Category: Education

  • Nick Gibb – 2010 Speech to Reform

    Nick Gibb – 2010 Speech to Reform

    The speech made by Nick Gibb, the then Education Minister, on 25 November 2010.

    Thank you Andrew for your introduction and for giving me the opportunity to speak today. I greatly admire the work you and your colleagues do and, in the difficult economic times that this government has inherited, Reform is, I believe, very well placed to have a real and lasting influence.

    Over the last decade Reform has developed a deep understanding of the problems facing Britain’s public services and has brought together people of real experience from across the world to develop a practical agenda for their change.

    While you have recognised that investment can be part of the solution, you have argued that reform of the way money is spent can be just as or, sometimes even more, significant. This insight – always important – will be crucial in the years ahead.

    And you have taken a serious and independent approach. Reform’s publications are based on firm research, and you’ve worked with reform-minded politicians from across the political spectrum.

    In education you have, I believe rightly, argued for the extension of choice as a driver of improved standards but have also recognised the role government has to play to ensure greater concentration on academic rigour and the passing on of core knowledge.

    So as I start work as the minister responsible for driving through significant changes to help raise standards in schools, I know that Reform will be a friend but, like the best friends, will never be afraid to tell us when you think we have got things wrong or could do better.

    The government’s aims

    Like everything in the agreement that unites this coalition government, our education policies are guided by the three principles of freedom, responsibility and fairness. We’re going to give schools greater freedom and parents more opportunity to choose good schools.

    We’re going to place greater trust in professionals to give teachers more freedom to decide how to teach.

    And we’re going to reduce bureaucracy so that schools can get on with their core business. In just one year, under the last government, the department produced over 6,000 pages of guidance for schools – more than twice the length of the complete works of Shakespeare but much less illuminating, and certainly less readable. We want to put an end to the reams of paperwork and bureaucratic burdens piled on to teachers and schools: not just the jargon-heavy instructions telling people how to do their jobs but the posters and DVDs that gather dust in supply cupboards.

    Outstanding schools will be freed from inspection to refocus Ofsted’s resources on those schools that are coasting or struggling and which are failing to deliver the best quality education to their students.

    We agree with Reform that extending choice will drive up quality.

    Academies, introduced by the last government, have been very successful in raising standards and so we want to see many more. The Academies Bill, now going through the House of Lords, will allow more schools to benefit from the freedoms of academy status – including, for the first time, primary schools and special schools.

    Academies are free from local authority control, can deploy resources as they deem best, and have the ability to set their own pay and conditions for staff. They have greater freedom over the curriculum and the length of terms and school days. Yet they operate within a broad framework of accountability which is designed to ensure that standards remain high, and consistent.

    In just one week, 1,100 schools expressed an interest in becoming an Academy, and those schools which have been rated outstanding by Ofsted will have their applications fast tracked so that some can be open this September.

    We are also making it much easier for parents, teachers and education providers to set up new schools, so that there is real choice in every area.

    The second coalition principle I mentioned is responsibility, and everyone must take their share in the education system.

    Government has a responsibility to ensure high standards; schools have a responsibility to promote an ethos of excellence and aspiration with opportunities for extra-curricula activities and sport. But it is the responsibility of pupils and their parents to ensure that their behaviour at school is of a standard that delivers a safe and happy environment in which children can concentrate and learn.

    We will support that by giving teachers and head teachers the powers they need to deal effectively with poor behaviour. And we are working to ensure that teachers are protected from the professional and social humiliation of false accusations.

    But the coalition principle I want to concentrate on this morning is fairness. Britain’s school system today is, frankly, unfair. Too often, opportunity is denied in a lottery of education provision where geography or parental income determines outcomes rather than academic ability.

    Scale of the problem

    The figures are familiar but nonetheless shocking for all their repetition:

    • The chances of a child who is eligible for free school meals getting 5 good GCSEs including English and maths are less than one third of those for children from better-off families.
    • 42% of pupils eligible for free school meals did not achieve a single GCSE above a Grade D in 2008.
    • In the last year for which we have data more pupils from Eton went to Oxford or Cambridge than from the entire cohort of the 80,000 students eligible for free school meals.

    This is simply unacceptable.

    I do not believe that less able children or those from disadvantaged backgrounds are not capable of having an academic education, or indeed that their parents necessarily hold lower ambitions for their children. I absolutely agree with Alan Milburn in his speech to the National Education Trust in March when he said:

    It is sometimes argued that parents in the most disadvantaged areas are less aspirational for their children than those in better off areas. The figures on school appeals repudiate such assumptions, with a large number of parents in disadvantaged parts of the country using the appeals system to try to get their children out of poorly performing schools and into better ones.

    It is a natural instinct for parents to want the best for their children, and better opportunities than they had themselves. Britain’s educational problems are not primarily the result of a lack of private aspiration, rather the state’s failure to provide enough good schools.

    It is socially unfair, and economically damaging.

    As Reform has highlighted, England’s performance in international educational league tables is now ‘amongst the worst of large developed economies’.

    The Progress in International Reading Literacy Study of 10 year olds marks England’s fall from 3rd out of 35 countries in 2001, to 15th out of 40 countries in 2006. And a PISA study shows that only 2 countries out of 57 have a wider gap in attainment between the lowest and highest achievers compared to England.

    I don’t cite these figures in order to attack the last government or to criticise the fantastic work that is done in our schools by teachers and pupils alike. Rather, this issue highlights a fundamental ideological debate about education which runs much deeper than the decisions of ministers in the last few years.

    Indeed, I pay tribute to the work done by Andrew Adonis and Jim Knight, and to previous Conservative Secretaries of State such as Ken Baker and John Patten, who tried to tackle some of the underlying causes of the problems we face.

    On one side of the ideological debate are those who believe that children should learn when they are ready, through child-initiated activities and self-discovery – what Plowden called ‘Finding Out’. It is an ideology that puts the emphasis on the processes of learning rather than on the content of knowledge that needs to be learnt.

    The American education academic, E.D. Hirsch, traces this ideology back to the 1920s, to the Teachers College Columbia in New York and the influence of the educationalists, John Dewey and William Heard Kilpatrick.

    Added to that ideology is the notion that there is so much knowledge in the world that it is impossible to teach it all – and very difficult to discern what should be selected to be taught in schools. So, instead, children should be taught how to learn.

    The importance of knowledge

    I believe very strongly that education is about the transfer of knowledge from one generation to the next.

    Knowledge is the basic building block for a successful life. Without understanding the fundamental concepts of maths or science it is impossible properly to comprehend huge areas of modern life. With little or no knowledge of our nation’s history, understanding the present is that much harder.

    Getting to grips with the basics – of elements, of metals, of halogens, of acids; of what happens when hydrogen and oxygen come together; of photosynthesis; of cells – is difficult, but once learned you have the ability at least to comprehend some of the great advances in genetics, physics and other scientific fields that are revolutionising our lives.

    Once these concepts are grasped it opens up and develops the mind and takes you one tiny step further to understanding the complex world in which we live. Each new concept facilitates deeper understanding, and the ability to think more creatively and more independently about the way the world works, and about society.

    The facts, dates and narrative of our history in fact join us all together. The rich language of Shakespeare should be the common property of us all. The great figures of literature that still populate the conversations of all those who regard themselves as well-educated should be known to all.

    Yet to more and more people Miss Havisham is a stranger and even the most basic history and geography a mystery.

    These concepts must be taught. And they must be taught to everyone. Sadly, that is not always the case.

    Professor Derek Matthews’s practice of quizzing his first year history undergraduates over a three year period shows depressing evidence of the state of teaching knowledge in history.

    Almost twice as many students thought Nelson rather than Wellington was in charge at the Battle of Waterloo and nearly 90 per cent couldn’t name a single British Prime Minister of the 19th Century. And these were students at a university whose entry requirement is an A and two Bs at A level.

    Again, I do not intend to criticise Professor Matthews’s students or, indeed, their teachers. These were bright young people who had achieved good exam results. What is to be criticised is an education system which has relegated the importance of knowledge in favour of ill-defined learning skills.

    So I want to spend the remaining few minutes setting out the approach that the Coalition Government plans to take to put knowledge and subjects at the centre of the curriculum.

    Professor David Conway in his fascinating paper, ‘Liberal Education and the national curriculum’ quotes Matthew Arnold’s view of the purpose of education as introducing children to ‘the best that has been thought and said.’

    That must be the case for all children, not the privileged few, in an education system with fairness at its core.

    Children who come from knowledge and education rich backgrounds start school with an in-built advantage over those who do not. If the school then fails to make up the knowledge deficit, those divisions widen still further.

    Leon Feinstein’s research has shown that low-ability children from wealthy backgrounds often overtake and outperform more able children from poorer backgrounds by age 5, with the differences between children’s cognitive development related to parental social status emerging as early as 22 months.

    E.D. Hirsch, writes brilliantly about the importance of knowledge gained early on. He says, ‘Just as it takes money to make money, it takes knowledge to make knowledge.’

    He goes onto say:

    Those children who possess the intellectual capital when they first arrive at school have the mental scaffolding and Velcro to gain still more knowledge. But those children who arrive at school lacking the relevant experience and vocabulary – they see not neither do they understand.

    Which is why he believes, as I do, that: ‘It is the duty of schools to provide each child with the knowledge and skills requisite for academic progress – regardless of home background.’

    So we will introduce a Pupil Premium, which will direct resources to children from disadvantaged backgrounds, who need it most. Headteachers will then have the freedom to decide how best to use that money – whether to reduce class sizes, provide extra tuition, or recruit the best teachers.

    But we need to sharpen our focus on the core business of teaching at every level, starting with the basics. In particular, reading.

    25% of adults have literacy problems. But even after the literacy strategy in primary schools introduced in the late 1990s, we still have nearly one in five 11-year-olds leaving primary school still struggling with reading. Again, the ideologically-driven, child-centred approach to education has led to the belief that the mere exposure to books and text, and the repetition of high frequency words, will lead to a child learning to read – as if by osmosis.

    That Look and Say, or whole language approach to reading ignores the importance of teaching children the 44 sounds of the alphabetic code, and how to blend those sounds into words.

    Although phonics does play a part in the way reading is taught, as Ofsted has reported in their last annual report: ‘… weaknesses in the teaching of literacy … remain… Inspectors continue to report a lack of focus on basic literacy for low attainers…’.

    So we are determined to focus on ensuring that reading is taught effectively in primary schools and we will say more about this in the coming months.
    And it is because of that necessary focus on the basics, and our belief in giving teachers more flexibility, that we have decided not to proceed with the new primary curriculum as recommended by Sir Jim Rose.

    Instead, we want to restore the national curriculum to its intended purpose – a core national entitlement organised around subject disciplines.

    So we will slim down the national curriculum to ensure that pupils have the knowledge they need at each stage of their education, and restore parity between our curriculum and qualifications, and the best world has to offer: whether that is Massachusetts, Singapore, Finland, Hong Kong, or Alberta.

    We will reform league tables so that parents have the reassurance they need that their child is progressing.

    And we must also restore confidence in our exam system. Pupils should be entered for qualifications that are in their best interests, not with a view to boosting a school’s performance in the league tables.

    We have opened up qualifications unfairly closed off to pupils in state maintained schools – such as the iGCSE – to offer pupils greater choice, and to ensure that they are afforded the same opportunities as those who have the money to go to independent schools.

    Conclusion

    Andrew, I have set out today an overview of how we intend to tackle some of the problems in our education system and how we intend to start to close the achievement gap between those from the richest and poorest in society. As you would expect from this Coalition Government it’s based on a conservative belief in a liberal education.

    E.D. Hirsch writes that ‘… an early inequity in the distribution of intellectual capital may be the single most important source of avoidable injustice in a free society.’

    It is remedying that injustice that is the driving force behind this Government’s education reforms.

  • Nick Gibb – 2010 Speech to the Grammar Schools Heads Association

    Nick Gibb – 2010 Speech to the Grammar Schools Heads Association

    The speech made by Nick Gibb, the then Education Minister, on 24 November 2010.

    Thank you for that introduction, and thank you for inviting me to the Grammar Schools Heads Association conference. I’m very pleased to have the opportunity to talk to, and hear from, the head teachers of so many excellent schools. Although most of my secondary school education was spent in comprehensive schools, I have very happy memories of my one year at Maidstone Grammar School. It was – and I know, under the leadership of Nick Argent, still is – a fantastic school, with a strong ethos and an emphasis on academic excellence and rigour.

    Grammar schools are renowned for their focus on standards, high quality of teaching, excellent results, and a culture of achievement. Last year, over 98 per cent of grammar school pupils achieved five good GCSEs including English and mathematics. Virtually all achieved two or more passes at A Level and equivalent, with over a quarter achieving three or more A grades. And on top of these achievements, the schools represented here today offer a vast array of extra-curricula activities and sport, helping to create well-rounded, as well as well-educated, young people.

    Your achievement is a great testament to the skill, dedication and professionalism of all staff and pupils, as well as to the hard work of the governing bodies that I know play an important role in supporting and developing the ethos of individual schools.

    This Government has a radical agenda to raise standards right across the education sector, to improve outcomes for the most disadvantaged, to restore confidence in our qualifications and exams system, and to ensure that children leave school with the knowledge and the important skills they need to succeed in further and higher education and the world of work.

    But, if we are to affect real change, restore Britain’s education system, and close the achievement gap between the richest and the poorest in our society, we have to raise aspiration and attainment. And the guiding principles we will follow are those that unite the coalition partners right across this government: freedom, fairness and responsibility.

    Freedom

    At the core of our approach to education policy is trusting professionals: leaving behind the top down prescription which was the flawed – albeit well-intentioned – approach of the previous government.

    We need to give teachers the freedom to decide how to teach, and to some extent what they teach, their pupils.

    That’s why one of the first steps we took was to introduce the Academies Bill, now working its way through committee in the House of Lords before coming to the Commons next month. This Bill builds on the successful introduction of academies by the last Government, and will allow more schools to benefit from the freedoms and opportunities of academy status.

    Academies are free from local authority control, can deploy resources in the most effective way and have the ability to set their own pay and conditions for staff. They have greater freedom over the curriculum, and may also change the length of terms and school days. Yet they operate within a broad framework of accountability which is designed to ensure that standards remain high, and consistent.

