industry on a war footing.

    One of the central lessons of the war in Ukraine…

    …is that we need deeper stockpiles of munitions…

    …and for industry to be able to replenish them more quickly.

    So today, we’re giving £10bn in munitions to give industry long-term funding certainty…

    …backed by long-term contracts…

    …so they can produce more, be readier to surge capacity…

    …and move to ‘always on’ production, when required.

    From surface-to-air-missiles made in Bolton…

    …to anti-tank weapons in Belfast…

    …we will replenish our stockpiles…

    …all while supporting British jobs right across the Union.

    But it’s not just about investing more – we must invest better.

    For too long, too much of our defence procurement…

    …has been over-complex, over-budget, and over-time.

    So we are making radical reforms to our procurement model…

    …to make sure this new investment delivers value for money.

    And to encourage private sector investment into defence production…

    …I can also announce today that we’re going to put beyond doubt that defence investment…

    …does count towards environmental, social and governance assessments.

    There is nothing more ethical than defending our way of life from those who threaten it.

    Now all of this will put us at the forefront of the global defence industry…

    …allow us to hugely ramp up defence production…

    …and give our armed forces the capability they need to keep us safe.

    But as in so many areas of our lives, technology is changing the face of war.

    So our second immediate priority is innovation and new technology.

    We need to innovate and adapt faster than our adversaries…

    …in space and cyberspace just as much as land, sea, and air.

    Look at Ukraine.

    Many aspects of the war would be familiar to a soldier from WWI or II

    Yet others would be unimaginably different.

    Like the fact that cheap, high-tech, autonomous drones could disable large parts of Russia’s Black Sea fleet.

    The good news is that innovation is already one of our greatest strengths.

    The UK’s own Dragonfire laser directed energy weapon…

    …costs only £10 a shot…

    …yet is accurate enough to hit a £1 coin from a kilometre away.

    And today we’re going further.

    We will increase defence R&D to at minimum to 5% of the defence budget.

    Invest far more in autonomous drones.

    And we will set up a new Defence Innovation Agency.

    So that for the first time, decisions about defence innovation…

    …will be brought together in a single, strategic agency…

    …that will be freed from red tape …

    …and work with the private sector on emerging new technologies.

    Now third, we must support Ukraine for the long term.

    Since the Cold War ended, the freedom of our continent has been based on a simple idea:

    That it is for people to decide the fate of their countries, not foreign armies.

    But allow Putin to win in Ukraine…

    …and that principle of sovereignty would be undermined.

    We would be dragged back to a world…

    …where brute force, rather than the democratic will of free peoples…

    …would shape borders and decide futures.

    And Putin will not stop in Ukraine.

    Win there, and he – and indeed others – will be emboldened.

    He has the desire, if not yet the capacity, to attack other countries in Europe…

    …potentially including NATO allies, who we would be bound to defend…

    …just as they are bound to defend us.

    The costs of failing to support Ukraine now will be far greater than the costs of repelling Putin.

    Because only if he fails will he and other adversaries be deterred.

    That is why the United Kingdom…

    …whose history of standing up to dictators is so much part of our national consciousness…

    …has come together with our allies to stand with Ukraine from the very start.

    Today we will go further.

    We will send Ukraine an additional half a billion pounds , hitting £3 billion of support this year.

    And we’ll provide them with largest-ever package of UK military equipment.

    This will include more than 400 vehicles…

    …4 million rounds of ammunition…

    …60 boats and offshore raiding craft…

    …vital air defences…

    …and long-range precision-guided Storm Shadow missiles.

    And as we make our historic commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP…

    …we’ll move past this stop-start, piecemeal way of backing Ukraine…

    …so that alongside our long-term security guarantee…

    …we are today providing a long-term funding guarantee…

    …of at least the current level of military support to Ukraine, for every year it is needed.

    That is the longest commitment any nation has provided.

    And it shows that Ukraine is not alone, and Ukraine will never be alone.

    A decade ago, as Russian tanks rolled into Crimea…

    …and the fight against ISIL raged across the Middle East…

    …NATO allies came together in Wales, and reached an historic agreement…

    …to increase their defence budgets to 2% of GDP.

    Back then, the UK was one of only 4 countries who did so.

    Today, there are 11.

    And I believe we will look back on this moment…

    …as a similar turning point in European security.

    Because for all that we welcome the news over the weekend…

    …that the US Congress agreed a new package of aid for Ukraine…

    …support that will be indispensable on the frontline…

    …this is not the moment for complacency.

    We cannot keep expecting America to pay any price or bear any burden…

    …if we ourselves are unwilling to make greater sacrifices for our own security.

