Category: Economy

  • Rachel Reeves – 2024 Budget Statement

    Rachel Reeves – 2024 Budget Statement

    The 2024 budget statement made by Rachel Reeves, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 30 October 2024.

    Madam Deputy Speaker, on 4 July, the country voted for change. This Government were given a mandate: to restore stability to our economy and to begin a decade of national renewal; to fix the foundations and deliver change through responsible leadership in the national interest. That is our task, and I know that we can achieve it.

    My belief in Britain burns brighter than ever, and the prize on offer is immense. As my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister said on Monday, change must be felt: more pounds in people’s pockets; an NHS that is there when we need it; and an economy that is growing, creating wealth and opportunity for all, because that is the only way to improve living standards. The only way to drive economic growth is to invest, invest, invest. There are no shortcuts, and, to deliver that investment, we must restore economic stability and turn the page on the last 14 years.

    This is not the first time that it has fallen to the Labour party to rebuild Britain. In 1945, it was the Labour party that rebuilt our country out of the rubble of the second world war. In 1964, it was the Labour party that rebuilt Britain with the white heat of technology, and, in 1997, it was the Labour party that rebuilt our schools and our hospitals. Today, it falls to this Labour party—to this Labour Government—to rebuild Britain once again. And while this is the first Budget in more than 14 years to be delivered by a Labour Chancellor, it is the first Budget in our country’s history to be delivered by a woman. I am deeply proud to be Britain’s first ever female Chancellor of the Exchequer. To girls and young women everywhere, I say: let there be no ceiling on your ambition, your hopes and your dreams. Along with the pride that I feel standing here today, there is also a responsibility to pass on a fairer society and a stronger economy to the next generation of women.

    Madam Deputy Speaker, the Conservative party failed our country: its austerity broke our national health service; its Brexit deal harmed British businesses; and its mini-Budget left families paying the price with higher mortgages. The British people have inherited the Conservative party’s failure: a black hole in the public finances; public services on their knees; a decade of low growth; and the worst Parliament on record for living standards.

    Let me begin with the public finances. In July, I exposed a £22 billion black hole at the heart of the previous Government’s plans—a series of promises that they made, but had no money to deliver—covered up from the British people and covered up from this House. The Treasury’s reserve, set aside for genuine emergencies, was spent three times over just three months into the financial year. Today, on top of the detailed document that I provided to the House in July, the Government are publishing a line-by-line breakdown of the £22 billion black hole that we inherited, which shows hundreds of unfunded pressures on the public finances this year, and into the future too.

    The Office for Budget Responsibility has published its own review of the circumstances around the spring Budget forecast. It says that the previous Government

    “did not provide the OBR with all the information to them”

    and that, had the OBR known about these

    “undisclosed spending pressures that have since come to light”,

    then its spring Budget forecast for spending would have been “materially different”.

    Let me be clear: that means that any comparison between today’s forecast and the OBR’s March forecast is false, because the previous Government hid the reality of their public spending plans. Yet at the very same Budget, they made another £10 billion-worth of cuts to national insurance. It was the height of irresponsibility, and they knew it. They had run out of road, and they called an election to avoid making difficult choices. So let me make this promise to the British people: never again will we allow a Government to play fast and loose with the public finances and never again will we allow a Government to hide the true state of our public finances from our independent forecaster. That is why I can today confirm that we will implement in full the 10 recommendations from the independent Office for Budget Responsibility’s review.

    The country has inherited not just broken public finances, but broken public services. The British people can see and feel that in their everyday lives: NHS waiting lists at record levels; children in portacabins as school roofs crumble; trains that do not arrive; rivers filled with polluted waste; prisons overflowing; crimes that are not investigated; and criminals who are not punished. That is the country’s inheritance from the Conservative Government. They had no plan to improve our public services and they had no plan to put our public finances on a sustainable footing—quite the opposite.

    Since 2021, there have been no detailed plans for departmental spending set out beyond this year, and the previous Government’s plans relied on a baseline for spending this year, which we now know was wrong because it did not take into account the £22 billion black hole. They also failed to budget for costs that they knew would materialise, including funding for vital compensation schemes for victims of two terrible injustices—[Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker (Ms Nusrat Ghani)

    Order. I have just spoken about respecting colleagues. The public are watching, and they want to hear what the Chancellor has to say. Simmer down.

    Rachel Reeves

    I would politely suggest that hon. Members listen to this, because it includes funding for vital compensation schemes for victims of two terrible injustices: the infected blood scandal and the Post Office Horizon scandal.

    The Leader of the Opposition rightly made an unequivocal apology for the injustice of the infected blood scandal on behalf of the British state, but he did not budget for the costs of compensation. Today, for the very first time, we will provide specific funding to compensate those infected and those affected in full, with £11.8 billion in this Budget. I am also today setting aside £1.8 billion to compensate victims of the Post Office Horizon scandal—redress that is long overdue for the pain and injustice that they have suffered.

    The leadership campaign for the Conservative party has now been going on for over three months, but in all that time there has been not one single apology for what they did to our country. The Conservative party has not changed—but this is a changed Labour party and we will restore stability to our country once again. The scale and seriousness of the situation that we have inherited cannot be underestimated. Together, the hole in our public finances this year, which recurs every year, the compensation schemes that the previous Government did not fund, and their failure to assess the scale of the challenges facing our public services, means that this Budget raises taxes by £40 billion. Any Chancellor standing here today would have to face this reality, and any responsible Chancellor would take action. That is why today I am restoring stability to our public finances and rebuilding our public services.

    As a former economist at the Bank of England, I know what it means to respect our economic institutions. I put on record my thanks to the Governor of the Bank, Andrew Bailey, and the independent Monetary Policy Committee. Today, I can confirm that we will maintain the MPC’s target of 2% inflation, as measured by the 12-month increase in the consumer prices index. I thank James Bowler, the permanent secretary to the Treasury, and my team of officials. I also thank my predecessors as Chancellor of the Exchequer for their wise counsel as I have prepared for this Budget. In particular, I thank the former right hon. Member for Spelthorne for his invaluable advice in this weekend’s papers, where he concluded that his mini-Budget “wasn’t perfect”. For once, he and I are in absolute agreement. Finally, I thank Richard Hughes and his team at the Office for Budget Responsibility for their work in preparing today’s economic and fiscal outlook.

    Let me take the House through that forecast. The cost of living crisis under the last Government stretched household finances to their limit, with inflation hitting a peak of above 11%. Today, the OBR says that CPI inflation will average 2.5% this year, 2.6% in 2025, 2.3% in 2026, 2.1% in 2027, 2.1% in 2028 and 2.0% in 2029.

    Moving on to economic growth, today’s Budget marks an end to short-termism, so I am pleased that, for the first time, the OBR has published not only five-year growth forecasts but a detailed assessment of the growth impacts of our policies over the next decade. The new charter for Budget responsibility, which I am publishing today, confirms that this will become a permanent feature of our framework. The OBR forecasts that real GDP growth will be 1.1% in 2024, 2.0% in 2025, 1.8% in 2026, 1.5% in 2027, 1.5% in 2028 and 1.6% in 2029. The OBR is clear: this Budget will permanently increase the supply capacity of the economy, boosting long-term growth. [Interruption.] It may sound shocking to Conservative Members, but this Government are boosting long-term economic growth.

    Every Budget that I deliver will be focused on our mission to grow the economy, and underpinning that mission are the seven key pillars of our growth strategy, developed and delivered alongside business, and all driven forward by our excellent Financial Secretary to the Treasury. The first and most important is to restore economic stability. That is my focus today. Secondly, increasing investment and building new infrastructure is vital for productivity, so we are catalysing £70 billion of investment through our national wealth fund, and we are transforming our planning rules to get Britain building again. Thirdly, to ensure that all parts of the UK can realise their potential we are working with the devolved Governments and partnering with our mayors to develop local growth plans. Fourthly, to improve employment prospects and skills we are creating Skills England, delivering our plans to make work pay and tackling economic inactivity.

    Fifthly, we are launching our long-term modern industrial strategy and expanding opportunities for our small and medium-sized businesses to grow. Sixthly, to drive innovation, we are protecting record funding for research and development to harness the full potential of the UK’s science base. Finally, to maximise the growth benefits of our clean energy mission, we have confirmed key investments, such as carbon capture and storage, to create jobs in our industrial heartlands. Our approach is already having an impact: just two weeks ago, we delivered an international investment summit that saw businesses commit £63.5 billion of investment into our country, creating nearly 40,000 jobs across the United Kingdom. But we cannot undo 14 years of damage in one go. Economic growth will be our mission for the duration of this Parliament.

    In our manifesto, we set out the fiscal rules that would guide this Government. I am confirming those today: our stability rule and our investment rule. The stability rule means that we will bring the current Budget into balance so that we do not borrow to fund day-to-day spending. We will meet that rule in 2029-30, until that becomes the third year of the forecast. From then on, we will balance the current Budget in the third year of every Budget, held annually each autumn. That will provide a tougher constraint on day-to-day spending, so that difficult decisions cannot be constantly delayed or deferred. The OBR says that the current Budget will be in deficit by £26.2 billion in 2025-26 and by £5.2 billion in 2026-27, before moving into surplus of £10.9 billion in 2027-28, £9.3 billion in 2028-29 and £9.9 billion in 2029-30, meeting our stability rule two years early.

    Monthly public sector finance data show that Government borrowing in the first six months of this year was already running significantly higher than the OBR’s March forecast, and the OBR confirmed today that borrowing in this financial year is now £127 billion, reflecting the inheritance left by the Conservative party. The increase in the net cash requirement in 2024-25 is lower than the increase in borrowing, at £22.3 billion higher than the spring forecast. Because of the action that we are taking, borrowing falls from 4.5% of GDP this year to 2.1% of GDP by the end of the forecast. Public sector net borrowing will be £105.6 billion in 2025-26, £88.5 billion in 2026-27, £72.2 billion in 2027-28, £71.9 billion in 2028-29 and £70.6 billion in 2029-30.

    Before I come to tax, it is vital that we are driving efficiency and reducing wasteful spending. In July, to begin dealing with our inheritance, I made £5.5 billion of savings this year. Today we are setting a 2% productivity, efficiency and savings target for all Departments to meet next year by using technology more effectively and joining up services across Government. As set out in our manifesto, I will shortly be appointing our covid corruption commissioner. They will lead our work to uncover those companies that used a national emergency to line their own pockets, because that money belongs in our public services, and taxpayers want it back. I can confirm today that David Goldstone has been appointed chair of the new office for value for money to help us realise the benefits from every pound of public spending.

    Today, I am also taking three steps to ensure that welfare spending is more sustainable. First, we inherited the last Government’s plans to reform the work capability assessment. We will deliver those savings as part of our fundamental reforms to the health and disability benefits system that my right hon. Friend the Work and Pensions Secretary will bring forward.

    Secondly, I can today announce a crackdown on fraud in our welfare system—often the work of criminal gangs. We will expand the DWP’s counter-fraud teams, using innovative new methods to prevent illegal activity, and provide new legal powers to crack down on fraudsters, including direct access to bank accounts to recover debt. That package saves £4.3 billion a year by the end of the forecast.

    Thirdly, the Government will shortly be publishing the “Get Britain Working” White Paper, tackling the root causes of inactivity with an integrated approach across health, education and welfare, and we will provide £240 million for 16 trailblazer projects, targeted at those who are economically inactive and most at risk of being out of education, employment or training, to get people into work and reduce the benefits bill.

    Before a Government can consider any change to a tax rate or threshold, they must ensure that people pay what they already owe. We will invest to modernise His Majesty’s Revenue and Customs systems using the very best technology, and recruit additional HMRC compliance and debt staff. We will clamp down on the umbrella companies that exploit workers, increase the interest rate on unpaid tax debt to ensure that people pay on time, and go after the promoters of tax avoidance schemes. Those measures to reduce the tax gap raise £6.5 billion by the end of the forecast, and I thank the Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury for his outstanding work on that agenda.

    I know that for working people up and down our country, family finances are stretched and pay cheques do not go as far as they once did, so today I am taking steps to support people with the cost of living. It was the Labour Government who introduced the national minimum wage in 1999. That had a transformative impact on the lives of working people. As promised in our manifesto, we asked the Low Pay Commission to take account of the cost of living for the first time. I can confirm that we will accept the commission’s recommendation to increase the national living wage by 6.7% to £12.21 an hour, worth up to £1,400 a year for a full-time worker. And, for the first time, we will move towards a single adult rate, phased in over time by initially increasing the national minimum wage for 18 to 20-year-olds by 16.3%, as recommended by the Low Pay Commission, taking it to £10 an hour—a Labour policy to protect working people, being delivered by a Labour Government once again.

    Secondly, I have heard representations from colleagues across this House, including my hon. Friends the Members for Shipley (Anna Dixon) and for Scarborough and Whitby (Alison Hume), and the right hon. Member for Kingston and Surbiton (Ed Davey), about the carer’s allowance and the impact of the current policy on carers who are looking to increase the hours that they work. Carer’s allowance currently provides up to £81.90 per week to help those with additional caring responsibilities. Today, I can confirm that we are increasing the weekly earnings limit to the equivalent of 16 hours at the national living wage per week—the largest increase in the carer’s allowance since it was introduced in 1976. That means that a carer can now earn over £10,000 a year while receiving carer’s allowance, allowing them to increase their hours where they want to, and keep more of their money. I am also concerned about the cliff edge in the current system and the issue of overpayments. My right hon. Friend the Work and Pensions Secretary has announced an independent review to look at the issue of overpayments, and we will work across the House to develop the right solutions.

