Category: Economy

  • Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech to the British American Chamber of Commerce

    Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech to the British American Chamber of Commerce

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, in New York, the United States, on 22 February 2000.

    I am delighted to have the opportunity to come to New York, and would like to thank the British-American Chamber of Commerce for the opportunity to address such a distinguished audience, and to talk about the new measures we are implementing so that Britain and Europe can face and master the challenges of the global economy.

    Arriving from London to New York reminds me of just how much both of us are stronger because of the shared history that links our countries and the shared values that bind us even more closely together: a commitment to liberty and opportunity; a belief in the work ethic and enterprise open to all; a commitment to being open not protectionist, outward looking not isolationist, demonstrated in our shared commitment that economic expansion through free trade and open markets is key to growth and prosperity.

    I want to share with you today the major reforms we are making in Britain to build the platform for global success in the new century.

    Indeed, I believe we in Britain are now finding a new resolution to take the tough decisions that are needed to create monetary and fiscal stability and to reform our labour, product and capital markets.

    And I want today to outline how we will take forward in the Budget and beyond our mission to make Britain the best competitive environment for business in the world.

    first, by entrenching our new framework for monetary and fiscal stability;

    second, by creating the most pro-competition policy in the world – independent and robust;

    third, matching innovative capital markets with a more favourable tax environment, in which small and medium sized enterprises and new entrepreneurs must have every opportunity to innovate and must be rewarded for the risks they take;

    fourth, making Britain the education capital of the world – as we reform our educational standards and aim for at least 50 per cent of young people undertaking higher education by 2010; and

    fifth, leading in e-commerce. This is an agenda which will touch on every aspect of the economy, including government itself, including schools and universities, and including infrastructure such as 1000 new computer learning centres, and access to the Internet itself.
    Our membership of the European Union is critical to this. We can become the best competitive environment for business not just because of the reforms we are making within Britain, but because with Britain in Europe we are part of, are promoting change in, and can make the most of one of the world’s largest single markets – Europe.

    Stability

    First our resolution to take the tough decisions to achieve monetary and fiscal stability.

    In today’s global economy, a new route to stability has to be found by every national government.

    All of us know that in global markets there is little place for the national fine-tuning of the past which tried to exploit a supposed long-term trade-off between inflation and unemployment.

    But equally in today’s deregulated, liberalized financial markets, national governments can no longer try to deliver stability through the inflexible application of rigid monetary targets.

    Instead, with the uncertainty and unpredictability of ever more rapid financial flows, the answer is to do three things:

    – first to set clear long-term policy objectives:

    in our case price stability through a pre-announced inflation target and sustainable public finances through applying the golden rule that over the economic cycle revenues should cover consumption – in other words a balanced current budget – combined with a prudent approach to public debt.

    – second, to have certain and well-understood procedural rules for monetary and fiscal policy-making:

    in our case a new system of monetary policy-making, at the heart of which is the independence of the Bank of England, a symmetric inflation target, and an open letter system. And an equivalent and equally important set of fiscal procedures legally enshrined in the code for fiscal stability.

    – and, third, by openness, accountability and transparency to keep markets properly informed and to ensure that objectives and institutions are seen to be credible, transparency in policy-making:

    in our case an open system of decision-making in monetary policy through the publication of minutes, a system of voting and full reporting to parliament; and in fiscal policy an open and transparent system under which government allows its actions to be subject to full scrutiny, and ensures that key fiscal assumptions are independently audited.

    On the continent of Europe, where the search for macro-economic stability is being pursued through monetary union, the same lessons are being learnt. And we have:

    a commitment to monetary stability through the creation of an independent European Central Bank;

    and a commitment to fiscal sustain ability through the stability and growth pact of the European Union,

    As I said in my October 1997 statement, on the principle of the euro, we are committed to making an economic assessment of the case for British membership. The decisive test as to whether and when we will enter will be based on the five economic tests:

    first, whether there can be sustainable convergence between Britain and the economies of a single currency;
    second, whether there is sufficient flexibility to cope with economic change;
    third, the effect on investment;
    fourth, the impact on our financial services industry; and
    fifth, whether it is good for employment.

    Last year, we published an outline National Changeover Plan which set out the practical steps needed for the UK to join the euro. We have introduced new legislation for departmental preparations. And across the whole of central government, every department has now prepared its own outline departmental changeover plan. So our strategy, to prepare and then decide, is being pursued. And in the coming weeks, we will publish the next changeover plan.

