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  • Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill

    Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill

    The statement made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, in the House of Commons on 27 June 2022.

    I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.

    We are taking this action to uphold the Belfast/Good Friday agreement, which has brought peace and political stability to Northern Ireland. The Northern Ireland protocol is undermining the function of the agreement and of power sharing. It has created fractures between east and west, diverted trade and meant that people in Northern Ireland are treated differently from people in Great Britain. It has weakened their economic rights. That has created a sense that parity of esteem between different parts of the community, an essential part of the agreement, has been damaged.

    The Bill will address those political challenges and fix the practical problems the protocol has created. It avoids a hard border and protects the integrity of the UK and the European Union single market. It is necessary because the growing issues in Northern Ireland, including on tax and customs, are baked into the protocol itself. Our preference remains a negotiated solution, and the Bill contains a provision that allows for negotiated agreement, but the EU has ruled out up-front making changes to the text of the protocol.

    John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con)

    I congratulate the Foreign Secretary on her very patient and good diplomacy. Will she confirm that this very moderate measure is completely legal and essential to the peace and good will of Northern Ireland?

    Elizabeth Truss

    I can absolutely confirm that this Bill is both necessary and legal, and the Government have published a legal statement setting that out.

    Caroline Lucas (Brighton, Pavilion) (Green) rose—

    Elizabeth Truss

    I will make a bit more progress and then allow some further interventions.

    We continue to raise the issues of concern with our European partners, but we simply cannot allow this situation to drift. Northern Ireland has been without a devolved Government since February due specifically to the protocol, at a time of major global economic challenges. Therefore, it is the duty of this Government to act now to enable a plan for restored local government to begin. It is both legal and necessary.

    This Bill fixes the specific problems that have been caused in Northern Ireland while maintaining those parts of the protocol that are working. It fixes problems in four areas: customs and sanitary and phytosanitary; a dual regulatory model; subsidy control and VAT; and governance. On customs and SPS, the Bill creates a green and red lane system. All those trading into Northern Ireland will be part of a trusted trader scheme. Goods destined for Northern Ireland will not face customs bureaucracy. Goods for the Republic of Ireland and the EU will go through four EU-style border procedures. All data from both the green and red lanes will be shared with the EU in real time as the goods depart from Great Britain. This means that the EU will have this data before the goods arrive in Northern Ireland, ensuring that the EU single market is protected.

    Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

    I thank the Secretary of State for bringing this forward and for her comprehensive understanding of the position of many people in Northern Ireland. As someone who has had businesses contacting me for those who have openly stated that they are from a nationalist tradition and yet feel afraid to voice complaints to their own MP for fear of reprisals, I speak with confidence in assuring the Secretary of State that Northern Ireland as a whole needs this Bill not simply for cultural identity, which is imperative, but for financial viability for small businesses due to the effects of the EU’s vindictive approach to block VAT and state aid. This Bill really is long overdue.

    Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Rosie Winterton)

    Order. Interventions should be fairly brief because we have a lot of people wanting to speak in this debate.

    Elizabeth Truss

    I was talking about the data that we are sharing with the EU. I am pleased to say that we already have this system in place. We are giving demonstrations to businesses and the EU to show how it works, and I am happy to make those demonstrations available to Members of Parliament as well. Any trader violating the lanes will face penalties and would face ejection from the scheme.

    Mr Andrew Mitchell (Sutton Coldfield) (Con)

    I have an immense amount of sympathy with what the Foreign Secretary is saying, and it does seem to me as though the EU is not being particularly constructive in trying to get the solution that we all want to see. But many of us are extremely concerned that the Bill brazenly breaks a solemn international treaty, trashes our international reputation, threatens a trade war at a time when our economy is flat, and puts us at odds with our most important ally. Can she say anything to reassure me in my anxieties on these points?

    Elizabeth Truss

    As I said at the outset, our preference is for a negotiated solution, and we have sought that for 18 months, but as recently as last weekend the EU has refused to change the text of the protocol. That is why there is strong legal justification, as set out in our legal statement, for us taking this action. Our priority, as the United Kingdom Government, has to be political stability within our own country. While we put this Bill through Parliament, we will continue to seek a negotiated solution with the EU, and there are provisions in the Bill to deliver that. I would strongly encourage my right hon. Friend to raise this with the EU directly and to encourage a negotiated solution, because there is a solution to be achieved. We have laid it out very clearly with our red and green proposal, but we do need the EU to agree to change the text of the protocol. That is the fundamental issue that needs to be addressed.

    Joanna Cherry (Edinburgh South West) (SNP)

    I am grateful to the Secretary of State for giving way. The Government’s legal position prays in aid the international law doctrine of necessity, but the International Law Commission says that where a state has itself contributed to the situation of necessity, that doctrine cannot be prayed in aid. Given that the Prime Minister signed the withdrawal agreement, including the protocol, in the knowledge that it would give rise to precisely the difficulties of which the Government now complain—we debated it on the Floor of the House—does the Secretary of State not see that there is a pretty big hole in the legal advice she has been given?

    Elizabeth Truss

    We set out the case extremely clearly in the legal advice, and the doctrine of necessity has been used by other Governments in the past where there is a severe issue and the other party is unwilling to renegotiate that treaty. That is the position we are in with the Northern Ireland protocol. What I would ask the hon. and learned Lady and other Members on the Opposition Benches is this: given that the EU refuses to reopen the Northern Ireland protocol, and issues around customs and tax are specifically baked in, what is their solution for dealing with the real issues in Northern Ireland? We have looked at all the alternative solutions, and the only effective solution is this Northern Ireland Protocol Bill, in the absence of the EU being willing to negotiate a new protocol.

    Sir Bernard Jenkin (Harwich and North Essex) (Con)

    My right hon. Friend could also point out that the protocol itself contains provisions for it to be changed, and the EU refuses to contemplate using those provisions. May I also point out that at the time we signed the protocol, we did not know the shape of the trade and co-operation agreement, and it was reasonable to expect the EU to give mutual recognition of products and standards, including SPS standards, as it has with New Zealand, for example? The EU refuses to give us those provisions. The problems in the protocol would be much less if the EU had given us a better trade deal.

    Elizabeth Truss

    My hon. Friend is absolutely right that the protocol is not set in stone. That is why for the past 18 months this Government have sought to achieve negotiated changes to the protocol. In the absence of the EU being willing to change the text, the only way to resolve this matter is for us to legislate.

    Several hon. Members rose—

    Elizabeth Truss

    I am going to make more progress, and then I will take more interventions.

    We fully understand and respect the legitimate concerns of the EU that the single market should be protected. Our solution does just that. The Bill will also establish a dual regulatory regime so that businesses can choose between meeting UK and EU standards. That removes the barriers to goods made to UK standards being sold in Northern Ireland and it cuts the processes that drive up cost for business. It prevents unnecessary divergence between two parts of the UK internal market. Anybody who trades into the EU single market will still have to do so according to EU standards.

    The Bill will also ensure that the Government can set UK-wide policies on subsidy control and VAT, overcoming constraints that have meant Northern Ireland has not benefited from the same support as the rest of the UK. For example, at present people in Northern Ireland are not able to benefit from the VAT cuts on solar panels that the Chancellor announced in the spring statement.

    These are essential functions of any 21st-century state, but they are especially important in Northern Ireland, where the UK Government play an outsized role in the local economy. We will maintain the arrangements in the protocol on VAT, which support trade on the island of Ireland while ensuring that Northern Ireland can still benefit from the freedoms and flexibility available in Great Britain.

    Caroline Lucas

    Does the Secretary of State understand why so many people would accuse this Government of the most rank hypocrisy? First, this is a predictable outcome of the agreement that they negotiated when they did not give a fig for the situation in Northern Ireland, frankly. Secondly, if they were serious about negotiations, they could be using article 16. Thirdly, at the very same time that the Prime Minister is gladhanding G7 leaders in Bavaria and extolling the virtues of a rules-based international system, his own Government at home are riding a horse and coaches through a rules-based system. Does she understand the concerns we have? What kind of reputation will the UK have on the global stage as a result of this proposal?