    So I’m proud that the United Kingdom is increasing our defence spending to £87bn a year…

    …the biggest strengthening of our national defence in a generation…

    …guaranteeing our position as the second largest defence power in NATO, after the US.

    All across Europe…

    …countries like Poland, Germany, Norway and the Baltic nations…

    …are stepping up to take greater responsibility for our own security.

    And I’m confident that whether in months or years…

    …others will follow, too.

    And at this turning point in European security, if 2.5% becomes a new benchmark for all NATO partners to reach…

    …allied defence spending would increase by over £140 billion.

    That would provide a level of safety and security for the British people…

    …and the peoples of all allied nations…

    …that far outstrips anything we could achieve alone.

    To conclude, we did not choose this moment. But it falls to us to meet it.

    In a world of increasing threats, we must show our enemies that we are resolute and determined.

    That their attempts to destabilise our world or redraw its borders by force will fail.

    That with our friends and allies, we will be at the forefront of the defence of the free, democratic world.

    And under my leadership, the United Kingdom will always stand up for our interests…

    …deter our enemies, and defend our values.

  • Lucy Frazer – 2024 Statement on Neutral Athletes from Russia and Belarus in International Sport

    Lucy Frazer – 2024 Statement on Neutral Athletes from Russia and Belarus in International Sport

    The statement made by Lucy Frazer, the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, on 19 April 2024.

    Putin’s devastating war against Ukraine is barbaric and evil, and the UK Government continues to stand firmly with our Ukrainian allies.

    In the course of the war, Russia has killed scores of Ukrainian athletes and destroyed Ukraine’s sporting infrastructure.

    The Minister for Sport and I are personally committed to supporting Ukraine in the face of Putin’s illegal invasion. That is why we took action and led a coalition of 36 countries to protect the integrity of international sport and ensure that athletes representing Russia and Belarus are unable to compete.

    It is for the independent international sports bodies, such as the International Olympic Committee (IOC), International Paralympic Committee (IPC) and FIFA, to set the rules for participation in their events. But our position is clear. Putin’s regime does not deserve to see its athletes line up on the starting blocks of races or stand on podiums during medal ceremonies as representatives of their countries.

    This has never been about punishing individual Russian or Belarusian athletes.

    What we stand against is athletes competing representing the states of Russia and Belarus.

    We continue to vigorously oppose Russian and Belarusian state participation. Our policy has never been a complete and total ban on neutral athletes from Russia and Belarus participating at all. Athletes from Russia and Belarus have been able to compete in the UK as neutral athletes since the invasion. For example, our guidance allowed athletes from Russia and Belarus to compete at tennis competitions under strict neutrality conditions.

    Instead, our efforts – and the efforts of our international coalition – have been focused on urging the IOC and IPC to change their approach, apply the strictest neutrality conditions possible and ensure they are implemented rigorously.

    After two years of concerted lobbying, they have done that. And the result is that the number of athletes from Russia and Belarus expected to participate in the Olympics is in the tens, not hundreds.

    As a result, we have written to the IOC and IPC noting that their final neutrality rules for Paris achieve the widely accepted baseline of ensuring that Russia and Belarus are not represented as states in international sport. Our focus now turns to ensuring these rules are stringently enforced and maintained as long as the war goes on.

  • Oliver Dowden – 2024 Speech on Economic Security

    Oliver Dowden – 2024 Speech on Economic Security

    The speech made by Oliver Dowden, the Deputy Prime Minister, on 18 April 2024.

    We discuss economic security against the backdrop of Iran’s reckless and dangerous attack against Israel…

    … and six months since the terrorist outrage of October 7th with Hamas still holding innocent people hostage.

    It has been over two years since Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine…

    …meanwhile, China’s aggression in Xinjiang, the South China Sea, and Hong Kong demonstrates its disregard for the rules based order.

    We have returned to substrata geopolitical competition – and tension – at levels not seen since the Cold War.

    While we are not in open hostilities – we are in cyber and economic contestation with an increasing range of state and non-state actors.

    At a time when the global economy is much more integrated…

    … and our strategic competitors play a far more impactful role…

    … our economic and security interests are intertwined as never before.

    We have demonstrated our strength in the face of these challenges.

    We have restored stability after the twin shocks of Covid, and Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine….

    … and continue to create the conditions for business to flourish.

    As the Deputy Prime Minister of a G7 country with the highest inward investment in Europe…

    …the continent’s biggest tech sector…

    …the biggest exporter of services after the US…

    … and the world’s most competitive financial centre…

    …I know we must be doing something right.

    Inflation has been halved…

    … real household disposable income is on the rise…

    … and the pace of growth is increasing.