    Already we are seeing the rewards of creating a British framework for monetary and fiscal stability.

    Over the last year and a half inflation has remained within 0.5 percentage points of the government’s target. Underlying inflation is 2.1 per cent – around its lowest level for over five years. And the long term inflation expectation has fallen to around 2.3 per cent, a figure consistent with the government’s symmetrical inflation target. Short-term interest rates peaked at 7.5 per cent in June 1998, half their early 1990s level. And today long-term interest rates are historically low. The 10 year bond differential with Germany has fallen from 1.7 percentage points in April 1997 to around 0.2 percentage points now.

    And just as we have rediscovered the toughness to pursue monetary stability, so too we have rediscovered as a country a toughness in fiscal policy. Too often in the past we ran undisciplined fiscal policies. We failed to distinguish between cyclical and structural balances. We relied on year to year political judgements rather than long-term transparent rules.

    Now in our new fiscal regime, our two strict fiscal rules are helping to ensure sustainable public finances. Public borrowing has been reduced by 30 billion pounds in our first two years in government- a cumulative fiscal tightening of 3 per cent of GDP – and we will continue to lock in that fiscal tightening by keeping the public finances under control.

    We will not make the old mistake of relaxing our fiscal discipline the moment the economy starts to grow. The same toughness and discipline will continue. It is only by building from a platform of stability and meeting our tough fiscal rules, that we will be able to deliver both stability and steady growth and invest in public services.

    And in the global economy there is now clear evidence, following instabilities over the past two years, that growth is strengthening. But global pressures, including instability in global markets and rising oil prices, demand that policymakers everywhere remain vigilant and act decisively when necessary.

    We – in Britain’s case – will continue to support our monetary authorities in the difficult decisions they have to take to ensure that we remain on track to meet the inflation target and sustain high and stable levels of growth and employment, thus making our contribution to the European and world economy.

    Reforms to create the best competitive environment for businesses in the world

    Just as we are rediscovering a toughness in economic management, so too we are discovering new ways of harnessing our creativity as a people.

    To build a new British economy, we must have more competition, more enterprise, more innovation, and more long-term investment – not least in education.

    I want Britain to be a world leader in enterprise – a Britain in which greater competition at home is recognised to be the key to greater competitiveness abroad and I will set out new measures today for achieving this.

    I want Britain to be the best competitive environment for business in the world. This is a challenge for Britain.

    Over the last 50 years, productivity growth in Britain was just over two and a half per cent a year, compared to between three and a half per cent and four per cent among our main European competitors.

    I believe that when we look at changes in Britain’s relative economic position over the last century, one of the causes is that there has not been enough competition, dynamism and entrepreneurship in many areas of our economy. I want enterprise open to all and our ambition for enterprise shared in every community of our country.

    Too often the old left view was to seek success behind national barriers, in protected economies, and sheltered industries. The result was too little exposure to international competition and too little productivity growth.

    And as a country too often and too complacently and fruitlessly we exhausted our energies in debates about dividing up the national economic cake instead of concentrating on how we invest and grow, how we reach outwards to embrace the benefits of innovation and entrepreneurship on a global scale.

    Now we know that the extent of competition at home is the key to competitiveness abroad. We know that it is the openness of the economy not its closed nature that is the driving force in productivity growth. And we know that it is the global reach of business, not protectionism, that is the key to dynamism and growth.

    If too often we have created barriers to competition in Britain and Europe, now all of us must open up and equip ourselves to face global competition in the future.

    Our commitment to stability, prudence and enterprise can make Britain the best place to invest and grow.

    Already 18,000 foreign investors are working from the UK.

    We benefit from the fact that 5,500 investors have located in Britain from America.

    In total our stock of inward direct investment is £223 billion – a 45 per cent rise since 1997.

    Only in the last few months, from Walmart to Nasdaq, successful American companies have chosen to come to Britain.

    International investment in Britain challenges us to innovate, to be better managers, to perform more competitively on the world stage.

    So we offer a Britain that, far from being hostile to outside investment, is more open to it than ever. It is a Britain, true to its open market and free trade traditions, reaching outwards – looking to encourage the best British companies to be global champions and from Britain to meet the challenges of the new world economy.

    So I say to you today – compete with us and help us compete in the rest of the world.

    And that is why to make Britain the best competitive environment for businesses in the world, we are stepping up our pace of modernisation, making the necessary forward-looking reforms in competition policy, capital markets and their tax regime, labour market flexibility and skills and in extending e-commerce.