    Elizabeth Truss

    As I have made clear, the Belfast/Good Friday agreement should have primacy. The fact is that it has been undermined over the past two years, as we can see from the fact that the institutions of Northern Ireland are not up and running. That is why the Government need to act, and we are doing so in a reasonable and legal way.

    Sir Robert Neill (Bromley and Chislehurst) (Con)

    I entirely accept my right hon. Friend’s desire to achieve a negotiated settlement if at all possible; I know how much work has gone into that. To return to the legal point, she will know that the application of the doctrine of necessity requires both the legal tests to be met and the evidential base to be there, because it is largely fact-specific to show whether those tests have been met. I know that the Government have been working hard to assemble that evidential base, but can she tell us when it will be available to the House so that we can form a judgment as to whether those legal tests are met and, therefore, proportionality and necessity are met? It would be helpful to have that before we come to a conclusion on the Bill.

    Elizabeth Truss

    I thank my hon. Friend for that point. There are clearly very severe issues in Northern Ireland, including the fact that its institutions are not up and running, which mean that the UK has to act and cannot allow the situation to drift. I do not think that we have heard what the Opposition’s alternative would be, apart from simply hoping that the EU might suddenly negotiate or come up with a new outcome.

    Karin Smyth (Bristol South) (Lab)

    Will the Secretary of State give way?

    Elizabeth Truss

    Perhaps the hon. Lady can give us an idea about her alternative plan.

    Karin Smyth

    Over the past six years, I have given several alternatives, including as a shadow Minister. The Secretary of State talks about the institutions. Can she give the House the details of the agreement she has secured from the political parties in Northern Ireland that they will return to Stormont on the completion of the Bill—or on the completion of Second Reading, at any point during the Committee stage, or on Third Reading? What in the Bill has secured that? What role is there for anybody in Northern Ireland, given that the powers go to the Minister of the Crown?

    Elizabeth Truss

    I note that the hon. Lady has not come up with any alternatives to the Bill to move the situation forward. The approach we have taken, with the four areas that I am talking through, is to identify what the practical problems are for the people of Northern Ireland and to come up with solutions that address those problems while protecting the EU single market. It is our expectation that the passage of the Bill will result in the institutions being re-established.

    Several hon. Members rose—

    Elizabeth Truss

    I will make progress on talking through the elements of the Bill, but I will be happy to accept further interventions later.

    The Bill will ensure that the Government can set UK-wide policies on subsidy control and VAT, which will overcome the constraints that have meant that Northern Ireland has not benefited from the same support as the rest of the UK, as I mentioned. It will also maintain the arrangements in the protocol on VAT that support trade on the island of Ireland, while ensuring that Northern Ireland can still benefit from the freedoms and flexibilities available in Great Britain.

    The Bill will remove the role of the European Court where it is not appropriate, including its role as the final arbiter of disputes. That is in line with normal international dispute-resolution provisions, including in the trade and co-operation agreement. The Bill will also enable courts to seek an opinion from the European Court on legitimate questions of the interpretation of EU law, which will ensure that it can still be applied for the purposes of north-south trade.

    The Belfast/Good Friday agreement is based on consent from both communities. All Unionist parties have cited the European Court as a main cause of major democratic deficit. Together with VAT and state aid rules, it causes Unionists to feel less connected and less part of the UK. This is not a hypothetical issue; the European Court has already become one of the most controversial elements of the protocol and threatens to disrupt everyday lives. The EU has brought infraction proceedings against the UK in five areas that cover issues such as parcels and transporting pets. To be absolutely clear, the Bill changes only the parts of the protocol that are causing the problems and undermining the three strands of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement.

    Chris Bryant (Rhondda) (Lab)

    I have a very short question, which is simply this. The Foreign Secretary says the Bill is legal, but lots of people disagree with her, including lots of very eminent lawyers both in this country and elsewhere. Which body will arbitrate on the decision as to whether this Bill is legal?

    Elizabeth Truss

    We have published our Government legal statement, which clearly states the reasons why this Bill is legal and the necessity of pursuing this Bill. I return to my point about the lack of alternatives being proposed by the Opposition. We have exhausted all the other avenues, and this remains the course of action that is actually going to deliver for the people of Northern Ireland and re-establish the institutions.

    Aaron Bell (Newcastle-under-Lyme) (Con)

    There is a lot of talk about international law, but can I take the Foreign Secretary to paragraph 3 of article 2 of the UN charter? It says:

    “All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.”

    That is incumbent on us and the EU, and the EU needs to engage with us and negotiate so that peace is not threatened.

    Elizabeth Truss

    My hon. Friend is right. It is very clear from the legal advice that one of the issues is that the EU will not change the text of the protocol even though, when the protocol was negotiated, it was very clear that it was not set in stone and should be subject to change because of the very unique situation in Northern Ireland.

    We are very clear that there are elements of the protocol that are working and that we do want to maintain. We will maintain the conditions for north-south co-operation and trade, and uphold the common travel area. We will maintain the functioning of the single electricity market, which benefits both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland.

    The Bill provides specific powers to implement technical regulations as part of our solution, and today we launched a consultation with businesses to make sure that the way it is implemented works for the people of business in Northern Ireland. We will continue consulting with businesses and the EU over the coming weeks to make sure that the implementation works.

    Mr Mark Francois (Rayleigh and Wickford) (Con)

    One of the fundamental purposes of this long-awaited Bill is to uphold the critical Good Friday agreement, which as the whole House knows completely underpins the maintenance of peace and political stability in Northern Ireland. That being the case, for those who follow this matter closely, including in the United States, will the Foreign Secretary confirm that one of the strongest advocates for action on this has been Lord Trimble, the Nobel laureate, who helped negotiate the Good Friday agreement in the first place?

    Elizabeth Truss

    My right hon. Friend is absolutely right. We all know how hard-won peace and political stability in Northern Ireland was, and we all know how important it is that the Belfast/Good Friday agreement is upheld and is not undermined. That is the discussion I have been having with colleagues in the United States and around the world, and those who have experienced the situation in Northern Ireland fully understand how important it is that we act and that we cannot allow this situation to drift.

    I know there are those across the House who want to give negotiation more time. The problem we face is that we have already been negotiating for 18 months. We have a negotiating partner that is refusing to change the text of the protocol. Meanwhile, we have a worsening situation in Northern Ireland. So it is firmly the view of this Government that we need to act. We are pursuing this legislation as all other options have been exhausted.

    Our first choice was and remains renegotiating the protocol text with the EU. This is in line with the evolution of other treaties, which happens all the time. For example, both the EU and the UK are currently renegotiating changes to the energy charter treaty. Given the unique nature of Northern Ireland and the unprecedented nature of these arrangements, it was always likely that flexibility would be needed. In fact, that flexibility was explicitly acknowledged in the protocol itself, but despite the fact that we have been pursuing these renegotiations we have not seen the flexibility needed from the EU.

    As recently as this weekend, the EU said it will not renegotiate the text of the protocol, and Members across the House will have seen that the EU put forward proposals last year and again a fortnight ago; it is worth pointing out that those proposals will leave the people and businesses of Northern Ireland worse off than the current standstill arrangements. Its proposals would make the situation on the ground worse, adding further to the tensions and stresses; goods going solely to Northern Ireland would still face customs paperwork and sanitary and phytosanitary certificates.

    Sally-Ann Hart (Hastings and Rye) (Con)

    Does my right hon. Friend agree that this Bill is borne out of necessity: necessity to act in our national interest, to provide a permanent solution to a temporary measure, to preserve the Belfast agreement, and to preserve the constitutional settlement that keeps Northern Ireland as part of the UK? It is a necessity to prevent a democratic deficit and to use international law to safeguard and protect our essential interests while protecting those of the EU.