    Thirdly, we will provide £1 billion from next year to extend the household support fund and discretionary housing payments to help those facing financial hardship with the cost of essentials. Fourthly, having heard representations from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, the Trussell Trust and others, I will reduce the level of debt repayments that can be taken from a household’s universal credit payment each month from 25% to 15% of their standard allowance. That means that 1.2 million of the poorest households will keep more of their award each month, lifting children out of poverty, and those who benefit will gain an average of £420 a year.

    Our plan to make work pay will also protect working people. I know that Conservative Members are deeply interested in our plans. Having seen their colleagues repeatedly dismissed at short notice, I know that they are worried about their future under the right hon. Member for North West Essex (Mrs Badenoch). They should rest easy knowing that our plan will protect working people from unfair dismissal; it will safeguard them from bullying in the workplace; and it will improve their access to paternity and maternity leave. I hope the new shadow Cabinet will soon be grateful for those increased protections at work.

    It is right that we protect those who have worked all their lives. In our manifesto, we promised to transfer the investment reserve fund in the mineworkers’ pension scheme to members. I have listened closely to my hon. Friends the Members for Easington (Grahame Morris), for Doncaster Central (Sally Jameson), for Blaenau Gwent and Rhymney (Nick Smith) and for Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock (Elaine Stewart) on this issue. Today, we are keeping our promise, so that working people who powered our country receive the fair pension that they are owed.

    Our manifesto committed to the triple lock, meaning that spending on the state pension is forecast to rise by over £31 billion by 2029-30, to ensure our pensioners are protected in their retirement. That commitment means that while working-age benefits will be uprated in line with CPI at 1.7%, the basic and new state pension will be uprated by 4.1% in 2025-26. This means that over 12 million pensioners will gain up to £470 next year, up to £275 more than uprating by inflation. The pension credit standard minimum guarantee will also rise by 4.1%, from around £11,400 per year to around £11,850 a year for a single pensioner.

    While I have sought to protect working people with measures to reduce the cost of living, I have had to take some very difficult decisions on tax. I want to set out my approach to fuel duty. Baked into the numbers that I inherited from the previous Government is an assumption that fuel duty will rise in line with the retail prices index next year and that the temporary 5p cut will be reversed. To retain the 5p cut and to freeze fuel duty again would cost over £3 billion next year. At a time when the fiscal position is so difficult, I have to be frank with the House that that is a substantial commitment to make. I have concluded that, in these difficult circumstances, while the cost of living remains high and with a backdrop of global uncertainty, increasing fuel duty next year would be the wrong choice for working people. It would mean fuel duty rising by 7p per litre, so I have decided today to freeze fuel duty next year, and I will maintain the existing 5p cut for another year, too. There will be no higher taxes at the petrol pumps next year.

    The last Government made cuts of £20 billion to employees’ and self-employed national insurance in their final two Budgets. Those tax cuts were not honest, because we now know that they were based on a forecast that the OBR says would have been “materially different” had it known the true extent of the last Government’s cover-up. Since July, I have been urged on multiple occasions to reconsider those cuts—to increase the taxes that working people pay and see in their payslips—but I have made an important choice today: to keep every single commitment that we made on tax in our manifesto. I say to working people, I will not increase your national insurance, I will not increase your VAT, and I will not increase your income tax. Working people will not see higher taxes in their payslips as a result of the choices I am making today. That is a promise made and a promise fulfilled.

    Any responsible Chancellor would need to make difficult decisions today to raise the revenues required to fund our public services and restore economic stability. So in today’s Budget, I am announcing an increase in employers’ national insurance contributions. We will increase the rate of employers’ national insurance by 1.2 percentage points to 15% from April 2025, and we will reduce the secondary threshold—the level at which employers start paying national insurance on each employee’s salary—from £9,100 a year to £5,000. This will raise £25 billion per year by the end of the forecast period. I know that this is a difficult choice; I do not take this decision lightly. We are asking businesses to contribute more, and I know that there will be impacts of this measure felt beyond businesses, too, as the OBR has set out today. [Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker (Ms Nusrat Ghani)

    Order. Our constituents are watching—they need to be able to hear the Chancellor. Simmer down.

    Rachel Reeves

    In the circumstances I have inherited, it is the right choice to make. Successful businesses depend on successful schools, healthy businesses depend on a healthy NHS, and a strong economy depends on strong public finances. If the Conservative party chooses to oppose this choice, it is choosing more austerity, more chaos and more instability. That is the choice our country faces, too.

    As I make this choice, I know it is particularly important to protect our smallest companies. Having heard representations from the Federation of Small Businesses and others, I am today increasing the employment allowance from £5,000 to £10,500. This means that 865,000 employers will not pay any national insurance at all next year, and over 1 million will pay the same or less than they did previously. This will allow a small business to employ the equivalent of four full-time workers on the national living wage without paying any national insurance on their wages.

    Let me now come to capital gains tax. We need to drive growth, promote entrepreneurship and support wealth creation while raising the revenue required to fund our public services and restore our public finances. Today, we will increase the lower rate of capital gains tax from 10% to 18% and the higher rate from 20% to 24%, while maintaining the rates of capital gains tax on residential property at 18% and 24%. This means that the UK will still have the lowest capital gains tax rate of any European G7 economy.

    Alongside these changes to the headline rates of capital gains tax, we are maintaining the lifetime limit for business asset disposal relief at £1 million to encourage entrepreneurs to invest in their businesses. Business asset disposal relief will remain at 10% this year before rising to 14% in April 2025 and to 18% from 2026-27, maintaining a significant gap compared with the higher rate of capital gains tax. Together, the OBR says that these measures will raise £2.5 billion by the end of the forecast.

    In a sign of this Government’s commitment to supporting growth and entrepreneurship, we have already extended the enterprise investment and venture capital trust schemes to 2035, and we will continue to work with leading entrepreneurs and venture capital firms to ensure that our policies support a positive environment for entrepreneurship in the UK.

    Next, I turn to inheritance tax. Only 6% of estates will pay inheritance tax this year. I understand the strongly held desire to pass down savings to children and grandchildren, so I am taking a balanced approach in my package today. First, the previous Government froze inheritance tax thresholds until 2028. I will extend that freeze for a further two years, until 2030. That means that the first £325,000 of any estate can be inherited tax-free, rising to £500,000 if the estate includes a residence passed to direct descendants and £1 million when a tax-free allowance is passed to a surviving spouse or civil partner.

    Secondly, we will close the loophole created by the previous Government, made even bigger when the lifetime allowance was abolished, by bringing inherited pensions into inheritance tax from April 2027. Finally, we will reform agricultural property relief and business property relief. From April 2026, the first £1 million of combined business and agricultural assets will continue to attract no inheritance tax at all, but for assets over £1 million, inheritance tax will apply with a 50% relief at an effective rate of 20%. This will ensure that we continue to protect small family farms, with three quarters of claims unaffected by these changes.

    I can also announce that we will apply a 50% relief in all circumstances on inheritance tax for shares on the alternative investment market and other similar markets, setting the effective rate of tax at 20%. Taken together, these measures raise over £2 billion by the final year of the forecast.

    Next, I can confirm that the Government will renew the tobacco duty escalator for the remainder of this Parliament at RPI+2%, increase duty by a further 10% on hand-rolling tobacco this year, and introduce a flat-rate duty on all vaping liquid from October 2026, alongside an additional one-off increase in tobacco duty to maintain the incentive to give up smoking. We will increase the soft drinks industry levy to account for inflation since it was introduced, as well as increasing the duty in line with CPI each year going forward. These measures will raise nearly £1 billion per year by the end of the forecast period.

    We want to support the take-up of electric vehicles, so I will maintain the incentives for electric vehicles in company car tax from 2028 and increase the differential between fully electric and other vehicles in the first-year rates of vehicle excise duty from April 2025. These measures will raise around £400 million by the end of the forecast period.

    Let me update the House on our plans for air passenger duty—and I can see the Leader of the Opposition’s ears have pricked up. Air passenger duty has not kept up with inflation in recent years, so we are introducing an adjustment, meaning an increase of no more than £2 for an economy class short-haul flight. But I am taking a different approach when it comes to private jets, increasing the rate of air passenger duty by a further 50%. That is equivalent to £450 per passenger for a private jet to, say, California. [Laughter.]

    Let us now turn to our high street businesses. I know that, for them, a major source of concern is business rates. From 2026-27, we intend to introduce two permanently lower tax rates for retail, hospitality and leisure properties, which make up the backbone of our high streets across the country, and it is our intention that it is paid for by a higher multiplier for the most valuable properties. The previous Government created a cliff edge next year, as temporary reliefs end, so I will today provide 40% relief on business rates for the retail, hospitality and leisure industry in 2025-26 up to a cap of £110,000 per business. Alongside this, the small business tax multiplier will be frozen next year.

    Next, I can confirm that alcohol duty rates on non-draught products will increase in line with RPI from February next year. However, nearly two thirds of alcoholic drinks sold in pubs are served on draught, so today, instead of uprating these products in line with inflation, I am cutting draught duty by 1.7%—[Hon. Members: “Hear, hear!”]—which means a penny off the pint in the pub.

    Alongside the changes I am making today, I am publishing a corporate tax road map, providing the business certainty called for by the CBI, the British Chambers of Commerce and the Institute of Directors. This confirms our commitment to cap the rate of corporation tax at 25%—the lowest in the G7—for the duration of this Parliament, while maintaining full expensing and the £1 million annual investment allowance, and keeping the current rates of research and development relief to drive innovation.

    In our manifesto, we made a number of commitments to raising funding for our public services. First, I have always said that if you make Britain your home, you should pay your taxes here, too, so today I can confirm that we will abolish the non-dom tax regime, and we will remove the outdated concept of domicile from the tax system from April 2025. We will introduce a new, residence-based scheme, with internationally competitive arrangements for those coming to the UK on a temporary basis, while closing the loopholes in the scheme designed by the Conservative party. To further encourage investment into the UK, we will extend the temporary repatriation relief to three years and expand its scope, bringing billions of pounds of new funds into Britain. The independent Office for Budget Responsibility says that this package of measures will raise £12.7 billion over the next five years.

    The fund management industry provides a vital contribution to our economy, but as our manifesto set out, there needs to be a fairer approach to the way that carried interest is taxed, so we will increase the capital gains rates on carried interest to 32% from April 2025, and from April 2026 we will deliver further reform to ensure that the specific rules for carried interest are simpler, fairer and better targeted.

    In our manifesto, we committed to reforming stamp duty land tax to raise revenues, while supporting those buying their first home. We are increasing the stamp duty land tax surcharge for second homes, known as the higher rate for additional dwellings, by 2 percentage points to 5%, which will come into effect from tomorrow. This will support over 130,000 additional transactions from people buying their first home or moving home over the next five years.

    Next, we are committed to reforming the energy profits levy on oil and gas companies. I can confirm today that we will increase the rate of the levy to 38%. The levy will now expire in March 2030, and we will remove the 29% investment allowance. To ensure that the oil and gas industry can protect jobs and support our energy security, we will maintain the 100% first-year allowances, and the decarbonisation allowances, too.

    Finally, 94% of children in the UK attend state schools. To provide the highest-quality support and teaching that they deserve, we will introduce VAT on private school fees from January 2025, and we will shortly introduce legislation to remove their business rates relief from April 2025, too.

    We said in our manifesto that these changes, alongside our measures to tackle tax avoidance, would bring in £8.5 billion in the final year of the forecast. I can confirm today that they will in fact raise over £9 billion to support our public services and restore our public finances. That is a promise made and a promise fulfilled.

    I have one final decision to announce on tax today. The previous Government froze income tax and national insurance thresholds in 2021, and then did so again after the mini-Budget. Extending their threshold freeze for a further two years raises billions of pounds—money to deal with the black hole in our public finances and repair our public services. Having considered the issue closely, I have come to the conclusion that extending the threshold freeze would hurt working people. It would take more money out of their payslips. I am keeping every single promise on tax that I made in our manifesto, so there will be no extension of the freeze in income tax and national insurance thresholds beyond the decisions made by the previous Government. From 2028-29, personal tax thresholds will be uprated in line with inflation once again. When it comes to choices on tax, this Government choose to protect working people every single time.

    Those are the choices I have made to restore economic stability and protect working people. My next choice is to begin to repair our public services. In recent months, we conducted the first phase of the spending review to set departmental budgets for 2024-25 and 2025-26. I thank my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary to the Treasury for his tireless work with colleagues from across Government. Because I have taken difficult decisions on tax today, I am able to provide an injection of immediate funding over the next two years to stabilise and support our public services.