    Our Academies Bill will allow more schools to benefit from these freedoms including, for the first time, primary schools and special schools. And we will enable teachers, parents and education providers to set and run new free schools.

    Schools rated outstanding by Ofsted – including grammar schools – that want to become academies will have their applications fast-tracked through the process, and ready to open this year if that is what they want to do.

    This is permissive legislation. We are not instructing schools to become academies unless their performance is a serious cause for concern. But many schools are keen to benefit from the additional freedoms that academies deliver.

    Indeed, so far, over 1770 schools have expressed interest. 870 are rated outstanding – including over half of all outstanding secondary schools in the country – so this is something that schools clearly want.

    I’m also delighted that, of the 164 grammar schools, 75 have already expressed an interest in acquiring academy status which will allow them to enjoy these additional freedoms and to partner with at least one other school to help drive improvement across the board.

    The Admissions Code will continue to apply to all academies and to any new Free School being established by parents, teacher groups or other philanthropic organisations. So selection by ability will not be an option for those schools. But for grammar schools that opt to become academies, which already select pupils by general ability, they will be able to continue to do so.

    Freedom does not start and end with academy-status. It is also about sweeping away the reams of paper and bureaucratic burdens piled on to teachers and schools: the fortnightly delivery of lever arch files that languish unread in the supply cupboard but whose presence serves to undermine confidence. In Opposition, we added up the total number of pages sent to schools in one 12 month period. It came to 6000 pages, more than twice the length of the complete works of Shakespeare. We will ensure that, in the coming years, schools will be able to find more useful things to keep in their supply cupboards.

    And we have also announced an inspection regime for high performing schools that is very light touch. We want Ofsted’s resources to be focussed sharply on those schools that are coasting or struggling and which are failing to deliver the best quality education to their students.

    Fairness

    The second guiding principle of the Coalition is fairness.

    Our education system continues to be characterised by inequality.

    • The chances of a child who is eligible for free school meals getting five good GCSEs including English and Maths are less than one third of those for children from better-off families.
    • 42 per cent of pupils eligible for free school meals did not achieve a single GCSE above a grade D in 2008.
    • More pupils from Eton went to Oxford or Cambridge last year than from the entire cohort of the 80,000 students eligible for free schools meals.

    This is a dreadful situation which no government should be prepared to tolerate. Not only does this let down hundreds of thousands of bright children who should have the opportunity to go to excellent schools and to swim in the pool of knowledge that pupils from the better off families take for granted, it will also impair all of our economic and cultural futures.

    I believe strongly that the teaching of knowledge – the passing on from one generation to the next – is the fundamental purpose of education. Yet, over the years, too often the teaching of knowledge has been subsumed by an over focus on life skills and well-meaning additions to the curriculum designed to deal with wider social issues and problems. But it is this very drift away from core traditional subjects that is actually widening social division.

    It is a huge concern, for example that the number of pupils being entered for modern foreign languages has fallen from over 450,000 in 2003 to just under 280,000 last year. It’s a concern that 47 per cent of A* grades in GCSE French went to pupils in the independent sector despite educating just 7 per cent of pupils. And it’s a real worry that while in 2001 30.4 per cent of pupils gained five or more GCSEs including English, maths, science and a modern foreign language, last year that figure was six percentage points lower, at 24.5 per cent.

    E.D. Hirsch, the American academic writes brilliantly about the importance of knowledge. He says, ‘It is the duty of schools to provide each child with the knowledge and skills requisite for academic progress – regardless of home background’.

    He goes onto say, ‘Among advantaged children, wide knowledge nourishes an active curiosity to learn still more, and more, so that the ever-active tentacles create still more tentacles.’

    An education system with fairness at its core will ensure that all children regardless of background have access to the rich body of knowledge that is the hallmark of any culture. Knowledge is the currency of a common culture, it is a basic requirement of a civilised nation. Children from knowledge- and education-rich backgrounds start school with an in-built advantage over those from backgrounds without those features. If the school then fails to make up that knowledge deficit, those divisions widen still further.

    Which is why we know from Leon Feinstein’s research that low-ability children from wealthy backgrounds often overtake and outperform more able children from poorer backgrounds during the first years of primary school.

    In pursuing fairness in our education system, we need to sharpen our focus on the core business of teaching and learning at every level, ensuring that pupils have the opportunity to select the qualifications that best suit them, and restore confidence in our exams system.

    We will slim down the National Curriculum to ensure pupils have the knowledge they need at each stage of their education. We want a curriculum and qualifications that are comparable and on a par with the best the world has to offer: whether that is the Massachusetts of E.D. Hirsch, Singapore, Finland, Hong Kong, or Alberta.

    We will reform league tables so that parents have the reassurance they need that their child is progressing. But we must also restore confidence in our exam system. Pupils must be entered for qualifications that are in their best interests, not with a view to boosting a school’s performance in the league tables.

    And we have opened up qualifications unfairly closed off to pupils in state maintained schools – such as the iGCSE – to offer pupils greater choice, and to ensure that they are afforded the same opportunities as those who have the money to go to independent schools. I know that a number of grammar schools have wanted to offer these qualifications to their pupils and now that opportunity is there.

    Responsibility

    The third coalition principle is responsibility.

    The Government has a responsibly to ensure we have a high quality education system, but it is the responsibility of pupils and their parents to ensure that behaviour in our schools is of a standard that delivers a safe and happy environment in which children are able to concentrate and learn.

    I became an MP in 1997, bright-eyed and eager, never dreaming I’d spend the next 13 years in gruelling Opposition. But over the last five years as the Shadow Minister for Schools, I visited nearly 300 schools which has given me real insight into some of the wonderful schools we have in this country. The best schools I have seen have succeeded for many of the reasons that the grammar schools represented here succeed: strong leadership; rigorous standards; recruiting and retaining talented teachers; and, above all, good behaviour.

    I have been to schools in some of the most deprived parts of the country that have excellent behaviour. Mossbourne Community Academy in Hackney is a great example.

    But I’ve also been to schools in leafy suburbs where behaviour is challenging to say the least. We are determined to give teachers and head teachers the powers they need to ensure they can maintain a safe and secure environment for their students. And we are working to ensure that teachers are protected from the professional and social humiliation of false accusations.

    Mr Chairman, thank you for giving me the opportunity to set out the principles that underpin the coalition government’s approach to education.

    • Freedom for the teaching profession to teach rather than wade through an ever-ending process of bureaucratic initiatives.
    • Fairness for the children let down by our education system.
    • A renewed sense of responsibility – that the education of the next generation is a shared duty, between Government, the profession, parents and pupils themselves.

    Getting this right could not be more important. It will determine the kind of society we will have in twenty or thirty years’ time. Thank you.

  • Michael Gove – 2010 Speech to the National College Annual Conference

    Michael Gove – 2010 Speech to the National College Annual Conference

    The speech made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, on 25 November 2010.

    Thank you Tony for that kind introduction.

    And thank you all, for the work that you do.

    The service you give, the leadership you show, the example you set – they are all inspiring.

    And they are what make my work worthwhile.

    The wonderful thing about my job is the opportunity it gives me to see the very best of this country – young people achieving more than they ever thought they could, finding their special talent, taking charge of their own destinies, becoming authors of their own life stories.

    Seeing the work you do – often against the odds, in difficult circumstances, with tight resources and challenging intakes – reaffirms one of my deepest convictions – there is no way to spend your life which is more admirable than following the vocation which inspires all of you – the calling to teach.

    And there is no way I can do this job without listening to you as you explain what drives you, what your ambitions are for the children and young people in your care and what Government can do to serve you.

    Which is why I was so glad to hear what Steve had to say – because the political leadership I want to provide is all about service. It should be Government’s job to help, serve and support you – not direct, patronise and fetter you.

    I believe that heads and teachers are the best people to run schools – not politicians or bureaucrats.

    The people from whom I have learnt the most while in politics have been headteachers – people like Fiona Hammans at Banbury School, Joan McVittie at Woodside High, Mike Wilshaw at Mossbourne Community Academy, Mike Griffiths at Northampton School for Boys, Mike Spinks at Urmston Grammar, Sue John at Lampton School, Patricia Sowter at Cuckoo Hall, Sally Coates at Burlington Danes, and so many more.

    At the heart of this Government’s vision for education is a determination to give school leaders more power and control. Not just to drive improvement in their own schools – but to drive improvement across our whole education system.

    Looking back over the last 15 years there are any number of things I could criticise – but I won’t – instead I want to celebrate the gains which have been made – and one of the most important is the development and deepening of culture in which we recognise that it is professionals, not bureaucratic strategies and initiatives, which drive school improvement.

    Teachers grow as professionals by allowing their work to be observed by other professionals, and observing the very best in their field, in turn.

    Headteachers improve their schools fastest and most effectively by working with other heads who have been on that journey. And both sides gain from the collaboration. Mentoring others is often the best form of professional development.

    The whole culture of the National College under Steve has been informed by this vision of system-led leadership that taps into the profound moral purpose of the profession, which is why I am so grateful to him – and especially admiring of what has been achieved by all of you who are National Leaders of Education.

    Moral purpose

    But admiring as I am of what has been achieved I am, frankly, impatient for us all, as a nation, to do better.

    Harold Wilson once said of the Labour Party, it is a moral crusade or it is nothing. Well, whatever view one takes of the Labour Party’s history, I believe that we have to ensure there is a driving, crusading, vision at the heart of our Government’s education policy. Or we will forfeit our mandate.

    Unless we are guided by moral purpose in this coalition government then we will squander the goodwill the British people have, so generously, shown us.

    And the ethical imperative of our education policy is quite simple – we have to make opportunity more equal.

    We have to overcome the deep, historically entrenched, factors which keep so many in poverty, which deprive so many of the chance to shape their own destiny, which have made us the sick man of Europe when it comes to social mobility.

    It is a unique sadness of our times that we have one of the most stratified and segregated school systems in the developed world.

    We know, from Leon Feinstein’s work, that low ability children from rich families overtake high ability children from poor families during primary school.

    And the gap grows as the children get older. A child eligible to free school meals is half as likely to achieve five or more GSCEs at grade A*-C, including English and maths, than a child from a wealthier background.

    By 18 the gap is vast. In the most recent year for which we have data, out of 80,000 young people eligible for free school meals, just 45 made it to Oxbridge. That’s fewer than some private schools manage by themselves.

    We are clearly, as a nation, still wasting talent on a scale which is scandalous. It is a moral failure, an affront against social justice which we have to put right.

    And that is why I am so glad that at the heart of our Coalition’s programme for Government is a commitment to spending more on the education of the poorest. The pupil premium – supported by Conservatives but championed with special passion and developed in detail by our Liberal Democrat partners – is a policy designed to address disadvantage at root. By giving resources to the people who matter most in extending opportunity – school leaders and teachers.

    And far from difficult economic times being a reason to scale down our ambitions, the economic challenges we face are only reason to accelerate our reform programme.

    Because the days are long gone – if they ever existed – when we could afford to educate a minority of our children well while hoping the rest were being schooled adequately.

    Already China and India are turning out more engineers, more computer scientists and more university graduates than the whole of Europe and America combined.

    And the success of other nations in harnessing their intellectual capital is a function of their determination to develop world-beating education systems. Across the globe other nations are outpacing us – pulling ahead in international comparisons, driving innovation, changing their systems to give professionals more freedom to grow, adapt, improve and learn from each other…

    It is no longer enough, if it ever was, to say we as a nation are doing better than we did in the past. As Matt Ridley’s wonderful new book Rational Optimism shows, in almost every field of human endeavour we are doing exponentially better than we did in the past. The real test is how are we doing compared to the rest. And in particular, how are we doing compared to the best…

    Learning from overseas

    We have to ask ourselves how our 16-year-olds are doing relative to 16-year olds in Scandinavia, Singapore, Canada and Australasia.

    Unless we learn from those nations which are innovating most imaginatively and successfully then we will be failing in our duty to the young people who are in our care while we hold office.

    And the pace of change across the globe is accelerating. Many of those nations which are now the world’s strongest performers, from Finland to South Korea, were well behind us in levels of educational achievement a generation ago. Now they put us to shame.

    Twenty years ago we were 14th in the world when nations were measured on how well they educated their teenagers. Now we are 23rd.

    In English, Maths and Science, the figures from the most respected international comparisons also show us falling behind other nations.

    For the fourth-largest economy in the world, with a much higher than average level of investment in education and some of the most talented professionals anywhere in the globe, this performance simply isn’t good enough.

    But while the comparisons are sobering, the reasons to be optimistic are plentiful. Indeed most of them are in this room.

    If you look at the most successful education systems in the world – those with the best absolute performance – and those with the highest levels of equity across classes – they all tend to have certain common features.

    They extend a high level of autonomy to individual schools.

    School leaders are empowered to innovate in their own schools

    And they are expected to lead the drive for improvement in other schools.

    The political leadership is uncompromising in the drive for higher standards.

    There is a culture of high expectations which does not allow excuses to be made for poor performance on the basis of class, ethnicity or background.

    There is a proper national framework of accountability.

    Which includes the transparent publication of academic performance on a school-by-school basis with proper, externally set and marked, testing

    And an inspection regime which is very light touch for high performing institutions so the real focus can be on under-performance.

    Teaching is a high status profession which draws its recruits from among the highest performing graduates.

    There is a strong culture of professional development which encourages teachers to improve their craft by learning from others while also deepening their academic knowledge.

    All of these features – which characterise the best education systems in the world – are present in England. But not to the degree we require to keep pace with the world’s best.

    Indeed, over the last three years I fear Government action has held our education system back from making many of the advances we needed to make to keep pace with the best.

    Ministers decreased school autonomy, tried to drive improvement through bureaucratic compliance, complicated the inspection regime and simultaneously weakened and complicated our system of accountability.

    The prospect of radical reform along the lines of the world’s best education systems, envisaged in the 2005 Education White Paper, was never fulfilled.

    And while we rowed back on reform, the pace of change in other nations accelerated.

    In America, President Obama is pressing ahead with radical school reform to close the gap between rich and poor. He has offered extra support to programmes designed to attract more great people into teaching and leadership, as well as encouraging states to provide greater accountability to parents and welcome new providers into state education.