    Elizabeth Truss

    My hon. Friend is absolutely right. We still face a situation in which the EU has refused to change the text of the protocol, and its proposals do not even address many of the issues of concern—over governance, subsidies, manufactured goods and VAT. Without dealing with those very real issues for the people of Northern Ireland we are not going to see the balance of the Belfast Good Friday agreement restored, and we are not going to see the cross-community support we need to get the political institutions back up and running.

    Gavin Robinson (Belfast East) (DUP)

    The Foreign Secretary knows that the three things that need to be resolved are the friction in trade; repairing the harm to our constitutional position within this country; and erasing the democratic deficit at the heart of the protocol. The Foreign Secretary has fairly outlined the myriad steps the Government have taken; if this Bill is required, they can have our support in resolving these issues, but she will also hear a lot of opposition from Members of other parties on this side of the House. In hearing that opposition from colleagues sitting to my right and left, can she identify even one of them who advocated using article 16 or the provisions of the protocol, or have they simply no interest in trying to resolve the issues affecting the people of Northern Ireland today?

    Elizabeth Truss

    The hon. Gentleman makes a very good point. Those who advocate further negotiation with the EU need to persuade the EU to change its negotiating mandate so the text of the protocol can change, because we know that those specific issues, including on the customs bureaucracy and VAT, can only be addressed by addressing the text of the protocol itself.

    I want to come on to the specific point the hon. Gentleman made about article 16. Of course we have looked at triggering article 16 to deal with this issue; however, we came to the conclusion that it would not resolve the fundamental issues in the protocol. It is only a temporary measure and it would only treat some of the symptoms without fixing the root cause of the problems, which are baked into the protocol text itself. It could also lead to attrition and litigation with the EU while not delivering sufficient change.

    I want to be clear: we do not rule out using article 16 further down the line if the circumstances demand it, but in order to fix the very real problems in Northern Ireland and get the political institutions back up and running, the only solution that is effective and provides a comprehensive and durable solution is this Bill.

    Hilary Benn (Leeds Central) (Lab)

    I suspect that when the Foreign Secretary was campaigning for Britain to remain in the European Union, she never in a million years thought she would be standing here proposing a Bill of this sort. In light of the comment she just made about article 16, why are the Government not proposing to use the legal method to raise these questions with the European Union through the treaty they signed, rather than claiming necessity? The Foreign Secretary has yet to give me a single example where the British Government have claimed necessity for abrogating a treaty they have negotiated and signed.

    Elizabeth Truss

    The reason why I am putting the Bill forward is that I am a patriot, and I am a democrat. Our No. 1 priority is protecting peace and political stability in Northern Ireland and protecting the Belfast/Good Friday agreement. Nothing that the right hon. Gentleman has suggested will achieve that end.

    Several hon. Members rose—

    Elizabeth Truss

    I will finish off my remarks.

    The only way for us to uphold the Belfast/Good Friday agreement and fix the problems in Northern Ireland is to pass this legislation. We have heard all kinds of complaining from the Opposition side about the solution that the Government are putting forward, but no alternative solution that will deliver.

    I want to be clear that this is not my preferred choice, but, in the absence of a negotiated solution, we have no other choice. There is no need for the EU to react negatively. It will be no worse off as a result of the Bill. These issues are very small in the context of the single market, but they are critical for Northern Ireland.

    Simon Hoare (North Dorset) (Con)

    The Foreign Secretary knows that I have grave concerns about her Bill, but may I ask her coolly to reflect on praying in aid patriotism as a defence of it? Is she seriously impugning the patriotism of colleagues across the House who have concerns about her Bill? I find that a false conflation.

    Elizabeth Truss

    I was directly responding to the point made by the right hon. Member for Leeds Central (Hilary Benn) about why I campaigned one way in the referendum and am now working to ensure that the Brexit negotiation that we achieved works for the people of Northern Ireland. That is because I believe in the Union of the United Kingdom and in the relationship between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and I want to resolve those issues.

    All I am pointing out to colleagues across the House is that I have negotiated in good faith with the European Union, but it has refused to change the text of the protocol. I have looked at all the options—including triggering article 16—to see whether they would work to resolve the serious issues in Northern Ireland, and I have come to the genuine conclusion that they will not.

    Ian Paisley (North Antrim) (DUP)

    Will the Secretary of State commit that never again will a Government stand at that Dispatch Box and change the Act of Union in a way that is detrimental to this United Kingdom that we all adhere to and all admire? Will she also confirm that more than 300 hours have been spent in negotiations with the EU and that it has resisted any change whatsoever, such is its animosity towards Northern Ireland?

    Elizabeth Truss

    The very clear reason why we are acting now is that there has been a refusal to change the text of the protocol, which is causing real problems in Northern Ireland. As I have said, these issues are very small in the context of the single market, but they are critical for the people of Northern Ireland, and it is in their interests that we are acting in putting through the Bill.

    Once the legislation is enacted, we can draw a line under the issue and unleash the full potential of our relationship with the EU. Fundamentally, we share a belief in democracy, in freedom and in the right of all countries to self-determination. We are natural allies in an increasingly uncertain and geopolitical world.

    Colum Eastwood (Foyle) (SDLP)

    Will the Foreign Secretary give way?

    Richard Graham (Gloucester) (Con)

    Will the Foreign Secretary give way?

    Elizabeth Truss

    I will not give way any more—the House will be pleased to hear that I am almost at the end of my remarks. We want to work with the EU for the betterment of not just Europe but the world, and we want to focus all our efforts on tackling external threats, such as Putin’s Russia. Once this legislation is passed, we will have a solution that helps to restore the balance between the communities, and that upholds the Belfast/Good Friday agreement. That is the purpose of the Bill, and I commend it to the House.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech on Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia Joining the European Union

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech on Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia Joining the European Union

    The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, at the European Parliamentary Plenary in Brussels on 22 June 2022.

    Thank you, Madam President, dear Roberta,

    Cher Charles,

    Honourable Members,

    From the early days of the Maidan on, Ukraine has bravely resisted against Russia’s aggression. It went through repression and uprising. It went through territorial annexation, and now outright war. It is the only country where people got shot because they wrapped themselves in a European flag. Ukraine has gone through hell and high water for one simple reason: Its desire to join the European Union.

    The European Commission answered to this desire explicitly. The opinion we presented last week recognises Ukraine’s aspirations. It acknowledges the immense progress that Ukraine’s democracy has achieved since the Maidan protests of 2014. Our opinion stems from a careful and thorough assessment of the reality on the ground. And this evidence tells us that Ukraine deserves a European perspective, and also the candidate status on the understanding that the country will carry out a number of further, important reforms.

    Ukraine has proven, already before the war, that it is on the right trajectory. In the last few years Ukraine has reformed more than in the last decades. Thanks to the Association Agreement of 2016, Ukraine has already implemented roughly 70% of EU rules, norms and standards. It is already involved in many important EU programmes like Horizon Europe and Erasmus. Ukraine is a robust parliamentary democracy, it has a well-functioning public administration, which every day is passing the ultimate stress test of war. It has free and fair elections and a vibrant civil society, that holds the government to account. Year after year, small businesses and, in particular, young entrepreneurs have conquered new space in the country´s economy – and fought back against the power of oligarchs. Ukraine punches well above its weight when it comes to innovative start-ups and the digital economy. And all of this progress has been achieved because the people of Ukraine have Europe in their hearts and their minds.

    But we also know that there is important work ahead. Take the fight against corruption. Ukraine has already taken important steps in the right direction. It has set up the necessary anti-corruption bodies. But now these institutions have to come to life. They need teeth, and the right people in senior posts.

    Or take the excessive influence of oligarchs on the economy. Ukraine has adopted a bold law to break the oligarchs’ grip on Ukraine’s economic, political and public life. In fact, it is the only country in the Eastern Partnership that has done so. Now it is about turning the law into positive and enduring change. I discussed this and other issues with President Zelenskyy and Prime Minister Shmyhal during my recent visit to Kyiv. And I know that the people of Ukraine want to continue on the path of modernisation, the path of democracy, the path that leads to Europe.