    That is all testament to the Great British economic model which is the key to our long-term prosperity…

    …a model based on open markets … free trade … and academic liberty…

    …all underpinned by the rule of law.

    But we must also be clear-eyed that one of the great strengths of our system – its openness – also brings vulnerabilities.

    Covid, and Russia’s war in Ukraine both laid bare the interconnectedness of global supply chains…

    …and the extent to which they can be exploited:

    …Russia driving up the price of gas…

    … Chinese acts of economic coercion.

    Indeed, the CCP is seeking to make the world both increasingly dependent on China; whilst making itself less dependent on everyone else..

    Meanwhile, our open economy is being targeted by state-based actors and their proxies.

    Across our inbound and outbound investment flows, our imports and exports, and our academic collaborations…

    … the whole spectrum of our economic security interests is under threat.

    And the nature of these threats is evolving.

    So as our protections increase in one area, new routes of attack emerge.

    And so our response must evolve in kind.

    Our toolkits may be actor agnostic. But, be in no doubt that, we, the leaders who wield these tools, are clear about where the threats are currently coming from.

    In short, while the financial crash and pandemic exposed the economic risks of globalisation…

    …today’s rising geopolitical competition is demonstrating the security risks behind such integration.

    That confronts us with an active choice.

    A careful balancing act between our freedoms, our prosperity, and our security.

    There are those that see this simplistically…

    …who advocate a move to a polarised world…

    …where we detach ourselves from those who do not share our values, or who don’t play by our rules.

    That is not the approach of the UK Government.

    We will not decouple from the global economy. We will continue to default to openness. We must.

    That is what generates growth, guarantees our prosperity, and enables us to invest in our security.

    There is no greater source of resilience than a strong economy.

    So while we won’t decouple; we must de-risk;

    Our rules must constantly adapt.

    And politicians need to be honest about how we are responding:

    We have a plan, and I want to be open about that plan.

    Fundamentally, we need to tighten our controls over the routes by which the UK plugs into the global economy…

    … but in a way that allows investment and trade to flow as freely as possible.

    Those routes are diverse and complex. So our corresponding response needs to be subtle and agile.

    It starts with inbound investment.

    A great source of prosperity and pride for our country.

    I want to be crystal clear with our investment partners – the UK welcomes inbound investment, we are open for business, and my presumption will always be in favour of investment.

    But if we allow money to flow into our country unchecked, we leave ourselves open to abuse.

    This is the area of economic security where we are most developed, thanks to the National Security and Investment Act.

    Since coming into force, it has functioned well.

    The government has reviewed over 1,700 notifications and issued 20 final orders.

    Only 7% of notified transactions were called in for scrutiny, and only 1% were issued a final order.

    So the vast majority of businesses have had zero interaction with the regime, nor do we want them to.

    It typifies what is known as the small garden, high fence approach…

    … safeguarding the UK against the small number of investments that could be harmful to our national security, while leaving the vast majority of deals unaffected.

    That is not to say investment into sensitive areas is off limits…

    …but it must be managed in a way that protects our national security at the same time as driving growth.

    Indeed – to extend the metaphor just a little further – just as important as the garden is the ground that surrounds it.

    Beyond the fence should lie a vast and fertile landscape where trade and investment thrive.

    So to tend to this, we are constantly monitoring the Act’s performance to ensure it stays ahead of threats, while remaining as pro-business as possible.

    So today I have published the Government’s response to my recent Call for Evidence…

    …setting out the important next steps we will take to fine tune the NSI system:

    I will shortly publish an updated statement setting out how I use the powers under the Act…

    …including what we are seeking to protect and how we assess risk.

    And we will publish updated marked guidance, including how the Act can apply to academia.

    We will also update the mandatory area definitions…

    …including new definitions for critical minerals and semiconductors…

    and we will consult in the coming weeks.

    And finally, we will consider targeted legislative exemptions from the Act’s mandatory notification requirements.

    Likewise, when it comes to exports, we must ensure that the goods and technologies we sell overseas…

    …are not being used to harm our own national interest, or in a way that runs counter to our values.

    That is why we have an Export Controls regime, which we have significantly enhanced…

    …responding specifically to risks around new technologies such as quantum.

    Having reviewed the impact of these changes, we are confident we have a strong set of tools to prevent exports of concern.

    But we do recognise that this stronger regime has posed challenges to a small number of UK exporters.

    And really this is an indication of the trade-offs that the Government must navigate.

    And so we will consult on improvements to our controls on emerging technologies.

    We must ensure our system is flexible enough to deal with rapidly emerging threats…

    …that cases are processed more quickly and efficiently…

    … and that we maintain close collaboration with UK researchers and businesses.