    In the Budget we will take further steps to encourage enterprise, competition and global investment.

    So let me set out the measures we are proposing:

    Competition

    First, because the new economy of the next decade will need more competition, we are asking in every area what we can do to enhance competition and opportunity.

    It is time to build on this government’s decision to create a new independent competition authority.

    Our new Competition Act contains new powers to prohibit anti-competitive practices.

    For cartels and anti-competitive behaviour, the Office of Fair Trading will be given new investigative resources and trust-busting weapons, including the power to impose fines of up to 30 per cent of turnover.

    For banking and financial services, the Financial Services Authority will now, for the first time, be required to facilitate competition – with a new scrutiny role for the competition authorities.

    For the professions, the government will examine how best to ensure that the rules of professional bodies do not unnecessarily restrict or distort competition.

    For the regulatory system, the government will consider how to scrutinise regulatory bodies and review existing and proposed regulations to ensure that they are promoting – not impeding – new entrants and competitive forces.

    For the planning system, we are introducing a series of changes in planning guidelines that will, for the first time, facilitate the formation of hi-tech clusters. For the first time the planning system will be required to promote competition.

    For high tech businesses that need key skills, we will reform the rules on work permits and open them up to essential workers in information technologies and to entrepreneurs.

    And for the utilities, the Utility Reform Bill will for the first time explicitly require the regulators to promote competition.

    In sum, Britain open to competition, and at the leading edge of change. And nothing should stand in the way of greater competitiveness in every sector of every industry – no return to the British disease of complacency or clinging to old fashioned attitudes, no protectionism, no misplaced sentimentality towards out-dated restrictive practices. Those who misrepresent the opening up of competition as government interference are missing the point that in a global economy competition at home is the key to competitiveness abroad.

    Matching innovative capital markets with a more favourable tax environment

    We seek not only to create the best environment with stability and competition but the best tax environment for investment. And to improve the rewards from enterprise and wealth creation.

    Let me say what we have done on business tax. We have cut small business tax from 23p to 20p and introduced a new starting rate of tax for small companies of 10p in the pound. Every company making profits of up to 50,000 pounds will benefit. And corporation tax has been cut from 33 to 30 per cent.

    And now we have a capital gains tax regime that is more generous to new investors.

    When we came to office we said we would cut long term capital gains tax to 20 pence after 5 years and to 10 pence after ten years.

    In the forthcoming Budget we intend to go even further to create the most favourable environment for long term capital investment Britain has seen. I said last November, we would cut the long-term rate of capital gains tax from 40 pence to 22 pence after the first three years of investment. And from 40p to 10p after the first five – for an enterprise Britain open to all. Final decisions – following our public consultation – will be announced in the Budget.

    In particular, we want to create the best environment for new businesses, high tech business, and start up businesses in which our government is and will be on the side of the inventor, the innovator and the risk taker and prepared to share the risk.

    In America the venture capital industry is highly developed. In Britain we have concentrated over much on management buy outs.

    I want new encouragement from the venture capital industry for the start up and early stage ventures, where equity will often be more appropriate than bank loans, but where the problem is not so much access to finance but finance on the right terms and where there is as yet insufficient encouragement to invest.

    And there is a case for reviewing support for small business enterprise, to encourage more companies to issue equity.

    New companies will also be able, from this April, to benefit from our new Enterprise Management Incentive Scheme, tailor made for the new hi-tech companies. To recruit top managers for smaller high risk companies, we are offering tax relief for key employees on stock options worth up to 100,000 pounds.

    From all corners of the world I want Britain to be seen as the place to start up, invest, grow and expand.

    Our policy of enterprise open to all seeks a larger number of small businesses.

    A new R&D tax credit will, from this April, mean that nearly a quarter of new investment in small and medium-sized business research and development is under-written even before a penny profit is made.

    We have been learning from the success of corporate venturing in the USA. Corporate venturing has been vital in Silicon Valley and elsewhere – providing small high tech firms with a strong capital base, better skills in marketing and management, and a greater market reach.

    To promote corporate venturing, we are introducing a new tax incentive. To help the large companies sponsor the development of the small, large companies that invest in growing companies for a specified period will receive a tax relief of 20 per cent, underwriting one fifth of their investment. This 100 million pounds incentive can bring Britain additional investment of 500 million pounds every year.

    And we are taking forward not only regional venture capital funds but also a UK high technology fund to help early-stage high-technology businesses – who have historically found it difficult to raise money for development. It will provide finance for investment in existing venture capital funds that specialise in the provision of equity-based finance for early stage high-technology firms.

