Category: Economy

  • John Glen – 2021 Statement on the Financial Conduct Authority Mortgage Review

    John Glen – 2021 Statement on the Financial Conduct Authority Mortgage Review

    The statement made by John Glen, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, in the House of Commons on 29 November 2021.

    The issue of mortgage prisoners is one of my key priorities. I recognise the difficult position these borrowers are in and understand the stress that many experience as a result. I remain committed to examining what further can be done to assist borrowers and this is why I asked the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) to conduct a review on mortgage prisoners to provide the further detail necessary to continue this important work. The Mortgage Prisoners Review [CP 576] has today been laid in Parliament.

    The review identifies that there are now around 47,000 mortgage prisoners—these are borrowers who are up to date with payments, who are unable to switch, and who could potentially benefit from switching if they were eligible for a new deal. Most mortgage prisoner loans originate from prior to the financial crisis, when lending standards were looser, and this means that many affected borrowers struggle to switch as a result of not meeting post-financial crisis risk appetite.

    The report is clear that the underlying reasons mortgage prisoners are unable to switch are complex, and it is therefore crucial to understand the facts and data around this issue in order to consider our approach. The FCA’s review provides important insight into the mortgage prisoner population which the Treasury will now examine to determine if any further practical and proportionate solutions can be found for affected borrowers who struggle to obtain a new mortgage deal.

    More widely the review shows that the number of borrowers with inactive firms has materially decreased since the FCA last collected data in this area in 2019. This partly reflects the ability of many borrowers in closed books to switch to an active lender if they so choose. I would encourage all mortgage borrowers to examine their switching options to ensure they are on as competitive a rate as possible for their circumstances.

    I am also encouraged to see that the interest rates paid by almost all borrowers in closed books are less than the rates they signed up to when they took out their mortgage, with a third paying at least 3.5 percentage points less.

    However, it is clear that challenges remain in addressing this issue. While there is evidence that some mortgage prisoners have switched as a result of significant regulatory interventions made to date, it is also clear that the number of borrowers who have benefited is small. This new report also makes clear that the reasons borrowers struggle to switch are complex and varied, and that there are no simple solutions to increase the number of borrowers who are able to switch to better rates with active lenders.

    Nevertheless, I remain committed to this issue, and am grateful for the work undertaken by the FCA on this review which provides the crucial insight necessary to consider any further action. I am also grateful to the industry partners who have committed to continue to work together on this issue and look forward to further engagement with them.

    With the data from this review, the Treasury will now target our work to determine if there are any further practical and proportionate solutions for affected borrowers, including consideration of means through which we can help borrowers better position themselves to meet lender risk appetite. While I am approaching this further piece of work with appropriate ambition and optimism, I am also keen to manage borrower expectations by emphasising that any solutions tabled must avoid the potential for significant risk of moral hazard to consumers in the wider mortgage market or those who aspire to obtain a mortgage and must be value for money for the taxpayer. Any announcements on this will be made when the Treasury has had sufficient time to examine the review’s findings and consider any options available to address this complex issue.

    Copies are available in the Vote Office and at: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/mortgage-prisoner-review.

  • Bridget Phillipson – 2021 Comments on New GDP Figures

    Bridget Phillipson – 2021 Comments on New GDP Figures

    The comments made by Bridget Phillipson, the Shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury, on 11 November 2021.

    This morning’s GDP figures confirm that the economic recovery is slowing and risks grinding to a halt.

    We need urgent action to keep the economy moving and support households as we head into the winter, as prices rise and as the cost of living crisis continues to escalate.

    The Budget showed that the Government is trapping us in a cycle of high taxes and is risking our recovery by not growing our economy.

    Labour will tax fairly, spend wisely and, after a decade of faltering growth, we’ll get Britain’s economy firing again with our plan to buy, make and sell more in Britain.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2021 Speech at COP26 Finance Day

    Rishi Sunak – 2021 Speech at COP26 Finance Day

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 3 November 2021.

    Good morning – and welcome to Cop26 finance day.

    It’s easy to feel daunted by the scale of the challenge that we face.

    By sea levels rising; droughts and wildfires spreading; people forced out of their homes.

    But I look around this hall and I feel optimism.

    Why?

    Because this is the first COP to bring together so many of the world’s finance ministers, businesses and investors with such a clear common purpose:

    To deliver the promise, made in Paris six years ago, to direct the world’s wealth to protect our planet.

    The good news is that the will is there:

    At least 80% of the global economy has committed to net zero or carbon neutrality targets.

    Our challenge now is to deploy the investment we need to deliver those targets around the world.

    To do so, we are accelerating three actions today.

    First, we need increased public investment.

    And I want to speak directly to the developing countries of the world:

    We know you’ve been devastated by the double tragedies of coronavirus and climate change.

    That’s why the G20 is stepping up to provide debt treatments more swiftly.

    It’s why the IMF are providing a new, $650bn allocation of special drawing rights – and Kristalina will say more on this later.

    And its why we are going to meet the target to provide $100bn of climate finance to developing countries.

    And while we know we are not yet meeting it soon enough, we will work closely with developing countries to do more and reach the target sooner.

    Over the next five years, we will deliver a total of $500bn investment to the countries that need it most.

    And we can do more today:

    I can announce that the United Kingdom will commit £100m to the Taskforce on Access to Climate Finance, making it quicker and easier for developing countries to finance they need.

    And we’re supporting a new Capital Markets Mechanism, which will issue billions of new green bonds here in the UK, to fund renewable energy in developing countries.

    Two tangible, practical examples of how we’re delivering our promise of $100bn.

    But public investment alone isn’t enough. Our second action is to mobilise private finance.

    Let me pay an enormous tribute to Mark Carney for his leadership – leadership that is delivering results.

    The Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero has now brought together financial organisations with assets worth over $130 trillion of capital to be deployed.

    This is an historic wall of capital for the net zero transition around the world.

    What matters now is action: to invest that capital in our low carbon future.

    To do that, investors need to have as much clarity and confidence in the climate impact of their investments as they do in the traditional financial metrics of profit and loss.

    So our third action is to rewire the entire global financial system for Net Zero.

    Better and more consistent climate data.

    Sovereign green bonds.

    Mandatory sustainability disclosures.

    Proper climate risk surveillance.

    Stronger global reporting standards.

    All things we need to deliver and I’m proud that the UK is playing its part.

    We’ve already made it mandatory for businesses to disclose climate-related financial information.

    With 35 other countries signing up to do the same.

    Today I’m announcing that the UK will go further and become the first ever ‘Net Zero Aligned Financial Centre’.

    This means we are going to move towards making it mandatory for firms to publish a clear, deliverable plan…

    …setting out how they will decarbonise and transition to Net Zero – with an independent Taskforce to define what’s required.

    So: a renewed pledge to $100bn a year of public funding;

    Over $130 trillion of private capital waiting to be deployed;

    And a greener financial system, under way.

    Six years ago, Paris set the ambition.

    Today, in Glasgow, we’re providing the investment we need to deliver that ambition.

    Now I know that when people hear about global finance it can feel remote and abstract.

    But we’re not simply talking about numbers on a page.

    We’re talking about making a tangible difference to people’s lives.

    About cheap, reliable and clean electricity to power schools and hospitals in rural Africa.

    About better coastal defences in the Philippines and the pacific islands to protect people from storm surges.

    About everyone, everywhere having fresher water to drink…

    …cleaner air to breathe…

    …better insulated homes in which to live.

    That’s the vision we’re asking you to commit to.

    That’s the opportunity we’re asking you to invest in.

    And that’s the work we’re asking you to begin, today.

    Thank you.

  • Nigel Lawson – 1988 Autumn Statement

    Nigel Lawson – 1988 Autumn Statement

    The Autumn Statement read by Nigel Lawson, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 1 November 1988.

    With permission, Mr. Speaker, I should like to make a statement.

    Cabinet today agreed the Government’s public expenditure plans for the next three years. I am therefore taking the earliest opportunity of informing the House of the contents of the Autumn Statement: that is to say, the public expenditure plans for the next three years, and the expected outturn for this year; proposals for national insurance contributions for 1989–90; and the forecast of economic prospects for 1989 required by the Industry Act 1975.

    The main public expenditure figures, together with the full text of the economic forecast, will be available from the Vote Office as soon as I have sat down. They will also appear in the printed Autumn Statement, which will be published next Tuesday.

    I turn first to public expenditure. For the current financial year, 1988–89, the public expenditure planning total now looks likely to amount to some £153½ billion, or some £3¼ billion less than was allowed for in the last public expenditure White Paper. In other words, only around £¼ billion of the £3½ billion reserve I provided for is in fact likely to be needed.

    The main reasons for this shortfall are an extra £1 billion in privatisation proceeds, a reduction in social security spending of almost £1 billion as a direct result of the sharper than expected fall in unemployment and a saving of some £¾ billion largely due to extra housing receipts under the right-to-buy programme. Taken together with the strong growth in the economy this year, and the containment of debt interest now that the Budget is in surplus, this means that total public spending this year, even excluding privatisation proceeds, will be less than 40 per cent. of national income—the first time this has happened for over 20 years.