    He has insisted – along with other Democrat reformers like Arne Duncan, Joel Klein and Michelle Rhee – that there be more great Charter schools – the equivalent of our Academies – to drive up attainment, especially among the poorest. In New York, Charter schools – like the inspirational Knowledge is Power Programme schools – have dramatically narrowed the vast performance gap between black and white children and 91 per cent of those benefiting are on free or reduced price meals.

    With a relentless focus on traditional subjects, a culture of no excuses, tough discipline, personalised pastoral care and enthusiastic staff who work free from Government bureaucracy to help every child succeed, these schools are amazing engines of social mobility that are now sending children from ghetto areas to elite universities.

    In Canada, and specifically in Alberta, schools have also been liberated, given the autonomy enjoyed by charter schools in the US. Head teachers control their own budgets, set their own ethos and shape their own environments.

    In Calgary and Edmonton, a diverse range of autonomous schools offer professionals freedom and parents choice.

    And the result?

    Alberta now has the best performing state schools of any English-speaking regions.

    In Sweden, the old bureaucratic monopoly that saw all state schools run by local government was ended and the system opened up to allow new, non-selective, state schools to be set up by a range of providers.

    It has allowed greater diversity, increased parental choice and has seen results improve – with results improving fastest of all in the areas where schools exercised the greatest degree of autonomy and parents enjoyed the widest choice.

    Finland is often deliberately contrasted with Sweden because of the supposed rigidity of its education system.

    But by placing a premium on specialism, diversity and parental choice within that framework, they too are driving up standards.

    In Singapore, again often held up as a model of regimented Prussian-style centralism, dramatic leaps in attainment have been secured by schools where principals are exercising a progressively greater degree of operational autonomy. The Government has deliberately encouraged greater diversity in the schools system and as the scope for innovation has grown, so Singapore’s competitive advantage over other nations has grown too.

    School improvement

    It is these examples – and these lessons – that explains our philosophical approach to education perhaps better than anything.

    The most important people in driving school improvement aren’t inspectors, advisers, school improvement partners or Ministers.

    It is teachers and school leaders.

    And that is why I am passionate about extending the freedoms denied to you by the last government.

    One of the first things we have done is give professionals more scope to drive improvement by inviting all schools to consider applying for academy freedoms.

    This is an addition to, rather than replacement of the existing academies programmes, We will continue to ensure that academies are used to drive faster and deeper improvements in deprived and disadvantaged areas.

    But we will now also provide you with the kind of autonomy that has served schools in America, Canada, Sweden and Finland so well and allow all schools the freedom to develop their own curriculum and fully control their own budget and staffing.

    Since I issued my invitation to schools three weeks ago, I have been overwhelmed by the response.

    More than 1772 schools have enquired about academy freedoms.

    870 outstanding schools – including 405 secondary schools and more than 400 outstanding primaries have contacted us – and will lead the way.

    That’s 70 per cent of the outstanding secondary schools in the country and a significant cohort of outstanding primaries.

    I know some have expressed concern that this offer of greater autonomy for schools will work against the collaborative model of school improvement that has grown up over the past fifteen or so years and which has done so much to tackle under-performance in those schools in the most challenging circumstances.

    Let me be clear: I would not be going down this road if I thought it would in any way set back the process of school improvement, if would in any way undermine the progress we need to make in our weakest or most challenged schools or if it would in any way fracture the culture of collaboration which has driven school improvement over the last decade.

    This policy is driven, like all our education policy, by our guiding moral purpose – the need to raise attainment for all children and close the gap between the richest and poorest.

    I believe this policy will only work if it strengthens the bonds between schools and leads to a step-change in system-led leadership.

    That is why I will expect of every school that acquires academy freedoms that it partners at least one other school to help drive improvement across the board.

    That is why I envisage a bigger role for the National College and the programme of National Leaders of Education in brokering and providing support from great schools for those who need help to improve.

    And that is why any school which acquires academy freedoms will continue to be governed by admissions rules which guarantee fair access to all, safeguards the inclusive character of comprehensive schools, ensures all schools take their fair share of pupils in need and prevents any school discriminating in any way against those pupils with special educational needs.

    Within the safeguards provided by these assurances I believe innovation can flourish. New approaches to the curriculum, to assessment, to discipline and behaviour, to pastoral care, to careers guidance, to sport, the arts and music, new ways of gathering data on pupil performance, new ways of supporting teachers to improve their practice, new ways of tackling entrenched illiteracy and the tragic culture of low expectations which blights so many white working class communities.

    And this culture of innovation, I believe, has the potential to benefit all our children.

    Earlier this month, Mike Gibbons of the Richard Rose Federation, wrote an article for the TES which encapsulated my vision.

    More autonomous schools, he wrote, had in the past been

    ‘…perceived as ‘educational lifeboats’ to allow highly capable and driven parents to leave the main system.’

    But, he argued, that the move to greater autonomy could in fact move our schools system in the opposite direction. More autonomous schools could, should, and in my view will, be ‘tugboats adding extra pull to the drive to increase universal standards, not innovations dragging much-needed resources away from the fleet.’

    He then concluded by saying that:

    If we can develop schools to become crucibles of innovation on behalf of the whole system, working for the sake of all children as well as meeting the needs of parents who are seeking different provision, then the sum continues to be greater than the parts. And so every school, regardless of its status, works for itself and for the whole system.

    Mike is himself another example of an inspirational school leader.

    He is also, of course, spot on.

    Whole system improvement, a comprehensive approach to driving up standards for every child, is what the coalition Government aims to deliver.

    Central to that drive is structural reform of the kind I’ve laid out – professionals liberated to drive improvement across the system.

    Improving teaching

    But the success of that model is not the only example of good practice here in England we want to spread more widely, it’s not the only lesson from abroad we want to implement more urgently here.

    We also want to take urgent action to attract more great teachers into the classroom. We want to further enhance the prestige and esteem of the teaching profession and further improve teacher training and continuous professional development.

    Look at the highest performing nations in any measure of educational achievement and they are always, but always, those with the most highly qualified teachers. Whether its Singapore, South Korea or Finland, as Sir Michael Barber has pointed out in his ground-breaking study for McKinsey nothing matters more in education that attracting the best people into teaching and making sure that every minute in the classroom is spent with children benefiting from the best possible instruction.

    The generation of teachers currently in our schools is the best ever, but given the pace of international improvement we must always be striving to do better.

    That is why we will expand organisations such as Teach First, Teaching Leaders and Future Leaders which have done so much to attract more highly talented people into education.

    That is why we will write off the student loan payments of science and maths graduates who go into teaching.

    That is why we will reform teacher recruitment to ensure there is a relentless focus on tempting the best into this, most rewarding, of careers.

    And that is why we will reform teacher training to shift trainee teachers out of college and into the classroom.

    We will end the arbitrary bureaucratic rule which limits how many teachers can be trained in schools, shift resources so that more heads can train teachers in their own schools, and make it easier for people to shift in mid-career into teaching.

    Teaching is a craft and it is best learnt as an apprentice observing a master craftsman or woman. Watching others, and being rigorously observed yourself as you develop, is the best route to acquiring mastery in the classroom. Which is why I also intend to abolish those rules which limit the ability of school leaders to observe teachers at work. Nothing should get in the way of making sure we have the best possible cadre of professionals ready to inspire the next generation.

    And that is why I will also reform the rules on discipline and behaviour to protect teachers from abuse, from false allegations, from disruption and violence. The biggest single barrier to good people starting, or staying, in education is poor pupil behaviour and we need a relentless focus on tackling this issue. That means getting parents to accept their responsibilities, giving teachers the discretion they need to get on with the job and sending a clear and consistent message at all times that adult authority has to be respected if every child is to have their chance.

    As well as giving teachers more control over their classrooms I want to give them more control over their careers, developing a culture of professional development which sees more teachers acquiring postgraduate qualifications like masters and doctorates, more potential school leaders acquiring management qualifications and more support in place for those who want, quickly, to climb up the career ladder. In every single one of these areas the role of the National College will be crucial and I hope we can all work ever more closely together.

    Investing in the workforce is one crucial lesson of great education systems, alongside granting your leaders greater autonomy. But there are others which we are also determined to push forward.

    More intelligent accountability

    The best school systems generate rich quantities of data which enable us all to make meaningful comparisons, learn from the best, identify techniques which work and quickly abandon ideologies which don’t. In America, President Obama, the Gates Foundation, the top charter schools and the principal education reformers all recognise the need for richer, timelier, more in-depth data about performance.

    That is why we need to keep rigorous external assessment. Improve and refine our tests, yes, but there can be no going back to the secret garden when public and professionals were in ignorance about where success had taken root and where investment had fallen on stony ground.

    Indeed I want to see more data generated by the profession to show what works, clearer information about teaching techniques that get results, more rigorous, scientifically-robust research about pedagogies which succeed and proper independent evaluations of interventions which have run their course. We need more evidence-based policy making, and for that to work we need more evidence.

    And that also means a new role for Ofsted. I want to see an inspection regime which also mirrors the approach of the world’s most successful systems. Intervention should be in inverse proportion to success. The best needed only the lightest touch to continue on a course of improvement. Those who are struggling need closer attention. That is why we will direct Ofsted’s resources to those schools which are faltering, or coasting, and insist that inspectors spend more time on classroom observation and assessing teaching and learning than having their attention diverted to other, strictly peripheral, areas.

    Curriculum and qualifications

    There is one other area where I also want us to learn from abroad, indeed to compare ourselves as we have never done before. And that is with our curriculum and qualifications.

    I want to ensure our national curriculum is a properly international curriculum – that it reflects the best collective wisdom we have about how children learn, what they should know and how quickly they can grow in knowledge.

    I want to use the evidence from those jurisdictions with the best-structured and most successful curricula – from Massachusetts to the Pacific Rim – to inform our curriculum development here.

    I want to remove everything unnecessary from a curriculum that has been bent out of shape by the weight of material dumped there for political purposes. I want to prune the curriculum of over-prescriptive notions of how to teach and how to timetable. Instead I want to arrive at a simple core, informed by the best international practice, which can act as a benchmark against which schools can measure themselves and parents ask meaningful and informed questions about progress.

    And alongside curriculum reform informed by evidence I want exam reform sustained by evidence. I want to ensure our qualifications can stand comparison with the most stretching in the world. I want to ensure that the maths tests our 11-year-olds sit are comparable with those 11-year-olds in Singapore sit and the science qualifications 16 or 18-year-olds acquire here are directly comparable with those in Taiwan or Toronto. That is why I want Ofqual to work not just to guarantee exam standards over time, but to guarantee exam standards match the best in the world.

    Conclusion

    I won’t deny for a moment this is an ambitious agenda. But I don’t think there’s any point being in politics, fighting elections, seeking office unless you’re ambitious to make a difference.

    And if there’s any audience I can confess to ambition in front of, it’s you. Every day your nurture it, encourage it, celebrate it. You’re ambitious for your schools, for the young people in your care, for the students they will become. You want them to be pushed, nudged, cajoled, encouraged, tempted and inspired to do more than they ever thought possible. And you want them to rejoice in knowing they have achieved their full potential.

    And that is what I want too. In the relentless drive to help every child achieve everything of which they are capable there can be neither rest nor tranquillity. But there can be the endless satisfaction of seeing the human spirit ennobled and fulfilled. That is the task you have been called to lead. And it is my job to serve you.

  • Michael Gove – 2010 Comments on Education Policy

    Michael Gove – 2010 Comments on Education Policy

    The comments made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, on 24 November 2010.

    Many other countries in the world are improving their schools faster than us and have smaller gaps between the achievements of rich and poor. The very best performing education systems have a rigorous focus on high standards, a determination to narrow attainment gaps and have stretching curricula. The countries that come out top of international studies into educational performance recognise that the most crucial factor in determining how well children do at school is the quality of their teachers.

    The best education systems draw their teachers from among the top graduates and train them rigorously, focusing on classroom practice. They recognise that it is teachers’ knowledge, intellectual depth and love of their subject which stimulates the imagination of children and allows them to flourish and succeed.

    But for too long in our country, teachers and heads have been hamstrung by bureaucracy and left without real support.

    It’s shocking that the latest figures show that only 40 of the 80,000 children in England eligible for free school meals secured places at Oxford or Cambridge. That’s a scandal.

    That’s why the coalition government plans to recruit more great people into teaching, train our existing teachers better and free them from bureaucracy and Whitehall control.

    We are putting teachers in the driving seat of school improvement and we are setting out changes that will make schools more accountable to their communities and their parents.

  • Sadiq Khan – 2022 Statement on Universal Free School Meals for All Schoolchildren

    Sadiq Khan – 2022 Statement on Universal Free School Meals for All Schoolchildren

    The statement made by Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, on 2 September 2022.

    Families are sending their children back to school this week and many will be wondering how they’ll be able to keep putting food on the table as the cost-of-living crisis worsens.

    The Government must act now to introduce universal free school meals for all primary school children. This would help build a better London for everyone, saving families hundreds of pounds a year, ensuring all primary pupils are eating a healthy, nutritious meal at school and also eliminating the stigma associated with being eligible for free school meals, to increase uptake among those who need it most.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Colleges Annual Conference

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Colleges Annual Conference

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 17 November 2010.

    Thank you Kirsty [Wark] and good afternoon everyone.

    WB Yeats said that education was “not the filling of a pail, but the lighting of a fire”; I know you share my burning passion for practical learning and that is why we can feel proud and excited about the Government’s new strategy for skills.

    Let’s together light the fire of learning across the nation. The documents that Vince Cable and I launched here yesterday are among the most important documents that the coalition Government has so far produced. Because they are about making sure the power of learning counts.

    And the first thing I want to do this afternoon is to pay tribute to Vince’s unstinting support in my work. We share – along with Michael Gove – a common vision of the value and the potential of further education and skills.

    We believe that, unless they are strong, it will be far harder to build a fairer, more cohesive and more prosperous Britain. And we all see ourselves, not just as the temporary political custodians of further education, but as active members of a diverse further education movement with a great history and a glorious future.

    In the past too few policy makers have understood sufficiently that F.E. is bigger than a certain number of buildings with a certain number of teachers and learners and a certain amount of money attached. Further Education is the lighting of many fires. From brightly burning ambition to the warm glow of achievement.

    I firmly believe that, just as I believe that the system’s success or failure is best measured not according to how many learners it recruits, but how many jobs it builds; how many communities it enhances; how much it inspires.