    The next phase of the spending review will report in late spring, and I have set out the overall envelope today. Day-to-day spending from 2024-25 onwards will grow by 1.5% in real terms, and today departmental spending, including capital spending, will grow by 1.7% in real terms. At the election, we promised that there would be no return to austerity, and today we deliver on that promise, but given the scale of the challenge that we face in our public services, there will still be difficult choices in the next phase of the spending review. Just as we cannot tax and spend our way to prosperity, neither can we simply spend our way to better public services. We will deliver a new approach to public service reform, using technology to improve public services and taking a zero-based approach, so that taxpayers’ money is spent as effectively as possible, and so that we focus on delivering our key priorities.

    In the first phase of the spending review, I have prioritised day-to-day funding to deliver on our manifesto commitments. I want every child to have the very best start in life, and the best possible start to their school day. I know that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Education shares my ambition, so today I am tripling investment in breakfast clubs to fund them in thousands of schools. I am increasing the core schools budget by £2.3 billion next year to support our pledge to hire thousands more teachers in key subjects. So that our young people can develop the skills that they need for the future, I am providing an additional £300 million for further education. Finally, this Government are committed to reforming special educational needs provision, to improve outcomes for our most vulnerable children and ensure that the system is financially sustainable. To support that work, I am today providing a £1 billion uplift in funding—a 6% real-terms increase from this year.

    There is no more important job for Government than keeping our country safe, and we are conducting a strategic defence review, to be published next year. As set out in our manifesto, we will set a path to spending 2.5% of GDP on defence at a future fiscal event. Today, I am announcing a total increase in the Ministry of Defence’s budget of £2.9 billion next year, ensuring that the UK comfortably exceeds our NATO commitments, and providing guaranteed military support to Ukraine of £3 billion per year for as long as it takes. Last week, alongside my right hon. Friend the Defence Secretary, I announced, in addition to that, further support for Ukraine, on top of our NATO commitment. That support comes through our £2.26 billion contribution to the G7’s extraordinary revenue acceleration agreement. That will be repaid using profits from immobilised Russian sovereign assets.

    As we approach Remembrance Sunday, it is vital that we take time to remember those who have served our country so bravely. I am today announcing funding to commemorate the 80th anniversary of VE and VJ Day next year, to honour those who served at home and abroad. We must also remember those who experienced the atrocities of the Nazi regime at first hand. I would like to pay tribute to Lily Ebert, the Holocaust survivor and educator who passed away aged 100 earlier this month. I am today committing a further £2 million for Holocaust education next year, so that charities such as the Holocaust Educational Trust can continue their work to ensure that those vital testimonies are not lost, and are preserved for the future.

    To repair our public services, we need to work alongside our mayors and local leaders. We will deliver a significant, real-terms funding increase for local government next year, including £1.3 billion of additional grant funding to deliver essential services, with at least £600 million in grant funding for social care and £230 million to tackle homelessness and rough sleeping. We are today confirming that Greater Manchester and the West Midlands will be the first mayoral authorities to receive integrated settlements from next year, giving mayors meaningful control of funding for their local areas. To support our high streets, we are taking action to deal with the sharp rise in shoplifting that we have seen in recent years. We will scrap the effective immunity for low-value shoplifting introduced by the Conservative party, and having listened closely to organisations such as the British Retail Consortium and the trade union USDAW, I am providing additional funding to crack down on the organised gangs that target retailers, and to provide more training for our police officers and retailers, in order to stop shoplifting in its tracks.

    Finally, I am today providing funding to support public services and drive growth across Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. Having discussed the matter with the First Minister of Wales, Eluned Morgan, my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Wales (Dame Nia Griffith), and my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Justice (Alex Davies-Jones), I am today providing £25 million to the Welsh Government next year for the maintenance of coal tips, to ensure that we keep our communities safe. To support growth, including in our rural areas, we will proceed with city and growth deals in Northern Ireland, in Causeway Coast and Glens, and the Mid South West. We will drive growth in Scotland, which is a key priority for Scottish Labour and our leader, Anas Sarwar, including through a city and growth deal in Argyll and Bute.

    This Budget provides the devolved Governments with the largest real-terms funding settlement since devolution, delivering an additional £3.4 billion to the Scottish Government through the Barnett formula—funding that must now be used effectively in Scotland to deliver the public services that the people of Scotland deserve. This Budget also provides £1.7 billion to the Welsh Government, and £1.5 billion to the Northern Ireland Executive in 2025-26. I said there would be no return to austerity; that is the choice I have made today.

    To rebuild our country, we need to increase investment. The UK lags behind every other G7 country when it comes to business investment as a share of our economy. That matters. It means that the UK has fallen behind in the race for new jobs, new industries, and new technology. By restoring economic stability, and by establishing the national wealth fund to catalyse private funding, we have begun to create the conditions that businesses need to invest, but there is also a significant role for public investment. For too long, we have seen Conservative Chancellors cut investment and raid capital budgets to plug gaps in day-to-day spending. The result is clear for all to see: hospitals without the equipment they need; school buildings not fit for our children; a desperate lack of affordable housing; and economic growth held back at every turn. Under the plans I inherited, public investment was set to fall from 2.5% to 1.7% of GDP, but in Washington last week, the International Monetary Fund was clear: more public investment is badly needed in the UK.

    Having listened to the case made by the former Governor of the Bank of England, Mark Carney, the former Treasury Minister, Jim O’Neill and the former Cabinet Secretary, Gus O’Donnell, among others, I am confirming our investment rule. As was set out in our manifesto, we will target debt falling as a share of the economy. Debt will be defined as public sector net financial liabilities—or net financial debt, for short. That metric has been measured by the Office for National Statistics since 2016 and forecast by the Office for Budget Responsibility since that date, too.

    Net financial debt recognises that Government investment delivers returns for taxpayers by counting not just the liabilities on a Government’s balance sheet, but the financial assets, too. That means we count the benefits of that investment, not just the costs, and we free up our institutions to invest, just as they do in Germany, France and Japan. Like our stability rule, our investment rule will apply in 2029-30, until that becomes the third year of the forecast. From that point onwards, net financial debt will fall in the third year of every forecast. Today, the OBR says that we are already meeting our target two years early, with net financial debt falling by 2027-28 and £15.7 billion of headroom in the final year.

    So that we drive the right incentives in Government investments, we will introduce four key guardrails to ensure capital spending is good value for money and drives growth in our economy. First, our portfolio of new financial investments will be delivered by expert bodies, such as the national wealth fund, and must by default earn a rate of return at least as large as that on gilts. Secondly, we will strengthen the role of institutions to improve infrastructure delivery. Thirdly, we will improve certainty, setting capital budgets for five years and extending them at spending reviews every two years. Finally, we will ensure greater transparency for capital spending, with robust annual reporting of financial investments based on accounts audited by the National Audit Office and made available to the Office for Budget Responsibility at every forecast. Taken together with our stability rule, these fiscal rules will ensure that our public finances are on a firm footing, while enabling us to invest prudently alongside business.

    The capital plans I now set out to drive growth across our country and repair the fabric of our nation are possible only because of our investment rule. Let me set out those investment plans. Today, we are confirming our plans to capitalise the national wealth fund to invest in the industries of the future, from gigafactories to ports to green hydrogen. Building on those investments, my right hon. Friend the Business Secretary is driving forward our modern industrial strategy, working with businesses and organisations such as Make UK to set out the sectors with the biggest growth potential. Today, we are confirming multi-year funding commitments for these areas of our economy, including nearly £1 billion for the aerospace sector to fund vital research and development, building on our industry in the east midlands, the south-west and Scotland; more than £2 billion for the automotive sector to support our electric vehicle industry and develop our manufacturing base, building on our strengths in the north-east and the west midlands; and up to £520 million for a new life sciences innovative manufacturing fund.

    For our world-leading creative industries, we will legislate to provide additional tax relief for visual effect costs in TV and film, and we are providing £25 million for the North East combined authority, which it plans to use to remediate the Crown Works Studios site in Sunderland, creating 8,000 new jobs.

    To unlock these growth industries of the future, we will protect Government investment in research and development, with more than £20 billion-worth of funding. This includes at least £6.1 billion to protect core research funding for areas such as engineering, biotechnology and medical science through Research England, other research councils and the national academies. We will extend the innovation accelerators programme in Glasgow, Manchester and the west midlands. With more than £500 million of funding next year, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology will continue to drive progress in improving reliable, fast broadband and mobile coverage across our country, including in rural areas.

    We committed in our manifesto to build 1.5 million homes over the course of this Parliament, and my right hon. Friend the Deputy Prime Minister is driving that work forward across government. Today, I am providing more than £5 billion of Government investment to deliver our plans on housing next year. We will increase the affordable homes programme to £3.1 billion, delivering thousands of new homes. We will provide £3 billion-worth of support in guarantees to boost the supply of homes and support our small house builders. We will provide investment to renovate sites across our country, including at Liverpool Central Docks, where we will deliver 2,000 new homes, and funding to help Cambridge realise its full growth potential.

    Alongside this investment, we will put the right policies in place to increase the supply of affordable housing. Having heard representations from local authorities, social housing providers and Shelter, I can today confirm that the Government will reduce right-to-buy discounts and that local authorities will be able to retain the full receipts from any sales of social housing, so that we can reinvest them back into housing stock and into new supply. By doing that, we will give more people a safe, secure and affordable place to live.

    We will provide stability to social housing providers with a social housing rent settlement of CPI plus 1% for the next five years, and we will deliver on our manifesto commitment to hire hundreds of new planning officers to get Britain building again. We will also make progress on our commitment to accelerate the remediation of homes, following the findings of the Grenfell inquiry, with £1 billion of investment to remove dangerous cladding next year.

    The last Government made a number of promises on transport, but failed to fund them. Working with my right hon. Friend the Transport Secretary, I am changing that. We are today securing the delivery of the trans-Pennine upgrade to connect York, Leeds, Huddersfield and Manchester, delivering fully electric local and regional services between Manchester and Stalybridge by the end of this year, with a further electrification of services between Church Fenton and York by 2026, to help grow our economy across the north of England with faster and more reliable services.

    We will deliver East West Rail to drive growth between Oxford, Milton Keynes and Cambridge, with the first services running between Oxford, Bletchley and Milton Keynes next year, and trains between Oxford and Bedford running from 2030. We are delivering railway schemes that improve journeys for people across our country, including upgrades at Bradford Forster Square station, improving capacity at Manchester Victoria and electrifying the Wigan to Bolton line.

    My right hon. Friend the Transport Secretary has also set out a plan for how to get a grip of HS2. Today, we are securing delivery of the project between Old Oak Common and Birmingham, and we are committing the funding required to begin tunnelling work to London Euston station. That will catalyse private investment into the local area, delivering jobs and growth.

    I am also funding significant improvements to our road network. For too long, potholes have been an all-too-visible reminder of our failure to invest as a nation. Today that changes, with a £500 million increase in road maintenance budgets next year—more than delivering on our manifesto commitment to fix an additional 1 million potholes each year. We will provide over £650 million of local transport funding to improve connections across our country, in towns such as Crewe and Grimsby and in our villages and rural areas from Cornwall to Cumbria. While the previous Government’s policy was for the bus fare cap to end this December, we understand how important bus services are for our communities, so we will extend the cap for a further year, setting it at £3 until December 2025. Finally, we will deliver £1.3 billion of funding to improve connectivity in our city regions, funding projects such as the Brierley Hill metro extension in the west midlands, the renewal of the Sheffield Supertram, and West Yorkshire mass transit, including in Bradford and Leeds.

    To bring new jobs to Britain and drive growth across our country, we are delivering our mission to make Britain a clean energy superpower, led by my right hon. Friend the Energy Secretary. Earlier this month, we announced a significant multi-year investment between Government and business in carbon capture and storage, creating 4,000 jobs across Merseyside and Teesside. Today, I am providing funding for 11 new green hydrogen projects across England, Scotland and Wales—they will be among the first commercial-scale projects anywhere in the world—including in Bridgend, East Renfrewshire and Barrow-in-Furness. We are kick-starting the warm homes plan by confirming an initial £3.4 billion over the next three years to transform 350,000 homes, including a quarter of a million low-income and social homes, and we will establish GB Energy, providing funding next year to set it up at its new home in Aberdeen.

    Overall, we will invest an additional £100 billion over the next five years in capital spending—that is possible only because of our investment rule. The OBR says today that this investment will drive growth across our country in the next five years and, in the longer term, increase GDP by up to 1.4%. It will crowd in private investment, meaning more jobs and more opportunities in every corner of the UK. That is the choice that I have made: to invest in our country and to grow our economy.

    Today, I am setting out two final areas in which investment is so badly needed to repair the fabric of our nation. My hon. Friend the Member for Lewisham West and East Dulwich (Ellie Reeves) and I joined the Labour party because of the condition of our schools in the 1980s and 1990s under Conservative Governments. When we were at secondary school, my sixth form was a couple of prefab huts in the playground. My school, like so many others, was rebuilt by the last Labour Government, but after 14 years of Tory government, progress has gone backwards: school roofs are crumbling and millions of children are facing the same backdrop as I did. I will be the Chancellor who changes that.