    Not so long ago, the share of national income spent by the state seemed to rise inexorably. Over the past six years, that trend has been decisively reversed. Since 1982–83, public expenditure, excluding privatisation proceeds, expressed as a share of national income has fallen by seven percentage points—the largest and longest sustained fall since the wartime economy was unwound. Over the whole decade since this Government first took office, from 1978–79 to 1988–89, public expenditure has grown by under 1½ per cent. a year in real terms. This is exactly half the rate at which it grew over the whole of the immediately preceding decade.

    Looking ahead, Cabinet agreed in July that public spending over the next three years should keep as close as possible to the existing planning totals, and should continue to fall as a share of national income. The plans I am about to announce meet both those objectives.

    For 1989–90, the planning total published in the last public expenditure White Paper was £167 billion. It will remain at £167 billion. This important outcome has been made possible, despite the many claims for increased public spending, by a rigorous reassessment of priorities, coupled with the continuation of two of the factors that have contributed to this year’s shortfall; that is to say, benefit savings from lower unemployment and increased receipts from council house sales.

    For 1990–91, however, though these two factors will persist, the planning total has been set at £179½ billion, some £3¼ billion more than the previously published figure. For 1991–92, the planning total has been set at £191½ billion. These totals all include the same level of reserves as in last year’s plans; that is to say, £3½ billion in the first year, £7 billion in the second year, and £10½ billion in the third. They also incorporate an unchanged estimate of privatisation proceeds of £5 billion a year.

    Over the three survey years as a whole, the real growth in spending on programmes will be over 3 per cent. a year. This can be afforded only because of the fall in the burden of debt interest brought about by the dramatic improvement in the Government’s finances from Budget deficit to Budget surplus. As a result, overall public spending, excluding privatisation proceeds, will rise by less than 2 per cent. a year, well within the prospective growth of the economy as a whole. In other words, total public spending, excluding privatisation proceeds, will continue to decline as a proportion of national income. At the same time, substantial additional funds have been made available for the Government’s most important public expenditure priorities.

    The figures which I am about to give all represent increases over the plans in the last public expenditure White Paper.

    First, health. An extra £1¼ billion—£1¾ billion—is—[Interruption.] An extra £1¼ billion—[Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker

    Order. This is a very important statement, and I am sure that the House wishes to hear it.

    Mr. Lawson

    An extra £l¼ billion is being provided for the National Health Service in England in 1989–90—[Interruption.] The Opposition may not be interested in the National Health Service, but we on this side of the House are interested in it and are providing a lot more money for it.

    An extra £1¼ billion is being provided for the National Health Service in England in 1989–90, and an extra £1½ billion the following year. There will be corresponding increases in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. On top of that, health authorities are expected to receive an extra £100 million a year from sales of surplus land. Continuing the rate of cost improvement savings achieved in recent years will produce an extra £150 million in 1989–90 and an extra £300 million the following year.

    In addition, the Government are accepting the recommendation of the Government Actuary, in a report published today, that NHS employers’ superannuation contributions in England and Wales should be reduced, which will save the Health Service a further £300 million a year.

    In total, the increases for the Health Service in the United Kingdom as a whole will be over £2 billion in 1989–90 and over £2½ billion in 1990–91. These are by far the largest increases the Health Service has ever received. Comparing next year with this year, the increase in real resources for the NHS should amount to some 4½ per cent.

    Second, roads. An extra £220 million is being provided next year for building and repairing motorways and trunk roads, and for strengthening bridges, with a further £250 million the following year.

    Third, housing. Gross provision for public sector housing investment is being increased by around £440 million in 1989–90 and £340 million the following year. But thanks to the success of the Government’s right-to-buy policy, this is more than financed by extra receipts.

    Fourth, law and order. An extra £290 million has been made available in 1989–90 and £430 million in 1990–91, principally for a further expansion in the prison building programme. This will provide a further 3,000 places by 1991–92. Provision for local authority spending on the police has been increased by £240 million.

    Defence spending is to be increased by £150 million in 1989–90 and by £600 million in 1990–91. These significant increases are designed to provide a firm framework for the next three years within which our defence programme can be planned with confidence.

    So far as the massive social security budget is concerned, lower unemployment has saved more than £1½ billion in both 1989–90 and 1990–91. But substantial increases in planned spending on other benefits, particularly for the disabled, mean that the social security programme will be only marginally reduced in 1989–90 compared with previous plans, and some £1·7 billion higher in 1990–91.

    On science and technology, we have altered the balance of public support within an increased total. In particular, provision for spending by the Department of Education and Science has been increased by £120 million a year, with the DES science budget up by 16 per cent. in 1989–90 compared with 1988–89. This reflects the importance the Government attach to basic and strategic research.

    The new plans imply an overall increase of £2¼ billion in public sector capital spending in 1989–90. This includes extra investment in hospitals, housing, prisons, and roads. There is provision, too, for higher investment by the nationalised industries, including further anti-pollution investment by the water authorities.

    That the Government have been able to strengthen their priority programmes within an unchanged planning total for 1989–90 is, in large measure, a reflection of the success of their policies. The improved performance of the economy has eased pressures on a number of programmes, giving the Government more scope than ever before to shift resources where their own priorities, rather than circumstances, dictate. The details of these and other changes are provided in the material in the Vote Office and more details will be published in the printed Autumn Statement next week.

    I turn next to national insurance contributions. The Government have conducted the usual autumn review of contributions in the light of advice from the Government Actuary on the prospective income and expenditure of the national insurance fund, and taking account of the statement on benefits which my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security made last week.

    The lower earnings limit will be increased next April to £43 a week, in line with the single person’s pension, and the upper earnings limit will be raised to £325 a week. The upper limits for the 5 per cent. and 7 per cent. reduced rate bands will also be increased, to £75 a week and £115 a week respectively. The upper limit for the 9 per cent. rate for employers will be raised to £165 a week.

    Over recent years, we have steadily reduced the Treasury supplement, the taxpayer’s contribution to the national insurance fund. From 18 per cent. in 1979, it now stands at 5 per cent. My right hon. Friend and I now propose to carry this policy to its logical conclusion and to abolish the supplement altogether. The necessary legislation will be introduced early in the new Session.

    However, because of the healthy state of the national insurance fund, this decision will not require any increase in contribution rates. Thus, the main class I contribution rates will remain unchanged at 9 per cent. for employees and 10·45 per cent. for employers.

    Finally, I turn to the Industry Act forecast. Growth this year looks to be turning out at 4½ per cent. compared with the 3 per cent. growth forecast at the time of the Budget. Investment is particularly strong, growing twice as fast as consumption, with manufacturing investment expected to show the biggest rise of all, at 18 per cent. Indeed, it is striking that total investment has grown almost twice as fast as total consumption over the whole of the past five years.

    The continuing vigour of the British economy is testimony to the transformation that has taken place in the supply side of the economy, a transformation which has enabled the seven years to 1988 to record a combination of strong and steady growth unmatched since the war.

    As a result, unemployment has been falling rapidly. Since the middle of 1986, it has fallen by very nearly 1 million—the largest fall on record.

    Over the past year, unemployment has fallen faster in the United Kingdom than in any other major country.

    Inflation, as measured by the retail prices index, is likely to be a little over 6 per cent. in the fourth quarter of this year. Part of the rise in recorded inflation reflects the impact on mortgage payments of the higher interest rates needed to tighten monetary policy and thus get inflation firmly back on a downward trend. Excluding mortgage interest payments, the RPI in the fourth quarter is likely to be around 5 per cent., compared with the 4 per cent. rise in the RPI forecast at the time of the Budget.

    Exports have continued to perform well, with manufactured exports up 7½ per cent. over the past year. Over the past seven years, the United Kingdom’s share of world trade in manufactured goods has remained steady after decades of decline. However, with investment booming, and consumer spending increasing fast, total imports have grown even faster than exports, rising by 13 per cent. in the year to the third quarter. This has led to a substantially greater current account deficit than forecast at the time of the Budget. For 1988 as a whole, this now looks like turning out at some £13 billion, equivalent to 2¾ per cent. of GDP. The stronger than expected economic growth this year means that total tax revenues are likely to exceed the Budget forecast by £3½ billion. Both income tax and VAT have been particularly buoyant.

    In the Budget, I set a public sector debt repayment—or PSDR—for 1988–89 of £3 billion, equivalent to around ¾ per cent. of GDP. With higher than expected Government revenues and lower than expected public expenditure, this year’s PSDR now looks likely to turn out at some £10 billion, equivalent to over 2 per cent. of GDP.

    This will be the second successive year of debt repayment, something that has not hitherto been achieved since records began in the early 1950s. Moreover, this year, the Budget would still be in surplus, by some £4 billion, even if there had been no privatisation proceeds at all. No other major economy has such sound public finances.

    Looking ahead to 1989, the economy is forecast to grow by a further 3 per cent., with domestic demand also up by 3 per cent. Once again, investment is expected to grow considerably faster than consumption, and once again unemployment is expected to fall.

    The slower growth forecast for 1989 inevitably implies a marked deceleration during the course of the year, particularly so far as domestic demand is concerned. Thus, comparing the second half of next year with the second half of this year, overall growth is forecast at 2½ per cent., and growth in domestic demand at only 1½ per cent.

    The current account deficit is likely to fall only slightly, to some £11 billion, or 2¼ per cent. of GDP.

    Inflation, while it will inevitably continue to edge up for some months to come, is forecast to peak at some point in the middle of next year before falling back again to 5 per cent. by the fourth quarter.