    Honourable Members,

    After the fall of the Berlin wall, Jacques Delors said: ‘History is once again on the march in Europe. But it is for us to give history a meaning.’

    Jacques Delors was referring to the need to open up our Union to all European countries. And his words are still true today. History is on the march. And I am not just talking about Putin’s war of aggression. I am talking about the wind of change that once again blows across our continent. With their applications, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia are telling us that they want change. They want more democracy, more freedoms and stronger reforms. They are telling us that they want Europe. We have a responsibility towards them, but we also have a responsibility towards ourselves to make the right choice. So let me speak briefly about our assessment for Moldova. Moldova has taken decisive steps towards Europe, too. With a clear mandate from its citizens. It is on a real pro-reform, anti-corruption and European path for the first time since independence. And this is why it deserves the European perspective and candidate status, again on the understanding that the country will carry out a number of further, important reforms. In particular, its economy and public administration require major efforts. But provided that the country’s leaders stay the course, we believe the country has the potential to live up to the requirements.

    Georgia shares the same aspirations and potential as Ukraine and Moldova. Its application has strengths, in particular the market orientation of its economy, with a strong private sector. To succeed however, the country must now come together politically. It must design a clear path towards structural reform and towards the European Union. A path that concretely sets out the necessary reforms, brings civil society on board and benefits from broad political support. This is why we recommend to Council to grant Georgia the European perspective, but to come back and assess how the country meets a number of conditions before granting it candidate status.

    Honourable Members,

    How far Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia will come and how quickly they proceed will depend first and foremost on their actions and their progress. It is a merits-based approach. But how we respond to their passion and their progress is our choice, and ours only. This Parliament has already spoken, loud and clear. I would like to thank you again for that. It is now up to the European Council to decide, and live up to the historic responsibility we are confronted with.

    The history of our Union is one of young democracies getting stronger together. It is the history of Germany’s rebirth after the war. It is Greece, Spain and Portugal moving fast from dictatorship to democracy in the mid-1970s. It is the democratic uprising that brought down the Iron Curtain. It is the long path of reconciliation in the Western Balkans. A path that must lead all the six Western Balkan countries to join our Union. And the next chapter is being written today by the brave people of Ukraine, and by all of us, who must accompany them on their European path. Again, this is Europe’s moment. And we must seize it.

    Long live Europe.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Comments at Press Conference with President Michel and President Macron

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Comments at Press Conference with President Michel and President Macron

    The opening remarks made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 24 June 2022.

    Today, we had the opportunity to hold an in-depth discussion on the economy during the Euro Summit. The euro area is forecast to continue growing both in 2022 and 2023 although by less than we anticipated before the war. Obviously, the war in Ukraine is having a heavy impact, both on growth and on inflation. We have seen Russia’s disruptive action on gas. And we are seeing price increases beyond energy, on food and elsewhere in the economy. Therefore, we discussed how to mitigate the economic and social impacts, especially on the most vulnerable of our societies.

    This starts with being adequately prepared to deal with potential further disruptions in deliveries of Russian gas to Europe. We are working hard on this. We have reviewed all the national emergency plans to help make sure everyone is ready for further disruptions. And we are working on a common European emergency demand reduction plan with industry, but also with the 27 Member States. We do this because we have learnt our lesson from COVID-19. There we have seen that, when we act together as 27, when we avoid fragmentation, we are strong and we have an enormous impact. I will present this plan in July to the Leaders. There will not be a return to cheap fossil fuels, I think. And therefore, alongside temporary and targeted support to vulnerable families and businesses, it is essential to help our economies and societies adapt to the new conditions. The root cause of our problem is our dependence on fossil fuels, which we must get rid of.

    This is basically the essence of REPowerEU. We are providing through REPowerEU resources of round about EUR 300 billion to do three things: The first pillar is to diversify our energy supply. The second pillar is to increase the energy efficiency. And the third pillar is the supply of our own green renewable energy. We are already seeing results. If I may give you an example for the first pillar, the diversification away from Russian gas: We see that the US LNG deliveries to the European Union are up by 75% this year compared to last year. We have just signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Israel, Egypt and the European Union to make sure that there is natural gas from Israel, liquefied in Egypt and then brought via LNG to the European Union. The Norwegian pipeline gas is up by 15%; Azerbaijan is up by 90%. So there is a lot on the move to really diversify away from the Russian gas to other trustworthy suppliers. Looking at the renewables, I think that there is one interesting figure: The European Union was and is the second largest market globally in terms of increased capacity of renewables in 2021, and will be in 2022. So you also see the big move forward of heavy investment in renewables. That is the energy of the future. That is the way to go.

    A second topic that we have been discussing is, in parallel, that we are working on the review of the economic governance. We know that debts and deficits have soared in all Member States after COVID-19. And at the same time, investment needs are very large for a successful transition to a green, digital and resilient EU society and economy. Therefore, we need to design rules that in a way reconcile these higher investment needs – they are necessary – and at the same time to safeguard sound fiscal finances. One goes with the other: that is fiscal sustainability and growth.

    And let me also end, dear Emmanuel, by congratulating you on an extremely successful French Presidency. The work you have done was colossal. I witnessed every day how intensive your team – and I really want to thank you and your team – has been working on progress in the European Union. It really made a difference. We should keep in mind that when you started, there was a lot on your plate, but you had no clue that there was a war coming. In record time, we delivered together six packages of heavy sanctions. And I think that it was a hallmark and a very defining moment to see the determination of the European Union and the speed at which we can move forward. We have, in this time, welcomed 7.5 million refugees from Ukraine. 3 million are still here. And you and your team, as Presidency, made it possible that we very quickly granted temporary protection, that is access to the labour market, to the education system, to the social security system. All this thanks to the French Presidency.

    I thank you personally for the enormous progress that we have made on the European Green Deal – and here, specifically the huge package of Fit for 55. Dozens of proposals have now been pushed forward. And this is a real step forward. The same goes, and I know that this is very close to your heart, for the DSA and the DMA, so putting the online world in order as well as we have it in the offline world, to protect our citizens and to keep up the competitiveness of our businesses in the online world. This has been – the DSA and the DMA – negotiated with ambition and adopted in record time. You really delivered. There was the Conference on the Future of Europe.

    But I am personally very proud on one specific file that you have concluded during the French Presidency, and this is Women on Boards. It took ten long years; it was stuck for ten years. The French Presidency made it possible that it reappeared and was negotiated and adopted in record time. So not only did you put an end to an injustice for women, but also to an enormous loss of earnings for companies. It is a real big step forward that we have now this agreement on Women on Boards.

    Last but not least, and I would not miss to mention it, we have made good progress on the Pact on Migration and Asylum, especially on the voluntary solidarity mechanism and on the governance of Schengen. Important files. They were difficult to manage, you really pushed it forward. I stop here, but as you can see, dear Emmanuel, I think that France can be very proud of this Presidency. It was outstanding. Many thanks for that.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech on Social and Economic Consequences of Russian Invasion

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech on Social and Economic Consequences of Russian Invasion

    The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 4 May 2022.

    Madam President, dear Roberta,

    Honourable Members,

    Next week, we will mark Europe Day. The 72nd birthday of our Union. This Europe Day will be all about the Union of the future – how we make it stronger, more resilient, closer to its people. But the answer to all of these questions, we cannot give alone. The answer is also given in Ukraine. It is given in Kharkiv, where Ukrainian first responders venture into the combat zone to help those wounded by Russian attacks. It is given in small towns like Bucha, where survivors are coping with the atrocities committed against civilians by Russian soldiers. And it is given in Mariupol, where Ukrainians are resisting a Russian force, which greatly outnumbers them. They are fighting to reaffirm basic ideas: That they are the master of their own future – and not some foreign leader. That it is the international law that counts and not the right of might. And that Putin must pay a high price for his brutal aggression.