    Although learning is vital for economic success, it’s also about providing greater opportunities, breaking down the barriers that create and perpetuate disadvantage. It’s about invigorating people to think about how they can make more difference in their communities and how they can play their part in renewing our society.

    Vince spoke about this yesterday and it’s also the theme of much of what I want to say to you today.

    But I want to start not with the work of the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, but with that of the other department in which I’m proud to serve, the Department for Education. Because I am delighted to be here today in my capacity as joint Minister.

    Firstly, I was delighted that, despite difficult circumstances and tough decisions, we were able to confirm in the Spending Review that we will maintain our commitment to full participation of 16 and 17 year olds in education and training, and to raising the participation age to 18 by 2015. That is crucial if we are to make opportunity more equal and reverse the widening gap between rich and poor.

    I know that the Education Secretary, Michael Gove, also sees the role of FE and Sixth Form Colleges in meeting that ambition as crucial. That is why we have already taken steps to ensure that you have the freedom to determine your curriculum offer and mix of provision to meet the needs of the young people who choose to attend your college.

    And that is complemented by a vastly simpler funding system, cutting out the protracted planning that bedevilled previous systems; instead creating a responsive, demand led sector, in which funding follows learners.

    I know you are anxious to know what the 16-19 spending settlement will mean for you and I can confirm that the Education Department will announce details before Christmas. Alongside increased freedom for colleges I want to emphasise the importance of collaboration. Working together for nation’s future, for the common good.

    That’s about working closely with local authorities in promoting opportunities particularly for the most disadvantaged, but it’s also about increasing opportunities to work in school and college collaboration to develop cross-institutional approaches to vocational education.

    I am delighted to be able to announce the Growth and Innovation Fund to which Government will contribute 50 million pounds with many more millions coming from business. This fund will support greater collaboration between employers and colleges. There are many fine examples of this already and we need to understand how that best practice can be encouraged.

    There are also many examples of colleges sponsoring academies and we want to see more of that too. And I want colleges to grasp with both hands the opportunity offered by Lord Baker’s excellent work on UTCs.

    Let’s build new technical schools across Britain. At last fulfilling that part of Rab Butler’s 1944 Act.

    I welcome warmly Michael Gove’s invitation to Professor Alison Wolf to carry out an independent review of vocational education for under-19s.

    I know that Professor Wolf has talked to many of you in the course of her work so far, and has been impressed by your commitment to making high quality vocational provision available to young people including through your collaborative work. I certainly look forward to reading her report, which the Department for Education expects to receive early next year.

    Establishing a more coherent approach to qualifications will also help young people and their parents as they make choices about what and where to study post-16. Key to this will be young people’s access to expert, impartial and independent careers guidance.

    I made a speech the week before last to the Institute of Careers Guidance, where I set out my vision for an all-age careers service.

    Colleges will be able to work with the new all-age service to build on that the great work they already do. And we will make clear that we expect schools to take responsibility for securing access for their pupils to impartial, independent careers guidance, working with the all-age service or another licensed provider. For as W.H. Auden said “It takes little talent to see what lies under one’s nose, a good deal to know in which direction to point that organ.”

    I know as well as you do that the history of post-compulsory education over the last half-century has been one of chop and change. Nowhere has this been more disruptive that in 16-19 education. That has meant that too often, post-19 education and training has been treated as if its primary purpose was to pick up the pieces of the failures of other parts of the system.

    That’s not good enough. Indeed, it’s counter-productive. For, as I said earlier, real learning is inspirational.

    The doors of a further education college should open the way towards a place at life’s top table, not a seat at the back of the class. They should make real the prospect of a more fulfilled life; a better job; or the opportunity to deepen knowledge by progressing to higher learning.

    It’s that vision which underpins our strategy for skills.

    At the heart of how we will put this into practice is our plan for apprenticeships; 250 million pounds more for 75,000 extra apprenticeships. An ambition to create more apprentices than ever before.

    But, pivotal as they are, apprenticeships are not all we will do. They are just one aspect of a more equitable approach to sharing out the costs and benefits of training. Our plans also provide for fully subsidised provision for basic skills, training for young adults, and skills to help unemployed people to get and stay in sustainable work.

    We will also part-fund training for people 24 and over at level 2 while also giving access to loans for those individuals aged 24 and over who wish to study at level 3, and higher. Devoting resource to where it’s needed most. With your help, we will get this right, we will ensure that the most vulnerable get the financial support without which they could not gain new skills.

    Perhaps most importantly of all I want you to help me tackle the scandalous fact that one in seven of our young people is not in education, employment or training.

    I’m know, too, that a lot of lip-service has been paid over the years to employer involvement in training. And we know where that led: Train to Gain with its immense deadweight cost.

    What we must do now is to take a more realistic view of what’s needed and what’s worth paying for. The sort of realism that recognizes that those who reap the benefits of training must be prepared to share the costs. The sort of realism that graps that small employers are likely to need more help than larger ones to train their staff. And the sort of realism that, even when overall spending is falling, still fights for funds to create a new growth and innovation fund to support fresh employer-led skills initiatives..

    Learners’ choices will be underpinned by the new Qualifications and Credit Framework, which gives much greater flexibility through new credit-bearing qualifications, helping learners to progress, and giving them, and employers, access to training in a way that meet their immediate needs.

    We will also develop Lifelong Learning Accounts, encouraging individuals to learn, and keep on learning.

    I want the accounts to drive a national community of learners with the desire to seek out knowledge and skills. Sharing their successes with others; and I want you to play your part in building bigger lives.

    Another change will come with the intensification of colleges’ role as community assets. To help make sure that this happens, we will both protect and reform he budget for adult safeguarded learning.

    Above all, in future the emphasis will be on the primacy of the relationship between colleges and their direct customers – individuals and businesses. Accountability will pass from Government to colleges’ local communities.

    I am serious about devolving real power to get things done. So we intend to give greater freedom to colleges.

    Freedom from the unnecessary bureaucracy and regulation that inhibits your ability to frame what you do to suit local learners and employers.
    We seek to remove a raft of unnecessary regulations that dictate what you do, and how you should do it.

    We intend to remove the legal necessity to promote economic and social well-being of the local area, and have regard to prescriptive guidance about consultation. Because what college worth its name needs a law to tell it to promote well being? Social and economic well being are your stock in trade.

    And we are looking to make it easier for you to borrow to invest. We want to move towards creating a dynamic skills system which is lead by the colleges, who in turn work with learners and business to deliver the education and training provision they need.

    I don’t pretend that change on this scale will be easy, nor that it won’t make demands on you. It will require new and creative thinking.

    Representative bodies like this one will need to take collective responsibility for sector improvement, working through the Learning and Skills Improvement Service. I believe strongly in the professionalism of the sector, the importance of a qualified workforce, and power of peer to peer approaches in supporting quality improvement.

    It will also mean colleges working together to reduce costs, for example through more efficient collaboration in the delivery of front and back office functions.

    Though let me be clear there is a role for smaller, rural and specialist providers too. So rest assured I don’t see mergers as the only solution.

    And the Government devolving power will not mean the Government absolving itself of its responsibilities. Where colleges are failing, we will act, opening up opportunities to others in the independent and private sector to get involved.

    I don’t want to leave you today merely thinking that the Spending Review wasn’t as bad as some people expected – although it wasn’t.

    Reform would have been desirable even if we hadn’t inherited an unsustainable fiscal deficit.

    We have been planning change for years. And we built change on we learnt from you.

    The strategy we have launched at this conference was not just the result of a long consultation over the summer, though many valuable submissions, including from the AoC, (more than 500 in all) have helped to inform our thinking.

    As many of you know it is as much the result of a much longer period of consultation, of discussion, of deliberation, which began when David Cameron appointed me Shadow Minister, five years ago next month. Five years to build my understanding of the invaluable contribution made by FE to our economy and our society.

    I know there is immense human capital in the sector. Yet the last Government infantilised FE. It directed, micro-managed and encumbered FE.

    It’s time to treat you as grown ups. To set you free. Free from the technocrats; from full utilitarianism; from the stifling bureaucracy.

    I want you to leave Birmingham excited by the prospect of change.

    Know that at last there is a Government that understands Further Education, that prioritises skills. A Government that trusts you. My trust; learners trust.

    Play your part in taking our movement forward. Be worthy of that trust.

    Let none of us be content until everyone embraces our creed that, wherever you begin, whatever your background and whatever your circumstances, learning can make a difference; can ignite a fire.

    Learning brightens lives and warms hearts.

    So leave this conference with the glow of professionals at last trusted to do your best; to be your best.

    Thank you.

     

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the New All-Age Careers Service

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the New All-Age Careers Service

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 4 November 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone.

    For anyone who feels as passionately as I do about the value of practical skills, it’s a pleasure to be here in Belfast. This is a city in which skill has always been honoured, whether it’s the skill needed to build a ship or to produce the perfect Ulster Fry.

    And it’s a city whose people are, in consequence, more vividly aware than most of how important it is for the young to gain the skills that will serve them well when they try to find their place in the local jobs market. So I congratulate the Institute warmly on their choice of venue for this year’s conference.

    Of course I’m fully aware that the different parts of the United Kingdom each have their own approaches to careers guidance. But no one has a monopoly of wisdom in this area and one of the reasons why this conference is so valuable is that it offers the chance for us to compare approaches and learn from each other.

    Differences only go so far. What I hope we all have in common is a recognition that even the best skills system in the world can’t deliver half its potential unless it is supported by a structure that helps prospective learners to take well informed decisions.

    Like me, many of you will no doubt recall the Everyman Library. The library’s still going strong after more than a century. But I guess most of us still know it best from the pocket-sized red hardbacks that can still be found in any second-hand bookshop.

    J M Dent’s original and very laudable aim in establishing the series was to make 1,000 of the classics of world literature available to ordinary working people at a shilling a time.

    There are those, no doubt, who would dismiss that aim as an example of Edwardian paternalism. But at a time when compulsory schooling ended at the age of twelve, there was nevertheless a great deal of truth in the epigraph that opened every volume:

    _Everyman, I will go with thee
    and be thy guide,
    In thy most need to go
    by thy side.
    _
    There’s certainly no doubt that, a hundred years ago, most adults needed guidance to help them progress down the road to self-improvement through self education. Just as it’s true that today, in the 21st century, many people need extra help to get onto the ladder that leads to success in life.

    I’m not speaking only of people from disadvantaged backgrounds, though it is for them that the stakes are perhaps highest. Because, if navigating the canon of world literature can be confusing, so can mapping a path through the seemingly inexhaustible range of career options and qualifications routes that are available in the modern world.

    Because we are determined to eradicate unfairness and disadvantage from our society, to create an environment in which the only limit on any person’s ability to go far is the extent of their own efforts. We must first identify and then overcome the barriers which currently hinder people from progressing.

    So what I want to say to you today is not just about careers guidance but about what good guidance can achieve. Careers guidance makes a difference. It’s in the engine room of social mobility; a vital part of the machinery of social justice.

    Good advice doesn’t just transform lives. It transforms our society by challenging the pre-conceived ideas about what each of us seeks. And what all of us can achieve.

    I take it that no one here would disagree that one of the biggest barriers that many people face today lies in the inability to match the right learning opportunities with the right employment choices to achieve their aspirations. Unless we inherit great wealth, this is an obstacle that virtually all of us have to face.

    And to face it successfully, there are few people who would not do better with good, professional advice of the right kind, at the right time. If we believe in fairness and if we believe in social justice, then we must also believe in the value of advice and guidance in helping people find the right path.

    The evidence clearly supports that conclusion.

    We know that young people who stay in education or training post-16 are more likely to find employment, and that guidance in the final year of compulsory schooling is an important factor in their decision to stay on. We know that many young people drop out of post-compulsory education or training because it does not meet their expectations, or because their chosen course was unsuitable.

    The right guidance is no less important to adults. 82 per cent of adults receiving careers guidance say that it is instrumental in their decision to learn or seek training. And over 20 per cent say that a lack of information is a significant barrier to learning.

    Guidance is also an important key in unlocking access to learning and progression for those facing disadvantage, helping them become socially mobile.

    Early career decisions can have the most important impacts on mobility through the course of people’s lives. Failing to progress can have a damaging effect on social confidence, which can hamper mobility. There is also evidence that guidance of insufficient quality can create barriers to learning for young people who face significant disadvantages.

    Guidance is also essential in helping people aim as high as they can. Alan Milburn recognised this in his report on access to the professions, noting that “guidance is crucial in helping young people to develop ambitious but achievable plans, which are more likely to lead to positive outcomes.”

    Sir Martin Harris’s report on widening access to Higher Education reinforces this picture, noting that students with similar qualifications from disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to apply to and attend the most selective courses or institutions than their more advantaged peers. He also notes the impact of good quality advice on social confidence.

    And most recently, Lord Browne has made very clear recommendations in his review of Higher Education. In his view, “[careers guidance should] be delivered by certified professionals who are well-informed, benefit from continued training and professional development and whose status in schools is respected and valued.”

    So whether promoting social mobility, or helping people make educational and training choices, the importance of high quality careers guidance cannot be ignored.

    Alan Milburn’s report was titled “Unleashing Aspiration”, and that is exactly what I believe high quality careers guidance has the power to do, for young people and adults everywhere.

    There is also another important reason why we need to act.

    The impact of changing economic circumstances means that skills demands will increase at every level.

    As Leitch put it, better skills will be needed at higher levels “to drive leadership, management and innovation – the key drivers of productivity growth”, at intermediate levels to implement investment and innovation, and basic skills are “essential for people to be able to adapt to change”.

    The OECD stresses that as emerging economies start to deliver high skills at moderate cost, the OECD countries must themselves reform their skills policies. High quality advice and guidance is key to this development, but as Leitch pointed out “the current system in England is fragmented and fails to integrate advice on learning with careers advice”.

    We have to respond to these challenges.

    In whichever part of these islands we live, if we seek to promote social renewal by enabling more young people and adults to realise their aspirations of getting on in life; if we seek to support growth and productivity at every level; then effective, high-quality careers guidance is indispensible to our cause.

    At present, in England, we are falling short of that ideal far too often. We have not moved on far enough from the days when, to quote Disraeli, “To do nothing and get something formed a boy’s ideal of a manly career”.

    So let me outline what we propose to do about it.

    Of course, we must start from the position that the coalition Government inherited. And that’s by no means all bad.