    In short, after two years of unexpectedly rapid expansion, growth next year is forecast to return to a sustainable level, and one which compares well with the economic performance of the 1970s, while inflation will resume its downward path.

    The public finances are in substantial surplus and will remain so, with public spending on priority programmes continuing to increase, while overall public spending continues to fall as a share of GDP, to a level in 1991–92 not seen for a quarter of a century.

    The prospect that lies before us is yet further testimony to the success of the policies we have been pursuing these past nine and a half years and will continue to pursue, and to the economic transformation that those policies have wrought.

  • Rachel Reeves – 2021 Reply to Budget Statement

    Rachel Reeves – 2021 Reply to Budget Statement

    The speech made by Rachel Reeves, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 27 October 2021.

    Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

    Families struggling with the cost of living crisis, businesses hit by a supply chain crisis, those who rely on our schools and our hospitals and our police – they won’t recognise the world that the Chancellor is describing. They will think that he is living in a parallel universe.

    The Chancellor in this budget, has decided to cut taxes for banks. So, Madame Deputy Speaker, at least the bankers on short haul flights sipping champagne will be cheering this budget today.

    And the arrogance, after taking £6 billion out of the pockets of some of the poorest people in this country, expecting them to cheer today for £2 billion given to compensate.

    In the long story of this Parliament, never has a Chancellor asked the British people to pay so much for so little.

    Time and again today, the Chancellor compared the investments that he is making to the last decade. But who was in charge in this lost decade? They were.

    So, let’s just reflect on the choices the Chancellor has made today – the highest sustained tax burden in peacetime.

    And who is going to pay for it?

    It’s not international giants like Amazon – the Chancellor has found a tax deduction for them. It’s not property speculators – they’ve already pocketed a stamp duty cut. And it’s clearly not the banks – even though bankers’ bonuses are set to hit a record high this year.

    Instead, the Chancellor is loading the burden on working people. A National Insurance Tax rise – on working people. A Council Tax hike – on working people. And no support today for working people with VAT on their gas and electricity bills.

    And what are working people getting in return? A record NHS waiting list, with no plan to clear it, no way to see a GP and still having to sell their home to pay for social care.

    Community policing nowhere to be seen, a court backlog leaving victims without justice and almost every rape going unprosecuted.

    A growing gap in results and opportunities between children at private and state schools. Soaring number of pupils in supersize classes and no serious plan to catch up on learning stolen by the virus. £2 million announced today – a pale imitation of the £15 billion catch up fund that the Prime Minister’s own education tsar said was needed. No wonder, Madame Deputy Speaker, that he resigned.

    Now the Chancellor talks about world class public services. Tell that to a pensioner waiting for a hip operation. Tell that to a young woman waiting to go to court to get justice. Tell that to a mum and dad, waiting for their child the mental health support they need.

    And the Chancellor says today that he has realised what a difference early years spending makes. I would just say to the Chancellor, has he ever heard of the Sure Start programme that this Tory government has cut?

    And why are we in this position? Why are British businesses being stifled by debt while Amazon gets tax deductions?

    Why are working people being asked to pay more tax and put up with worse services?

    Why are billions of pounds in taxpayer money being funnelled to friends and donors of the Conservative party while millions of families are having £20 a week taken off them?

    Madam Deputy Speaker, why can’t Britain do better than this?

    The Government will always blame others. It’s business’ fault, it’s the EU’s fault, it’s the public’s fault.

    The global problems, the same old excuses. But the blunt reality is this – working people are being asked to pay more for less for three simple reasons:

    Economic mismanagement,

    An unfair tax system,

    And wasteful spending.

    Each of these problems is down to 11 years of Conservative failure and they shake their heads but the cuts to our public services have cut them to the bone. And while the Chancellor and the Prime Minister like to pretend they are different, the Budget they’ve delivered today will only make things worse.

    The solution starts with growth. The Government is caught in a bind of its own making. Low growth inexorably leads to less money for public services, unless taxes rise.

    Under the Conservatives, Britain has become a low growth economy. Let’s look at the last decade – the Tories have grown the economy at just 1.8 percent a year.

    If we had grown at the same rate as other advanced economies, we could have spent over £30bn to invest in public services without needing to raise taxes.

    Let’s compare this to the last Labour Government. Even taking into account the global financial crisis, Labour grew the economy much faster – 2.3 percent a year.

    If the Tories matched our record, we would have spent £30bn more on public services without needing to raise taxes.

    It could not be clearer. The Conservatives are now the party of high taxation, because the Conservatives are the party of low growth.

    The Office for Budget Responsibility confirmed this today – that we will be back to anaemic growth. The OBR said that by the end of this Parliament, the UK economy will be growing by just 1.3%. Which is hardly the plan for growth that the Chancellor boasted about today, hardly a ringing endorsement of his announcements.

    Under the Tory decade we have had ow growth and there’s not much growth to look forward to.

    The economy has been weakened by the pandemic but also by the Government’s mishandling of it.

    Responding to the virus has been a huge challenge. Governments around the world have taken on debt, but our situation is worse than other countries.

    Worse, because our economy was already fragile going into the crisis. Too much inequality, too much insecure work, too little resilience in our public services.

    And worse, because the Prime Minister dithered and delayed, against scientific advice – egged on by the Chancellor – we ended up facing harsher and longer restrictions than other countries.

    So, as well as having the highest death toll in Europe, Britain suffered the worst economic hit of any major economy.

    The Chancellor now boasts that we are growing faster than others, but that’s because we fell the furthest.

    And whilst the US and others have already bounced back to pre-pandemic levels, the UK hasn’t. Our economy is set to be permanently weaker.

    On top of all of that, the Government is now lurching from crisis to crisis. People avoiding journeys because they can’t fill up their petrol tank is not good for the economy. People spending less because the cost of the weekly shop has exploded is not good for the economy. And British exporters facing more barriers than their European competitors because of the deal that this government did is not good for the economy.

    If this were a plan, it would be economic sabotage. When the Prime Minister isn’t blagging that this chaos is part of his cunning plan, he says he’s “not worried about inflation.”

    Tell that to families struggling with rising gas and electricity bills, with rising prices of petrol at the pump and with rising food prices. He’s out of touch, he’s out of ideas and he’s left working people out of pocket.

    Madam Deputy Speaker, Conservative mismanagement has made the fiscal situation tight. And when times are tight it’s even more important to ensure that taxes are fair, that taxpayers get value for money. But the Government fails on both fronts.

    We have a grossly unfair tax system with the burden heaped on working people.

    Successive budgets have raised council tax, income tax and now National Insurance. But taxes on those with the broadest shoulders, those who earn their income from stocks, shares, and property portfolios have been left largely untouched.

    Businesses based on the high street are the lifeblood of our communities and often the first venture for entrepreneurs.

    But despite what the Chancellor has said today, businesses will still be held back by punitive and unfair business rates. The Government has failed to tax online giants and watered-down global efforts to create a level playing field.

    And just when we need every penny of public money to make a difference, we have a government that is the by-word for waste, cronyism and vanity projects.

    We’ve had £37 billion for a test and trace system that the spending watchdog says, ‘treats taxpayers like an ATM cash machine’. A yacht for ministers, a fancy paint job for the Prime Minister’s plane and a TV studio for Conservative Party broadcasts, which seems to have morphed into the world’s most expensive home cinema.

    £3.5bn of Government contracts awarded to friends and donors of the Conservative Party, a £190 million loan to a company employing the PMs former Chief of Staff, £30 million to the former Health Secretary’s pub landlord. And every single one of those cheques signed by the Chancellor.

    And now he comes to ordinary working people and asks them to pay more. More than they have ever been asked to pay before and at the same time, to put up with worse public services. All because of his economic mismanagement, his unfair tax system and his wasteful spending.

    There are of course some welcome measures in this budget today, as there are in any budget.

    Labour welcomes the increase in the National Minimum Wage, though the Government needs to go further and faster. If they had backed Labour’s position of an immediate rise to at least £10 an hour then a full-time worker on the minimum wage would be in line for an extra £1,000 a year.

    Ending the punitive public sector pay freeze is welcome, but we know how much this Chancellor likes his smoke and mirrors. So, we’ll be checking the books to make sure the money is there for a real terms pay rise.

    Labour also welcomes the Government’s decision to reduce the Universal Credit taper rate, as we have consistently called for. But the system has got so far out of whack that even after this reduction, working people on universal credit still face a higher marginal tax rate than the Prime Minister. And those unable to work – through no fault of their own – still face losing over £1000 a year. And for families who go out to work everyday but don’t get government benefits, on an average wage, who have to fill up their car with petrol to get to work, who do that weekly shop and who see their gas and electricity prices go up – this budget today does absolutely nothing for them.

    We have a cost-of-living crisis.

    The Government has no coherent plan to help families to cope with rising energy prices. Whilst we welcome the action taken today on Universal Credit, millions will struggle to pay the bills this winter.

    The Government has done nothing to help people with their gas and electricity bills with that cut in VAT receipts as Labour has called for. A cut that is possible because we are outside the European Union and can be funded by the extra VAT receipts that have been experienced in the last few months.

    Working people are left out in the cold while the Government hammers them with tax rises.

    National Insurance is a regressive tax on working people, it is a tax on jobs.