    Thus, the future of the European Union is also written in Ukraine. And therefore, today, I would like to speak about two topics. First about sanctions and second about relief and reconstruction. Today, we are presenting the sixth package of sanctions. First, we are listing high-ranking military officers and other individuals who committed war crimes in Bucha and who are responsible for the inhuman siege of the city of Mariupol. This sends another important signal to all perpetrators of the Kremlin’s war: We know who you are, and you will be held accountable. Second, we de-SWIFT Sberbank – by far Russia’s largest bank, and two other major banks. By that, we hit banks that are systemically critical to the Russian financial system and Putin’s ability to wage destruction. This will solidify the complete isolation of the Russian financial sector from the global system. Third, we are banning three big Russian state-owned broadcasters from our airwaves. They will not be allowed to distribute their content anymore in the EU, in whatever shape or form, be it on cable, via satellite, on the internet or via smartphone apps. We have identified these TV channels as mouthpieces that amplify Putin’s lies and propaganda aggressively. We should not give them a stage anymore to spread these lies. Moreover, the Kremlin relies on accountants, consultants and spin doctors from Europe. And this will now stop. We are banning those services from being provided to Russian companies.

    My final point on sanction: When the Leaders met in Versailles, they agreed to phase out our dependency on Russian energy. In the last sanction package, we started with coal. Now we are addressing our dependency on Russian oil. Let us be clear: it will not be easy. Some Member States are strongly dependent on Russian oil. But we simply have to work on it. We now propose a ban on Russian oil. This will be a complete import ban on all Russian oil, seaborne and pipeline, crude and refined. We will make sure that we phase out Russian oil in an orderly fashion, in a way that allows us and our partners to secure alternative supply routes and minimises the impact on global markets. This is why we will phase out Russian supply of crude oil within six months and refined products by the end of the year. Thus, we maximise pressure on Russia, while at the same time minimising collateral damage to us and our partners around the globe. Because to help Ukraine, our own economy has to remain strong.

    With all these steps, we are depriving the Russian economy from its ability to diversify and modernise. Putin wanted to wipe Ukraine from the map. He will clearly not succeed. On the contrary: Ukraine has risen up in unity. And it is his own country, Russia, he is sinking.

    Honourable Members,

    We want Ukraine to win this war. But we also want to set the conditions for Ukraine’s success in the aftermath of the war. The first step is immediate relief. This is about short-term economic support to help Ukrainians cope with the fallout of the war, like we do with our macro-financial assistance package and with direct support to the Ukrainian budget. In addition, we recently proposed to suspend all import duties on Ukrainian exports to our Union for one year. I am sure the European Parliament will put its weight behind this idea. But this is not enough for the short-term relief. Ukraine’s GDP is expected to fall by 30% to 50% this year alone. And the IMF estimates that, from May on, Ukraine needs EUR 5 billion each month, plain and simply, to keep the country running, paying pensions, salaries and basic services. We have to support them, but we cannot do it alone. I welcome that the United States announced massive budgetary support. And we, as Team Europe, will also do our share.

    But then, in a second phase, there is the wider reconstruction effort. The scale of destruction is staggering. Hospitals and schools, houses, roads, bridges, railroads, theatres and factories – so much has to be rebuilt. In the fog of war, it is difficult to come up with a precise estimate. Economists are talking about several hundred billion euros. And costs are rising with each day of this senseless war.

    Honourable Members,

    Europe has a very special responsibility towards Ukraine. With our support, Ukrainians can rebuild their country for the next generation. That is why today I am proposing to you that we start working on an ambitious recovery package for our Ukrainian friends. This package should bring massive investment to meet the needs and the necessary reforms. It should address the existing weaknesses of the Ukrainian economy and lay the foundations for sustainable long-term growth. It could set a system of milestones and targets to make sure that European money truly delivers for the people of Ukraine, and is spent in accordance with EU rules. It could help fight corruption, align the legal environment with European standards and radically upgrade Ukraine’s productive capacity. This will bring the stability and certainty needed to make Ukraine an attractive destination for foreign direct investment. And eventually, it will pave the way for Ukraine’s future inside the European Union.

    Slava Ukraini and long live Europe.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Statement by Ursula von der Leyen with Ukrainian President Zelenskyy

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Statement by Ursula von der Leyen with Ukrainian President Zelenskyy

    The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, in Kyiv on 8 April 2022.

    Thank you, dear Volodymyr,

    Let me start by saying that the missile attack this morning on a train station used for evacuations of civilians is despicable. I am appalled by the loss of life and I offer my deep condolences to the families of the victims and all of those who lost loved ones.

    It was important to start my visit in Bucha today. Because in Bucha our humanity was shattered. And it is right and just that the world voted to suspend Russia from the Human Rights Council. This war is a challenge for the entire international community. And this is a decisive moment. Will heinous devastation win or humanity prevail? Will the right of might dominate or is it the rule of law? Will there be constant conflict and struggle or a future of common prosperity?

    Your fight is our fight. I am here with you in Kyiv today to tell you that Europe is on your side. This is the message, dear Volodymyr, I want to bring to the Ukrainian people today.

    We just discussed how to step it up Europe’s support. Let me be clear: We can never match the sacrifice of the Ukrainian people. But we are mobilising our economic power to make Putin pay a heavy price. We have imposed five waves of unprecedented sanctions against Russia. And we are already preparing the next wave. We are now moving into a system of rolling sanctions. And these sanctions are biting hard. Exports in goods to Russia have fallen almost 71%. Inflation is around 20% – and rising. Businesses confidence in Russia is at its lowest level since 1995. And the best and brightest minds are leaving the country, together with more than 700 private companies. On top of this, Member States have already frozen EUR 225 billion of private Russian assets in the EU since the beginning of the war. Russia will decent in economic, financial and technological decay. While Ukraine is marching towards a European future.

    We stand with you as you defend your country. This is my second point. Ukrainian people are holding up the torch of freedom for all of us. The European Union is sending weapons to your country. We have allocated EUR 1 billion from the European Peace Facility to support the Ukrainian Armed Forces. And more will come. I am grateful the High Representative will now propose another EUR 500 million. In addition, EU Member States are delivering military equipment on an unprecedented scale. Slovakia is a shining example for that. With this we support the brave Ukrainian soldiers, fighting for Ukraine´s freedom. And for everyone’s freedom.

    Third, we are strengthening our financial help for Ukraine. Today, we are delivering on EUR 1 billion of support. This sum consists of three different financial packages. As we speak, we are transferring EUR 120 million in budget support. We will make available the EUR 330 million from our emergency package now. Both are grants. And we are accelerating the second half of the macro-financial assistance package with EUR 600 million.

    Fourth, we are with Ukrainians as they seek refuge within our borders. And I promise you: We will take good care of them until it is safe to return home. Home to a free and prosperous Ukraine. We make sure, that they have access to housing, schools, medical care and work. The brave people of Ukraine deserve nothing less. Together with Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, of Canada we are convening a pledging event in Warsaw tomorrow. We call our campaign ‘Stand up for Ukraine’. We will mobilise support for people fleeing the war inside and outside Ukraine. This campaign is yet another proof that Ukraine´s cause today is the world´s cause.

    Finally, we are with you as you dream of Europe. Dear Volodymyr, my message today is clear: Ukraine belongs in the European family. We have heard your request, loud and clear. And today, we are here to give you a first, positive answer. In this envelope, dear Volodymyr, there is an important step towards EU membership. This questionnaire is the basis for our discussion in the coming months. This is where your path towards the European Union begins. We will be at your disposal 24 hours a day, 7 days a week to work on this common basis. Ukraine is a friend, we know this very well. Ukraine shares our values. And due to our association agreement, Ukraine is already closely aligned with our Union. So we will accelerate this process as much as we can, while ensuring that all conditions are respected.

    On the first day of your mandate, dear Volodymyr, you said: ‘We have chosen Europe as our direction. But Europe’, you said, ‘Europe is not somewhere else. Europe is here in our mind. And when Europe is in our mind, then Europe will come to our country too.’

    Today, more than ever, Europe is here. Europe is with you.