    The City of London is one of the largest financial centres in the world and this month alone a number of UK high-tech start-ups have found financial backing.

    But we need to do more to build on the strengths of our capital markets. That is why we have encouraged Techmark, a new market within the London Stock Exchange for companies whose success depends on innovation, and we welcome the arrival of Nasdaq in Britain.

    I am planning to host a major UK-US conference later this year which will bring together leading US and UK entrepreneurs and representatives of leading companies and capital providers to look at further ways we can develop a more entrepreneurial and enterprise focussed economy in the UK which can grasp the opportunities new technological developments can offer.

    Labour market flexibility and making Britain the education capital of the world

    Britain needs radical improvements not only in opening up enterprise but also in opening up our labour markets and opportunities and standards in education.

    We recognise that people will have to change jobs more often, that skills are at a premium, that reform was needed in the 1980s to create more flexibility, and that modernisation is continually needed to upgrade our skills and create a more adaptable workforce.

    We are in a period of fast-moving change and restructuring where the best guarantee of increased employment – the route to full employment – is that people are adaptable and prepared to move from old and redundant jobs and take on new ones.

    We all know that in the future the best security that people have will be their skills – the focus of our huge training programme – and with one million vacancies in Britain people should not be afraid of change.

    Our Welfare to Work programme is working and over 60,000 employers in Britain have signed up to participate in the New Deal. In the last two years, youth unemployment has been cut by half under the Welfare to Work programme that demands responsibility as well as gives opportunity.

    For we are determined to achieve another ambition by the end of the next decade – to realise the Prime Minister’s commitment to education – the highest standards in our schools, all young people gaining the highest possible qualifications, with fifty per cent of young people undertaking higher education.

    Today we are pushing through huge educational reform, investing an extra 19 billion pound in education. Introducing early learning; a new focus on literacy and numeracy in primary schools; restructuring teachers’ pay to reward good performance; zero tolerance of failing schools; expansion of further and higher education through an extra 800,000 students by 2002.

    And to encourage the next generation of young entrepreneurs, we aim to double the number of pupils able to benefit from entrepreneurship courses in our schools.

    And with support already pledged from our most successful businessmen and women we will launch a new National Campaign for Enterprise, under which schools and colleges will be directly partnered with local companies.

    Leading in e-commerce

    Today the Internet is revolutionising our access to information – the way we communicate, educate, buy and sell, and entertain ourselves – and from the acquisition and servicing of people to the management of stocks and supplies the Internet is transforming the way we do business.

    We are determined that Britain will lead in the next stage of the Internet revolution. Our target is that within three years we want to become the world’s best environment for electronic commerce.

    This is an agenda that will touch on every aspect of the economy, including government itself, schools, universities, new infrastructure, government and access to the Internet itself.

    Our competition policy is opening up the market to new players and allows existing players to benefit from new opportunities.

    And we are not only offering new incentives to high technology companies to lead the Internet revolution, helping existing companies move faster in going on-line.

    In government, we are restructuring our public services, from taxation to procurement, from health to our legal systems – organising government in new, innovative and more flexible ways.

    In schools, the extra investment this government has made is already giving access to the Internet’s new world of knowledge to pupils in two in every three schools across Britain. By 2002 every school – rural and urban, rich and poor, north and south – all of our schools should be connected to that new world of knowledge.

    But we are doing far more than simply invest in schools and colleges. We are establishing 1000 new information technology learning centres – in schools, colleges, libraries, in Internet cafes and on the high street. And we are introducing measures to widen the use of information technology in homes, schools, business, the community – including new opportunities for people to attend free it introductory learning courses. And making it possible for people to lease computers and software in the new century in the same way local libraries have loaned books in the last century.

    Europe

    But we must recognise that the stage on which we play is a world stage.

    We can become the best competitive environment for business not just because of the reforms we are making, but because we are part of – and are promoting change in – one of the world’s largest single markets – the European Single Market.
    And we are helping Europe look outwards.

    The more we extend the Single Market the better it is for Britain.

    Europe gives us access to a market of 375 million and potentially 100 more million people. It is a little known fact that around three quarters of a million United Kingdom companies – thousands from every region of the UK – have links with the rest of the European Union and half our total trade depends upon the rest of Europe.

    I believe that those who seek to renegotiate the very basis of our membership with Europe, even when they simultaneously protest they do not want to leave, put at risk the stability that is so central to modern business and investment decisions.