    Under the Chancellor’s plans, a landlord renting out dozens of properties won’t pay a penny more. But their tenants, in work, will face tax rises of hundreds of pounds a year. And he is failing to tackle another huge issue of the day. Adapting to climate change.

    Adapting to climate change presents opportunities – more Jobs, lower bills and cleaner air. But only if we act now and at scale. According to the OBR, failure to act will mean public sector debt explodes later, to nearly 300% of GDP.

    The only way to be a prudent and responsible Chancellor is to be a Green Chancellor. To invest in the transition to a zero-carbon economy and give British businesses a head-start in the industries of the future.

    But with no mention of climate in his conference speech and the most passing of references today, we are burdened with a Chancellor unwilling to meet the challenges we face.

    Homeowners are left to face the costs of insulation on their own, industries like steel and hydrogen are in a global race without the support they need and the Chancellor is promoting domestic flights over high speed rail int he week before COP26.

    It is because of this Chancellor that in the very week we try and persuade other countries to reduce emissions, this Government can’t even confirm it will meet its 2035 climate reduction target.

    Madam Deputy Speaker, everywhere working people look at the moment they see prices going up and shortages on the shelves. But this Budget did nothing to address their fears.

    Household budgets are being stretched thinner than ever but this Budget did nothing to deal with the spiralling cost of living. It is a shocking missed opportunity by a government that is completely out of touch.

    There is an alternative. Labour would scrap the business rates and replace it with something much better by ensuring online giants pay their fair share. That’s what being pro-business looks like.

    We wouldn’t put up National Insurance for working people, we would ensure those with the broadest shoulders pay their share. That’s what being on the side of working people looks like.

    We’d end the £1.7 billion subsidy the Government gives private schools and put it straight into local state schools. That’s what being on the side of working families looks like.

    We’d deliver a climate investment pledge – £28bn every year for the rest of the decade. That’s Giga-factories to build batteries for electric vehicles, a thriving hydrogen industry and retrofitting, so we keep homes warm and get energy bills down. That’s what real action on climate change looks like.

    This country deserves better but they’ll never get it under this Chancellor who gives with one hand but takes so much more with the other.

    The truth is this – what you get with these two is a classic con game. It’s like one of those pickpocketing operations you see in crowded places. The Prime Minister is the front man – distracting people with his wild promises. All the while, his Chancellor dips his hand in their pocket. It all seems like fun and games until you walk away and realise your purse has been lifted.

    But people are getting wise to them. Every month they feel the pinch. They are tired of the smoke and mirrors, of the bluster, of the false dawns, of the promises of jam tomorrow.

    Labour would put working people first. We’d use the power of government and the skill of business to ensure that the next generation of quality jobs are created right here, in Britain.

    We’d tax fairly, spend wisely and after a decade of faltering growth, we’d get Britain’s economy firing on all cylinders.

    That is what a Labour budget would have done today.

  • Simon Hart – 2021 Comments on Budget Impact on Wales

    Simon Hart – 2021 Comments on Budget Impact on Wales

    The comments made by Simon Hart, the Secretary of State for Wales, on 29 October 2021.

    This is a fantastic budget for Wales, delivering significant investment directly to people, businesses and communities across the country.

    The devolved administration in Wales will receive its largest-ever settlement so it can deliver its vital services like health, education and flood protection, while Wales will benefit fully from many of our UK-wide measures including freezes to fuel and alcohol duty, the increase in the minimum wage for thousands of workers and investment in parks and sports facilities.

    Levelling up communities across the UK is top of our agenda. Investing more than £120m in 10 projects including the regeneration of Aberystwyth seafront and improving transport links in Rhondda shows how we will achieve this ambition across Wales.

    Alongside the funding of a Welsh Veterans’ Commissioner, these measures and others in the Spending Review add up to an excellent package for Wales and its economy.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2021 Comments on Budget Impact on Wales

    Rishi Sunak – 2021 Comments on Budget Impact on Wales

    The comments made by Rishi Sunak, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 29 October 2021.

    This is a budget for the whole of the UK. We’re focused on what matters most to the British people – the health of their loved ones, access to world-class public services, jobs for the future and tackling climate change.

    An additional £2.5 billion per year in Barnett funding means the Welsh Government is well-funded to deliver all their devolved responsibilities while the people in Wales will also benefit from this Government’s commitment to levelling up opportunity and delivering for all parts of the UK.

    We are continuing to boost industry and jobs and improve infrastructure and public services throughout Wales.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2021 Comments on BBC News about the Cost of Living

    Rishi Sunak – 2021 Comments on BBC News about the Cost of Living

    The comments made by Rishi Sunak, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 28 October 2021.

    BBC INTERVIEWER

    Let’s start with the cost of living because we’re here in a market, many people will see the price of food going up, petrol going up, gas prices going up. Why was there no specific support, why wasn’t there a specific measure to help people with a cost of living yesterday?

    RISHI SUNAK

    Well, first of all, I talked about it right at the beginning of the budget speech to provide people some context, explanation and reassurance about what’s going on. It’s largely the result of two global forces, one, the rapid reopening of economies putting pressure on supply chains, but also what’s happening with energy prices. Now, I mean, I wish I could wave a magic wand and make these global problems disappear overnight, but I can’t, so I wanted to be upfront with people about that. These practices are going to be with us for a little while, but people should have reassurance that because of the plans we put in place a year ago to ensure that our economy now is recovering strongly, more people in work and wages are rising. We can face the future with a bit more confidence. And yesterday we did take action, and noticeably we froze fuel duty, especially when fuel prices are at almost a 10 year high. But also we cut the tax on the lowest paid people which I think will make an enormous difference.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2021 Budget Statement

    Rishi Sunak – 2021 Budget Statement

    The statement made by Rishi Sunak, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 28 October 2021.

    Madam Deputy Speaker, I have heard your words and those of Mr Speaker. I have the greatest respect for you both and want to assure you that I have listened very carefully to what you have said. May I also send my best wishes to the Leader of the Opposition? I know that the whole House will join me in doing that.

    With your permission, Madam Deputy Speaker, let me turn to today’s Budget. Employment is up, investment is growing, public services are improving, the public finances are stabilising and wages are rising. Today’s Budget delivers a stronger economy for the British people: stronger growth, with the UK recovering faster than our major competitors; stronger public finances, with our debt under control; and stronger employment, with fewer people out of work and more people in work. Growth is up, jobs are up and debt is down. Let there be no doubt: our plan is working.

    This Budget is about what this Government are about: investment in a more innovative, high-skilled economy, because that is the only sustainable path to individual prosperity; world-class public services, because they are the common goods from which we all benefit; backing business, because our future cannot be built by the Government alone but must come from the imagination and drive of our entrepreneurs; help for working families with the cost of living, because we will always give people the support they need and the tools to build a better life for themselves; and levelling up, because for too long—far too long—the location of your birth has determined too much of your future, and because the awesome power of opportunity should not be available only to a wealthy few but be the birthright of every child in an independent and prosperous United Kingdom.

    Today’s Budget does not draw a line under covid; we have challenging months ahead, and I encourage everyone eligible to get their booster jabs as soon as possible. But today’s Budget does begin the work of preparing for a new economy post covid: the Prime Minister’s economy of higher wages, higher skills and rising productivity, and of strong public services, vibrant communities and safer streets—an economy fit for a new age of optimism, where the only limit to our potential is the effort we are prepared to put in and the sacrifices we are prepared to make. That is the stronger economy of the future, and this Budget is the foundation.

    The House will recognise the challenging backdrop of rising inflation. Let me begin by carefully explaining what is happening in our economy and why. Inflation in September was 3.1% and is likely to rise further, with the Office for Budget Responsibility expecting the consumer prices index to average 4% over the next year. The majority of this rise in inflation can be explained by two global forces. First, as economies around the world reopen, demand for goods has increased more quickly than supply chains can meet. Having been shut down for almost a year, it takes time for factories to scale up production, for container ships to move goods to where demand is and for businesses to hire the people they need.

    Secondly, global demand for energy has surged at a time when supplies have already been disrupted, putting a strain on prices. In the year to September, the global wholesale price of oil, coal and gas combined has more than doubled.

    The pressures caused by supply chains and energy prices will take months to ease. It would be irresponsible for anyone to pretend that we can solve this overnight. I am in regular communication with Finance Ministers around the world and it is clear that these are shared global problems, neither unique to the UK nor possible for us to address on our own. But where the Government can ease these pressures, we will act. To address the driver shortage, the Transport Secretary is introducing temporary visas, tackling testing backlogs and changing cabotage requirements, and is today announcing new funding to improve lorry park facilities. We have already suspended the HGV levy until August, and I can do more today, extending it for a further year until 2023 and freezing vehicle excise duty for heavy goods vehicles.

    To help with the cost of living, we have introduced a new £500 million household support fund, and today’s Budget will support working families further.

    On our fiscal policy, we will meet our commitments on public services and capital investment, but we will do so keeping in mind the need to control inflation.

    Finally, I have written to the Governor of the Bank of England today to reaffirm the Bank’s remit to achieve low and stable inflation. People should be reassured: it has a strong track record in doing so.

    I understand that people are concerned about global inflation, but they have a Government here at home ready and willing to act. In a period of global uncertainty, we need to work hard to maintain a strong economy and be responsible with the public finances, and that is what we are doing. I am grateful to the OBR for its work, and I am pleased to say that it now expects our recovery to be quicker. Thanks to this Government’s actions, it forecasts the economy to return to its pre-covid level at the turn of the year—earlier than it thought in March.