    Slava Ukraini.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Q&A at Stand Up for Ukraine

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Q&A at Stand Up for Ukraine

    The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 9 April 2022.

    It is wonderful to be here with you, Hugh, with you, Mr President, with you, Justin. It is wonderful to have you here. Indeed, I was yesterday in Kyiv and I visited Bucha. And there are no words for the horror I have seen in Bucha, the ugly face of Putin’s army terrorising people. And I have so much admiration for our brave Ukrainian friends fighting against this. They are fighting our war. It is our fight that they are in. Because it is not only Ukraine fighting for its sovereignty and integrity, but they are also fighting for the question whether humanity will prevail or whether heinous devastation will be the result. It is the question whether democracy will be stronger or if it is autocracy that will dominate. It is the question whether there is the right of might dominating or whether it is the rule of law.

    And therefore, this is the reason why, together with Justin Trudeau, with Hugh Evans – and thank you very much Mr President, for hosting it here – we said that they stand up for our freedom, so we stand up for Ukraine. This is the reason why we are here today. And we want to rally the world for refugees, inside and outside Ukraine, to support them. So I hope that many, many people will join.

    I want to thank Global Citizen for really activating and mobilising so many artists, sports people and celebrities. Mr President, I want to thank you for hosting us, because this is the country that is hosting two million refugees from Ukraine. So many people are here, who support. Thank you very much for that and let us have a fantastic result for Ukraine.

    Interventions

    Q1 Europe has come together in an unprecedented way to support those coming from Ukraine to the bloc. You have activated the [EU Civil] Protection Mechanism and offered direct support to Ukraine itself. Can you tell us a little bit more about those efforts to date, as you stand in solidarity with Ukraine?

    President von der Leyen: Yes, indeed, there are four million people, that fled Ukraine, right now in the European Union, and there are six and a half million people within Ukraine who fled the war and they need help. They need urgently help. Here, in the European Union, it means that we have immediately triggered the protection for them that gives them citizens’ rights. So from day one: access to schools, to housing, to healthcare, and of course to the labour market. But of course, they need much, much more. They need support. The Member States are doing an outstanding job. It is phenomenal. The NGOs are working on the ground. The communities, the local communities, are outstanding in receiving the refugees. But as I said, more is needed. And any pledge will help a refugee, here, in the European Union. But also, and this is so important: Any pledge will help a person that is internally displaced, so who has lost their home because of the bombing and shelling of Putin’s army within Ukraine. Yesterday, when I spoke with President Zelenskyy, he urged me again to, first of all, ask for pledges for Ukraine refugees in Ukraine but also to be very clear for those who had to flee Ukraine, that they are welcome here. It is wonderful to have them here and we want to give them shelter and support, and help as much as possible. But President Zelenskyy was also hoping that, pretty soon, you might be able to come back and help rebuild the country. What I want to say is that Europe stands by your side. And I know that Justin Trudeau – I have spoken with him many, many times about it – is fully determined, also with Canada. We stand by your side, be it now in the times of war; be it with the refugees; but most importantly, after this war has been won by Ukraine, for the time for reconstruction and rebuilding the country. So our motto is really: Slava Ukraini.

    Q2 We know that conflict is one of the greatest threats to education. And according to UNICEF, more than 350,000 children in Ukraine have already lost access to education. So Madam President, my question to you is this: How do we ensure that this does not become the last issue that gets funded and that we do not end up with a generation of displaced youth with a lost education and compromised health?

    President von der Leyen: Yes, indeed, this is one of the most pressing questions because many, many of the refugees are young children and they need immediately access to schools. And of course, children need other children, so they need to be with their peer groups. And therefore, the pledging here is also about supporting the Member States who have refugees and children. I was travelling to Kyiv with the Slovak Prime Minister, and he told me that, in the last four weeks, they got 700 children that need immediately access to kindergarten, for example. Also, you need teachers, you need classrooms, very practical things, very down-to-earth. And therefore, it is so necessary that we support them in that but also in health issues. The normal access to healthcare is important, but we have, for example, many that come that are not vaccinated, not only against COVID-19 but also the basic vaccinations that you normally get in your childhood. So this has to be done. Or there are many that come that have other diseases which are normally not so present in the population. So the access to healthcare is eminent and extremely important. All these are topics where the Member States are really doing a great job and doing their utmost to accommodate. But the more support they get the better. And then, there is a last point. I just wanted to refer to Arina’s last comment. Arina, you are so right. Arina wanted to tell us, rightly so, that of course, we are now speaking about the refugees. But we also have to be very clear towards Putin that this cannot be, this aggression. And therefore, we are imposing heavy sanctions on Putin and his war machine to really dry out that – economic sanctions, financial sanctions. And Arina is right, what we have to do is get rid of the fossil fuel dependency from Russia. This is for us so important. So, we got out of coal. We are looking into oil. And Arina, what we have to do is not only diversify away from the Russian fossil fuel but we also need massive investment in renewables. This is not only good for a strategic investment in independence but it is, of course, also good for our climate and for our planet. So, many, many tasks to look at. And I just wanted to support you on that point, Arina, it is a very important one.

    Q3 Many across the globe, are becoming increasingly aware of the wider impacts of this conflict on the global food supply. In fact, their estimates are of up to 500 million people potentially facing food insecurity as a result. So with that in mind, what actions can the EU and the European Community take to prioritise this issue and basically prevent or certainly minimise a global food crisis?

    President von der Leyen: Yes, indeed, besides the incredible human suffering that this war brings along and the unbelievable atrocities that we see, there are knock-on effects, for example on global food security. Ukraine is basically the wheat chamber of the world. And now, it is becoming more and more difficult for the farmers in Ukraine to sow and to have the next harvest. And if you see the figures of how many countries, in the global south for example, are dependent on the export of wheat from Ukraine, it is a very, very serious problem. And it is even more serious because, yesterday, the Prime Minister, Denys Shmyhal, told me in Kyiv that Putin’s army is now systematically bombing warehouses, where grain and wheat is stored. Or for example, Ukraine needs to export the wheat by ships, usually, so he is blocking these ships in the Black Sea, therefore increasing the pressure on the food system. So the first thing that we have offered is: ‘Listen, Ukraine, then take the land route and we will create so-called green corridors, so that these transports for wheat can go along through different borders – it is a longer land route, but at least get the wheat out and get some income in, without any difficulties through these green lanes. We do everything possible to support the Ukrainian farmers who need everything to sow, that they can do their work under very difficult circumstances because of their safety. But they are willing to risk their lives, really, to produce the wheat that the world needs. We are giving now EUR 2.5 billion into the global food security, but I know that more will be needed. Because if I look at the numbers, I mean, Ukraine is a major part of the World Food Programme, for example. So this is one of the ugly knock-on effects of this horrible war and one more reason to do everything to end this war.

    Closing remarks by President von der Leyen at the global pledging event ‘Stand Up For Ukraine’

    Thank you so much, Isha, thank you very much for a splendid moderation, thank you very much. And many, many thanks to you, Hugh, at Global Citizen for, again, standing up for those, who need a strong voice. Those, who we often do not see, do not hear and mobilising, rallying the world, and pushing us politicians hard and the leaders hard. That is your job and it is wonderful to see that.

    And Justin, many, many thanks for being a fantastic co-host. It would not have been possible without you. And thank you for your determination, whenever I meet you in our G7 meetings, for example, your intensity of your beliefs and the strength with which you are fighting for the refugees and their needs – I really want to thank you for that.

    And when I look into this room here, I know that there are many refugees here in the room. And looking into your eyes and thinking about your thoughts and the fears that you might have, I just want to tell you that we stand by you. I want to thank the citizens, the many, many people who just opened their hearts and their minds, and their doors and want to help you and comfort you. Because they know that the question how we act today might one day also be a question where they need help, and then hope to find citizens that open their minds and hearts and doors for them. And therefore, thank you all for stepping up for Ukraine.