    But while I recognise that there are examples of the Connexions service providing good careers guidance, the quality of careers advice for young people has not been consistently high. The universal aim of the Connexions service has meant, in practice, a dilution of its capacity to provide high quality, expert, impartial careers guidance.

    So I am clear that we need to restore a focus on specialist expertise in careers guidance for young people.

    Meanwhile, for adults, I appreciate that the Next Step service is an important achievement. But I want to go further still.

    Many of you know that I have long argued for the creation of a single, all-age careers service.

    A single, unified careers service would provide major benefits in terms of transparency and accessibility. And a single service with its own unique identity would have more credibility for people within it as well as users than the more fragmented arrangements that are currently in place.

    There are a range of other benefits, including the ability to support young people more effectively during their transition to adulthood. And that’s why creating an all-age service will be one of my and my Departments’ most important tasks over the coming months and years.

    As we go about this, it’s important to recognise that we’re not starting from scratch. On the contrary, we will build on Next Step, and on Connexions because we must not lose the best of either.

    In advocating this, I am certainly under no illusions about the Spending Review settlement. But if we are going to create the sort of comprehensive guidance service that I and many others think we need, then we will simply have to do more with less.

    That’s by no means an impossible task. Not if you approach it with pride in the importance of the task and with a willingness to use innovation and creativity where money is in short supply.

    So we will find new ways of providing face to face guidance that give young people, adults and communities what they need, and get the best from careers professionals

    Bringing careers advice for young people and adults together will help us to achieve some savings. But we will need to go further, and become much more imaginative in the way we make use of resources.

    We have a golden opportunity to build a service that will endure and the sector must rise to this challenge. There are always a hundred reasons to delay action until times change.

    There are doubters who will argue that we should wait until the financial situation is easier. Or until other reforms have bedded down. Or because it’s just less bother to let sleeping dogs lie.

    But I am a doer not a doubter, I believe that reform is needed now. Both to meet our national labour market needs better and to widen individual opportunities.

    We must build a path to a fairer and more open society.

    My vision for that future rests on two core principles:

    The first is that independent advice must be underpinned by professional expertise. That implies both strong leadership and a workforce of the highest calibre.

    Whatever good careers advisers achieve – and it’s a great deal – their public status too infrequently matches the importance of their job.

    So we will revitalise the professional status of careers guidance, looking to the Careers Profession Alliance to establish common professional standards and a code of ethics for careers professionals.

    We will implement the recommendations of the Careers Profession Task Force. In doing so, we will consider the Taskforce’s recommendation on levels of qualification, particularly the speed at which we could move towards establishing Level 6 – equivalent to an Honours degree – as the minimum standard for practising careers advisers within the service.

    We will also work with the Careers Profession Alliance and with awarding bodies to ensure that careers qualifications include an appropriate focus on the essentials of careers guidance.

    And we will insist that the all-age service meets demanding quality standards. Competition will be important in avoiding the complacency that can cause quality to slide.

    But most importantly, whether the public comes to recognise a culture of excellence amongst careers advisers depends mainly on you.

    On your ability to embrace the opportunities that reform offers. On your willingness to step up to the task of raising the status of your profession. On your determination to deliver the change we need to make individual dreams come true as they fulfil their potential.

    The second core principle of reform is independence.

    Young people and adults need impartial advice, which is independent of any organisation with a vested interest, and which is underpinned by objective and realistic information about careers, skills and the labour market.

    Just as I want to make sure that everyone has access to professional, independent advice, I also want to make sure that institutions know where that advice can be found.

    We will discuss with the sector how best to do that, perhaps by establishing a register of providers who meet the highest standards, and by a kite-mark, and by awards for excellence.

    I want all careers advisers to take pride in their profession, and to take their own professional development seriously. They must be seen to be the experts in their field and the most trusted source of advice.

    I want the professional organisations to lead the process of continuing to strengthen the status of advisers. That’s in their own interests, just as it’s in ours to empower them to play that role

    Because with greater independence comes greater responsibility.

    The rationale for change and the basic aims for reform are clear. So we need now to get on with the job.

    It is never too soon to fight the battle for social justice. We must not delay.

    So I can announce today that we will put in place as much as possible of the basis for an all-age careers service by September next year. And building on that, we will push ahead so that the all-age service is in place by April 2012.

    An indispensible part of that work will be gaining the confidence of educational institutions at all levels.

    Individual schools and colleges know their own learners and are better placed to assess their needs than anyone else. So it follows that on them must fall the responsibility for ensuring that all learners get the best advice and guidance possible.

    That should, of course, include information on vocational options like apprenticeships, as well as on academic options.

    I know that many schools do this very well already. They work effectively with their local Connexions service, and I have no doubt that they will continue to work effectively with the all-age careers service.

    But we ask too much of our teachers when we expect them to be excellent pedagogues and professional careers advisors. So too many schools are not equipped to provide young people with a full understanding of the options open to them. As a result, the ambitions of some are prematurely limited.

    That’s a waste that we just can’t afford.

    And that’s why I am clear that close partnerships – whereby schools work together with expert, independent advisers – must be at the heart of our new arrangements.

    I’m acutely aware that, with so much already expected of them, it would be asking too much to expect schools to keep up to date with all the latest developments in the labour market. So I want them to recognise the importance of independent, impartial, professional careers guidance, and to invest in it.

    I am confident that schools will want to secure the best for their students.

    For our part, we will provide them with the information and tools to secure independent and impartial guidance that empowers pupils make informed decisions about their future.

    With over 40 per cent of young people progressing to higher education these days, there’s an important role for universities too.

    Universities will continue to provide their own advice and guidance. But we will still encourage use of the all-age service and encourage its quality standards to be widely applied.

    I recognise that all this represents a significant shift for many within the careers sector, and, in particular, for local authorities, who are currently responsible for ensuring all young people receive careers guidance through the Connexions service.

    So let me make it clear that they will continue to have a vital role to play. Without them, we could not meet our target of achieving full participation by 2015.

    Local authorities in England will continue to be responsible for helping vulnerable youngsters to move forward in their lives and to participate in education, employment or training.

    They will need to maintain – as they do now – accurate data on young people’s participation in order to target support effectively on those who would otherwise suffer disadvantage.

    All this amounts to a serious programme of work. But my ambition, and that of the Coalition Government, does not stop there. Over time, I want to create an environment in which English careers guidance is recognised for the important public good it is, in which young people, adults, schools, colleges, universities and whole communities see its value, use it and invest in it.

    That’s a big task and it will require us to make some important changes. And I wanted this conference to be the first to hear them.

    I can confirm today that:

    First, we will ask the schools inspectorate to carry out a thematic review of careers education and other information, advice and guidance services for young people;

    Second, we will ask relevant national bodies to work with the careers sector to help schools, colleges and training organisations to learn from and share examples of good practice.

    Third, we will collate and publish clear evidence of the benefits and uses of careers guidance.

    Fourth, we will look at ways of recognising success and excellence, for example, developing awards for careers guidance professionals and those who have benefitted from it.

    And finally, we will consult you, the careers sector, on the scope for introducing a License to Practice for careers guidance, and the role it might play in securing quality.

    I will be asking the members of the Careers Profession Taskforce to monitor the progress we are making across this range of work, and intend to follow their recommendation to ask them to do so via two reports to the Government, one in March 2011 and one in March 2012.

    Careers guidance is often an important part of the journey for each individual. Very often when advice is bad, so are outcomes.

    But provided at the right time and in the right context, good advice from a trusted source can make the difference between sustained engagement in education, employment or training and a lifetime of disappointment,

    Engaging, inspiring, increasing social mobility – the job you do is the stuff of dreams.

    My plans aim to a radical and challenging programme of change. Delivering it successfully will require not just the efforts of those directly involved in providing careers guidance services, but of the wider education and training sector, too.

    Nevertheless, I know that the will for change, and a recognition of the benefits it can bring to millions of people’s lives, thrives here.

    And I know that the Institute will welcome the announcement of an all-age service for England.

    You called for it. We promised it in opposition. And we will deliver it in Government.

    In our hands lies the chance to change peoples prospects. What greater privilege, greater challenge can there be than the chance to change the future.

    I trust that you will have questions for me.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce on 26 October 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone. Thank you for coming.

    The Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacturers and Commerce, is probably the most appropriate setting possible for my speech today.

    The RSA is a body founded on the ideal of progress, exemplified in James Barry’s series of paintings in the Great Hall.

    The RSA is also a body that has, right from the start, rejected artificial distinctions between art and craft, while upholding the particular value of each.

    Over more than 250 years, from mounting Britain’s first contemporary art show to organising the Great Exhibition, the event in our history that, more than any other, astonished the world with the beauty of British craftsmanship, the RSA has insisted that art needs craft, and vice versa.

    And it continues to remind us the joylessness of attempting to separate one from the other.

    Indeed, the more pleasure we take in our work, manual or mental, the more of ourselves we invest in it, the more we to get from it in return, financially perhaps, but most importantly aesthetically. What we do is what we are.

    Matthew B Crawford’s book, Shop Class as Soulcraft: an inquiry into the value of work, published in America last year, underlines this. Actually it is one of the things that inspired me to give this speech.

    The book describes how Professor Crawford, an academic political scientist and a former executive director of a think-tank, in Washington DC, discovered that his greatest satisfaction lay not in abstract political thought but in the practical skills needed to mend motorbikes.

    The argument he makes is not anti-intellectual – the author has not given up scholarship. But he charts the route to personal fulfilment found by combining his academic career with running a small motorcycle repair business.

    There are precedents for this sort of approach. I recall in particular a large painting by the Victorian artist Daniel Maclise, which can be seen in Royal Holloway College’s administrative buildings at Egham.

    Maclise’s work adorns the Palace of Westminster – notably two enormous representations of Waterloo and Trafalgar, which I return to admire time and time again. But the particular painting at Royal Holloway recalls Tsar Peter the Great’s visit to Britain in 1698.

    Peter of course has a good claim to be the founder of modern Russia.

    He built from nothing its first Western type city, St Petersburg.

    He founded Russia’s first university and its first formal civil institutions.

    He created its first modern army and its first-ever navy, conquered much of its present-day territory, sowed the seeds of its first industries.

    The inspiration for much of what he went on to achieve came from his Grand Embassy to the West, much of which was spent, not in political negotiations, but working as an apprentice shipwright in the dockyards of Amsterdam and Deptford.

    Maclise’s painting shows King William III visiting Peter at work at Deptford.

    The dapper king looks on in astonishment as the Tsar, in shirt sleeves, saws away contentedly at a lump of timber alongside other workers, helping to build one of the first ships of the new Russian navy.

    In fact, throughout his life Peter’s greatest pride lay in acquiring and using practical skills. Besides shipbuilding, he was highly-skilled at turning wood on his lathe.

    He also made rather less successful forays into dentistry and even surgery, much to the anguish of his courtiers.

    Of course, Peter was by no means alone in combining success in public life with pride in practical skill.

    Closer to our own time, Winston Churchill was both a skilled amateur artist and an accomplished bricklayer.

    Last month, I had the pleasure of attending a speech by my old friend and new colleague at the Department for Education, Michael Gove.

    On that occasion, Michael spoke persuasively about the urgency of reforming and revaluing practical education in this country, starting in schools.

    It’s true, as Michael said, that for decades practical learning for children has been seen by the educational establishment as a poor second-best to academic study.

    In recent times, lip-service has been paid to it with the creation of new school qualifications which seem useful but too often prove to be anything but when a youngster goes from school into the harsher realities of the job market.

    The growing availability of apprenticeships for young people has been of much more value, but again, the route towards high-level skills to which they point has all to frequently stopped short, at Level 2, rather than taking a person forward to Level 3 and beyond.

    .Of course, it’s a Level 3 that qualifications really start to have a big effect on a person’s future prospects and earning potential.

    I went from school to university and from there into a job. For people of my generation, this was the modern equivalent of the Roman cursus honorum. And to an extent it still is, even though over the last three years graduates in some subjects perceived by employers as soft have felt the chill blast of recession.

    And I don’t believe, as some seem to, that Britain, once the workshop of the world, is doomed to dwindle to a race of pseudo celebrities and merchant bankers.

    On the contrary, I believe that it is British manufacturing and the practical skills that underpin it that must lead us into renewed economic growth.

    For decades, people have been calling for greater parity of esteem between academic and vocational qualifications.

    Those calls have invariably fallen on deaf ears. As Instead, we’ve seen a dilution both.

    Too many things that are fundamentally practical have been given an academic veneer. Not because it’s needed to produce a better craftsman, but simply because it seems to legitimise craft for those who are fundamentally nsecure about practical learning.

    Ironically, many such people have done academic study no favours. But regardless, the academic route continues to enjoy greater esteem.

    Parents and grandparents will proudly display photographs of their offspring in graduation garb, whatever has been studied, wherever. Such is the power of the degree brand.

    Of course, university qualifications have an unbroken European history of nearly a thousand years. The Bachelor-Master-Doctor structure is relatively familiar to most people. And, even in an age of 45 per cent participation, they retain an aura of intellectual and social exclusivity.

    But the same can be said of few practical qualifications, because many come and go with alarming frequency and certainly before even employers in the sector concerned can work out exactly what they mean..

    Of course, that’s not universally true. Yesterday evening, I attended a reception to celebrate the City & Guilds Institute, which was established in the 19th century by a consortium of 16 City of London guilds and which remains a notable exception to that rule.

    But even so I think it’s impoverishes our culture that even apprenticeships, which have been around as a form of training for at least twice as long as universities, do not confer a particular title.

    That’s just one reason of many that things need to change. People speak of the intellectual beauty of a mathematical theorem. But there is beauty, too, in the economy and certainty of movement of a master craftsmen.

    I believe that both kinds of beauty must be recognised on their own terms.

    And that implies not that the stock of academe must fall, but that the stock of craft must rise.

    Change of the kind I seek would colour our national life in the three ways.

    The first is economic.

    The comparative orthodox esteem in which vocational and academic qualifications seems to have relatively little to do with earning potential. Indeed, at times like these with many traditional graduate recruiters cutting back, a practical skill may often be more marketable.

    The essence of the value of a skill lies in the fact that not everyone has it, assuming a skill has a market value. Which is why people like me, make an embarrassed judgement about what it’s worth to hire a man with the tools and know-how needed to do what we cannot.