    Today, I am providing £6.7 billion of capital investment to the Department for Education next year—a 19% real-terms increase on this year. That includes £1.4 billion to rebuild over 500 schools in the greatest need, including St Helen’s primary school in Hartlepool, Mercia academy in Derby and so many more across our country. We will provide £2.1 billion more to improve school maintenance—£300 million more than this year—ensuring that all our children can learn somewhere safe. That will include dealing with reinforced autoclaved aerated concrete-affected schools in the constituencies of my hon. Friends the Members for Watford (Matt Turmaine), for Stourbridge (Cat Eccles) and for Hyndburn (Sarah Smith) and beyond, alongside investment in new teachers and funding for thousands of new breakfast clubs. This Government are giving our children and young people the opportunities that they deserve.

    I come to our most cherished public service of all: our NHS. My right hon. Friend the Health Secretary is beginning to repair the damage of the last 14 years. In our first week in office, he commissioned an independent report into the state of our health service by Lord Darzi. Its conclusions were damning. While our NHS staff do a remarkable job, and we thank them for it, it is clear that in so many areas we are moving in the wrong direction. A hundred thousand infants waited over six hours in A&E last year. Three hundred and fifty thousand people are waiting a year for mental health support. Cancer deaths here are higher than in other countries. It is simply unforgiveable.

    In the spring, we will publish a 10-year plan for the NHS to deliver a shift from hospital to community, from analogue to digital and from sickness to prevention. Today, we are announcing a down payment on that plan to enable the NHS to deliver 2% productivity growth next year. These reforms are vital, but we should be honest: the state of the NHS that we inherited after—I quote Lord Darzi—

    “the most austere decade since the NHS was founded”

    means that reform must come alongside investment. So today, because of the difficult decisions that I have taken on tax, welfare and spending, I can announce that I am providing a £22.6 billion increase in the day-to-day health budget and a £3.1 billion increase in the capital budget over this year and next. This is the largest real-terms growth in day-to-day NHS spending outside of covid since 2010.

    Let me set out what this funding is delivering. Many NHS buildings have been left in a state of disrepair, so we will provide £1 billion of health capital investment next year to address the backlog of repairs and upgrades across our NHS. To increase capacity for tens of thousands more procedures next year, we will provide a further £1.5 billion for new beds in hospitals across our country, new capacity for over a million additional diagnostic tests, and new surgical hubs and diagnostic centres so that people waiting for their treatment can get it as quickly as possible.

    My right hon. Friend the Health Secretary will be setting out further details of his review into the new hospital programme in the coming weeks and publishing in the new year, but I can tell the House today that work will continue at pace to deliver those seven hospitals affected by the RAAC crisis, including West Suffolk hospital in Bury St Edmunds and Leighton hospital in Crewe. And finally, because of this record injection of funding, the thousands of additional beds that we have secured and the reforms that we are delivering in our NHS, we can now begin to bring waiting lists down more quickly and move towards our target for waiting times to be no longer than 18 weeks by delivering on our manifesto commitment for 40,000 extra hospital appointments a week. That is the difference that this Labour Government are making.

    The choices I have made today are the right choices for our country—to restore stability to our public finances, to protect working people, to fix our NHS and to rebuild Britain. That does not mean these choices are easy, but they are responsible. If the Conservatives disagree with the choices that I have made, they must answer: what choices would they make? Would they again choose the path of irresponsibility—the path taken by Liz Truss—and ignore the problems in our public finances all together? If that is their choice, they should say so. But let me be clear: if they disagree with my choices on tax, they would not be able to protect working people. If they disagree with our plans to fund public services, they would have to cut schools and hospitals. If they disagree with our investment rule, they would have to delay or cancel thousands of projects that drive growth across our country.

    This is a moment of fundamental choice for Britain. I have made my choices—the responsible choices—to restore stability to our country and to protect working people. More teachers in our schools, more appointments in our NHS, more homes being built, fixing the foundations of our economy, investing in our future, delivering change and rebuilding Britain. We on the Government Benches commend those choices, and I commend this statement to the House.

    Provisional Collection of Taxes

    Motion made, and Question put forthwith (Standing Order No. 51(2)),

    That, pursuant to section 5 of the Provisional Collection of Taxes Act 1968, provisional statutory effect shall be given to the following motions:—

    (a) Value added tax (private school fees) (motion no. 34);

    (b) Stamp duty land tax (additional dwellings: purchases before 1 April 2025) (motion no. 35);

    (c) Stamp duty land tax (purchases by companies) (motion no. 37);

    (d) Rates of tobacco products duty (motion no. 46).—(Rachel Reeves.)

  • Rachel Reeves – 2024 Speech at Labour Party Conference

    Rachel Reeves – 2024 Speech at Labour Party Conference

    The speech made by Rachel Reeves, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 23 September 2024.

    Conference, thank you.

    This time last year, I stood on this stage and I made a commitment.

    I promised that we would get Britain building again.

    Repair our NHS.

    And power growth in every part of Britain.

    Today, after fourteen wasted years, I stand here as your Chancellor of the Exchequer, ready to deliver on that commitment.

    At this conference, we welcome more than 200 new Labour MPs – members of the most diverse Parliament in our country’s history.

    Labour winning for the very first time, in sears like South-East Cornwall, the Isle of Wight, Aldershot, Banbury and Basingstoke; in Hexham, Altrincham, and the Ribble Valley.

    And Labour is back, in the service of communities that we never should have lost.

    In our port, coal, steel and mill towns. From Bolsover, Bassetlaw and Grimsby to Hartlepool, Rother Valley, Newton Aycliffe, and Bridgend.

    And Conference, in Edinburgh, in Glasgow, across the central belt and out in the Western Isles, Labour is back in Scotland too.

    So let me pay tribute to the people in this hall who made that difference.

    Those who stayed and fought through the hard years.

    Those who came back to our party under Keir’s leadership.

    And those who joined us for the first time.

    You helped change our party and you gave us this priceless chance to change our country for the better.

    To all of you – a huge thank you.

    In this hall one year ago, I stated my intention.

    That the next time I addressed you, I would do so as the first female Chancellor of the Exchequer.

    Today, Conference, you can consider that a promise fulfilled.

    Eight hundred years of the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer has existed.

    Every one, a man.

    On the fifth of July this year, we made history.

    Every woman watching this will know no matter how high you climb, how hard you work, how qualified you are, there will always be moments when you are reminded some people still do not believe a woman can get the job done.

    But millions of women in our party, in our trade unions and in every walk of life, beat back those doubts.

    I’m here today because I worked hard, yes.

    But most of all, I’m here because of the efforts of those who went before me.

    Trailblazing women like Jennie Lee, Barbara Castle, and our friend, our inspiration, Harriet Harman.

    And I’m here because of thousands of women, many of you in the hall today, who broke down barriers and defeated low expectations to pave the way for the rest of us.

    I am a Labour Chancellor because of that collective endeavour.

    I am the first woman Chancellor because of that collective endeavour.

    And that collective endeavour does not stop here.

    It falls to me, and to our generation of Labour women, to follow in the footsteps of those who went before us. To write the work of all women back into our economic story. To show to our daughters and our granddaughters that they need place no ceiling on their ambitions.

    That is the Britain we’re building.

    That is the Britain that I believe in.

    But Conference, why is it that the British people put their trust in us for the first time in five general elections?

    It is because, thanks to Keir’s leadership, we left no stone unturned to show that Labour is the party of economic responsibility and the party of working people.

    We were elected because, for the first time in almost two decades, people looked at us – looked at me – and decided that Labour could be trusted with their money.

    That is more than a political choice, or a single line in any manifesto.

    It is about our values.

    Because we saw what happened two years ago what happens when governments play fast and loose with the public finances: when the prices of food, energy and housing soar, it is working people with mortgages, rent and bills to pay who suffer the consequences.

    I will not take that risk.

    I will repay the trust that people put in us.

    Trust is hard earned – and is easily squandered.

    Just ask the Conservatives.

    They paid the price for their incompetence, their dishonesty, their rule breaking.

    We’ve had years of division and decline that left working people worse off, not just in the heaviest defeat in their party’s history, but the heaviest defeat for any governing party in British history.

    And Conference I can tell you – today I am so proud that our women’s Parliamentary Labour Party is bigger than the entire Conservative parliamentary party.

    And so, where will the Conservative Party go next?

    What a clash of the titans their leadership contest has become.

    The former Home Secretary who called the Rwanda scheme “batshit” and, of course, is now pledging to bring it back.

    The former Immigration Minister, who found himself too right-wing to work with Suella Braverman.

    The “moderate” candidate, the former Security Minister, who says he “acts on his principles” – previously demonstrated by backing Liz Truss to be Prime Minister.

    And then there’s the former Business Secretary who claims she “became working class” at the age of sixteen.

    But Conference, the Tories’ failure was not just because they were incompetent or deluded.

    Not just because they put party before country – though, of course, both of those are true.

    It is because they do not understand the world as it is today.

    They do not understand the premium on economic stability, in an uncertain world.

    They do not understand that, in our new age of insecurity, government cannot just get out of the way and leave markets to their own devices.

    Instead, the Tories cling to the discredited trickle-down and trickle-out dogma that a strong economy can be built through the contribution of just a few people, a few parts of the country, or a few industries.

    Their ideas choked off investment, opened wide gaps between different parts of the country, and it suffocated growth and living standards.

    We will not make those mistakes.

    Yet, when their ideas were found wanting, what did they do? They doubled down.

    Never forget what the Conservatives did: two years ago today, in their clamour to cut taxes for the richest, they crashed the economy, sent mortgages spiraling, and put pensions in peril.

    You will hear many things at their conference next week.

    But you won’t hear an apology.

    No apology for the cost of your mortgage.

    No apology for crumbling classrooms and rising waiting lists.

    No apology for mismanaging our public finances, degrading our institutions, and crashing our global standing.

    They do not care.

    And they have learned nothing.

    So be in no doubt, given the chance, they will try and do it all over again.

    Only we, only the Labour Party, can stop them.

    So we must have no complacency.

    A relentless focus on the priorities of the British people.

    And iron discipline.

    We cannot give them that chance.

    So let’s resolve together today that we will not give them that chance.

    Now, I know that you are impatient for change. I am too.

    But Conference, because of that legacy left by the Conservatives, the road ahead is steeper and harder than we expected.

    You don’t need to take my word for it.

    Figures released only on Friday showed another month of record borrowing.

    Debt at one hundred percent of GDP.

    That is the inheritance that they left, in black and white.

    In my first weeks at the Treasury, the true extent of the Tories’ irresponsibility was revealed to me: £22 billion of spending plans, this year, that the previous government did not disclose.

    Which they had no plan to pay for and which they had covered up from Parliament and from the British people.

    Departments had been allocated money which they were spending, but which did not exist.

    The money was not there.

    A £22 billion black hole – which, if not tackled now, will pose risks for years to come.

    That included more than £6 billion overspend on the asylum system – including their failed Rwanda policy.

    Almost £3 billion on rail projects.

    The nation’s reserve – intended for genuine emergencies – set to be spent three times over only three months into the financial year.

    They were reckless.

    They were irresponsible.

    And they acted in that way, not because they believed it was right for our country – but because they believed it might rescue their party from defeat.

    They promised solutions that they knew could never be paid for.

    Roads that would never be built.

    Public transport that would never arrive.

    And hospitals that would never treat a single patient.

    They showed no regard for ordinary, working people.

    And they did not care about the consequences.

    It was made clear to me that failure to act swiftly could undermine the UK’s fiscal position – with implications for public debt, mortgages and prices.

    And so, I took action to make the in-year savings necessary.

    We are reviewing plans for new hospitals, promised by the Conservatives, but which they did not budget for.

    We cancelled road and rail projects, promised by the Conservatives, but which they did not budget for.

    And I made the choice to means test the winter fuel payment, so that it is only targetted at those most in need.

    I know that not everyone – in this hall, or in the country – will agree with every decision I make.

    But I will not duck those decisions. Not for political expediency. Not for personal advantage.

    Faced with that £22 billion black hole that the Conservatives left this year and with the triple lock ensuring that the state pension will rise by an estimated £1,700 over the course of this Parliament, I judged it the right decision in the circumstances we inherited.

    I did not take those decisions lightly.

    I will never take the responsibilities of this office lightly.

    And I will never take lightly the trust of voters who have been burned too often by politicians who put ideology, party and self-interest over the interests of the British people.

    And so, we must deal with another Tory legacy.

    Conference, I know how hard people work for their money.

    Taxpayers’ money should be spent with the same care with which working people spend their own money.

    And so, one year ago, I promised you that this Labour government would wage a war on Tory waste.

    It has begun.

    I pledged that we would aim to halve government consultancy spend – and we have already announced savings this year.

    I pledged that we would cut down on the excesses of Tory ministers’ private air travel – and we have already cancelled the £40m contract for Rishi Sunak’s VIP helicopter.

    And I pledged that we would act on the carnival of waste and fraud that took place during the COVID pandemic.

    Billions of pounds of public money handed out to friends and donors of the Conservative Party.

    Billions more defrauded from the taxpayer.

    More than a billion pounds spent on PPE that either did not arrive or was not fit for purpose.

    All under the cover of the greatest crisis of my lifetime.

    On entering government, we found £674 million of contracts in dispute, where we inherited a recommendation from the previous government that any attempt to reclaim that money should be abandoned.

    The Tories simply did not care.

    But Labour will not stand for it.

    I will not stand for it.

    So: as I promised, we are appointing a Covid Corruption Commissioner.

    It could not be more urgent.