    I am very curious what the pledges will bring, and you have seen many, many European Leaders that have pledged for their country. We always speak of Team Europe, these are the 27 Member States and the European Commission. So we will see what the 27 Member States have pledged. But I can only announce today, for the European Commission, that we want to pledge EUR 1 billion, EUR 600 million of those will go to Ukraine, to the Ukrainian authorities, and partially to the United Nations, so that the Ukrainian authorities, who know exactly who is in need, can distribute that. And EUR 400 million will go to the frontline states that are doing such an outstanding job and helping the refugees that are coming.

    And the final tally: The world has finally pledged EUR 9.1 billion through this campaign. And, in addition, the Commission, working with EBRD, adds another EUR 1 billion for the IDPs in Ukraine. This is fantastic, so EUR 10.1 billion. And if you say that in dollars, it is even more.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Press Conference with Spanish Prime Minister

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Press Conference with Spanish Prime Minister

    The press conference between Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, and Pedro Sánchez, the Prime Minister of Spain, on 5 March 2022.

    Thank you so much Prime Minister, dear Pedro,

    I am very glad to be here in Madrid. Spain, indeed, is a key partner for me and I am here to prepare with you the informal Summit that we are going to have next week.

    Indeed, first of all, we discussed today the extremely difficult situation created by Putin’s war. The number of refugees already exceeds 1.2 million people. And the number is likely to increase multiple times in the days and weeks to come. These are innocent women, men and children, who are fleeing Putin’s ruthless and brutal war. They need our immediate assistance. All Member States are showing a big heart and helping as much as they can. And many thanks, Pedro, for the offer that you just did in our discussions, but also here. We know very well that we can count on you, there is a long tradition, and many thanks for that. I also want to commend the frontline countries, like Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Hungary, but also Moldova, for their outstanding solidarity. They deserve our solidarity and support, as do all European countries that welcome refugees.

    The European Union is providing EUR 500 million in a first tranche to help Ukrainians. And we made sure this week that Ukrainian refugees of this terrible war get residency rights in the European Union immediately for at least a year. So this includes not only the access to the labour market but, for example, also access to schools, access to medical care, many things that are now desperately needed. Let me say how proud I am of the European Union today. Our unity, our determination and the solidarity – that is really Europe at its best.

    We have imposed three packages of hard-hitting sanctions on the Russian leadership. Many thanks, Pedro, here too, for the very close cooperation. By this, we are drastically limiting Putin’s ability to finance this atrocious war. But Putin’s war, as you said, and its consequences will also impact our citizens and our economies here in the European Union. We have also discussed that today.

    One of the most critical topics is, indeed, energy. One thing is very clear: The European Union must get rid of the dependency from Russian oil, gas and coal. For that, we have to diversify the supply, we have to get better at energy efficiency, and we have to massively invest in renewables. Because this is a strategic investment in our security of supply, but also in the health of our planet. And I am glad to say that Spain is a real front-runner. With your impressive share of renewables – and in the national energy mix, the renewable energies play the major role. With the large LNG capacities. But also with the impressive know-how and the industrial players in the field of renewables.

    So Spain can and will play an important role in supplying Europe. For that, we must work, indeed, on the interconnections between the Iberian Peninsula and the rest of the European Union. And we have discussed that we will work hard on that. This is one of the major priorities. A second priority, right now, is, of course, that we need to help the consumers, the households and the businesses that have, indeed, problems with the high energy bills. We discussed that intensively and it will certainly be a topic at the informal Summit in Versailles.

    Dear Pedro,

    This war unleashed by Putin is not only atrocious, it is also a fight of our democracies against autocracies. It is a defining moment in our history, and Spain knows very well that democracy is priceless and that we have to stand up for it.

    I am very much looking forward to seeing you at the Summit. And many thanks for hosting me this afternoon.

    Thank you so much.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Press Conference with Italian Prime Minister

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Press Conference with Italian Prime Minister

    The press conference between Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, and Mario Draghi, the Prime Minister of Italy, on 7 March 2022.

    A very warm welcome, dear Prime Minister, dear Mario. It is wonderful to have you again here, in the Berlaymont. We are going to discuss, of course, the situation in Ukraine, the atrocious war led by Putin, and we will be discussing the new enforcement package that we are working on right now. As you know, we had three packages of hard-hitting sanctions already, but now we have to make sure that there are no loopholes and that the effect of the sanctions is maximised. The sanctions in place are really biting. We see the downward turbulences in the Russian economy. But in view of the evolution of the situation in Ukraine, the Kremlin’s recklessness towards citizens – women, children, men –, we of course are also working on further sanctions that might be warranted.

    Our second topic will be energy. We have to get rid of the dependency on Russian gas, oil and coal. I know that the two of us agree on this. The Commission will be coming forward with proposals tomorrow. There are three main pillars: One is the diversification of supply away from Russia and towards reliable suppliers. This is mainly LNG and pipeline gas. Both have the advantage that the infrastructure is over time hydrogen-compatible.

    The second main element is to repower the European Union. Repower means massive investment in renewables, like solar, wind and hydrogen. We are looking for a focused acceleration of the European Green Deal. This is not only important and good for our strategic investment in our independence, it is also good for our industry and it is good for our planet. This has to be complemented by a third pillar and that is improved energy efficiency: from renovation of buildings to smart industrial processes, to artificial intelligence, for example, to effectively manage smart energy grids – you name it.

    Finally, a main part of our discussion will focus on the protection of consumers. Today’s energy prices are taking a toll on consumers and businesses. We will discuss how to ensure that our electricity market remains efficient despite the high gas prices that have been amplified by Putin’s war. There are two dimensions to that: The immediate one is to shield the most vulnerable consumers and businesses. And the more structural one is to look at our electricity markets given that our energy mix is transforming. Today, we have a certain share of renewables, but a vast share of gas, oil and coal. This will change. With a massive investment in renewables, we will see a wider share and growing share of renewables. We will massively increase their amount and this of course changes the structure of our market. And therefore, we have to look into the market composition. This will also be part of our discussions.

    Again, a very warm welcome here to the Berlaymont, dear Mario.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech on Russian Aggression Against Ukraine

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Speech on Russian Aggression Against Ukraine

    The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, at the European Parliament Plenary on 1 March 2022.

    Madam President of the European Parliament,

    Mr President of the Council,

    High Representative,

    Mr President of the Ukraine, dear Volodymyr,

    Mr Speaker of the Ukrainian Parliament,

    My Honourable Members,

    War has returned to Europe. Almost thirty years after the Balkan Wars, and over half a century after Soviet troops marched into Prague and Budapest, civil defence sirens again went off in the heart of a European capital. Thousands of people fleeing from bombs, camped in underground stations – holding hands, crying silently, trying to cheer each other up. Cars lined up towards Ukrainian Western borders, and when many of them ran out of fuel, people picked up their children and their backpacks and marched for tens of kilometres towards our Union. They sought refuge inside our borders, because their country was not safe any longer. Because inside Ukraine, a gruesome death count has begun. Men, women, children are dying, once again, because a foreign leader, President Putin, decided that their country, Ukraine, has no right to exist. And we will never ever let that happen and never ever accept that.

    Honourable Members,

    This is a moment of truth for Europe. Let me quote the editorial of one Ukrainian newspaper, the Kyiv Independent, published just hours before the invasion began: ‘This is not just about Ukraine. It is a clash of two worlds, two polar sets of values.’ They are so right. This is a clash between the rule of law and the rule of the gun; between democracies and autocracies; between a rules-based order and a world of naked aggression. How we respond today to what Russia is doing will determine the future of the international system. The destiny of Ukraine is at stake, but our own fate also lies in the balance. We must show the power that lies in our democracies; we must show the power of people that choose their independent paths, freely and democratically. This is our show of force.

    Today, a Union of almost half a billion people has mobilised for Ukraine. The people of Europe are demonstrating in front of Russian embassies all across our Union. Many of them have opened their homes to Ukrainians – fleeing from Putin’s bombs. And let me thank especially Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Hungary for welcoming these women, men and children. Europe will be there for them, not only in the first days, but also in the weeks and months to come. That must be our promise altogether. And this is why we are proposing to activate the temporary protection mechanism to provide them with a secure status and access to schools, medical care and work. They deserve it. We need to do that now. We know this is only the beginning. More Ukrainians will need our protection and solidarity. We are and we will be there for them.