    The real risk of endless talk of being “in or out” of Europe – the risk to British business – is if investors start to believe that Britain is semi detached and no longer serious about full engagement in Europe.

    We can say today those anti-Europeans who continually pose Britain against Europe are also refusing to acknowledge the central importance of Europe to the jobs and prosperity of Britain.

    For that reason I believe that government and business must join together in putting the case unequivocally for Britain in Europe – a stronger Britain on the basis of a secure relationship with Europe.

    And as Britain’s businesses have rightly said the challenge today is not to restrict the Single Market or retreat from it, but to extend the Single Market – in areas where it is still incomplete – in energy, utilities, telecoms, financial services.

    Completing the Single Market is in the interests of British businesses and jobs and for all those international and global companies, including many from the USA, for whom Britain is the base from which they compete with Europe.

    That is why Britain is now promoting the reforms that will strengthen the Single market and make it a springboard into the rest of the world.

    It is a fact that the next major European summit, the Portuguese summit, is about economic reform. The aim is to set a new goal – to make the EU the world’s most dynamic and competitive area, based on innovation and knowledge. And Britain is leading Europe with our reform proposals.

    First, on capital and product market reform, we believe the Lisbon council should set specific dates for completion of a fully operation Single Market in telecommunications, energy, aviation and financial services.

    Because international tax evasion is at the heart of the problem we welcome the emphasis that the Presidency has placed on making progress with the second Money Laundering Directive. In this way we can more effectively tackle serious Internet fraud, tax evasion, and corruption.

    Second, right across Europe the push is now on for the same opening up of competition so that consumer prices in the European Single Market are brought down to the levels of the American Single Market.

    Third, on the labour markets, not just special employment programmes to help young and long term unemployed, but tax and benefit reform in order to make work pay. And to improve employability, better education and training.

    Fourth, on the reform of the institutions, we have been urging countries to come together to insist the European budget is brought under control. Britain’s initiative on fraud – to set up an independent fraud office – has now been accepted. Widespread reform of the Commission must now take place.

    A reformed Europe is in the interests of us all wherever we are. It will not only mean more jobs, but more opportunities for companies everywhere to do business in one of the largest marketplaces anywhere.

    Conclusion

    This is an age of great challenges but also great opportunities.

    Churchill said that those who build the present only in the image of the past will miss out entirely on the challenges of the future.

    I believe that our two countries, learning from each other, can meet the great challenges of change. Not by protectionism, but by openness and internationalism. Not by resisting change but by equipping people to cope with change, not by standing still but by radical economic reform that builds from a platform of stability and opens up innovation, competition, enterprise, and opportunity to all. Never standing still, but facing change and mastering it, we can with confidence face the future.

  • Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech on Enterprise and Employment Opportunity for All

    Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech on Enterprise and Employment Opportunity for All

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 29 February 2000.

    It is a pleasure to be here today at Newham College, a college which is doing so much to make a reality of lifelong learning for so many people. And to be here in Green Street.

    Green Street sums up much of what we are aiming to achieve. Asian entrepreneurs have transformed this street from a drab and declining inner city shopping street to what Stephen and Tony tell me is the most successful Asian shopping street in the country.

    I can see the improvements since I was last here six years ago. In partnership with the local council, the environment is being improved and parking problems ironed out. Support for new businesses is being provided in partnership with Newham College here at Barclay Hall. And the result is new jobs for people in Newham.

    Later this morning I will visit the site of the new international exhibition centre in the Royal Docks. Eventually, 14,000 people will work there. I am going to see how a partnership between the developers, the local council and the local community is making sure people from Newham can get access to those jobs ­ both in construction and later this year when the centre opens.

    Unemployment in Newham is today below 10,000 for the first time in 20 years, but there is more to do. We are determined to make sure that everyone who is able to work has the chance to do so. This is what next month’s Budget will be about.

    Modern Budgets are less about how within a sheltered national economy we have an annual dividing up of the national cake, but about how in a harshly competitive global economy we can secure the long-term expansion of the national wealth.

    The Britain that will succeed in the global economy will be the Britain that opens up the opportunity for employment and enterprise to all.

    Our objective is therefore that no one is left out on the margins, no one excluded from the mainstream of economic prosperity.

    And this is the time – when the economy is growing – to bring prosperity to those places and peoples the economy has too often and for too long forgotten.

    This is the time to bring jobs and enterprise to those areas of the country that have not yet fully participated in the economic recovery.