    The same process applies, though with less embarrassment, when a factory-owner is willing to pay qualified machine-operators more than unskilled labourers.

    The higher and more sophisticated the skill, the more value it is likely to add to a product.

    And, as Lord Leitch and others have argued, the higher the skills levels available in an economy, the more they add to the value of products and services, the more profitable the economy as a whole is likely to become, the more jobs it will support and the more business we will win from other countries.

    And raising skills levels brings social as well as economic benefits, like better public health, lower crime-rates and more intensive engagement by individuals in the sorts of voluntary and community activities that fuel the common good and power the national interest.

    Where there is disagreement about this it tends not to be about the principle of needing to build a high-skill economy, but about how the cost of developing the skills in question should be shared between individuals, employers and the State.

    The second area where elevating the status of craft would bring benefits is social.

    Sadly few these days are described – or describe themselves – as a master-craftsman.

    In part, that is the consequence of social change.

    Within living memory, the butcher, the baker and the candlestick-maker enjoyed significant social status, alongside the bank manager, the lawyer and the schoolteacher.

    But these days, in most of Britain, the hard-won skill of individuals has been subsumed by brutal, impersonal ubiquity. Butchers, bakers and others reduced to anonymous shop assistants in soulless megastores.

    But history shows us that there is an alternative.

    When industrialisation was reaching its zenith here, it provoked a

    reaction which eventually became known as the Arts and Crafts movement.

    This movement, too, recognised the unbreakable link between satisfaction in work and quality of life. Its proponents considered the dehumanising effects of mass production in their own time and sought to recreate what they saw as a happier period for working people. A period when their skills were recognised, valued and freed to produce great art.

    One of the leaders of the movement, William Morris, wrote that:

    “the Middle Ages was a period of greatness in the art of the common people. The treasures in our museums now are only the common utensils used in households of that age, when hundreds of medieval churches – each one a masterpiece – were built by unsophisticated peasants”.

    Of course, nowadays much of the chattering class would to mock such idealistic attitudes.

    Those of us who’ve been watching Michael Wood’s current series of programmes on BBC2 know that life in the Middle Ages for many people was nasty, brutish and short. And that the world from which the Peasants’ Revolt sprang much less pleasant for the lower classes than Morris’ novel about the period, A Dream of John Ball, suggests.

    Even the great craft guilds, which people like Morris lauded as the guardians of skills and the upholders of standards of craftsmanship, were not always wholly positive forces. There was sometimes a thin line between upholding traditions and imposing what were once referred to darkly as “Spanish practices”.

    That very duality is found in the most famous 19th-century celebration of the guilds, if not of Merrie England then at least of Merrie Bavaria, Wagner’s Die Meistersinger von Nurnberg.

    Nevertheless on some points especially, I think that such a romantic view of an earlier age has much of value to teach us.

    The world that past fiction characteristics is one in which membership of a craft guild, and consequently the skills required to qualify, was something to which ordinary people aspired.

    It’s a world in which bakers and builders are proud to be what they are, and to be admired as such by others.

    And it’s a world in which people can realise the satisfaction that practicing a skill of proficiently can give.

    In our age that satisfaction can, in principle, be available to anyone. It should be available to more.

    Such a spirit inspired the teaching institutions that sprang from Arts and Crafts – like the Guild of Handicraft, the schools in Newlyn, Keswick and Chipping Camden and several colleges that are now numbered among our universities.

    The benefits to individuals of acquiring new skills, whether for work or for private satisfaction, are reflected throughout society.

    I certainly don’t mean to idealise hard work. Let’s be clear that there’s nothing necessarily dignified about some jobs. Jobs that are physically hard and dirty or just boring and repetitive.

    But neither should we underestimate the dignity of labour – the satisfaction of a job well done. For to do so is to undervalue those who labour.

    It’s a dignity we must rejuvenate, because many, though not all, practical skills are undervalued in our society.

    Yet interestingly that does not mean that, as a society, we necessarily look down on skill. After all the 150 applicants for each BT apprenticeship place certainly don’t. And think of the popular fascination with skills of celebrity chefs and professional dancers or the popularity of T.V and radio shows about architecture, engineering or fashion design.

    The instinctive value we feel for craft must be reflected by our education system.

    The third area where we need change is cultural.

    The men who built and beautified the cathedrals were not by and large academic. Even now, they challenge our prejudices about what culture is and who creates it.

    The same could be said of many of the great artists.

    Giotto, according to Vasari’s Lives of the Artists, started life as a shepherd-boy.

    The name of the master who painted the Wilton Diptych was not even thought to be worth recording.

    Their art and their craft beautifies the world still.

    The craftsmen who built Georgian and, especially, Victorian London were both numerous and anonymous. But they, too, created an environment where the effects of craft enriched ordinary people’s lives. All that we build should add quality, as the Victorians knew.

    That celebration of life in a Victorian terraced house, Noel Coward’s This Happy Breed, celebrated something else, too. The bonds of neighbourliness, friendship and shared experience that held working-class communities together. The social glue that helped them to weather hard times in the 1920s and 1930s.

    Craft skill also beautified our public spaces. Of course, much of that beauty has been swept away, partly by the Luftwaffe, but mainly by much more ruthless urban planners. And our lives are poorer for it.

    So let one example stand for all. The Euston Road has its brighter points. Above all, the high Victorian fantasy of St Pancras, itself so nearly lost to the wrecker’s ball.

    It also has its low points. Notably leaking warehouse set amid the crumbling concrete that is Euston Station.

    But it wasn’t always thus. The gaping entrance to the station and its depressing bus station was once guarded by a vast Doric arch, built of stone in 1837. Its size and neoclassical simplicity were a powerful symbol of national confidence at the dawn of the railway age and the start of Queen Victoria’s reign.

    A Conservative Government approved its demolition in 1961. The stones which had brought pleasure to the lives of millions were taken away and dumped in a river.

    Those who ordered that deed should never be forgiven. Because it wasn’t just a symptom of environmental brutalism. It was a symptom of post-war contempt for the skills and craftsmanship of the people who built it.

    In my view, the skills of a bricklayer are in no way less admirable and certainly no less hard-won than those of a stockbroker. And admired is what they should be. For each feel value, all feel valued.

    So let me digress for a moment to wish the Euston Arch Trust well in its efforts to persuade the Mayor of London to rebuild it.

    When we look at something beautiful, it’s not just the object that we admire, but the skill that went into producing it. That’s why Maclise’s fresco of The Death of Nelson will always be more admirered than Marcel Duchamp’s urinal.

    My point is that admiration for skill, even when it doesn’t involve production of an object, is an integral part of our culture.

    I remember watching the 1970 world cup final on television. The next day at school was a Monday. And all that any of my schoolmates or I wanted to do in the playground was to replicate the outrageous dummy that we’d seen Pele sell to Albertosi, the Italian goalkeeper.

    It didn’t matter that Pele didn’t score. It was his skill and the vision that fired our imaginations.

    Of course, all children admire skill in sport. If my schoolmates and I wanted to play football like Pele, we also wanted to bowl like John Snow, bat like Colin Cowdrey or play tennis like Rod Laver.

    But it’s not just sporting skill that children admire. How many children do not dream of learning to drive a car or fly and aeroplane, to do a card trick, or juggle?

    And admiration for a physical prowess and physical skill doesn’t end with the onset of adulthood. It’s part of our wiring; part of that complex bundle of impulses that, together, make us human.

    The sort of revaluation I’m calling for won’t be easily accomplished. But I think there is a general recognition right across the spectrum of political and educational opinion that one is needed.

    So what can we do?

    There are five things I’d like to suggest.

    The first is to continue and intensify our efforts to re-establish apprenticeship as the primary form of practical training. We will create more apprenticeships than modern Britain has ever seen.

    And not just in the traditional craft sectors but in the new crafts too – in advanced engineering; IT; the creative industries or financial services .

    It’s not just that apprenticeships works – though they do.

    And it’s not just that apprenticeship is probably the most widely-recognised brand in the skills shop-window – although it is.

    It’s also about what apprenticeships symbolise. The passing-on of skill from one generation to the next and the proof that this offers that learning by doing is just as demanding and praiseworthy as learning from a book.

    As I said earlier, we need, with the help of sectoral bodies, to seek out new and more effective ways of recognising apprentices’ achievements.

    It was in an effort to begin to address that disparity that my colleague David Willetts announced at the recent Conservative Party conference that apprentices in the construction industry would in future be given the title of “technician”.

    But we will go further; I plan to reinstate fellows and masters too. The aesthetic of craft must be no less seductive that that of academe.

    And with the number of apprentices set to rise by 75,000 during this Parliament, we will to extend that sort of thinking to trainee craftsmen across sectors.

    Let me be clear this new aesthetic will not only offer the emblems of achievement to individuals but also provide business with important commercial advantages. Firms that invest in training deserve recognition and will be able to use the achievements gained by their staff as marketing tools.

    Second, we must re-evaluate and indeed redefine what a sectoral approach means.

    It’s been clear since even before guilds and livery companies existed that different sectors require specific skills, and that it therefore makes sense for sectoral bodies to be closely involved in designing training and qualifications and in setting standards.

    In some sectors, that link has been obscured, although it remains clear in others. The Goldsmiths and Fishmongers Companies are good examples of that, as indeed is the Royal College of Surgeons, which presides over the highest-stakes practical skill of them all.

    And, though my discussions with City and Guilds, I know that the livery companies are keen to build on the good work they already do.

    And there is also, I think, an opportunity for the sector skills councils to grasp.

    “Sector skills council”; it is hardly a label to stiffen the sinew and summon up the blood”. And that is a symptom of a deeper problem. Here, too, we have become stuck in a dreary technocratic language which limits imagination and inspiration.

    I want SSCs to dare to rise to the challenge of going beyond the strictly utilitarian, of becoming guilds for the twenty first century, creating a sense of pride in modern occupations, and giving individual workers a sense of worth and purposeful pride.

    Third, we must not forget the role that informal learning also plays in teaching skills.

    Acquiring skills make our lives, not necessarily wealthier, but definitely fuller. It raises our self-esteem and often also the esteem in which others hold us.

    Even a depressive and tubercular D H Lawrence found respite from contemplating man’s alienation from the modern world by applying practical skills. He once noted that:

    “I got the blues thinking of the future, so I left off and made some marmalade. It’s amazing how it cheers one up to shred oranges and scrub the floor”.

    The desire for skills can be accompanied by frustration if there is no clear way in which to gain them. But if they are available, what a difference they can make to individuals and communities.

    How many householders’ lives are enriched by watching Strictly Come Dancing? A programme about a group of celebrities and alleged celebrities acquiring practical skills by instruction and practice. How many learned the basics of gardening, that most satisfying of pastimes, from watching Geoff Hamilton or Alan Titchmarsh?

    What a force for social cohesion, and for every kind of practical skill, the formidable ladies of the Women’s Institute remain. What an introduction to manual skill the Boy Scouts and Girl Guides have given to millions of children. What pleasure it can give to the whole community to see the local gardening club come together once a year to pit their blooms and brassicas against one another.

    Show me a society where everyone has the opportunity and desire to seek out new knowledge and new skills and I’ll show you a society that really deserves to be called “bigger”.

    That’s why last week, as part of what’s probably the most hard-nosed cull of Government spending there has been in modern times, the budget for informal adult learning was protected.

    Learning for the common good protected. And on my watch it will remain so.

    My fourth point follows on from the previous three. We must do much more to facilitate progression.

    Under the last Government, we heard a great deal about creating ladders of learning. But their approach was fundamentally flawed because it was based on identifying problems and then trying to nail a few more rungs on the ladder to compensate.

    In fact, what the learner got was not so much one ladder as a game of snakes and ladders.

    Our task must therefore be to break down the barriers to progression that have been progressively erected. And to reject artificial distinctions wherever we find them

    For example, I don’t know how many of you could give us a comprehensible explanation of the difference between Level 3 and Level 4, and why it matters. I certainly know that many of those that administer the system couldn’t, and I doubt whether I could either.

    We must also make the barrier between HE and FE more permeable. If we want learning to be really lifelong, the road for any individual from basic skills to higher learning – not necessarily provided in higher education – must be as smooth as we can make it.

    My fifth point is about Further Education providers. FE Colleges are the great unheralded triumph of our education system. But their capacity to innovate has been limited by the target driven, bureaucratic, micro-management which characterised the last Government’s approach to skills. This Government could not be more different. We will free colleges to innovate and excel. In fact we have already begun rolling back the stifling blanket of red tape and regulation and we will go further.

    Our mission is to free colleges to be more responsive to learner choice and employer demands. This is vital to build provision sufficiently nimble to respond to dynamic demand. But often and understated product of this will be to drive up the status of FE Colleges, their teachers and learners, at last recognised as the jewels in learning’s crown.

    There were doubters when I first said that I wanted to give this speech. I think that was partly because it’s not about a particular piece of public policy, and perhaps partly also because it was bound to include unfashionable words like pride, beauty and dignity.

    To those doubters, I make no apology. Just as I make no apology for believing in the power of learning.

    I look back to the Englishmen who first raised the standard of craft skill as a force in the modern world – to Morris and Ruskin, Rossetti and Burne-Jones – and I think it’s high time to create a new aesthetics of craft, indeed, a new Arts and Crafts movement, for Britain in the 21st century.

    That won’t be done overnight. But I can announce today that we are making a start.

    I am considering backing high quality in the craft traditions by lending the Government’s support to a new award for excellence in the crafts. Details are at an early stage, but I think it is right that excellence should be rewarded and the Government will work over the next few months with those working to support the crafts, including the various charities under the Patronage of His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales, to encourage and reward excellence in this area.

    I hope I’ve shown this afternoon that I am not merely one of those who yearn for a mythical Merrie England,

    I don’t wish to idealise manual labour but to understand its intrinsic worth.

    The village blacksmith did not develop arms like iron bands by reading about how hard it is to swing a hammer.

    The price of the potter’s ability to throw was long hours of effort followed by failure, and several hundredweight of wasted clay.

    Art, said Hippocrates, is long, but life is short.

    But craft is about new industries too. Its about being as software designer and a network engineer; craft is as much about learning to be a film technician as furniture maker; as much about learning to be a fashion designer as a fishmonger.

    And what I want to show above all is that our society will benefit greatly when those that make policy understand what popular culture has always known –

    That skill, craft and dexterity give our lives meaning and value.