    And I have put a block on any contract being abandoned or waived until it has been independently assessed by that Commissioner.

    I won’t turn a blind eye to rip-off artists and fraudsters.

    I won’t turn a blind eye to those who used a national emergency to line their own pockets.

    I won’t let them get away with it.

    That money belongs in our police, it belongs in our health service, and it belongs in our schools.

    And Conference, we want that money back.

    Next month, I will deliver the first budget of this Labour government.

    The first Labour budget in fourteen years.

    And because I know how much damage has been done in those fourteen years, let me say one thing straight up: there will be no return to austerity.

    Conservative austerity was a destructive choice for our public services – and for investment and growth too.

    Yes, we must deal with the Tory legacy – and that means tough decisions.

    But I won’t let that dim our ambition for Britain.

    So, it will be a budget with real ambition.

    A budget to fix the foundations.

    A budget to deliver the change that we promised.

    A budget to rebuild Britain.

    And my budget will keep our manifesto commitments.

    Every choice we make will be within a framework of economic and fiscal stability.  You’d expect nothing less.

    We said we would not increase taxes on working people, which is why we will not increase the basic, higher or additional rates of income tax, national insurance, or VAT.

    And we will cap corporation tax at its current level for the duration of this Parliament.

    Conference, as promised, we will extend the Energy and Profits Levy on oil and gas producers to invest in homegrown energy here in Britain.

    We will end the non-dom tax loopholes.

    And we will crack down on tax avoidance and tax evasion.

    That is the difference that a Labour government will make.

    We are already delivering on that last promise to cut down on tax avoidance and tax evasion.

    Strengthening the powers of HMRC, under the leadership of the Exchequer Secretary James Murray and recruiting 5,000 new tax compliance officers.

    Because this government will not sit back and indulge the minority who avoid paying the taxes that they owe.

    And Conference, we will enact another manifesto commitment.

    Because I know every parent has aspiration for their children. And I know the strain that our state schools have been under.

    This government will introduce VAT on private school fees, to invest in our state schools.

    It is the fair choice, the responsible choice, the Labour choice, to support the 94 percent of children in state schools.

    That is the Britain we’re building.

    That is the Britain that I believe in.

    This budget will be a budget for economic growth.

    It will be a budget for investment.

    Because today we find ourselves at the very bottom of the G7 league table for economy-wide investment as a share of our GDP.

    And we must change that.

    Conference, I believe in a better Britain.

    A Britain of opportunity, fairness, and enterprise.

    I know that country has sometimes felt far off in recent years.

    As our growth, our productivity and family finances fall behind.

    But it doesn’t have to be that way.

    The British capacity for inventiveness, enterprise and old-fashioned hard work has not gone away.

    So believe me when I say – my optimism for Britain burns brighter than ever.

    My ambition knows no limits.

    Because I can see the prize on offer, if we make the right choices now.

    Stability is the crucial foundation on which all our ambitions will be built.

    The essential precondition for business to invest with confidence and for families to plan for the future.

    The Liz Truss experiment showed us that any plan for growth without stability leads to ruin.

    So we will make the choices necessary to secure our public finances and fix the foundations for lasting growth.

    Stability, paired with reform, will forge the conditions for businesses to invest and for consumers to spend with confidence.

    Growth is the challenge.

    And investment is the solution.

    Investment in new industries, new technologies, and new infrastructure.

    Let me put what we are doing into some perspective.

    If the UK economy had grown at just the average rate of other OECD economies under the Tories, our economy would be £140 billion larger today.

    That would have provided an extra £58 billion to invest in our public services without raising a single tax rate by a single penny.

    Revenue to invest in our schools, our hospitals, our police, and all our public services.

    And that’s not the limit of my ambitions.

    Because, with growth, we will create jobs that pay enough to raise a family on – for you and your children.

    Put real money in the pockets of working people.

    And wealth in all of our communities, that flows into vibrant high streets.

    This is how we’ll make Britain the best place to start and grow a business – whatever background you come from, wherever you grew up.

    Things built to last, and exported around the world are made here in Britain.

    This is how we’ll achieve what we promised – the five missions that will comprise a decade of national renewal.

    That is the Britain we’re building.

    That is the Britain that I believe in.

    During the election campaign, I visited businesses all over Britain.

    From historic brands seizing the opportunities of the future, to innovative start-ups at the cutting edge, to high street businesses breathing new life into their local communities.

    Our world-leading universities, creative industries, life sciences, tech companies and professional services.

    I see immense potential, everywhere I go.

    But for every success story, there is potential held back.

    Entrepreneurs struggling to access finance.

    High street businesses punished by our outdated system of business rates.

    Builders frustrated by a planning system which hands power to the blockers.

    Exporters tied up in red tape by a failed Brexit deal.

    Too many people out of work through chronic illness, waiting for treatment, or without the skills, training and security they need to fulfil their potential.

    And a welfare state that does not always incentivise work.

    Brilliant young people shut out of the opportunities they deserve.

    And whole industries held back by underinvestment or the lack of a real strategy for their future.

    So we must learn the lesson from the Tories’ failure.

    We must build for growth, in a changed world.

    In this age of insecurity, growth requires stability but not stability alone.

    It requires active government.

    And it requires the contribution of people in every part of Britain, not just a few.

    Where there are vested interests, outdated practices or institutional barriers obstructing productive investment – we will confront them head on.

    Where active government is called for, this government will act.

    And Conference, it is time that the Treasury moved on from just counting the costs of investments, to recognising the benefits too.

    So we are calling time on the ideas of the past.

    Calling time on the days when government stood back, left crucial sectors to fend for themselves, and turned a blind eye to where things are made and who makes them.

    The era of trickle-down, trickle-out economics is over.

    And so, I can announce that next month, alongside the Business Secretary Jonathan Reynolds, we will publish our plans for a new industrial strategy for Britain.

    A strategy for driving and shaping long-term growth in our manufacturing and service sectors.

    A strategy to unlock investment, create jobs and deliver prosperity.

    A strategy to help break down barriers to regional growth, speed ahead to net zero and clean power by 2030, and build prosperity on strong and secure foundations.

    Because when I said that this Labour Party is proudly pro-business and proudly pro-worker – I meant it.

    This mission – for investment, for growth, for jobs – is why in a few weeks’ time, this government will be hosting a major international investment summit bringing together hundreds of business leaders, to send a simple message.

    That after years of instability and uncertainty, Britain is open for business once again.

    And this mission is why we will reform our pensions system; overhaul business rates; give power to our mayors and regional leaders; deliver a plan to get waiting lists down and people back to work; and forge a closer relationship with our neighbours in the European Union, while pursuing trade deals to open up new markets too.

    It’s why we launched a new National Wealth Fund, to invest in new and growing industries right across Britain.

    And it is why Angela Rayner and I have wasted no time in ripping out the blockages in our planning system so we can get Britain building again.

    You know, within 72 hours of taking office, we did more to unblock the planning system than the Conservatives did in fourteen years – including an end to the senseless Tory ban on onshore wind.

    And conference, we won’t stop there.

    Onshore wind to bring down your energy bills.

    New data centres, for good jobs in the industries of the future.

    And housing – for the decent home that every family deserves.

    That is the Britain we’re building.

    That is the Britain that I believe in.

    If you want to start or grow a business.

    If you want to export overseas.

    If you want to build in Britain but fear local opposition and delay.

    If you have felt the quiet desperation of jobs, opportunity and investment slipping away.

    Then be assured: your ambitions, your hopes, your future will not be held back any longer.

    I have promised this hall before that what you will see, in your town, in your city, is a sight we have not seen often enough in our country.

    Shovels in the ground.

    Cranes in the sky.

    The sounds and the sights of the future arriving.

    We will make that a reality.

    Jobs in the automotive industry of the future in the industrial heartland of the West Midlands.

    Jobs in life sciences, across the North West.

    Clean technology across South Yorkshire.

    A thriving gaming industry in Dundee.

    And jobs in carbon capture and storage, on Teesside, Humberside, and right here on Merseyside too.

    Wealth created, and wealth shared, in every part of Britain.

    That is the prize.

    That is the Britain we’re building.

    That is the Britain that I believe in.

    And Conference, because growth must be built by the many, its proceeds must be felt by the many too.

    And because of the indignity and insecurity that stems from the broken link between hard work and fair reward, we will deliver on another promise: a new deal for working people.

    With a ban on exploitative zero hour contracts; an end to fire and rehire; and a minimum wage which takes into account the real cost of living.

    So, at last, we will have a genuine living wage in our country.

    For dignity. For security. For growth.

    This Labour government will make work pay.

    That is the Britain we’re building.

    That is the Britain that I believe in.

    Within weeks of entering office, we faced another choice.

    We could accept the independent pay review bodies’ recommendations and give public sector workers their first above inflation pay rise in fourteen years.

    Or we could allow further industrial disruption to wreak havoc on our public services.

    Patients having hospital appointments cancelled.

    Parents unable to send their children to school.

    Key workers – the men and women who kept us safe during the pandemic – forced to pay the price for a crisis that they did not create.

    The Conservatives gave no guidance to the pay review bodies on affordability, nor did they budget for the recommendations they offered.

    And the Conservatives will deny that this was a choice that had to be made at all.

    They will claim that it was a viable strategy to let industrial action continue, to let a crisis in recruitment and retention spiral and let public services deteriorate yet further.

    That was not a choice I was willing to make.

    And it was not a choice that was in the national interest either.

    So, I am proud. I am proud to stand here as the first Chancellor in fourteen years to have delivered a meaningful, real pay rise to millions of public sector workers.

    We made that choice. We made that choice not just because public sector workers needed that pay rise.

    But because it was the right choice for parents, patients and for the British public.

    The right choice for recruitment and retention.

    And it was the right choice for our country.

    If the Conservative Party, if they want a fight about this.

    If they want to argue we should have ignored the independent pay review bodies.

    That public sector workers’ pay should fall further behind the cost of living.

    That ordinary families should pay the price of industrial action.

    If the Conservatives Party want a fight about who can be trusted to make the right choices for our public services and those who use them.

    Then I say bring it on.

    Public services that we can be proud of, once again with a Labour government.

    That is the Britain we’re building.

    And that is the Britain that I believe in.

    Let me tell you where I’m coming from.

    My mum and dad were primary school teachers.

    And I’m really proud of that.

    My mum was a special needs teacher at my school.

    And my dad was a headteacher at another local primary.

    I know how hard my parents worked.

    How dedicated they were.

    The long hours they both put in – my sister Ellie and I playing in my dad’s office while he worked late.

    And they had to do so in the face of a Conservative government that, in its every action, showed it didn’t care about kids in schools like theirs.

    Ordinary, comprehensive schools like the one I went to and the kids I grew up with.

    My mum and dad lived their values and they taught me the value of public service.

    Of hard work.

    Of giving something back to the community.

    I joined this party because of three words spoken in a conference hall in Blackpool twenty eight years ago: education, education, education.

    I joined this party because I believe that strong public services are the backbone of any decent society.

    Because I believe that people should rise and fall on their own merit, not on the circumstances of their birth.

    And because I believe that we do not have to choose between a fair society and a strong economy.

    I don’t want kids to succeed ‘against all odds’.

    I want them to succeed because they deserve it.

    Because the odds aren’t stacked against them.

    That’s the Britain that I want to live in – just like every other parent who wants the best for their kids.

    So I will judge my time in office a success if I know that at the end of it there are working-class kids from ordinary backgrounds who lead richer lives, their horizons expanded, and able to achieve and thrive in Britain today.

    That starts by taking the first steps to delivering on another manifesto commitment: our promise, led by the work of our Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson, to introduce free breakfast clubs in every primary school across England.

    Today I can announce that that will start in hundreds of schools for primary school-aged pupils from this April, ahead of the national rollout.

    An investment in our young people.

    An investment in reducing child poverty.

    An investment in our economy.

    And an investment so that, in years to come, we can proudly say that we left behind a Britain where the next generation has a chance to do better than those who came before it.

    Conference – that is the Britain we’re building.

    That is the Britain that I believe in.

    The work of change is only just beginning.

    And the stakes are high.

    Trust is a fragile thing.

    And we’ve seen the consequences when mainstream politics comes up short.

    It falls to us to show that politics can be a force for positive change.

    Not through words, but through action.

    Through progress towards that Britain of opportunity, fairness and enterprise.

    That is our task.

    That is my task.

    It comes with a great weight of responsibility.

    I embrace it.

    It will mean hard work.

    I am ready for it.

    The British people put their trust in us.

    And we will repay it.

    And when someone asks you – does this government represent me?

    When they ask – whose side are they on?

    You can tell them: when you work hard, Labour will make sure you get your fair reward.

    When barriers obstruct opportunity and investment is constricted, Labour will tear down those barriers.

    When working people have paid the price for the Tory chaos, while waste spirals and tax is avoided, Labour will act.

    And when the national interest demands hard choices, Labour will not duck them.

    We will make fair choices.

    For decent public services and the people who rely on them.

    For investment and opportunity in every part of Britain.

    For an end to the naysaying, the division, the defeatism.

    An end to the low investment that feeds decline.

    And an end to easy answers, the empty promises, and the Tory stagnation.

    Conference, you can tell them that we stand – that we will always stand – with working people.