    Now that, under David Blunkett’s leadership at the Department for Education and Employment, employment has grown by over 800,000 since the Election. And now that more people are in work than ever before, with unemployment at its lowest level in the last twenty years, this is indeed the time to concentrate on encouraging the discouraged back to work.

    The problem

    I understand that the story of economic improvement is not a story of improvement for everyone, that there are still too many people left out of the British success. And that while more people are in work than ever before, there are still pockets of high unemployment in every region of the country.

    I know we must and can do better. I know that for our long term success Britain needs an economy that must work not just for some people some of the time, but work for all of the people all of the time.

    And I believe we have an obligation to everyone willing to work and seize opportunity – and to all those left out. That there cannot be real prosperity if thousands are left behind, or real progress if the progress is only open to some. The fact is that Britain is strongest when we all move forward as one, that the best form of economic advance is when all communities advance together.

    So our aim must be to build a working economy in every community of the country.

    That is why we are publishing today our report on vacancies and employment with proposed Budget measures we are considering so that we can achieve, for every community of Britain, employment opportunity for all.

    That is why too, in advance of the Budget, we are launching our enterprise tour round the country – starting today here in Newham – to listen to the voices of people in the regions and communities, to share your hopes, to understand your concerns, to take your advice on the shape of our employment and enterprise initiatives for the years to come.

    The opportunity

    By toughness in pursuing first stability and steady growth, our policies are delivering new opportunities throughout Britain.

    Vacancies are at record levels – around one million vacancies. And whilst the recovery of the late 1980s was largely confined to the south of England, this time, every region in Britain has seen sharply falling unemployment and rising levels of vacancies.

    Indeed, unemployment has fallen fastest, and vacancies have risen fastest, in those regions that were hit the hardest in the 1980s.

    Since 1990 unemployment has fallen by forty per cent in the north west, and a third in the north east. While vacancies in both areas have risen faster than in the south east. And the improvement in opportunities for the unemployed has been greatest in the areas previously hit hardest. In the early 1990s around thirty unemployed chased every single job centre vacancy in the north east, but now it’s under four – the same as the national average.

    Enterprise and jobs for all

    In tackling the employment and enterprise problem in the high unemployment areas, we will not return to the old ways which have failed.

    Neither an old style benefits approach which has ignored the causes of poverty and unemployment – and not invested in education, training, jobs and business development. Nor a bricks and mortar only approach which, with enterprise zones, targeted subsidies for property development at the expense of help for enterprising local people.

    Our initiative is not the old ways of backing simply zones of enterprise and forgetting about the people – it is about backing people of enterprise

    We believe that in the new economy we will succeed in creating an economy with employment opportunity for all when we create an economy with enterprise open to all.

    I want to see not only the work ethic reinvigorated in every community of Britain but a dynamic business culture which encourages enterprise open to all.

    In our inner cities and old industrial areas we need not more benefit offices but more businesses.

    And in our new approach to regeneration which is about building on the potential strengths of local people – an approach that is about encouraging new dynamism, not the old dependency, backing success, not the old subsidies, there are three pillars:

    first, in every area we want to build an enterprise culture not for the few but open to all;

    second, in the high unemployment areas, we want to encourage private investment flows and new businesses;

    third, as we create more job opportunities, we want to tackle all the barriers that people face to getting into work.

    Let me set out our policies in these key areas.

    First, building an enterprise culture open to all

    In the past enterprise was open to some but all too often it was a closed circle which excluded too many.

    In the Britain I want – a Britain where there is opportunity for all, fairness to all, and responsibility accepted by all – we need enterprise open to all.

    How much stronger our economy and our society will be if we see released all the dynamism, creativity and potential of all our people.

    So we are introducing measures to boost enterprise skills from school to adulthood.

    Let me tell you how this and many other areas will benefit:

    • we aim to double to 200,000 the number of pupils benefiting from enterprise courses in our schools;
    • we are improving the national network which introduces schools to businesses and has them working together. We will link all 30,000 schools to the world of business;
    • – and we are trying to ensure pupils and teachers are given the opportunity for work experience and placements. Already six hundred thousand 14 to 16 year olds are benefiting from work experience and thirty thousand teachers are in work placements.
    • And we are now working with business and the world of education to build on this, improving the quality of placements and experience.

    In addition, we are launching this spring a national campaign with the message that enterprise is open to all. Our business leaders – including Alan Sugar and Richard Branson – will run a series of enterprise events in schools and colleges. And I am meeting business leaders next week to help plan a campaign that will include our high unemployment areas.