    They are at the heart of our society.

    Craft should be honoured and those who master it revered.

    So while we work to encourage the learning of practical skills, we must also work to build demand for and recognition of them.

    Craft to feed the common good. Skills to serve national interest.

    Ours will be – must be – the age of the craftsman

    Thank you.

     

  • David Willetts – 2010 Speech at the HEFCE Annual Conference

    David Willetts – 2010 Speech at the HEFCE Annual Conference

    The speech made by David Willetts at the HEFCE Annual Conference at the Royal College of Physicians in London on 21 October 2010.

    Good afternoon.

    It has been a crucial ten days for the development of higher education in our country. I am very grateful to HEFCE for this opportunity to set out how the Coalition Government sees things now. But my debt – our debt – to HEFCE goes much further than that. Alan Langlands brings sagacity and stability – qualities we need in such a turbulent world. Tim Melville-Ross makes an excellent contribution as chairman and I am delighted to announce that Tim has agreed to serve as Chair of the Board of HEFCE for a further three years.

    The Browne Report is up there with Lionel Robbins’ report of 1963 and Ron Dearing’s report of 1997 as a serious, paradigm-shifting publication. We will not necessarily accept all of it, but many experts have already recognised its quality – with praise coming, among others, from the vice-chancellors of Leicester, Imperial and the Open University. It has also been praised by our leading papers. Perhaps I can quote their words as if on a billboard outside a West End theatre: “genuinely radical”, the Financial Times; “sophisticated” and “persuasive”, Daily Telegraph; “attempting to uphold a core set of policy principles that should be broadly supported”, the Guardian.

    There are lessons we can take from those two great reports which preceded Browne. Robbins has gone down in the history books as the report which drove university expansion. But the key driver of that expansion was decisions already taken on student finance following the Anderson Report of 1960. It is right that we should look at university reform and finance together, rather than separately – while of course recognising that finance is only one aspect of a university’s mission, and that the social and moral purposes of higher education are its bedrock.

    I was actually my Party’s higher education spokesman when Dearing came out. And I remember the shock we all felt when David Blunkett effectively tore up Ron’s report the day before it was released; instead of considering Ron’s proposals, he announced an alternative package. That crucial mistake is one reason for the turbulent and messy history of university policy ever since.

    We are not going to repeat that mistake. There will be a very careful process of deliberation in light of the Browne Report. So my reactions today on some of the broad outlines of John Browne’s report are necessarily provisional, as we consult in the weeks and months ahead.

    There are some decisions, however, that can’t wait. We do need to set out in the next few weeks the way forward for graduate contributions and student support if we are going to have any chance of implementing changes for the Autumn of 2012. Many prospective students will visit universities and decide on their applications in the Summer of 2011, and so they need to know the likely costs by then, and how the Government will help them to meet those costs. In turn, universities have explained to me that their prospectuses – with information on graduate contributions – will go to print in April 2011. It is rather like A. J. P. Taylor’s thesis that train timetables determined the outbreak of the First World War: once the presses begin rolling, everything is fixed.

    This means that amendments to regulations governing the current fees structure and student support need to happen sooner rather than later. Prompt decisions will mean we can then implement in regulations the commitments we make. We hope to bring proposals on regulation of graduate contribution levels to Parliament before Christmas. Following Lord Browne’s proposal to introduce a real rate of interest on contributions, we will also need to seek an early opportunity to make the limited changes to primary legislation on that specific issue, and also update repayment regulations to enable a more progressive system.

    We are keen to hear the views of the sector on the wider issues that Browne considered, such as governance and regulation, private providers, and student number controls. In fact, we are already listening, and more lengthy consultation here will tease out the ramifications. We aim to publish a White Paper in the Winter and then – Parliamentary time permitting – hope to introduce a broader higher education bill perhaps later on in this current, extended session.

    The central proposition in Browne is this – that the bulk of the teaching grant which is currently distributed to universities via HEFCE should be replaced by spending power placed directly in the hands of students, who will be lent money to pay for their university education. Students will not, of course, have to find any money of their own for tuition during their time at university, but they will make contributions subsequently as graduates. That is the big shift in the funding of higher education put forward by the Browne report and endorsed by the Coalition. Vince and I both believe it is the right way forward. It both delivers a big saving in public spending – reflected in yesterday’s spending review – and reforms the financing system so that it is shaped by the preferences of students. This new model is what lies behind the Chancellor’s statement yesterday.

    We have said in the spending review that the overall resource budget for HE, excluding research funding, will reduce from £7.1 billion to £4.2 billion – a 40 per cent, or £2.9 billion, reduction – by 2014-15. By far the greatest part of that reduction flows from our acceptance of the approach presented by Lord Browne – that, starting from the 2012/13 academic year, we will start to reduce HEFCE teaching funding, and institutions will be able to replace it, if they can attract students to their courses, with funding flowing via the graduate contribution scheme. Obviously, the details of this will vary between different institutions, and will be affected by the decisions we quickly need to make about the fee regime.

    The spending review also contained several assumptions about efficiency, both within the public sector, and for bodies to which the public sector contributes significant funding. My own department is facing a 40 per cent headline cut in its administration costs. It is not for us to say precisely what efficiency savings a university should make, but crucial areas to look at will be pay and pensions, procurement and shared services. I know most of you already have plans in train here.

    I know that you will have many detailed questions about higher education funding for 2011-12 and beyond, which, you will understand, we are not yet in a position to answer. As usual, we will send a grant letter to HEFCE, with more details, around the turn of the year.

    I know too that people in this room will have anxieties about the shift in spending, but I have to ask what the alternative is. Given the fiscal crisis and the pressure that we are under, there is no option of carrying on as we are. We would have had to do something – even the previous Labour Government had set out £600 million of cuts over a shorter time scale, albeit with no indication of how they were to be delivered. One possibility would have been a big reduction in the unit of resource per student, threatening the quality of the student experience. Alternatively there could have been a big reduction in student numbers, depriving thousands of young people of a crucial step on the ladder of opportunity. A third option was a pure graduate tax, which would risk a brain drain with its incentives for people to study or work abroad. The graduate tax also breaks the link between student and university. There is an excellent guide to these problems and more: a report from December 2003 called “Why not a pure graduate tax?”, published by the last Labour Government.

    These options, therefore, all have enormous disadvantages. Lord Browne’s considered approach, which we endorse, actually shows a pathway towards a positive and viable future for higher education – a way through the “valley of death” to which Steve Smith has often referred.

    The HE system that we develop between us must be as fair and as progressive as possible. In the current economic climate, therefore, we simply cannot afford a fiscal subsidy to the wealthiest families. Looking at the Browne proposals, the Institute for Fiscal Studies found that the poorest 30 per cent of graduates would be better off than now, while only the richest 30 per cent of graduates would have to pay off their loans in full.

    The figures we end up with may not be quite those. But broadly, that is the right approach. In fact, we in the Coalition have set ourselves the task of improving on Browne and coming up with proposals that offer even more help for students from the poorest backgrounds but without unfair penalties on success. I have to say to the strongest universities that they have not been successful enough in improving access to young people from disadvantaged backgrounds.

    Back in April, Sir Martin Harris duly noted that, collectively, universities have made clear progress on widening participation. But he concluded that the participation rate among the least advantaged 40 per cent of young people at the top third of most selective universities “has remained almost flat” since the mid-1990s. The Government is committed to good universities, but it is equally serious about social mobility. The two must go hand in hand. And I hope you will recognise the strength of feeling within the Coalition that one of the non-negotiables in all this is that universities must deliver on broadening access. The challenge is to achieve this with imaginative and equitable policy – not with clunky quotas or crude social engineering. I believe we can do it.

    We can do it by focussing on three key groups: young people at school and college, students with modest incomes at university, and graduates with low earnings. We will offer them a fairer deal which applies at all three stages: routes for people to get into university, from school, college and through other avenues; increased support for students from poorer backgrounds while they’re at university; and better support for people on low incomes once they have graduated.

    In his important speech last Friday, Nick Clegg pledged £150 million of government money for a national scholarship scheme to improve access for students from families of modest means. It will be fair, affordable, and make a real difference to some of the poorest students. At the same time, it will not add to the burden of regulation on institutions or duplicate arrangements under the more generous and coherent student support system that’s being developed as Browne recommended. I will be inviting the National Union of Students, Universities UK, the Office for Fair Access, the Sutton Trust and other interested parties to help us design a scheme for both young and mature students.

    The second stage involves a more generous maintenance package for students from poorer backgrounds, details of which we hope to announce shortly. We are looking closely at the Browne recommendations for a more generous maintenance grant, supplemented by a more generous loans package. It would be a great achievement to increase maintenance levels on a progressive basis, with more generous grant than now, even in these austere times. If the Coalition Government can deliver this as proposed by Browne, then the obligation on universities to deliver their side of the bargain on access will be even greater.

    Improving the deal for part-timers is a key part of broadening access. For the first time, part-time students will – as Browne proposes – be eligible for loans to cover the full cost of their tuition, on the same basis as full timers. I see this as a genuine milestone – something that neither Robbins nor Dearing tackled. It is a vital part of creating a more responsive and diverse HE sector.

    The third stage is fairness for graduates. We will reform graduate contributions, by increasing the threshold at which people begin to repay loans, and by introducing a positive interest rate. It is crucial for the Coalition that contributions should be related to ability to pay without making the mistake of the pure graduate tax and losing the link with the actual cost of a university education. We specifically asked Lord Browne to address the issue of progressivity and he has come up with ingenious and practical proposals which we intend to work with. We can see the case for setting the income threshold for repayments at £21,000, as Browne suggests – way above the present £15,000 – with nine per cent of salary payable above that threshold.

    As for terms on early repayment, the arguments have become rather muddled thanks to a misleading report in the Guardian and some rather sloppy work by the Social Market Foundation which does not appear to understand that money in the future is worth less than money now. We are examining this issue carefully. There is a feeling that it would be unfair if the better-off could reduce their payments by paying early. But for many people with modest earnings, the delay in repayments at a less than commercial interest rate is an advantage, not a disadvantage.

    This, then, is the direction in which the Coalition Government is heading. Even while public spending is being reduced, we are seeking more progressive outcomes than at present. As the Institute of Fiscal Studies commented, “The proposed reforms to student support and graduate repayments would be a welcome development if they were to be adopted. By continuing to provide up-front cash support for the full amount of fees and for living costs, the system should preserve access to higher education regardless of family background.”

    There are, of course, some very difficult issues around fee caps and the levy. For Lord Browne, there is – in theory – no upper limit to fees. He would argue that, provided admissions are needs blind and provided that the Exchequer doesn’t take on any of the risk of high loans, the problem is resolved. But we understand the very strong concern about the level of graduate contributions.

    Lord Browne’s proposed levy to avoid any Exchequer subsidy for loans has also aroused quite a lot of concern across the sector. It means that as soon as universities raise their fee above the threshold level, they face a rapidly rising levy which can drive their fees up even higher in order to reach a given level of income. Another objection, for example, is that a levy could become an obstacle to philanthropy if the upfront payment of fees via donors were to attract it. If you didn’t have a levy, however, there would be a need for some sort of upper cap. We recognise there are arguments for a lower rate for the levy, or for not having a levy at all and sticking with a fee cap instead.

    We have not reached a final decision on the levy and the fee cap, but there is an interesting feature within the current arrangements for higher education funding, which consist of a basic cap of £1,310 and a higher rate cap of £3,290. It would be possible to set new levels for each, with stringent conditions on access which any institution would have to meet before setting a graduate contribution at the higher rate.

    The key legal condition, of course, is access and progression – enforceable by OFFA. There is still a dangerous temptation for universities to blame failings in the widening participation and fair access agendas on schools – instead of dealing with the world as it is. We can’t just sit on our hands and wait for schools to be reformed – although that must happen. Universities must act now, and we would look carefully at the conditions that OFFA demands.

    There is also an important question around teaching quality. This is where I think the sector is most in danger of losing contact with its supporters. On the one hand, we should naturally expect high standards of teaching in all publicly-funded institutions. On the other, universities who wish to charge more for undergraduate courses need to produce compelling evidence as to what the extra money would buy in terms of better teaching, contact time and services for students. And it is legitimate for students to ask why the finance reforms introduced under the previous government failed – in some cases – to deliver improvements to their educational experience.

    In a reformed system, students will expect a better experience in return for higher contributions as graduates. If we are to win the argument for reform, universities must demonstrably respond to the perception that some students are being short-changed. We must do better and we will. This is one of the reasons why I attach so much importance to supply side reform. Competition is a great driver of improvement. We want to see innovation and a diverse range of choices for students – two-year courses, for instance, and more vocational degrees. In speeches we have made in recent months, both Vince Cable and I have challenged the traditional model of three-year degree courses for 18-year-olds away at college, and especially championed part-time learning. It is for you rather than us to carry through reform, but now is the time to identify anything in the arrangements for public financing or regulations which would stifle these options.

    I am also aware of substantial concerns within the sector about Lord Browne’s proposal on controlling student numbers via UCAS tariff points. This is an especially thorny problem: maintaining macro control over student numbers while leaving micro freedom to individual institutions. John Browne’s is an imaginative solution, but has raised questions about practicalities. And it is important that we do not deter mature students, for example, who may have not achieved academic success at school – which is why he suggests a second admissions route separate from UCAS points. But running two separate systems creates a new set of problems. Meanwhile UCAS is doing important work looking at how their points system could be reformed. There is a lot more work to do in this whole area before any changes are implemented.

    Some people have also raised doubts about the idea of a single council which incorporates HEFCE, OFFA, the QAA and the OIA. The Coalition is instinctively attracted to any proposals which reduce the number of such bodies, but we need to tread carefully. The OIA’s special role as an alternative way of resolving disputes without going through the courts does require independence. The QAA, of course, is not a Government quango – it is jointly owned and sponsored by the HE sector with HEFCE, and any changes need to be discussed with the sector. Clearly, we need to think through all this carefully. We won’t rush into any decisions. But Lord Browne, as so often, does have a powerful logic behind his central argument. HEFCE has, in effect, operated as the regulator of the sector through its power to make grants. As the relative size of these grants falls, so the regulatory role comes out into the open more. This must be must be used with care and discretion. But clearly, a key role is going to be in broadening access. What we’re also seeking to do, of course, is reduce regulation and external intrusion into higher education, in favour of greater freedom and autonomy.