    Growth this year is revised up from 4% to 6.5%. The OBR then expects the economy to grow by 6% in 2022, and 2.1 %, 1.3% and 1.6% over the next three years. In July last year, at the height of the pandemic, unemployment was expected to peak at 12%.

    Today, the OBR expects unemployment to peak at just 5.2%. That means more than 2 million fewer people out of work than previously feared. Wages are rising: compared with those in February 2020, they have grown in real terms by almost 3.5%. I can confirm for the House that the OBR’s forecast for business investment has been revised up over the next five years.

    Because of the actions that we took to support our economy, we have been more successful than previously feared in preventing the long-term economic damage of covid.

    The OBR has today revised down its scarring assumption from 3% to 2%. In the depths of the worst economic crisis on record, we set out a plan for jobs. It is a plan that was backed by business groups and trade bodies; a plan that has helped millions of people and saved millions of jobs; and a plan that the OBR has today described as “remarkably successful”. Today’s forecasts confirm beyond doubt that our plan for jobs is working.

    Disruption in the global economy highlights the importance of strong public finances. Coronavirus left us with borrowing higher than at any time since the second world war. As the Prime Minister reminded us in his conference speech: higher borrowing today is just higher interest rates and even higher taxes tomorrow. We need to strengthen our public finances so that when the next crisis comes, we have the fiscal space to act. Today I am publishing a new charter for budget responsibility. The charter sets out two fiscal rules that will keep this Government on the path of discipline and responsibility. First, underlying public sector net debt, excluding the impact of the Bank of England, must, as a percentage of GDP, be falling. Secondly, in normal times the state should only borrow to invest in our future growth and prosperity. Everyday spending must be paid for through taxation. Both rules must be met by the third year of every forecast period, giving us the flexibility to respond to crises while credibly keeping the public finances under control. These rules are supplemented by targets to spend up to 3% of GDP on capital investment and to keep welfare spending on a sustainable path.

    The House will be asked to vote on our charter, giving Members a simple choice—to abandon our fiscal anchor and leave our economy adrift with reckless unfunded pledges, or to vote for what we on the Government side of the House know is the right course: sound public finances and a stronger economy for the British people.

    Important as the charter is, our credibility comes as much from what we do as what we say, so I am pleased to tell the House that, because our plan is delivering a stronger economy and because we have taken tough but responsible decisions on the public finances, the OBR reports today that all our fiscal rules have been met. Underlying debt is forecast to be 85.2% of GDP this year, then 85.4% in 2022-23, before peaking at 85.7% in 2023-24. It then falls in the final three years of the forecast, from 85.1% to 83.3%. Borrowing as a percentage of GDP is forecast to fall in every single year, from 7.9% this year to 3.3% next year, then 2.4%, 1.7%, 1.7% and 1.5% in the following years. Borrowing down, debt down: proving once again it is the Conservatives, and only the Conservatives, who can be trusted with taxpayers’ money.

    I have made four fiscal judgements in this Budget. First, we will meet our fiscal rules with a margin to protect ourselves against economic risks. That is the responsible decision at a time of increasing global economic uncertainty, when our public finances are twice as sensitive to changes in interest rates as they were before the pandemic and six times as sensitive as they were before the financial crisis. Just a one percentage point increase in inflation and interest rates would cost us around £23 billion. My second judgment today is to continue to support working families.

    Thirdly, as well as helping people at home, our improving fiscal position means that we will meet our obligations to the world’s poorest. I told the House that when we met our fiscal tests, we would return to spending 0.7% of our national income on overseas aid. Some people said this was a trick or a device. I told this House that it was no such thing, and based on the tests that I set out, today’s forecasts show that we are, in fact, scheduled to return to 0.7% in 2024-25—before the end of this Parliament.

    My fourth fiscal judgment is this: today’s Budget increases total departmental spending over this Parliament by £150 billion. That is the largest increase this century, with spending growing by 3.8% a year in real terms. As a result of this spending review, and contrary to speculation, there will be a real-terms rise in overall spending for every single Department, and public sector net investment as a share of GDP will be at the highest sustained level for nearly half a century. If anyone still doubts it, today’s Budget confirms it: the Conservatives are the real party of public services.

    Our stronger economy lays the foundation for everything that we want to achieve in today’s Budget: world class public services and more investment in our future growth. Before I turn to the details, I would like to thank the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, my right hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland (Mr Clarke). Completing the spending review in such challenging circumstances was a tall order—and thankfully we had just the man for the job.

    At the start of this Parliament, resource spending on healthcare was £133 billion. Today’s spending review confirms that by the end of this Parliament it will increase by £44 billion to over £177 billion; and the extra revenue we are forecast to raise from the health and social care levy is going direct to the NHS and social care as promised. The health capital budget will be the largest since 2010: record investment in health R&D, including better newborn screening, as campaigned for by my hon. Friend the Member for Cities of London and Westminster (Nickie Aiken); 40 new hospitals; 70 hospital upgrades; more operating theatres to tackle the backlog; and 100 community diagnostic centres, all staffed by a bigger, better-trained workforce, with 50,000 more nurses and 50 million more primary care appointments. As well as funding to deliver the Prime Minister’s historic reforms to social care, we are providing local government with new grant funding over the next three years of £4.8 billion—the largest increase in core funding for over a decade.

    We are investing more in housing and home ownership too, with a multi-year housing settlement totalling nearly £24 billion—£11.5 billion to build up to 180,000 new affordable homes, the largest cash investment in a decade, 20% more than the previous programme. We are investing an extra £1.8 billion—enough to bring 1,500 hectares of brownfield land into use, meet our commitment to invest £10 billion in new housing, and unlock 1 million new homes. We are also confirming £5 billion to remove unsafe cladding from the highest risk buildings, partly funded by the residential property developers tax, which I can confirm will be levied on developers with profits over £25 million at a rate of 4%. We have already reduced rough sleeping by over a third, but we will go further, with £640 million a year for rough sleeping and homelessness—an 85% increase in funding compared to 2019.

    Today’s Budget funds our ambition to recruit 20,000 new police officers; provides an extra £2.2 billion for courts, prisons and probation services, including £0.5 billion to reduce the courts backlog; pays for programmes to tackle neighbourhood crime, reoffending, county lines, violence against women and girls, victims’ services and improved responses to rape cases; and, over the next three years, commits £3.8 billion to the largest prison-building programme in a generation.

    All Governments should aspire to provide greater life chances for future generations, but few Governments can match our ambition. So let me now turn to what this Budget does to support children. The evidence is compelling that the first 1,001 days of a child’s life are the most important. My right hon. Friend the Member for South Northamptonshire (Dame Andrea Leadsom) has recognised this with her inspirational report. We are responding today with £300 million for a start for life offer for families; high-quality parenting programmes; tailored services to help with perinatal mental health; and, I am pleased to tell my hon. Friend the Member for Congleton (Fiona Bruce), funding to create a network of family hubs around the country too. To improve the quality of childcare, we are going to pay providers more, with today’s spending review providing an extra £170 million by 2024-25. We are confirming £150 million to support training and development for the entire early years workforce. To help up to 300,000 more families facing multiple needs, we are investing an extra £200 million in the supporting families programme, and we will provide over £200 million a year to continue the holiday activities and food programme.

    Today’s spending review also delivers our commitment to schools, with an extra £4.7 billion by 2024-25, which, combined with the ambitious plans we announced at spending review 2019, will restore per-pupil funding to 2010 levels in real terms, equivalent to a cash increase for every pupil of more than £1,500. For children with special educational needs and disabilities, we are more than tripling the amount we invest to create 30,000 new school places. We know that the pandemic caused significant disruption to children’s learning. We have already announced £3.1 billion to help education recovery. Today, as promised by the Prime Minister and the Education Secretary, we will go further, with just under £2 billion of new funding to help schools and colleges, bringing this Government’s total support for education recovery to almost £5 billion.

    As we level up public services, we are also levelling up communities, restoring the pride people feel in the places they call home. To do that, we are providing £560 million for youth services, enough to fund up to 300 youth clubs in England; over £200 million to build or transform up to 8,000 state-of-the-art community football pitches across the UK; and funding to turn over 100 areas of derelict land into new “pocket parks”.

    I am allocating the first round of bids from the levelling up fund—£1.7 billion to invest in the infrastructure of everyday life in over 100 local areas. With £170 million in Scotland, £120 million in Wales, and £50 million in Northern Ireland—more than their Barnett shares—this will benefit the whole United Kingdom. We are backing projects in Aberdeen, Bury, Burnley, Lewes, Clwyd South, and not one, not two, but three successful projects for the great city of Stoke-on-Trent. But that is not all. We are also going to fund projects in Ashton-under-Lyne, Doncaster, South Leicester, Sunderland and West Leeds. We are so committed to levelling up, we are even levelling up the Opposition Front Bench.