    We changed our party.

    Let us now change our country.

    This is our moment.

    Our chance to show that politics can make a difference.

    That Britain’s best days lie ahead.

    That our families, our communities, our country need not look on while the future is built somewhere else.

    That we can, and we will, make our own future here.

    A Britain trading, competing, and leading in a changed world.

    A Britain founded on the talent and the effort of working people.

    That is the Britain we’re building.

    That is the Britain I believe in.

    Together, let’s go and build it.

    Thank you.

  • Alison McGovern – 2024 Speech on Britain’s Labour Market

    Alison McGovern – 2024 Speech on Britain’s Labour Market

    The speech made by Alison McGovern, the Minister for Employment, on 18 September 2024.

    INTRODUCTION

    I want to thank everybody at the Institute and all the Commissioners for this important report today. It’s quite long and represents a very serious endeavour and brings evidence from every part of our country.

    And I think it’s such an important contribution to a moment in which I hope, and I will say this morning, we’ll see a page turned from the policy of the past to a new future for the Department that I proudly serve in Government.

    In July, the Secretary of State gave a speech in Barnsley setting out our plans to refocus the Department for Work and Pensions from being the department for welfare to a department of work.

    We’re going to change the Department for Work and Pensions fundamentally. Because if you go around Jobcentres they still have paper listings on the wall as if it’s 1985. Meanwhile, the rest of the economy is galloping to our AI future. Which is why Liz and I want to be clear we are making an employment service fit for the future, not stuck in the past.

    However, updating the Department for Work and Pensions is not just about technology. Today, I want to set out the failure at the heart of past thinking, and where our new policies will be led not just by new opportunities, but by fundamentally different principles.

    UNEMPLOYMENT IS A PROBLEM OF THE ECONOMY, NOT OF THE INDIVIDUAL

    The report published today describes the UK’s employment service as “the least well-used in Europe” – and I would add least well-loved – “often acting as an extension of the benefit system”. The report highlights the need for far-reaching reforms, including a “clearer separation between employment support and social security delivery”.

    And I agree, that point is at the heart of my speech today.

    I want to spell out fundamental flaws in thinking that have held us back.

    For too long, the question of how to increase employment in the UK has been reduced simply to a question of the individuals out of work. The only question has been whether the social security system undermines a person’s will to work.

    Because for too long, that narrow focus has dominated all thinking. We’ve lost sight of the labour market as a whole.

    For far too long in politics, we’ve asked whether this change or that change to social security will result in more people working, instead of looking at the options that people have in the labour market and asking ourselves whether those options and choices are good enough.

    This was always doomed to fail.  To know that, all you need to do is understand our past.

    William Beveridge called it out in 1909. He said: “The first question must be “not what is to be done with the unemployed individual, but why is he thus unemployed”.

    The truth is, for any individual, you can look at the ups and downs of life and describe why they aren’t working: they got sick, they had kids, there was a bus that could get them there but it was cancelled.  But when there are over 7.2 million people like that who are out of work, that is no longer an individual problem – it’s a failure of our whole economy. As Beveridge described it, it’s a problem of industry and a failure of organisation.

    Look at the evidence:

    • We’ve got millions stuck on waiting lists and 2.8 million out of work sick. Is that social security? Or the people in charge of the health service who were supposed to keep our country well?
    • We’ve got almost 1 in 8 of all young people on the scrapheap – is that the fault of social security– or was it the failure to help the lockdown generation?
    • We’ve got too many insecure jobs, with unpredictable working patterns. And that has nothing to do with social security.
    • And the welfare state is not to blame for the lack of buses after 6pm in northern towns. It is ridiculous.

    What people call ‘welfare’ has been the current obsession.

    HOW TO FIX OUR SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM AND DELIVER A THRIVING LABOUR MARKET

    But this was not a trap that the author of our social security system fell into.

    In his 1942 report, Beveridge wrote that his plan assumed “the establishment of comprehensive health and rehabilitation services, and maintenance of employment, that is to say avoidance of mass unemployment as necessary conditions of success in social insurance.”

    Beveridge did not think social security was a cure-all. He knew its success was conditional – that his system would not work without these two other post-war reforms: the goal of full employment, and the goal of a national health service at the disposal of all workers.

    Social security is there to smooth people’s incomes over time and to take account of life events we all have a strong chance of experiencing – old age, the birth of a baby, sickness or redundancy. Run well, it should be a counterweight to poverty and a stabilising force at a time of distress. But only if we acknowledge that tinkering with its edges will never solve the problems of the broader economy.

    Instead, we need to give people the good choices and chances that they need.

    Because markets can be a force for opportunity and prosperity. But we should also mould them, and shape them, and spread power widely within them. A market for labour that has businesses crying out for staff, and a queue at the foodbank door is failing this country.

    You’ll know that the Commissioners join Beveridge in prescribing the UK Government an objective to move towards full employment. And it’s why Liz and I also join the Commissioners – having announced our bold, long-term ambition to get to an 80% employment rate – the kind of clear objective that our hosts here at the Institute for Employment Studies say will help change the fortunes of our country.

    LEARNING FROM HISTORY: ECONOMIC CRISES AND ACTIVE LABOUR MARKET POLICIES

    The central point I want to make today is that’s right and we’ve forgotten our own history on this point. Particularly, the major turning point after the Second World War whereby the issue that caused the collapse of Ramsey McDonald’s second Labour Government – unemployment – was resolved. Post-war, it was accepted that the economy, and the labour market in particular, ought to keep people (men at least) in work and off the streets.

    The generation that experienced dreadful conflict and mass destitution decided they would put an end to it. They created a department for employment to train and rehabilitate people, industry full of apprenticeships, and of course the Employment Exchanges – what we now call Jobcentres – to connect the unemployed with jobs. The Commission’s report, in my opinion, reestablishes this lesson for the 2020s.

    Beveridge was not perfect, but he was definitely a man who made a difference.

    But it is the story of two women on either side of the Atlantic that I think can help us see even more forcefully why we need a rebirth of active labour market policy today.

    On one side of the Atlantic, Frances Perkins – first woman in the US cabinet, creator of the New Deal and author of the plan for prosperity in response to the destitution of the Great Depression.

    On the other side of the Atlantic, four years earlier, Margaret Bondfield. We all know who that is, right? The first woman in the UK Cabinet, dealing with ever rising unemployment and an unsustainable unemployment insurance bill.

    With active labour market policy for Bondfield not yet invented, the Labour Government collapsed and her political career was all but forgotten.

    Now if you read Bondfield’s memos from the time, and you can see her frustration, repeatedly making the case for increasing the national insurance fund to prevent hardship but with no answer to the cause of the problem. And the populists of the 1930s were at the gate, making the most of the economic distress.

    Caught in the middle, she was desperate for the answer that came just a few years later in the United States with Frances Perkins’ creation of the New Deal.

    Why do I tell her story?

    Because unlike Margaret Bondfield we can’t say we don’t know what the answer is because since then we’ve learnt from nearly 80 years of public policy in response to economic failure.

    We’ve learnt from that failure of the 1930s.

    We’ve learnt from the near full employment that came from the post war consensus.

    We’ve learnt from when the consensus broke down in the 1970s and other crises took over. Inflation became the big challenge that economic policy turned to face down – and the cost of that was a return to high unemployment.

    We’ve learnt from industrial collapse, which saw a move away from the mass employment provided by heavy industries like manufacturing and coal mining towards services and finance.

    We learnt what this would mean for towns and cities across Britain. When women joining the workforce concealed an even worse outcome for men.

    And we’ve learnt that this saw regional disparities deepen – in whole parts of the country, economies simply failed – and many are still yet to properly recover.

    Despite attempts to manage this, the number of people out of work due to sickness grew rapidly, with incapacity caseloads broadly doubling to 2.7m by the time we entered the 2000s.

    So we had to learn through the actions of the last Labour government in 1997, that in response to this horrendous situation, there had to be an explicit rebirth of active labour market policy, with the United Kingdom’s very own New Deal.

    A radical series of reforms designed to provide people with active tailored support to help get them back into work as unemployment fell and the economy grew.

    With a big focus on young people.

    The global financial crash in 2008 saw unemployment rise again and the Department for Work and Pensions then, in response, scaled up its active labour market policy operations.

    And as a result, the global crash did not have a long-term impact on the trend rate of employment. That is not to say everything was perfect, but it’s worth learning from.

    And I’ve certainly learnt from what happened in 2010.

    [Please note political content redacted here]

    Active labour market policy was shrunk back to a preoccupation with social security rules.

    And the results of the past 14 years show what’s been happening with our labour market.

    A quarter of working age people are not in work, with 2.8 million people out of the workforce due to long-term health problems.

    Over 4 million people in work and with work-limiting health conditions which may put them at risk of not fulfilling their potential or falling completely out of the labour market.

    And I want to say to you all this morning – now is the time to turn the page on that failure.

    Because just as in 1930, Margaret Bondfield said of the Unemployment Insurance Scheme that it “is being asked to meet situations for which it was never designed.

    The same is true of our social security system today.  We cannot load every economic problem we face onto minor tweaks in the social security rules.

    Which is why, as part of our Get Britain Working White Paper, we are bringing forward fundamental reforms to employment support.

    That includes changing the outcomes against which we measure its success – for example, not focusing alone on getting people into work but on achieving higher engagement with everyone, much higher employment in the short-term, and higher earnings too.

    We will overhaul Jobcentres in this country and we will get people into work long-term.

    We will have a new youth guarantee so not a single person will be left on the scrapheap when they’re young.

    And because Liz and I know the country doing well is no compensation if your town or city is being abandoned, we will make sure – as the Prime Minister says – that those with skin in the game – our mayors and regional leaders –have the levers they need to make change.

    As the Commissioners have laid out in their report, our highly centralised system needs to move towards a model more in line with those used in other high-performing countries – with more control at the local level.

    This big reform will be matched by the action we’re taking across the UK Government to support jobs and growth.

    We’ll soon be introducing legislation into Parliament so people’s work is better paid and more secure.

    Skills England will change the place of learning in this country to give everyone a chance of success.

    And we will create new Local Growth Plans powering towns and cities up and down the country.

    I know change won’t happen overnight, but I am determined to fix the foundations in the Department for Work and Pensions so that more families can benefit from the security, dignity and prosperity of good work.

    CONCLUSION

    The point I’m making here, I know is not a new or innovative one. As I’ve said, it’s the founding principle of our social security system –

    You cannot have well-functioning social security without full employment.

    Beveridge knew that.

    But let me conclude with a few small points that we could help Beveridge understand.

    Because whilst his principle remains the same, the circumstances we make these reforms in are very different.

    So it is for us to apply that principle to the society we have now – more than 80 years later.

    Where the health system – still as vital as ever – must address a very different set of challenges. Not infectious disease, but chronic poor mental health.

    Where women’s role in the workforce makes the need for a proper childcare system as pressing as Beveridge believed the need for a reformed health system was in the 1940s.

    Now Beveridge also didn’t give any evidence that he foresaw the rise of the motor vehicle, which – combined with inadequate investment in public transport – forces those who can’t afford a car to face limits on their ambitions – especially if they live in an area with fewer opportunities and chronically bad transport.

    Changing that will be part of better organisation for our economy and I hope that Beveridge might have thought was a good idea.

    Our desire for an 80% employment rate comes from a serious understanding of our country’s history, and also from facing the reality of the economy today. We have a serious understanding of the challenges and opportunities before us, and who they apply to.

    That is why what is not needed now is a sticking plaster, or a tweak or an amendment, but a change in principle, in policy and in practice. Leading to a better organised economy – and a market that works – spreading opportunity and prosperity to every corner of our country.

    Back in the 1930s, the New Deal provided Americans with a springboard and a safety net. And a recognition that you don’t get one without the other.

    What unites these moments in history that I’ve talked about is an ambitious idea about what can happen if you put a platform under people and see what they could do and what they could achieve.

    The report that the Commissioners have written – published today – I think is very ambitious. But I hope I have made the case, in my remarks, that it ought to be ambitious.

    Because for too long, our economic policy has shrunk the people of this country. Our new economic approach will see people for all they could be and all the opportunities they deserve.

  • Tulip Siddiq – 2024 Speech on the Government’s Vision for the Future of UK Capital Markets

    Tulip Siddiq – 2024 Speech on the Government’s Vision for the Future of UK Capital Markets

    The speech made by Tulip Siddiq, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, at the London Stock Exchange on 6 September 2024.

    Good morning and thanks for the invitation. It’s so lovely to be here today, and it’s one of my first addresses in my new role as City minister.

    And it’s a very deliberate decision that I’ve taken, because growth is the defining mission of this government, which you’ve probably heard us say over and over again. From the top down to the centre out, we recognise the importance of capital markets to delivering this growth mission that we’ve consistently talked about for the last few years. And As the Chancellor herself said – many of you will have heard at Barclays CEO forum recently – “when the City succeeds, Britain succeeds”. Nothing demonstrates that better than our capital markets.

    It’s not just that when our markets do well, our economy does well. Already this year, more than £20 billion worth of equity capital has been raised in London alone, more than three times what has been raised in the next three European exchanges combined – to support businesses to invest, to innovate and to grow.