    New businesses need advice and mentoring. So working with the Princes Trust and others, we are building a national network of mentors to help start businesses in the poorest areas.

    And we are offering new management scholarships – aimed specifically at entrepreneurs from high unemployment areas. From next year, these will give top class business training to our budding entrepreneurs. Three pilot scholarships in London, Manchester and Cornwall are being launched later this year.

    Second, encouraging private investment flows to the high unemployment areas

    Investment in enterprise is the key to delivering jobs and opportunity for all.

    But many enterprises in our least well off communities face special problems in obtaining access to support, advice and finance.

    Through our national strategy for neighbourhood renewal and our regeneration programmes, high unemployment communities will have extra support to allow enterprise to flourish.

    But we need to do more.

    Inner cities and established industrial areas should be seen as new markets with competitive advantages – their strategic locations, their often untapped retail markets, and the potential of their workforce. And so we want to put in place the right incentive structure to stimulate business-led growth in our inner cities and estates and encourage much bigger flows of private investment.

    Let me explain how our new Phoenix Fund will be a catalyst for harnessing the
    enterprise that is present – but often hidden – in our poorest communities:

    • it will fund a new network of 1000 volunteer business mentors, to be up and running by April 2001. These mentors will be people with practical business experience. If you’re just starting out, they’ll help you avoid the basic mistakes that mean so many businesses fail.
    • it will fund the development of more ‘incubators’ – workspace where small businesses get accommodation and practical help from experienced managers. Incubators give new businesses the right environment – space to rent, hands-on advice, and a ready-made network of firms also trying to succeed.
    • we know that there are other gaps in the finance markets for the poorest communities. So new loan funds will help businesses get the finance they need. And help that will be linked to the training and support, that is often as important as the finance.

    I can say today that our new Phoenix Fund will start supporting these new loan funds from the Spring.

    And we will work with the Social Investment Task Force, reporting in the Autumn, to look at the next steps in this agenda.

    This will include considering:

    • tax incentives for investing in community development projects, like incubators, loan funds, and social enterprises;
    • for the long term, constituting a permanent investment fund with a continuing remit to help fund a regular wave of new projects.

    We are also looking at a new venture capital framework. Our new regional venture capital funds will boost investment in early stage venture capital. I want to see more resources in venture capital funds targeted at our high unemployment areas. The new Social Investment Task Force we have just set up will look into this.

    We plan to learn from our experience with these initiatives – and from experience in the US – and to build on what we learn. In particular, we are looking at America’s new private investment companies, which are designed to stimulate major private investment in America’s most distressed areas. And we are interested in developing the potential of our own community finance intermediaries. Monitoring banks’ activities in disadvantaged areas is important also to ensuring that services are available to all.

    In July, Stephen Byers and I will be hosting a UK/US conference with Ambassador Lader. After the conference, we will take teams of US business people round some of our most disadvantaged areas, looking at how they can reach their full potential. I want to see us firms over here investing in British inner cities, in the same way they invest in their own inner cities.

    But if we are to encourage more inner city entrepreneurs, we also need to get better help to unemployed people wanting to start their own business.

    We want to encourage those who start with nothing – and who, in the past, thought they could never reach higher or rise far – and tell them that there is not only a chance to do better, but no limit on their ambitions for themselves and their children.

    So I can say that Tessa Jowell our Employment Minister plans that the New Deal will offer help for long term unemployed to become self-employed and to start a business – for the over-50s, up to 3,000 pounds during the first year in business and in work.

    So our aim is to make the market more likely to work in places where it wouldn’t otherwise work. To build a network of relationships between the high unemployment areas and the private sector.

    Third, tackling the barriers that people face to getting into work

    The challenge is not only to promote enterprise and jobs in the poorest areas, but also to tackle the barriers that people face getting into work.

    Not only to get jobs to people, but to ensure that people can get into the available jobs.

    Today’s Government Report on Jobs has revealed the barriers in the poorest areas – including inadequate matching between employers and jobless people; worries about making the transition from benefits to work; a lack of skills; and racial discrimination.

    And as our report today shows – these barriers are preventing people in the high unemployment areas taking the jobs that exist nearby.

    In almost every case, the areas of highest unemployment sit alongside, and within travelling distance of, areas where vacancies are going unfilled.