    We also connect to the global economy through the import of goods and services.

    Again, we see deliberate attempts at weaponising import and export links through coercion …

    …including trade restrictions by China against Lithuania and by Russia against Ecuador.

    We have also seen examples where public sector procurement poses risks to national security…

    …from surveillance systems…to telecoms infrastructure…each featuring increased capability and connectivity.

    That is why I banned Huawei from our 5G networks, and Chinese surveillance equipment from key Government sites.

    It is not the role of Government to mandate sources of supply across the whole economy.

    We do, though, want business to be aware of the risks of excessive dependence…

    …and where possible to work with us to reduce it.

    And so we will continue to develop the UK’s Anti-Coercion Toolkit…

    … including investing in civil service capability…

    … increasing stress testing and exercising…

    … with more security-cleared officials…

    … and working with the G7 and other partners to tackle future threats.

    But there is one further, more challenging, area of economic security…

    …one that has concerned both us and our allies.

    And that is outward direct investment.

    Now of course the UK is a major source of global investment….

    …one of the few global financial centres.

    UK investors hold 14 trillion pounds of assets overseas…

    … in turn generating hundreds of billions of pounds annually.

    Yet a careful review of the evidence suggests it is possible that a very small proportion of outbound investments could present national security issues.

    Indeed, they might be fuelling technological advances that enhance the military and intelligence capabilities of countries of concern.

    The data is limited, but over the next year we will engage with G7 allies and businesses to better understand this risk…

    …and how our tools can mitigate it.

    In parallel we will evaluate whether further action is warranted.

    We are launching a dedicated analytical team to assess the risk in sensitive sectors…

    …and we will issue public guidance on how the existing NSI powers allow the Government to intervene in certain outbound investment transactions.

    And we are refreshing and enhancing the National Protective Security Authority’s ‘Secure Business’ campaign.

    So this is designed to ensure businesses can make better informed investment decisions.

    This plan of action is based on reassurance, protection, and engagement…

    …giving British business the clarity and coherence they need to plan and to thrive.

    We are not seeking to dampen animal spirits…

    …instead we aim to be precise, proportionate and coordinated.

    It is why I launched the public-private forum on economic security last year…

    …and why we put businesses at the heart of devising the National Cyber Security Centre, the National Protective Security Authority and the Investment Security Unit.

    And we will continue to iterate that support…

    …in particular helping smaller businesses to engage with government.

    I can announce that today the NPSA and NCSC are launching  a new tool…

    … to help small tech businesses and university spinouts assess and improve their security.

    Finally, we are coordinating closely with our universities.

    Our academic base is a jewel in our crown…

    …with four of the world’s top ten institutions.

    Just as openness has been crucial to our economic success…

    …internationalism has been vital to our academic prowess.

    The vast majority of that collaboration is to be welcomed and applauded.

    We should be proud that much of the cutting-edge development in sensitive technologies is happening at our universities.

    But this also has the potential to become a chink in our armoury.

    This is not about erecting fences around entire institutions or areas of research.

    However, it is right that we look at who has access to research frontiers in the most sensitive disciplines.

    Similarly, we must ensure that some universities’ reliance on foreign funding does not become a dependency by which they can be influenced, exploited, or even coerced.

    Or indeed, find themselves vulnerable in the fallout from heightened geopolitical tensions.

    That’s why the government has been conducting a review into academic security…

    … and I will be convening a round-table of university Vice Chancellors in the coming weeks to discuss our findings…

    …and our proposed response.

    In all of this, we do not act alone.

    We are working with our allies around the world…

    …evolving our trading relationships into economic security partnerships, such as  the Atlantic Declaration with the United States…

    …and the G7 Coordination Platform on economic coercion.

    Together, we will succeed in protecting our national security by safeguarding our economic security.

    Because what unites us … unlike our adversaries … is our values.

    Our societies prize innovation, ideas and the successes of individuals.

    We celebrate what we can make – not what we can take.

    We know that a creative, open, outward-facing economy is a strong economy…

    …and that a strong economy makes us all more secure.

    In these uncertain times, that economic model must adapt and respond to new threats…

    …but it must also remain true to the principles which have yielded prosperity, opportunity and security in the past.

    Our prosperity and our security are two sides of the same coin.

    We do not make ourselves more secure by being less open…

    Instead we redouble our efforts to make our open market as secure as possible.

    And in doing so we safeguard the United Kingdom’s position as the best place in the world …

    …to invest …

    …to study …

    …to trade with…

    …to live…

    … and to prosper.

    And long may that continue.