    Levelling up is also about protecting our unique culture and heritage. The British Museum; Tate Liverpool; the York Railway Museum: we are investing £850 million to protect museums, galleries, libraries, and local culture. Thanks to the Culture Secretary, over 100 regional museums and libraries will be renovated, restored and revived; and she has secured up to £2 million to start work on a new Beatles attraction on the Liverpool waterfront. We are also going to review our museum freedoms and make our creative tax reliefs more generous. On current plans, the tax relief for museums and galleries is due to end in March next year, just as exhibitions are starting to tour again, so I have decided to extend it for two years to March 2024. To support theatres, orchestras, museums and galleries to recover from covid, the tax reliefs for all those sectors, from today until April 2023, will be doubled, and they will not return to the normal rate until April 2024. That is a tax relief for culture worth almost a quarter of a billion pounds.

    This is a Budget for the whole United Kingdom. Through the Barnett formula, today’s decisions increase Scottish Government funding, in each year, by an average of £4.6 billion, Welsh Government funding by £2.5 billion, and £1.6 billion for the Northern Ireland Executive. This delivers, in real terms, the largest block grants for the devolved Administrations since the devolution settlements of 1998. The whole of the United Kingdom will benefit from the UK shared prosperity fund, and over time we will ramp up funding so that total domestic UK-wide funding will match EU receipts, averaging around £1.5 billion a year. We will fund projects across the UK, including funding for the Extreme E race in Scotland—the 2022 Hebrides X-Prix—accelerating funding for the Cardiff city region deal in Wales, and funding in Northern Ireland for community cohesion. While today demonstrates the indisputable fiscal benefit of being part of the United Kingdom, this is and always will be secondary to the simple truth that we are bound together by more than transactional benefit. It is our collective history, our culture and our security. We are, and always will be, one family and one United Kingdom.

    While today’s Budget delivers historically high levels of public spending, its success will be measured not by the billions we spend, but by the outcomes we achieve and the difference we make to people’s lives. The budgets are set; the plans are in place; the task is clear. Now we must deliver because this is not the Government’s money—it is taxpayer’s money.

    Our stronger economy allows us to fund world-class public services—the people’s priority—but over the long-term, the only way to pay for higher spending is economic growth. If we want to see higher growth, we have to tackle the problem that has been holding back this country for far too long: our uneven economic geography. As we come out of the worst economic shock we have ever seen, we have a choice—to retrench, or to invest. This Government choose to invest: to invest in our economic infrastructure, to invest in innovation, to invest in skills and to invest in a plan for growth that builds a stronger economy for the future. That is what this Budget is about and that is what this Government are about.

    Infrastructure connects our country, drives productivity and levels up. That is why our national infrastructure strategy invests in economic infrastructure such as roads, railways, broadband and mobile—over £130 billion. To connect our towns and cities, we are investing £21 billion on roads and £46 billion on railways. Our integrated rail plan will be published soon, dramatically improving journey times between our towns and cities. Today, we are providing £5.7 billion for London-style transport settlements in Greater Manchester, the Liverpool city region, the Tees Valley, South Yorkshire, West Yorkshire, the west midlands and the west of England. We are helping local transport everywhere with £2.6 billion for a long-term pipeline of more than 50 local roads upgrades, over £5 billion for local roads maintenance—enough to fill 1 million more potholes a year—and funding for buses, cycling and walking totalling more than £5 billion. The Prime Minister promised an infrastructure revolution. This Budget delivers an infrastructure revolution.

    Investment in our infrastructure is just the first step. We need to do what the people of this country have always done: invent, discover, and create the ideas and technologies that will change the world. So we will also invest more in innovation. The UK is already a world leader. With less than 1% of the world’s population, we have four of the world’s top 20 universities, 14% of the world’s most impactful research and the second most Nobel laureates. We want to go further. I can confirm we will maintain our target to increase research and development investment to £22 billion. But in order to get there, and deliver on our other priorities, we will reach the target in 2026-27, spending, by the end of this Parliament, £20 billion a year on R&D. That is a cash increase of 50%—the fastest increase ever. I can confirm for the House that this £20 billion is in addition to the cost of our R&D tax reliefs. Combined with those tax reliefs, total public investment in R&D is increasing from 0.7% of GDP in 2018 to 1.1% of GDP by the end of the Parliament.

    How does 1.1% compare internationally? Well, the latest available data shows an OECD average of just 0.7%. Germany is investing 0.9%, France 1% and the United States just 0.7%. This unprecedented funding will: increase core science funding to £5.9 billion a year by 2024-25, a cash increase of 37%; meet the full costs of associating with Horizon Europe; establish the new Advanced Research and Invention Agency with £800 million by 2025-26; and strengthen our focus on late-stage innovation, increasing Innovate UK’s annual core budget to £1 billion, double what it was at the start of the Parliament.

    There is more to becoming a science superpower than just what the Government spend on R&D. Our ambitious net zero strategy is also an innovation strategy, investing £30 billion to create the new green industries of the future. We have just issued our second green bond, making us the third-largest issuer of sovereign green bonds anywhere in the world. London last week was named the best place in the world for green finance. On Monday, the new UK Infrastructure Bank announced its first ever investment: £107 million to support offshore wind in Teesside. To build on this work, one week today I will be hosting global finance ministers and businesses at COP26.

    Innovation comes from the imagination, drive and risk-taking of business. That is why we have launched Help to Grow to turbocharge SME productivity and started a new co-investment venture capital fund, Future Fund: Breakthrough. It is why I am announcing today that we will consult on further changes to the regulatory charge cap for pensions schemes, unlocking institutional investment while protecting savers. It is why we are introducing a new £1.4 billion global Britain investment fund, supporting transformative economic activity in our world-leading sectors, such as life sciences. It is why today’s Budget increases the British Business Bank’s regional financing programmes to £1.6 billion, expanding their coverage and helping innovative businesses get access to the finance they need, across the whole United Kingdom.

    A third of our science Nobel laureates have been immigrants. Half of our fastest growing companies have a foreign-born founder. So an economy built on innovation must be open and attractive to the best and brightest minds. Thanks to our brilliant Home Secretary, today’s Budget confirms the eligibility criteria for our new scale-up visa, making it quicker and easier for fast-growing businesses to bring in highly skilled individuals. The Trade Secretary’s new global talent network, launching initially in the Bay Area, Boston and Bangalore, will identify, attract and relocate the best global talent in science and tech sectors. It is all part of our plan to make our visa system for international talent the most competitive in the world.

    If we want greater private sector innovation, we need to make our research and development tax reliefs fit for purpose. The latest figures show the UK has the second highest spending on R&D tax reliefs in the OECD. Yet it is not working as well as it should; UK business investment in R&D is less than half the OECD average. We have reviewed the reliefs and identified two issues we are solving today. First, the reliefs need to reflect how businesses conduct research in the modern world. So, as many companies have called for, I am expanding the scope of the reliefs to include cloud computing and data costs.

    The second problem is this: companies claimed UK tax relief on £48 billion of R&D spending, yet UK business investment was around half of that, at just £26 billion. We are subsidising billions of pounds of R&D that is not even happening here in the United Kingdom. That is unfair on British taxpayers and it puts us out of step with places like Australia, Canada, Hong Kong, Singapore, Switzerland and the USA, which have all focused their R&D tax reliefs on domestic activity. So from April 2023, we are going to do the same, and incentivise greater investment here at home. So a £22-billion investment in R&D, the net zero strategy, the future fund, Help to Grow, more regional finance, unlocking institutional capital, a more competitive visa system and a modernised R&D tax credits regime—enough action to prove the hypothesis that we are making this country a science and technology superpower.

    As well as investing in infrastructure and innovation, there is one further part of our plan for growth that is crucial: providing a world-class education to all our people. Higher skills lead to higher regional productivity and higher productivity leads to higher wages. With 80% of the UK’s 2030 workforce already in work, our future success depends on not just the schooling we give our children but the lifelong learning we offer to adults.

    We have already done a lot. Our plan for jobs invested in apprenticeships, traineeships and the kickstart scheme, but we need to go further. Today’s Budget invests in the most wide-ranging skills agenda this country has seen in decades. We are increasing skills spending over the Parliament by £3.8 billion—an increase of 42%. We are expanding T-levels, building institutes of technology, rolling out the Prime Minister’s lifetime skills guarantee, upgrading our further education college estate, quadrupling the number of places on skills bootcamps and significantly increasing funding for apprenticeships.

    We are also going to tackle a tragic fact: millions of adults in our country have numeracy skills lower than those expected of a nine-year-old. According to the leading charity National Numeracy, this costs individuals with poor numeracy up to £1,600 a year in lost earnings. People with poor numeracy skills are more than twice as likely to be unemployed as their peers. So today, I can announce a new UK-wide numeracy programme: Multiply. With £560 million, Multiply will improve basic maths skills and help to change people’s lives across the whole United Kingdom.

    So we are building our infrastructure with new roads, railways and broadband; cementing our status as a science and technology superpower; and strengthening the skills of our people, the country’s greatest asset. That is a real plan for growth and that is how this Government are building a stronger economy for the British people.

    World class public services are the people’s priority. Investment in infrastructure, innovation and skills will create the growth that we need to pay for them. But as Conservatives, we know that Government action alone will not be enough to create a stronger economy. We want this country to be the most exciting and dynamic place in the world for business. Now that we have left the EU, we have the freedom to do things differently and deliver a simpler, fairer tax system.

    I want to begin with one of our smallest taxes, but a tax that plays an important role in one of our pre-eminent industries: shipping. Now that we have left the EU, today we start reforming our tonnage tax regime to make it simpler and more competitive. And we are also making it fairer for UK taxpayers.