    And according to a New Financial report from 2020, 90% of large UK companies regularly use capital markets, supporting some 5.5 million jobs. It’s not just large companies which benefit from our markets. Over the last five years combined, more than half of all capital raised in European growth markets was raised in London. And although these facts speak for themselves, I’ll spell out what they say: that UK capital markets will underpin our mission of sustained and meaningful economic growth.

    But I also know that for our capital markets, stability and just the right amount of risk is the formula for economic growth. Whilst too much political change can unbalance that formula by moderating the market’s ability to signal opportunities for profit and risks of loss.

    So let me be clear to everyone who has raised this with me. We will not pursue change for its own sake. The economist Adam Smith once wrote about an invisible hand, a metaphor for the forces that guide decision-making in the market. Well, I want you to be in no doubt – because in the marketplace of ideas, evidence will be the hand that guides our decision making in policy making generally and capital markets policy specifically. You can describe our approach to the existing program of capital markets reform with this timeless saying, which is ‘if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it’. I hope that reassures some of the people who’ve raised this with me about continuity.

    And while reviewing the existing plans for reform to a capital markets there’s three things that I was struck by. Firstly, the proposals are technically rigorous. Secondly, they have the support of our financial services industry and its regulators. But lastly, and this is most importantly, I know they will support our mission of sustained and meaningful economic growth. And so I, and this government, will support them.

    And I’ll begin that support by highlighting some of the most exciting policy initiatives. Some of which Julia and I were discussing when we came in. For example, the FCA’s changes to our listing rules will revolutionise our markets. By making changes to rules on dual-class share structures, related party transactions and introducing a new international secondary listing category, we will directly align our markets with leading international counterparts and provide greater flexibility to firms and founders raising capital.

    The impact of some of these changes are already being felt, and I’m delighted that some firms are already taking advantage of them.

    The government will also continue to collaborate with a number of industry driven initiatives. Working closely with our Industry Technical group led by Andrew Douglas, and building momentum towards faster settlement of securities trades. And I look forward to the final report of the Task Force led by Sir Douglas Flint on improving the current system of share ownership and eliminating the use of paper share certificates.

    And we remain fully committed, as I just said before we came on, to take forward the new Private Intermittent Securities and Capital Exchange System – or PISCES – a world-first bespoke regulated market for private company shares. This will help investors to invest in exciting private companies and support innovative companies to grow – and ultimately to an IPO.

    To my mind, government works best when it’s underpinned by honest and open conversation. And that’s why it’s very important to me to thoroughly examine the feedback from the consultation earlier this year, and to ensure that all of your opinions are properly reflected in our decision-making process.

    And while it’s clear to me that there is huge support for the PISCES project, it is also clear that on the issues of disclosure and market abuse we need to tailor our thinking further. So please be assured that my officials and I will continue working with you. And in that spirit, my officials will be in attendance at the roundtable on PISCES later today, and I’ll ensure that all the conclusions from this roundtable are considered in our final proposal to ensure that PISCES does deliver on its promise.

    But I know that we can go even further to restore competitiveness to our capital markets.

    And of course, a lot of you will be looking forward to the Mansion House speech and the Budget later on, which will set out the plans for our sector in more detail. But I would urge you, if you haven’t already, to look at the report “Financing Growth” – that I published earlier this year – which unapologetically puts really reinvigorating our capital markets at the heart of this government’s growth mission. It’s what we campaigned on, and it’s what we intend to deliver in government.

    They include proposals to encourage the investment of capital freed by Solvency II reforms into UK infrastructure and green industries. To empower the British Business Bank with a more ambitious remit, for example, providing match funding to spin out seed funds. And a landmark review of the UK’s pensions and retirement saving landscape to explicitly consider the role of pension funds in capital and financial markets to boost both their returns and broader economic growth.

    Confirming this review was one of the first announcements made by the Chancellor, and this phase will be led by my colleague Emma Reynolds, who is the Minister for Pensions. She will be speaking here later today. And I encourage you to join this, which is the session on the UK pensions landscape, because Emma will outline the exciting plans that we’ve undertaken as a government.

    So, I do recognise that these proposals are challenging. I’m not naive about it.

    But I am confident looking around this room today and seeing the expertise here, that if we work together, we will be delivering this, because sustained and meaningful economic growth is not just the government’s mission, it’s a mission that we share with everyone in this room.

    So now let’s go out and deliver it.

  • Mohammad Yasin – 2024 Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    Mohammad Yasin – 2024 Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    The speech made by Mohammad Yasin, the Labour MP for Bedford, in the House of Commons on 22 July 2024.

    It is a pleasure to speak in support of the King’s Speech under a Government committed to putting country before party to improve lives in this country. That is what I pledged to the people of Bedford and Kempston, whom I thank for putting their faith in me again to work hard for them and to restore their faith in politics as a force for positive change.

    The last Government reduced our public services to a shadow of their former selves. In 2019 a study jointly funded by Bedford borough council and the NHS found that Bedford borough was 40% under-provided for in the primary care estate, despite a rapid growth in population since 2011. HMP Bedford has been in and out of special measures, so I am pleased that the Government have already taken action to improve the crisis in prisons.

    I am also pleased to see early priority given to strengthening community policing by increase numbers of officers and giving them greater power to deal with the antisocial behaviour that blights our communities. I hope this Government succeed where the last Government failed in implementing a fairer funding formula for Bedfordshire police. Wrongly funded as a rural force, it is one of the lowest-funded forces in the UK despite a £10 million year-on-year increase to £156 million for 2024-25.

    The housing crisis is causing untold misery to many of my constituents, so I am pleased that building houses will be a priority for our Government. It is indefensible that I know of parents who are beginning the summer holidays living in hotel rooms without access even to a fridge or a microwave to prepare food for their children because no suitable social housing properties are available. Even food bank vouchers are not helping when basic staples such as UHT milk cannot be kept fresh once opened.

    More than 15,000 children and 17,000 adults are on waiting lists for mental health treatment in the area covered by the NHS Bedfordshire, Luton and Milton Keynes integrated care board. For years the NHS provider has had the capital funds to bring in desperately needed in-patient mental health facilities, but the previous Government consistently refused to provide the capital expenditure cover so that we could have those facilities in Bedford. I hope the new Government’s plan to get the NHS back on its feet includes an overhaul of how new projects are funded, because the existing capital departmental expenditure limits are not working.

    Many of my constituents will be very happy to see planned legislation to bring rail back into public ownership and to reform bus services and franchises, including by allowing local control and supporting public ownership, but one of the most significant transport issues in my constituency is East West Rail. Bedford is uniquely adversely impacted by the East West Rail project, because the preferred six-track route requires the demolition and blighting of homes. Residents have been in limbo for more than five years in unsellable homes. The proposed planning and infrastructure Bill will speed up planning decisions for major infrastructure and house building and seek to reform compulsory purchase compensation rules to ensure that the compensation paid to landowners is fair. The statutory consultation stage is imminent, and I hope the Government will listen to the concerns expressed by my constituents and will not leave people in limbo while decisions are made without their knowledge, as has happened before. If we want to restore faith in politics, we have to ensure that our communities come with us on plans to affect their lives.

    The Universal Studios plan to build a park near Kempston is exciting, and I look forward to working with the Government to make sure we get this potentially huge investment opportunity for Bedford and Britain over the line.

  • Kirsty Blackman – 2024 Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    Kirsty Blackman – 2024 Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    The speech made by Kirsty Blackman, the SNP MP for Aberdeen North, in the House of Commons on 22 July 2024.

    I congratulate all those who have made their maiden speeches today, particularly the hon. Member for Whitehaven and Workington (Josh MacAlister), who gave an excellent speech. As with many of the maiden speeches, now I really want to visit his constituency. It just sounds like an absolutely amazing place. I particularly congratulate all the new Members who have come from a council background. Being a local councillor sets them up fantastically for coming here. It means they are under no illusions about the hard work that is required to be put in for their constituents and the people who live in their area. Congratulations to all of them.

    I also congratulate the Chancellor on being the first female Chancellor. As the first woman in this place ever to lead on the economy, although I have been followed by a number since, I am incredibly glad to see one on the Government Benches. I hope that, as she said, her tenure lasts significantly longer than those of some of the Chancellors we have seen in recent times.

    Today’s debate is taglined “Economy, welfare and public services”. Apart from the maiden speeches, speeches focusing on anything other than economic growth have been fairly few and far between. I will not for one second deny that economic growth is important, but the whole point of it is what we then do with it. It is about what we do with the extra tax take generated from the growth we have created. There is no point in having growth for growth’s sake. There is no point in having economic growth, and no point in the Conservatives saying how fast the UK is growing compared with other countries in the G7, if the same handful of people are getting richer and richer and the vast majority of our constituents are struggling harder than they ever have before.

    We need to ensure that the economic growth and the increase in the tax take that the Labour party is hoping to deliver involves a benefit for all those who live in these islands and in our constituencies. It is massively disappointing to hear that the five pledges and priorities for the Labour party in government do not have eradicating child poverty at the heart of them. I am really glad the Government are bringing together a discussion taskforce to reduce child poverty, but today they could bring 300,000 children out of poverty and move 700,000 children into less deep poverty simply by scrapping the two-child cap.

    One of my previous colleagues in this place, Alison Thewliss, campaigned incredibly hard on the rape clause—everybody will know of the work she did on that. There are 3,000 women across these islands who are eligible for an exemption from the cap because they have applied under the rape clause. They have had to tell the Government they were raped in order to get an uplift in their benefits. That is horrific, and even if the Government are unwilling to move on the two-child cap they should be doing something about the rape clause and what people are having to prove in order to get the exemption.

    It would be very easy to increase growth, again overnight, by increasing migration. Migration to these islands increases the amount of growth. The economy would immediately have grown if the Prime Minister had gone to the summit with the EU leaders this week and said “Yes, free movement benefits us: it benefits our economy, benefits our society, benefits our young people, benefits our musicians, and benefits so many different groups and individuals. It benefits our culture; it makes this place a better place to live. Therefore we are signing up again to free movement.”

    We need only look at some of the past Budgets, such as a Budget George Osborne gave from the Dispatch Box, when it has said in the Red Book that increasing migration will increase the tax take because of the economic growth it will bring. My constituents and people across Scotland recognise that, and we will always argue for a better migration policy—and if the Government are not willing to do it for all of these islands, we will argue for one tailored specifically to Scotland so that we can make our own decisions that suit the needs of our communities and encourage that economic growth.

  • Josh MacAlister – 2024 Maiden Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    Josh MacAlister – 2024 Maiden Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    The maiden speech made by Josh MacAlister, the Labour MP for Whitehaven and Workington, in the House of Commons on 22 July 2024.

    Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I pay tribute to the fantastic maiden speeches that we have heard from across the House this evening, including that of the hon. Member for Didcot and Wantage (Olly Glover); I am sure that the whole House is reassured to know that he is not an alien.

    The first and only time I entered this Chamber before being sworn in as a Member of Parliament was as a secondary school citizenship teacher, bringing dozens of teenagers here to see their Parliament. On that occasion, I was required to use my teacher voice a number of times, but that is not something I plan to make a habit of in this House.

    I begin by putting on record my thanks to my predecessor for the now abolished Copeland constituency, Trudy Harrison. We may disagree on matters of policy, but she has been unfailingly gracious to me and generous with her time, demonstrating the “country before party” approach that we can all learn so much from.

    I may be new to this House, but I am not new to pushing Governments to get things done, as Opposition Members will know only too well, and I have worked with a number of Education Secretaries over the years. I founded and led a national charity to get more people into fulfilling careers on the frontline of children’s social work to ensure that every vulnerable child has a champion fighting their corner. From that, I was asked by the last Government to chair a landmark independent review of the children’s social care system. That review found that the disadvantage faced by the care-experienced community in our country should be the civil rights issue of our time. Evidence of that disadvantage is found in worse education outcomes, worse health outcomes and shorter lives, but that disadvantage is fuelled by something that politicians often find too hard to discuss, and that MPs certainly find too hard to mention in this Chamber: the absence of love. I believe every child has the right to be loved, and we have the ability to build a care system that can provide that for them. I hope this Parliament will take up the challenge of addressing this moral outrage. The problem is huge, but the solutions are known, and with enough will, tens of thousands of lives can be transformed.

    It is a great honour and privilege to stand here as the first Member of Parliament for the new Whitehaven and Workington constituency. Whether it is the people of Whitehaven or the good people of Workington who are the jam eaters continues to be a source of fierce debate. Of course, I will remain neutral on that question, as I will on all rugby league-related matters.

    Nowhere is more blessed than my constituency, home to the highest peak and the deepest lake in England, with miles of beautiful coastline and the stunning western part of the Lake district, which has inspired millions. Let me here pay special tribute to our amazing mountain rescue volunteers, our Royal National Lifeboat Institution volunteers—just this week, it will be celebrating its 200th anniversary—and all those who give up their time to volunteer in search and rescue services. I have an interest to declare as a serving mountain rescue volunteer, and I will champion volunteer search and rescue services at every opportunity.

    Behind the doors of the towns and villages across my constituency, you will find the warmest and friendliest marras in the country, people forged by the drama and confidence of the surrounding landscape and people with humility, respect and determination at their core. These are people such as Gary McKee, who ran a marathon every day for a year to raise over £1 million for cancer support; those in the growing network of Andy’s man clubs in our community, tackling the crisis of male suicide that my area faces; and community leaders, such as Rachel Holliday of Calderwood House, giving people a route out of homelessness.