    My own current thinking is that merging HEFCE and OFFA would be sensible once funding to universities is channelled through students rather than through HEFCE. I assure you, though, that the institutional landscape will not change before the academic year 2012/13; it would require legislation, and therefore Parliamentary approval. In the meantime, I can announce that I have reappointed Sir Martin Harris as Director of the Office for Fair Access for a further 12 months. His experience will be invaluable as we work more on improving access.

    I can also announce the appointment of Ed Smith – a HEFCE board member – as the new Chair of the Student Loans Company. The processing of student loan applications has gone well this year. Figures published today show that 94 per cent of approved applicants had their full entitlement available to them when they arrived on campus. We owe Deian Hopkin, Ed Lester and their team a substantial vote of thanks. This is a transformation, compared with last year’s appalling performance.

    I also want to take this opportunity to thank the National Student Forum – and its chair, Maeve Sherlock – for its contribution to improving the student experience over the past three years. The Forum has published its final report today, which again provides some excellent material for universities to consider together with their student bodies. It is this active partnership, often at a detailed course level, which can vastly improve the knowledge and skills of undergraduates, as well as helping institutions to fulfil their missions. We will continue to listen to students and make sure that we understand their varied concerns and priorities.

    The other main news from the Chancellor yesterday concerned funding for science and research. It is good news for HEFCE’s QR funding and Higher Education Innovation Fund, and good news for the Research Councils and National Academies.

    It is proof that this Government recognises the fundamental role of science and research in rebalancing the economy and restoring economic growth. Despite enormous pressure on public spending, the overall level of funding for science and research programmes has been protected in cash terms. And as we implement the efficiency savings identified by Bill Wakeham, we should be able to offset the effects of inflation – thus maintaining research funding in real terms.

    There has also been a great deal of pressure to maintain flexibility in government spending. A stable investment climate for science and research – as we all know – allows universities and research institutes to plan strategically, and gives businesses, public services and charities the confidence to invest in the research base. I am delighted to confirm, therefore, that the ring-fence for science and research programmes has therefore been maintained.

    Across the country, we have excellent departments with the critical mass to compete globally and the expertise to work closely with business, charities and public services. This £4.6 billion settlement for science and research should mean that we can continue to support them.

    We must, though, continue to develop an assessment framework that combines recognition of the highest levels of research excellence with reward for the impact it has on the economy and society. HEFCE is making good progress with the Research Excellence Framework, in partnership with many academics from across the spectrum of disciplines. I too have had lively discussions with academics on this, and look forward to seeing the results of the pilot exercise later this year.

    We are also continuing to support capital investment where it is a high priority. We have allocated £69 million over the spending review period, in partnership with the Wellcome Trust, to the next phase of the Diamond synchrotron in Oxfordshire to support ground-breaking research in the life, physical and environmental sciences. And the Department of Health is joining my department, University College London and medical charities to fund the UK Centre for Medical Research and Innovation. The Department of Health will put £220m into this important venture that will accelerate the translation of basic research into care for patients.

    The Government is committed to getting business and universities working more closely together. I am therefore working with HEFCE to reform Higher Education Innovation Funding (HEIF) to increase the rewards for universities that are most effective in business engagement. Some exciting ideas have emerged from the community about how to improve the effectiveness of university IP management. We will explore with HEFCE the opportunities to release this potential.

    To conclude, let me make three final points.

    The first is to repeat that we are determined to manage the process of transition carefully – avoiding disruption unless it is a necessary aspect of reform. That is why the spending review savings will be focused towards the second half of the spending period. Indeed, I believe that higher education, as well as research, should be able to maintain overall levels of activity throughout this time of austerity.

    The more important point, though, is that, despite the risks associated with any change, the reforms we undertake will improve higher education in the long run. Those institutions which attract more students and pull in businesses seeking to boost the skills of their employees will be able to grow. They will reap the rewards of good teaching that students and employers recognise and value. They will be able to innovate, to make the most of greater autonomy, to pursue their institutional missions, including research.

    And thirdly, although this speech has inevitably had to focus on finance and organisation, Vince and I never lose sight of the sheer inherent value of the intellectual activity that happens within our universities. Any structure and any government department is just there to serve this greater good. Our changes have to fit with and reinforce the core values of higher education, that motivate those who devote their lives to it.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Institute of Directors

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Institute of Directors

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, to the Institute of Directors on 29 September 2010.

    Thank you David and good morning everyone.

    Group Training Associations England’s role in ensuring that GTA’s collective potential is harnessed right across the country is evident from the audience in front of me. That contribution is of enormous value in helping us to deliver the skills outcomes that will be so vital for the prospects of this country and its people.

    I know that the work of the GTAs has not been sufficiently recognised in recent years by the Government and its agencies. I know, too, that this neglect cannot be allowed to continue.

    Many GTAs have been established for half a century and they consistently deliver successful programmes of work based learning with above average completion rates. They offer, moreover a very special learning experience and have been developing and delivering outstanding training to industry for over forty years. The fact that GTAs are governed by and influenced by employers helps to ensure that you deliver meets real business needs.

    I’m particularly glad to see that some of your apprentices have been invited along this morning and are making their own contribution to your conference. Indeed, the truest measure of the success or failure of our work will be found in how well-equipped or otherwise today’s young people will be in future years to face the shifting challenges of life and work.

    To be successful in that, we must create a radically new model for workplace training with Apprenticeships at its heart and with partnership between Government, employers and individuals as its motive force.

    I’m sure that these young people are already well aware that, these days, none of us can afford to let our knowledge and understanding stand still because the world around us never stands still. They have grown up in an age that is driven by technology to an unprecedented degree. For them, it’s not just the ubiquity of mobile phones that appears normal, but also the fact that the latest model becomes obsolete almost as soon as they’re taken out of the box.

    But the need to come to terms with change doesn’t just apply to the young. As the years pass and we grow older, the world somehow seems to change more quickly than it used to. So we must carry on learning new things in order to adapt to it. That’s not always easy.

    For those of us who have reached, let us say, a very early middle age, the pace of change, like one of the new Boris bikes in London, can seem giddying, especially when we realise that it’s something we can’t stop or even slow down.

    For many it’s hard sometimes not to feel, like Dicken’s Mr Dombey, that “the world has gone”. Tradesmen are not the same as they used to be, apprentices are not the same, business is not the same, business commodities are not the same”.

    There are, however, compensations. If experience has perhaps taught many of us not only that change is not always for the better, then it has probably also shown, as Euripides wrote, that “there is in the worst of fortune the best of chances for a happy change”.

    That’s a thought to which anyone here who’s worried about the forthcoming Spending Review, about which I’ll have more to say later, might do especially well to hang on.

    But we can also take comfort from the fact that not all insights are modern, and that there remain truths which are immutable.

    Take, for example, the earliest and probably most-imitated of all great public speeches, the funeral oration, given by Euripides’ contemporary and countryman, Pericles. In it, he said that the best memorial is “graven not on stone but in the hearts of men”.

    If that remains as true today as it was two and a half thousand years ago, and I’ve no doubt it does, then young people like those here today and the changes that learning is making to them now, and will continue to make in the future, are the most important monument to the work that many of the rest of us here this morning do.

    Of course, I fully accept that it’s important to have figures in a ledger to show we spend the public’s money with which we are entrusted wisely and that we do good for the many and not just the few.

    Indeed, that’s something on which my friends at the Treasury tend to insist. And they have little alternative as they deal with the consequences of a decade in which the Government spent money it did not have with as much regard for financial prudence as a boatload of drunken sailors.

    The struggle to turn that situation around goes right across Government, and the contribution that the skills system must make its contribution. That is clear from my Department’s Strategy for Sustainable Growth, in which we have set out, among other things, the role that skills must play in creating the conditions needed to reduce the deficit and stimulate growth.

    And that’s one reason why we have promised to re-shape the Apprenticeships programme to ensure that it provides more high-quality training opportunities. We have already begun to deliver on that promise by redeploying £150 million to provide an extra 50,000 places.

    We are also taking an overdue look at how the costs of Apprenticeships and other forms of workplace learning are divided between Government, employers and individuals.

    Hard times always focus people’s attention on the balance-sheet. But at the same time, if numbers were the only reliable indicator of worth, John Nash, in whose astonishing building we find ourselves this morning, would be in the debit rather than the credit column. He would have gone down in history as an apprentice who failed to complete his training rather than as an architect who, by marrying opulence with good taste, changed the face of Britain.

    No. Real success for us must lie in the difference that the new knowledge and skills that learners acquire will make to their lives and to Britain as a whole. And not just at work but at home, too.

    It will lie in the contribution, both economic and social, that learning emboldens them to make in their local communities and in the part they play, individually and collectively, in creating a bigger, more open and more humane society.

    It will lie, perhaps most significantly of all, in the tradition of taking pride in knowledge and skills that they will in turn pass on to the next generation.

    And whatever the challenges we have to cope with, however different the skills landscape may look on the far side of the Spending Review, the objectives towards which we work and our determination to reach them must remain.

    The most important objective of all is to make Apprenticeships the primary, though I must stress not the only, means for people to gain skills in the workplace. GTAs have demonstrated over the decades their ability to work with employers to provide different forms of skills training as part of a wide programme of workforce development.

    But the primacy of Apprenticeships does not necessarily mean that they can be allowed just to continue as they are. They can, and should, be improved.

    Change is coming to how we educate adults, whether it’s in the classroom, in the community or at work. Some of that change we choose and it will be change for the better. Some is forced upon us by circumstances and we’ll have to make the best of it that we can.

    But this is an area that has never stood still.

    It’s certainly true that apprentices are not the same as they were even a few years ago, never mind in the Victorian era which many people still see as the golden age of apprenticeship.

    If memory serves me right, the conditions in which apprentices worked for much of the nineteenth century were determined by the Health and Morals of Apprentices Act of 1802. And the young learners who are with us this morning might like to reflect on some of the more humanitarian changes that this put in place.

    For example, it required apprentices to be given an hour’s religious instruction every Sunday and to attend church at least once a month. In my view, that’s a rule whose time might well come again. But that’s a fanciful thought, not a Government policy.

    So, too, could that of the even older, Elizabethan statute under which any apprentice guilty of “default” – which would be subject to whatever punishment the local mayor or justice of the peace thought appropriate.
    Apprenticeships have certainly changed over the many centuries during which this form of training has existed. And they will continue to adapt to the modern world’s changing training needs.

    Yet as with so much else, their essence has not changed. Above all, they remain perhaps the most effective way of passing on complex practical skills that has ever existed.

    And that’s why, even when money is short, the Government is committed to increasing the supply of Apprenticeships, and improving the quality of the training offered, to make them better suited to the needs of employers and learners alike.

    Indeed, we believe that the current Apprenticeships programme could be improved significantly in three main areas.

    First, many of you know from your own experience that British employers currently face a workforce with insufficient skills at intermediate technician and associate professional level, which are critical to many industries on which our future growth potential will depend and to our international competitiveness.
    I know that’s something on which you’re due to hear more from KPMG later on today.

    For the Government’s part, we want to create a clearer ladder of progression in the Apprenticeships Programme. There should be greater emphasis on progression to Level 3 and beyond.

    And this is why we are committed to expanding, in particular, the number of Apprenticeships available at more advanced skills levels. The Apprenticeship programme, newly refocused to prioritise progression to Level 3 and higher will help deliver the technician- level skills on which the jobs and industries of the coming decades will depend.

    Second, we wish to establish more firmly what the appropriate contribution for employers to make towards Apprenticeships should be. You can help in that because Group Training Associations are already a concrete example of how public -private learning partnerships can work successfully.

    The wealth of evidence on the return to both employers and individuals from investing in skills provides a compelling argument in this respect.

    Third, we want to make it easier for businesses of all sorts to take on apprentices and gain access to the benefits they bring. It is important that employers take up these opportunities and offer Apprenticeship places to secure a new generation of highly skilled employees and we will be encouraging them to do so. Group training models have an important role to play in this.

    For example, small businesses are the cornerstone of our economy and high quality training opportunities like Apprenticeships are key to supporting their growth and success. And group training models mean that we can reach more small and medium sized employers.

    In the past, many small businesses have been discouraged by the administration and the costs and risks of employing Apprentices. Group Training Associations help spread these costs and risks and create new jobs and training opportunities.

    This approach means smaller businesses, who may not have felt able to offer Apprenticeships before, can get on board. Group Training Associations help employers and apprentices alike, providing greater security for the Apprentice and flexibility for the employer.

    For further education, like everything else, the seasons are changing. But to make the most of, in Keats’ words, this time ‘of mists and mellow fruitfulness’ we must both reap the harvest provided by the hard working, dedicated staff within the sector, and prepare the ground for a new beginning.

    Securing a bountiful future will involve making difficult choices. I believe that we can deliver more and save money. But we will only achieve cost effectiveness by challenging the orthodox assumptions about what skills are for, how they are funded and what role Government should play.

    This is why I’m pleased to tell you that we’re bringing in-house the expertise of UKSkills, the charity responsible for championing skills and recognising home-grown talent through awards and competitions. UKSkills’ activities and staff will be transferred to the Skills Funding Agency who will lead a coherent annual programme of competitions and awards to promote skills and apprenticeships, in partnership with the devolved administrations. A highlight will be the WorldSkills 2011 international competition, which is being hosted by the UK in London in October 2011 and will see over 50 counties participate in over 30 skills competitions. My thanks go to UK Skills for their work to date.

    As for the future, I am determined to ensure our decisions are the result of proper consultation.

    That is why one of our first acts in Government was to publish two consultations on the future direction of skills policy and the simplification of skills funding. If you have not done so already, there is still time for you to contribute your views and your experiences.

    We will publish the results of this work after the Spending Review and set out at that stage the detail of how we intend to change and reorganise our learning and skills priorities.

    However, I want to go as far as I can – within these constraints – now, which is why I also want to announce that I am asking the SFA today to review urgently what additional financial support they can find to support the invaluable work of GTAs. I want them to find ways to help you reinvigorate your network. Furthermore, I have asked, when we met this morning, for GTA England to identify more ways in which Government can support further the work of GTAs. We will do all we can.

    Today, our country needs change and progress in equal measure. I know that you will support me in my mission to ensure that it gets both.

    Thank you.