    When we were in the old EU system, ships in the tonnage tax regime were required to fly the flag of an EU state, but that does not make sense for an independent nation. So I can announce today that our tonnage tax will, for the first time ever, reward companies for adopting the UK’s merchant shipping flag, the red ensign. That is entirely fitting for a country with such a proud maritime history as ours. I am sure that the Opposition will be delighted that red flags are still flying somewhere in this country, even if they are all at sea.

    Let me turn now to air passenger duty. Right now, people pay more for return flights within and between the four nations of the United Kingdom than they do when flying home from abroad. We used to have a return-leg exemption for domestic flights, but we were required to remove it in 2001. But today I can announce that flights between airports in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland will, from April 2023, be subject to a new lower rate of air passenger duty. This will help to cut the cost of living, with 9 million passengers seeing their duty cut by half; it will bring people together across the United Kingdom; and because they tend to have a greater proportion of domestic passengers, it is a boost to regional airports like Aberdeen, Belfast, Inverness and Southampton.

    Airports are major regional employers, so to help them get through the winter I am also extending our support for English airports for a further six months. We are also making changes to reduce carbon emissions from aviation. Most emissions come from international rather than domestic aviation, so we are introducing, from April 2023, a new ultra-long-haul band in air passenger duty covering flights of over 5,500 miles, with an economy rate of £91. Less than 5% of passengers will pay more, but those who fly furthest will pay the most.

    Our approach to corporate taxation strikes a responsible balance between funding public services and encouraging the investment we need for a stronger economy. At the March Budget, we took the difficult but necessary decision to increase the rate of corporation tax to 25% from 2023, which is still the lowest rate in the G7 and the fifth lowest rate in the G20. Alongside, I introduced the new super deduction—the biggest business tax cut in modern British history—and extended, to the end of this year, the annual investment allowance at its higher level of £1 million. Now is not the time to remove tax breaks on investment, so I can confirm today that the £1 million annual investment allowance will not end in December as planned. It will be extended all the way to March 2023.

    I also said in March that I would review the bank surcharge within corporation tax to maintain the competitiveness of our financial services industry. We will retain a surcharge of 3%. The overall rate for corporation tax on banks will, in 2023, increase from 27% to 28% and will remain higher than the rate paid by other companies. Small challenger banks are improving banking competition, which is good for the sector and good for consumers, so to help them, I will also raise the annual allowance to £100 million.

    Our manifesto promised to review business rates. We are publishing our conclusions today. Before I set out our plans, let me say this: we on the Conservative Benches are clear that reckless, unfunded promises to abolish a tax that raises £25 billion every year are completely irresponsible. It would be wrong to find £25 billion a year in extra borrowing, cuts to public services or tax rises elsewhere, so we will retain business rates, but with key reforms to ease the burden and create stronger high streets.

    First, we will make the business rates system fairer and timelier with more frequent revaluations every three years. The new revaluation cycle will be delivered from 2023. Secondly, as called for by the Federation of Small Businesses and the British Property Federation, we are introducing a new investment relief to encourage businesses to adopt green technologies such as solar panels.

    I am announcing today that we will accept the CBI and the British Retail Consortium’s recommendation to introduce a new business rates improvement relief. From 2023, every single business will be able to make property improvements and, for 12 months, pay no extra business rates. That means that a hotel adding extra rooms, a manufacturer expanding their factory, and an office adding new air conditioning, CCTV or bike shelters will all pay no extra rates.

    Together with the new green investment relief, we are introducing investment incentives totalling £750 million. This will make a difference, but without action, millions of businesses would see their tax bills going up next year because of inflation. I want to help those businesses right now, so our third step is that next year’s planned increase in the multiplier will be cancelled. That is a tax cut for businesses worth, over the next five years, £4.6 billion.

    I have one final measure to help those businesses hardest hit by the pandemic. I am announcing today, for one year, a new 50% business rates discount for businesses in the retail, hospitality, and leisure sectors: pubs, music venues, cinemas, restaurants, hotels, theatres and gyms. Any eligible business can claim a discount on their bills of 50%, up to a maximum of £110,000. That is a business tax cut worth almost £1.7 billion. Together with small business rates relief, this means that over 90% of all retail, hospitality and leisure businesses will see a discount of at least 50%. Apart from the covid reliefs, this is the biggest single-year cut to business rates in over 30 years. Taken together, today’s Budget cuts business rates by £7 billion.

    We are unleashing the dynamism and creativity of British businesses with a simpler, fairer and more competitive tax system: the biggest business tax cut in modern British history; the biggest single-year cut to business rates for 30 years; a £1 million investment allowance; tonnage tax reformed; air passenger duty cut. That is the way to back business and build a stronger economy.

    Let me turn now to alcohol duties. First introduced in 1643 to help pay for the civil war, our alcohol duty system is outdated, complex and full of historical anomalies. The Institute for Fiscal Studies has called it “a mess”; the Institute of Economic Affairs said that it “defies common sense”; and the World Health Organisation has warned that countries such as the UK which follow the EU rules are:

    “unable to implement tax systems that are optimal from the perspective of public health.”

    So today, we are taking advantage of leaving the EU to announce the most radical simplification of alcohol duties for over 140 years. We are taking five steps today to create a system that is simpler, fairer, and healthier.

    First, to radically simplify the system, we are slashing the number of main duty rates from 15 to just six. Our new system will be designed around a common-sense principle: the stronger the drink, the higher the rate. This means that some drinks, like stronger red wines, fortified wines and high-strength white ciders will see a small increase in their rates because they are currently undertaxed, given their strength. That is the right thing to do, and it will help to end the era of cheap, high-strength drinks which can harm public health and enable problem drinking. Because this is a more rational system, the converse is also true: many lower-alcohol drinks are currently overtaxed—and have been for many decades. Rosé, fruit ciders, liqueurs, lower strength beers and wines—today’s changes mean that they will pay less.

    The second step I am taking today will encourage small, innovative craft producers: I am announcing proposals for a new small producer relief. This will extend the principle of the small brewers relief to include for the first time ever small cider makers and other producers making alcoholic drinks of less strength than 8.5%.

    Thirdly, I am going to modernise the system to reflect the way people drink today. Over the last decade, consumption of sparkling wines like prosecco has doubled. English sparkling wine alone has increased almost tenfold. It is clear they are no longer the preserve of wealthy elites, and they are no stronger than still wines. So I am going to end the irrational duty premium of 28% that they currently pay. Sparkling wines, wherever they are produced, will now pay the same duty as still wines of equivalent strength. Because growing conditions in the UK typically favour lower-strength and sparkling wines, this means English and Welsh wines, compared with stronger imported wines, will now pay less. Sales of fruit cider have increased from one in a thousand ciders sold in 2005 to one in four today, but they can pay two or three times as much duty as cider made with apples or pears, so we are cutting the duty on them too.

    The fourth step I am taking today would directly support the home of British community life for centuries: our pubs. Even before the pandemic, pubs were struggling: between 2000 and 2019, consumption in the on-trade fell by 40%. Many public health bodies recognise that pubs are often safer drinking environments than being at home. As my hon. Friends the Members for Dudley South (Mike Wood) and for North West Durham (Mr Holden) will agree, a fairer, healthier system supports pubs, so I can announce today draught relief.

    Draught relief will apply a new lower rate of duty on draught beer and cider. It will apply to drinks served from draught containers over 40 litres. It will particularly benefit community pubs that do 75% of their trade on draught. Let me tell the House the new rate: draught relief will cut duty by 5%. That is the biggest cut to cider duty since 1923; the biggest cut to fruit ciders in a generation; the biggest cut to beer duty for 50 years. This is not temporary. It is a long-term investment in British pubs of £100 million a year and a permanent cut in the cost of a pint of 3p. I cannot wait for the Opposition to accuse me tomorrow of beer-barrel politics.

    These much needed reforms will come into effect in February 2023, but I want to help the hospitality industry right now, so for my final announcement on alcohol duties today, I can confirm that the planned increases in duty on spirits like Scotch whisky, wine, cider and beer will all, from midnight tonight, be cancelled. That is a tax cut worth £3 billion.

    Our reforms make the alcohol duty system simpler, fairer and healthier; they help with the cost of living while tackling problem drinking; they support innovative entrepreneurs and craft producers; they back pubs and public health; and they are only possible because we have left the European Union.

    World-class public services; investment in infrastructure, innovation, and skills; simpler, fairer taxes to support businesses and consumers: all built on the foundation of a stronger economy and responsible public finances. That is our vision for the future and that is what this Budget delivers.

    This Budget also supports working families. With fuel prices at the highest level in eight years, I am not prepared to add to the squeeze on families and small businesses, so I can confirm today that the planned rise in fuel duty will be cancelled. That is a saving over the next five years of almost £8 billion. Compared to pre-2010 plans, today’s freeze means the average tank of fuel will cost around £15 less per car; £30 less for vans; and £130 less for HGVs. After 12 consecutive years of frozen rates, the average car driver will now save a total of £1,900.