    Our area has also forged those who were not born West Cumbrian, but who made our corner of the world their home, including pioneers and entrepreneurs such as Frank Schon, later Baron Schon of Whitehaven. Frank was an Austrian refugee who fled the Nazis, was bombed out of London and was taken in by a kind Cumbrian farmer. He went on to set up and lead a global chemicals company based in Whitehaven, before later chairing Harold Wilson’s development corporation and going on to serve in the other place. Today, my community is home to dozens of Ukrainian families that could well have the next Frank Schon in them. I hope we can offer those who wish to stay a permanent home here in this country.

    Lord Schon is one famous example, but there are thousands of men and women like him—from Whitehaven to Workington, Gosforth to Egremont, Cleator Moor to Seascale and Flimby to Seaton in the north of the constituency—pioneers, entrepreneurs and grafters who have helped west Cumbria to lead the world. It is because of this graft that my constituency is home to the UK New Balance trainer factory—I am not wearing them right now—and the Iggesund paper mill, which has been experimenting with leading carbon capture technology. It is home to Forth Engineering and React Engineering, and hundreds of other businesses represented by Britain’s Energy Coast Business Cluster, from the coal and iron mines to the steelworks.

    Of course, there is the world’s first civil nuclear power station at the site now famously known as Sellafield, home to a world-leading decommissioning mission, which is stimulating innovation in robotics and AI. We led the world, and we can again. We have the people, the will, the determination and now, thankfully, the Government to do it. Our nuclear heritage and our skilled workforce mean we have what it takes to be the ideal location for the next generation of nuclear power. The Government are determined to make the most of new jobs in the energy transition, to reform our broken planning system and to decarbonise the grid, and these three things offer the opportunity for the people of Whitehaven and Workington to fly.

    A Labour Government with a proper industrial strategy and the right targeted investment could completely transform the economic geography of my community. These are decisions that need to be made to create the growth we have promised and to tackle the climate crisis our planet faces. I am determined to play my part to deliver this Labour Government’s mission and to ensure that west Cumbria feels the maximum possible benefit of the change we want to bring about for our country.

  • Olly Glover – 2024 Maiden Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    Olly Glover – 2024 Maiden Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    The maiden speech made by Olly Glover, the Liberal Democrat MP for Didcot and Wantage, in the House of Commons on 22 July 2024.

    Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, for the opportunity to give my maiden speech today. I aspire to match the eloquence of the previous speakers in this debate, including the hon. Member for South Antrim (Robin Swann), who gave the most recent maiden speech; his passion for his constituency is very clear.

    I start by paying tribute to my immediate predecessor, David Johnston. I admire the fact that Mr Johnston entered politics because of his passion for social mobility. I have met constituents who have been personally helped by him, and I aspire to follow his lead. I was pleased that the first email in my parliamentary mailbox came from Lord Ed Vaizey of Didcot, Member for the predecessor seat of Wantage between 2005 and 2019, offering his congratulations. That was a warm and encouraging gesture. I arrive in Parliament following a career on the railway, serving the public, and I hope to apply my knowledge and experience to working with others to advance both rail infrastructure and public services in my seat.

    The name of the new Didcot and Wantage constituency is an improvement on the previous name, Wantage, but remains imperfect. While Wantage and Didcot are the larger towns of the three in the seat, residents from Wallingford are aggrieved by their omission. Mr Deputy Speaker, I can assure you and this House that all three towns will have my attention and care. The same applies to the dozens of villages in the seat; I am fortunate enough to live in one of them, Milton. All our villages have a unique character and set of attractions. Pendon museum in Long Wittenham includes an homage in model railway form to the 1930s Vale of White Horse landscape, and there is also the ancient Uffington white horse and the beautiful chalk streams of the Letcombes. The constituency’s economy is diverse: we have the technology and science centres of Milton Park, Harwell campus and Culham near to farms that have been passed down through generations. Didcot hosts many industrial and business units, and residents benefit from the great western main line for fast commuting to and from London. Organisations such as Didcot TRAIN, the DAMASCUS youth project and Sustainable Wantage illustrate the strong culture of public service and volunteering.

    My constituents rightly have high expectations. During the election campaign, one of them highlighted the lack of biographical detail in a leaflet about me, and asked me whether I was a doctor, a surveyor, a banker, a teacher, or an alien from outer space. Despite my love of the voyages of the crew of the USS Enterprise, Mr Deputy Speaker, I can reassure you and everyone in this House that I am not an alien. Of course, my constituency contains many non-humans, albeit perhaps not aliens. Many a local party volunteer has come to tire of my frequent canvassing of cats as well as humans. On occasion, this has helped my cause: while I was in conversation with one voter, his cat, Matthew, intervened. Matthew took a strong liking to me, with a great deal of leg-rubbing, even sitting on my lap on the pavement. The voter, astonished, told me that Matthew hates nearly everyone, and that his favourable verdict on me would be taken into account.

    Turning to the subject of today’s debate, my constituency shares many of the same challenges as the wider country. Access to GP appointments is often difficult, particularly in Didcot, which continues to yearn for a new GP surgery in Great Western Park. NHS dentistry barely exists, and sewage dumping in our waterways is a great concern, as are proposals for a large reservoir near Steventon and the Hanneys. Many residents desire to walk and cycle more, but need pleasant and safe routes and paths in order to do so, and while the constituency benefits from fast railway connections, the reliability and capacity of the service provided can be somewhat patchy, and we continue to lack a railway station serving Grove and Wantage.

    Perhaps the greatest issue on constituents’ minds is the cost of housing and recent, very substantial increases in the numbers of houses. I commend the Government on their commitment to genuinely affordable housing, but ask them to bear in mind that residents would be more supportive of housing growth were the health, education, and transport facilities needed to support it delivered in parallel. I promise to work tirelessly for my constituents in the pursuit of progress on these issues, and thank them again for the opportunity to serve. It is a genuine honour to be stood here, and I look forward to working with Members from across the House to achieve those aims.

  • Chi Onwurah – 2024 Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    Chi Onwurah – 2024 Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    The speech made by Chi Onwurah, the Labour MP for Newcastle upon Tyne Central and West, in the House of Commons on 22 July 2024.

    I congratulate all the hon. Members who have made their maiden speeches on their passion and their commitment to their constituency, which has come across so well. Age does not wither, nor custom stale the privilege of being in this place, and I too want to thank my constituents, who have returned me to Parliament to represent them all and the wonderful city we call home.

    I spent 14 years on the Opposition Benches, standing up for my constituents against a Government who were bearing down on them. It is absolutely fantastic to speak from the Government Benches in support of a Government who will help and empower them. Some Conservative Members have been painting a rosy picture of our economic inheritance, but the message of working people in Newcastle upon Tyne Central and West was clear and consistent: “We need change.” It is not hard to see why. People are worse off; over a third of children in Newcastle upon Tyne Central and West live in poverty; and over 2,000 households in Newcastle are homeless. Those are just a few of the issues that my constituents face, so please, let us not pretend that we should be grateful to the last Government.

    But everything changed on 4 July. Indeed, as I was buying my fish supper last Friday at one of the excellent fishmongers in Grainger market—locally smoked cod, since you ask—they told me that on 5 July, sales of halibut soared. That is an expensive fish, so they took that as a sign of celebration, but also of optimism, hope, and confidence in a better future. There is nothing fishy there, because the Bills set out in the King’s Speech will give Newcastle our future back. Our destiny will be in our own hands, with the English devolution Bill and the better buses Bill giving local leaders such as our fantastic Mayor Kim McGuinness the powers needed to drive growth and prosperity locally. Our region’s immense potential in the green industries of the future will finally be unlocked through the national wealth fund and Great British Energy; planning reform will take the handbrake off building new homes and spaces for business, making us an even greater city with an economy that provides great jobs and good homes for all Geordies; and by expanding the rights of workers, tenants and minoritised groups, the Government will make sure that work pays and everyone in Newcastle enjoys their fair share of our national prosperity.

    Having worked around the world as an engineer, I have been proud to champion science and innovation in Newcastle and across the UK. I am now privileged to have both of Newcastle’s fantastic universities in our constituency, and our city is looking forward to building a proper industrial strategy once again—one that can boost our universities as drivers of inclusive economic growth. Unlocking private investment through measures such as the national wealth fund and the recently announced pensions review will super-charge spin-outs and start-ups in the north-east, and I believe that sites such as Helix—home to innovative businesses and entrepreneurs in cutting-edge industries—are a tantalising glimpse of the future of Newcastle.

    Technology has the power to make our constituents’ lives so much better, and measures such as planning reform will make that a reality. As an ex-shadow science Minister, I have spoken to Lord Vallance, as he begins his ministerial role, to offer my support, and to make the case for investment in regional research and development. I know that the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology team are already committed to opening up careers in science to everyone, getting money outside the golden triangle and connecting science to industrial strategy, healthcare and economic growth.

    As I have said, this Government inspire hope that has been lacking in Newcastle— that is, apart from on match days. That is why, as the MP for St James’ Park, I welcome the football governance Bill. From Mike Ashley to the Saudi Public Investment Fund takeover, football governance has been a thorn in our side, and Geordies around the world will welcome the safeguarding of our precious football club.

    My constituents sent me to this place because our party promised change.

  • Robin Swann – 2024 Maiden Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    Robin Swann – 2024 Maiden Speech on the Economy, Welfare and Public Services

    The maiden speech made by Robin Swann, the Ulster Unionist Party MP for South Antrim, in the House of Commons on 22 July 2024.

    It is with honour and humility, and a sense of trepidation, that I rise to make my maiden speech. I think of those who have spoken here before and the gravity and seriousness of the issues that have been debated and discussed. I hope that this Parliament is no different in how it discharges its duties, and that we in this intake of new Members live up to those standards. I congratulate the many new Members on their maiden speeches, which have set a high bar.

    Like everyone else in this House, I wish to thank sincerely those who placed their faith and trust in me by electing me. I am indebted to the electorate of South Antrim for the support that I have received from across the entire community—indeed, entire communities—in my election to this place. I also thank the dedicated campaign team who supported me during what was an honourable campaign.

    I pay tribute to my predecessor, Mr Paul Girvan, not just for his tenure as a Member of this House, but for his time as a Member of the Northern Ireland Assembly and as a local councillor. South Antrim has moved between Paul’s party and my Ulster Unionist party on a number of occasions. With that, I carry the privilege and honour of returning the UUP to this place after a seven-year absence, and the charge and responsibility of bringing a moderate and reasoned Unionist voice from Northern Ireland, in my party’s tradition of working positively and constructively with all to achieve the best outcomes for all our people, and of working across this House to strengthen our Union and to deliver a Union for all.

    I turn now to my constituency of South Antrim. I want those here this evening to know what a fantastic part of our country it is. Like so many constituencies, it has a mix of main towns—Ballyclare and Antrim—and a range of what were once small villages but are growing into large villages, such as Toome, Doagh, Crumlin, Randalstown, Templepatrick, Ballynure and many more. Much of the constituency is a large and productive rural area, while part of the expanding urban area of Glengormley is merging with north Belfast in Mossley and Mallusk.

    South Antrim is home to industry, research and cutting-edge business in large and small employers. Indeed, I look forward to working with the Chancellor and her Government in further supporting those businesses through the Bills in the King’s Speech, and especially through the national wealth fund. South Antrim is the base of Belfast international airport, which I believe has a real opportunity if it gets its much-needed rail link and the further expansion of Aldergrove and our Royal Air Force base. That is why I believe that we also need a UK air transportation strategy, which I may raise later in the Adjournment debate—if the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) will take an intervention from me!

    South Antrim’s agricultural sector is another pillar of our community and contributes significantly to our local economy. Our annual Antrim agricultural show celebrates that agricultural heritage by bringing together farmers, producers and visitors from across the country and showcasing the best of rural life and promoting a strong sense of community. It is on this Saturday at Shane’s castle, and I would encourage and welcome anyone who wants to attend.

    Lough Neagh—the largest freshwater lake in the British isles—is another jewel in South Antrim’s crown, but it is currently struggling because of neglect, like many of our waterways. However, the Stormont Executive’s new recovery programme is in place, and I hope that—with national support, given the need for action on our waterways—Lough Neagh will once more be a tourism and recreational attraction for visitors from far and wide.

    A number of issues debated over the past few days will have a direct impact on the people of South Antrim, Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom—none more so than the future and support that the Government will offer our national health service and those who rely on and work in it. The Government have the opportunity to reverse the past years of neglect. Health may be devolved, but that does not mean that we in this place can abdicate all responsibility for our national health service. We have the excellent Antrim area hospital in my constituency, but it needs resource and support to develop its potential. As a former Health Minister of Northern Ireland, I know that we have plans to deliver better services, but change needs recurrent resources, which have been lacking in recent years. I look forward to working with this Government to rebuild our national health service.

    I know that I am speaking to the converted on how great South Antrim is, because I have been overwhelmed by the number of Members from across the House who have approached me to tell me of a relative or friend who lives in my constituency. Indeed, I look forward to representing them and all my South Antrim constituents in this place.