    Our Union is showing a unity of purpose that makes me proud. At the speed of light, the European Union has adopted three waves of heavy sanctions against Russia’s financial system, its high-tech industries and its corrupt elite. This is the largest sanctions package in our Union’s history. We do not take these measures lightly, but we feel we had to act. These sanctions will take a heavy toll on the Russian economy and on the Kremlin. We are disconnecting key Russian banks from the SWIFT network. We also banned the transactions of Russia’s central bank, the single most important financial institution in Russia. This paralyses billions in foreign reserves, turning off the tap on Russia’s and Putin’s war. We have to end this financing of his war.

    Second, we target important sectors of the Russian economy. We are making it impossible for Russia to upgrade its oil refineries; to repair and modernise its air fleet; and to access many important technologies it needs to build a prosperous future. We have closed our skies to Russian aircraft, including the private jets of oligarchs. And make no mistake: We will freeze their other assets as well – be it yachts or fancy cars or luxury properties. We will freeze that altogether.

    Thirdly, in another unprecedented step, we are suspending the licences of the Kremlin’s propaganda machine. The state-owned Russia Today and Sputnik, and all of their subsidiaries, will no longer be able to spread their lies to justify Putin’s war and to divide our Union. These are unprecedented actions by the European Union and our partners in response to an unprecedented aggression by Russia.

    Each one of these steps has been closely coordinated with our partners and allies, the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada and Norway, but also, for example, Japan, South Korea and Australia. All of these days, you see that more than 30 countries – representing well over half of the world’s economy – have also announced sanctions and export controls on Russia. If Putin was seeking to divide the European Union, to weaken NATO, and to break the international community, he has achieved exactly the opposite. We are more united than ever and we will stand up in this war, that is for sure that we will overcome and we will prevail. We are united and we stay united.

    Honourable Members,

    I am well aware that these sanctions will come at a cost for our economy, too. I know this, and I want to speak honestly to the people of Europe. We have endured two years of pandemic. And we all wished that we could focus on our economic and social recovery. But I believe that the people of Europe understand very well that we must stand up against this cruel aggression. Yes, protecting our liberty comes at a price. But this is a defining moment. And this is the cost we are willing to pay. Because freedom is priceless, Honourable Members. This is our principle: Freedom is priceless.

    Our investments today will make us more independent tomorrow. I am thinking, first and foremost, about our energy security. We simply cannot rely so much on a supplier that explicitly threatens us. This is why we reached out to other global suppliers. And they responded. Norway is stepping up. In January, we had a record supply of LNG gas. We are building new LNG terminals and working on interconnectors. But in the long run, it is our switch to renewables and hydrogen that will make us truly independent. We have to accelerate the green transition. Because every kilowatt-hour of electricity Europe generates from solar, wind, hydropower or biomass reduces our dependency on Russian gas and other energy sources. This is a strategic investment. And my Honourable Members, this is a strategic investment, because on top, less dependency on Russian gas and other fossil fuel sources also means less money for the Kremlin’s war chest. This is also a truth.

    We are resolute, Europe can rise up to the challenge. The same is true on defence. European security and defence has evolved more in the last six days than in the last two decades. Most Member States have promised deliveries of military equipment to Ukraine. Germany announced that it will meet the 2% goal of NATO as soon as possible. And our Union, for the first time ever, is using the European budget to purchase and deliver military equipment to a country that is under attack. EUR 500 million from the European Peace Facility, to support Ukraine’s defence. As a first batch, we will now also match this by at least EUR 500 million from the EU budget to deal with the humanitarian consequences of this tragic war, both in the country and for the refugees.

    Honourable Members,

    This is a watershed moment for our Union. We cannot take our security and the protection of people for granted. We have to stand up for it. We have to invest in it. We have to carry our fair share of the responsibility.

    This crisis is changing Europe. But Russia has also reached a crossroads. The actions of the Kremlin are severely damaging the long-term interests of Russia and its people. More and more Russians understand this as well. They are marching for peace and freedom. And how does the Kremlin respond to this? By arresting thousands of them. But ultimately, the longing for peace and freedom cannot be silenced. There is another Russia besides Putin’s tanks. And we extend our hand of friendship to this other Russia. Be assured, they have our support.

    Honourable Members,

    In these days, independent Ukraine is facing its darkest hour. At the same time, the Ukrainian people are holding up the torch of freedom for all of us. They are showing immense courage. They are defending their lives. But they are also fighting for universal values and they are willing to die for them. President Zelenskyy and the Ukrainian people are a true inspiration. When we last spoke, he told me again about his people’s dream to join our Union. Today, the European Union and Ukraine are already closer than ever before. There is still a long path ahead. We have to end this war. And we should talk about the next steps. But I am sure: Nobody in this hemicycle can doubt that a people that stands up so bravely for our European values belongs in our European family.

    And therefore, Honourable Members, I say: Long live Europe. And long live a free and independent Ukraine.

    My z vamy. Slava Ukraini.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Statement on European Union Funding Weapons for Ukraine

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Statement on European Union Funding Weapons for Ukraine

    The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 27 February 2022.

    As the war in Ukraine rages on, and Ukrainians fight bravely for their country, the European Union steps up once more its support for Ukraine and the sanctions against the aggressor – Putin’s Russia.

    For the first time ever, the European Union will finance the purchase and delivery of weapons and other equipment to a country that is under attack.

    This is a watershed moment.

    HRVP Borrell will present to you the proposal in a few minutes.

    At the same time, we are strengthening once more our sanctions against the Kremlin and its collaborator, Lukashenko’s regime.

    First, we are shutting down the EU airspace for Russians.

    We are proposing a prohibition on all Russian-owned, Russian registered or Russian-controlled aircraft.

    These aircraft will no more be able to land in, take off or overfly the territory of the EU.

    This will apply to any plane owned, chartered or otherwise controlled by a Russian legal or natural person.

    So let me be very clear.

    Our airspace will be closed to every Russian plane – and that includes the private jets of oligarchs.

    Second, in another unprecedented step, we will ban in the EU the Kremlin’s media machine.

    The state-owned Russia Today and Sputnik, as well as their subsidiaries will no longer be able to spread their lies to justify Putin’s war and to sow division in our Union.

    So we are developing tools to ban their toxic and harmful disinformation in Europe.

    Third, we will target the other aggressor in this war – Lukashenko’s regime.

    Lukashenko’s regime is complicit in this vicious attack against Ukraine.

    So we will hit Lukashenko’s regime with a new package of sanctions.

    We will introduce restrictive measures against their most important sectors.

    This will stop their exports of products from mineral fuels to tobacco, wood and timber, cement, iron and steel.

    We will also extend to Belarus the export restrictions we introduced on dual-use goods for Russia.

    This will also avoid any risks of circumvention of our measures against Russia.

    In addition, we will sanction those Belarusians helping the Russian war effort.

    All these measures come on top of the strong package that I presented to you yesterday, agreed by our international partners.

    Under this package, important Russian banks will be excluded from the SWIFT system.

    We will also ban the transactions of Russia’s central bank and freeze all its assets, to prevent it from financing Putin’s war.

    And we will target the assets of Russian oligarchs.

    We continue to coordinate closely with partners around the globe.

    And we remain in close contacts with our Ukrainian friends.

    President Zelensky’s leadership and his bravery and the resilience of the Ukrainian people are outstanding and impressive.

    They are an inspiration to us all.

    We welcome with open arms those Ukrainians who have to flee from Putin’s bombs and I am proud of the warm welcome that Europeans have given them.

    We are mobilising every effort and every euro to support our Eastern Member States – to host and take care of these refugees.

    We will do this in full solidarity.

    With this, I invite HRVP Borrell to present more details.