    I can also announce today that public sector workers will see fair and affordable pay rises across the whole spending review period as we return to the normal, independent pay-setting process, and I can take action to help the lowest paid as well. It was a Conservative Government who introduced the national living wage in 2016, a Conservative Government who, according to statistics published just yesterday, have overseen the proportion of people in low-paid work falling to its lowest level since 1997, and it is a Conservative Government who are increasing the wage floor again today. The independent Low Pay Commission brings together economists, business groups and trade unions. The Government are accepting its recommendation to increase the national living wage next year by 6.6%, to £9.50 an hour. For a full-time worker that is a pay rise worth over £1,000. It will benefit over 2 million of the lowest paid workers in the country, it is broadly consistent with previous increases, it keeps us on track for our target of two thirds of median earnings by 2024, and it is a major commitment to the high-wage, high-skill, high-productivity economy of the future.

    As we build this stronger economy, we are doing so at the end of an extraordinary 18 months. Covid was not just a public health challenge and an economic challenge—it was a moral challenge, too. We had to show we could pull together as a country, and we did. We had to put aside questions of ideology and orthodoxy to do whatever it took to care for our people and each other, and we did.

    There is a different moral dimension to the economic challenge we face now. Last year, the state grew to be over half the size of the total economy, and taxes are rising to their highest level as a percentage of GDP since the 1950s. I do not like it, but I cannot apologise for it: it is the result of the unprecedented crisis we faced and the extraordinary action we took in response. But now we have a choice: do we want to live in a country where the response to every question is “What are the Government going to do about it?”, where every time prices rise, every time a company gets in trouble, every time some new challenge emerges, the answer is always that the taxpayer must pay? Or do we choose to recognise that Government has limits?

    Government should have limits. If this seems a controversial statement to make, then I am all the more glad for saying it because that means it needed saying. And it is what we believe. There is a reason we talk about the importance of family, community and personal responsibility. We do so not because these are an alternative to the market or the state, but because they are more important than the market or the state. The moments that make life worth living are not created by Government, are not announced by Government, are not granted by Government: they come from us as people—our choices, our sacrifices, our efforts—and we believe people should keep more of the rewards of those efforts. Yes, we have taken some corrective action to fund the NHS and get our debt under control, but as we look towards the future I want to say this simple thing to the House and the British people: my goal is to reduce taxes. By the end of this Parliament, I want taxes to be going down, not up. I want this to be a society that rewards energy, ingenuity and inventiveness, a society that rewards work. That is what we believe on this side of the House. That is my mission over the remainder of this Parliament.

    The final announcement in today’s Budget takes a first step. For many of the lowest paid in society there is a hidden tax on work: the universal credit taper withdraws support as people work more hours. The rate is currently 63%, so for every £1 someone earns, their universal credit is reduced by 63p. Let us be in no doubt: this is a tax on work—and a high rate of tax at that. Organisations as varied as the Trades Union Congress, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, the Resolution Foundation, the Centre for Policy Studies, and the Centre for Social Justice have all said it is too high. So, to make sure work pays and help some of the lowest-income families in our country to keep more of their hard-earned money, I have decided to cut this rate, not by 1%, not by 2%, but by 8%. This—[Hon. Members: “Hear, hear.”] This is a tax on working people and we are cutting it from 63% to 55%, the rate originally envisaged by my right hon. Friend the Member for Chingford and Woodford Green (Sir Iain Duncan Smith). And because I am also increasing the work allowances by £500, this is a tax cut next year worth over £2 billion. Nearly 2 million families will keep on average an extra £1,000 a year. Changes like this normally take effect at the start of the new tax year in April, but we want to help people right now, so we will introduce this within weeks and no later than 1 December.

    Let me tell the House what these changes mean. A single mother of two renting and working full-time on the national living wage will be better off by around £1,200. A couple renting a home with their two children, one parent working full-time, the other working part-time, will be better off every single year by £1,800. This is a £2 billion tax cut for the lowest paid workers in our country. It supports working families, it helps with the cost of living and it rewards work.

    So, fuel duty cut, air passenger duty cut, alcohol duty cut, the biggest cut to business rates in 30 years, growth up, jobs up, wages up, public finances back in a better place, more investment in infrastructure, innovation and skills, a pay rise for over 2 million people, and a £2 billion tax cut for the lowest paid. This Budget helps with the cost of living. This Budget levels up to a higher-wage, higher-skill, higher-productivity economy. This Budget builds a stronger economy for the British people. I commend it to the House.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2021 Speech at the Global Investment Summit

    Rishi Sunak – 2021 Speech at the Global Investment Summit

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at the Guildhall in London on 18 October 2021.

    Lord Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen,

    I spent this afternoon in the House of Commons listening to the moving tributes to Sir David Amess.

    Tonight, I know our thoughts are with his loved ones.

    A unifying thread through the tributes to Sir David

    …was his unbreakable sense of pride and optimism in this country.

    And I think we honour him by embracing that same theme tonight.

    So, let me begin by asking you to look up.

    To look up at the magnificent ceiling of this ancient hall and imagine the skill and effort it took to carve every stone by hand.

    Building work was completed the same year Gutenberg made the first printing press…

    …at the beginning of that extraordinary flourishing of art, science, culture and commerce – the renaissance.

    I believe that Britain is once again on the cusp of a new age of optimism.

    Our goal is nothing less than for this country to be the most exciting and dynamic place in the world for you to do business.

    This is a bold claim.

    But I’m confident about this country’s future.

    Why?

    Well, I could talk about our world-leading industries – the creative sector, life sciences, or financial services, the engine that powers your businesses.

    I could talk about our competitive corporate tax regime – yes, it’s going up, but still the lowest in the G7 and fourth lowest in the G20.

    I could talk about our super deduction – the biggest tax cut for business investment this country has ever seen…

    …making the UK right now the most generous, tax-advantaged place for you to invest.

    I could talk about our agile regulation which leads the world in balancing the interests of consumers and businesses.

    But I’m not going to talk about any of those things.

    Not least because I know you’re waiting for your starter.

    Instead, I want to give you three reasons to join me in being excited about the UK right now: our people, our ideas, and our transition to net zero.

    Your businesses can’t thrive without talented people.

    The UK has some of the best educated people in the world.

    But one of the areas we’ve fallen behind is skills and education outside of university.

    And we know that 80% of our 2030 workforce are already in work…

    …so we’re doing more to support people throughout their lives to retrain and upskill in the sectors of the future.

    We’re investing record amounts in adult skills and technical training.

    We’re changing our student finance system to better support mid-career and lifelong learning.

    We’re setting up new skills bootcamps, to help people retrain or upskill in high-growth areas…

    …like AI, cybersecurity, and green energy.

    And we’re massively investing in apprenticeships…

    …giving employers greater incentives and a bigger role in how they’re delivered.

    But we don’t have a monopoly on talent in this country.

    So we’re making our visa system for international talent the most competitive in the world.

    If you’re an overseas business who want to transfer staff here – we’re making it easier.

    If you’re an entrepreneur who wants to start a business here – we’re making it simpler.

    And, if you’re a talented student who wants to stay here – we’re making that easier too.

    As well as brilliant people, Britain is also the home of brilliant ideas.

    With less than 1% of the world’s population, we have 4 of the world’s top 20 universities;

    15% of the world’s most impactful research;

    The third highest number of publications worldwide;

    The second most Nobel Laureates of any nation.

    But having ideas isn’t enough.

    We need to turn those ideas into companies, products and services that can change the world.

    And that’s why I’m proud we’ve got more tech unicorns than any country, bar China and the US.

    Proud of having more venture capital here than France and Germany combined – not that I’m in any way competitive.

    So yes, this country is a science and technology superpower – but we need to do more.

    We’re significantly increasing government R&D spending, now the highest level in four decades.

    To better support modern methods of innovation, we’re looking at broadening the scope of our R&D Tax Credits;

    To increase capital flowing to innovative businesses, we’re reforming our listing rules…

    …and co-investing with VCs through our Future Funds;

    And to turbocharge all of your supply chains, our new Help to Grow programme supports SMEs with mini-MBAs…

    …and new software to boost their productivity and their innovation.

    When you’re sitting in your Boardrooms, thinking about investment decisions…

    …those critical first two questions about people and ideas are now matched by a third – Net Zero.

    I know that for all of you, climate change is transforming how you think about your businesses.

    Well, could there be a better place for you than the country that’s decarbonised quicker over the last twenty years than anyone else?

    The first country in the world to legislate for Net Zero by 2050?

    We’ve already established the UK Infrastructure Bank to partner with you on new green projects.

    Just last month, we raised £10bn through the sale of the UK’s first Green Gilt – the largest inaugural issuance of any country to date.

    And, after we became the first country to commit to mandatory climate-risk disclosures…

    …today, we are publishing our Green Finance Roadmap – to make the UK the place for green investment.

    So, people, ideas, Net Zero – three reasons for you to join me in being, confident, optimistic and above all, excited, about this country’s future.

    As we begin this new age of optimism, there’s one central insight driving everything we do.

    We know where ideas come from, where wealth is generated, where jobs are created.

    Not by me. Not by Government.

    By you. All of you.

    Your businesses.

    I want this country to be known around the world as a beacon for free enterprise.

    A hotbed of brilliant international minds coming here to access our culture, our capital, our people, our markets.

    A country where young people with brilliant ideas have the freedom and opportunity to found and grow the most exciting businesses in the world.

    That is the kind of economy we are building;

    That is what we are inviting you to be part of;

    That is why I say…

    …confidently and clearly and without reservation…

    …Britain is open for business.

    Thank you.