    For example in Haringey where the unemployment rate of over 13 per cent is the worst in the country there are over 10,000 unemployed – but across London, with an unemployment rate of 4.5 per cent, there are over 30,000 vacancies unfilled. Knowsley in Liverpool, with an unemployment rate of 12.1 per cent, has over 5,800 unemployed but there are over 10,800 vacancies within travelling distance.

    So we are determined to surmount these obstacles to jobs through policies to bridge the skills gap, to match jobs without workers to the workers without jobs, to make work pay, and to tackle discrimination.

    Let me set out our policies in each area.

    First, to bridge the skills gap, we need to equip the unemployed with all the skills they need for all the jobs that exist.

    The new employment zones which David Blunkett is pioneering are targeted on the areas of highest unemployment.

    Led by the private sector – groups like Reed in Partnership and Pertemps – or by partnerships between the private, voluntary and public sectors, they will provide innovative tailor-made support and advice for the unemployed to get back into work. These could include:

    • providing individually tailored work and training places;
    • innovative ways to help people get work related qualifications;
    • assistance to the unemployed to start their own businesses – including training, grants for equipment and mentoring.

    And they will use new methods of funding, which increase the incentive for providers to get people into jobs.

    Over 60,000 employers in Britain have signed up to participate in the New Deal. In the last two years, long term youth unemployment has been cut by three quarters under the Welfare to Work programme that demands responsibility as well as gives opportunity.

    The New Deal, first introduced for the under-25s, will be extended to all those over- 25 in every part of the country, building on the principles of the New Deal for 18-24s.

    In addition to the self employment option I have mentioned, options will include:

    • the offer of a job with a private sector employer;
    • work based retraining;
    • or college training.

    And there are new choices for lone parents to get new skills, go to college and go to work.

    From now on, lone parents will not only be able to train for jobs while receiving income support, but they will also benefit from college-based childcare places. All lone parents with children above three will receive notice of these new choices.

    Second, we are doing more to match the jobs without workers to the workers without jobs, including:

    • creating an Internet-based jobs and learning bank, putting information about jobs, job seekers, careers and learning opportunities on-line;
    • expanding the network of touch-screen jobpoints in Job Centres and other locations – so that jobseekers can search not only all job vacancies notified to the employment service, but in addition job vacancies carried by private agencies and newspapers;
    • setting up a national network of call-centres – providing a single national telephone number for employers to register vacancies and jobseekers to get information about the jobs on offer. In addition, call-centres will telephone jobseekers to put them in contact with employers who have suitable vacancies; and
    • developing links with the BBC and other potential partners to harness the potential of interactive television to link employers and jobseekers.

    And, as we extend opportunities to those who are out of work, we will extend the responsibility to take up the work on offer. The informal or hidden economy is now draining billions of pounds in fraudulent benefit claims and unpaid taxes.

    This loss of revenues, this incidence of fraud, this waste of resources, cannot be allowed to continue and especially when there are jobs that benefit claimants could take. In the coming weeks, Lord Grabiner QC will recommend his plan of action.

    I say to the unemployed who can work: we will meet our responsibility to ensure there are job opportunities and the chance to learn new skills. You must now meet your responsibility – to earn a wage.

    And in the Budget, working with David Blunkett, I will outline proposals for action teams that will work in high unemployment areas to:

    • identify suitable vacancies within travelling distance of pockets of high unemployment;
    • match these vacancies to long term unemployed people within these areas;
    • tackle any specific barriers which stop people taking these vacancies.

    Over the coming weeks, we will also examine the other barriers to getting into work that people face – including transport costs in areas of high unemployment and the obstacles sometimes caused by a gap between coming off benefits and getting paid for the first time.

    Third, to get more people into jobs and to overcome worries about making the transition from benefits to work, we must ensure that work pays more than benefits.

    When this Government came to power, with no minimum wage in place and the tax and benefits system unreformed, many of those without work faced an unemployment trap, where work paid less than benefits, and the low-paid in work faced a poverty trap which meant that they faced marginal tax and benefit rates of 80, 90 or even over 100 per cent.

    To make work pay we have introduced the national minimum wage. To reward work and encourage job creation we have introduced the new 10p starting rate of tax and cut the basic rate of income tax from April.

    The biggest reform of all – the working families tax credit – means that every working family with someone working full-time is guaranteed a minimum income of 200 pounds a week, more than 10,000 pounds a year.

    As well as making this significant improvement in the rewards from work, the working families tax credit helps to overcome the biggest barrier preventing a return to work for many mothers – lack of access to high-quality, affordable childcare.

    While the childcare disregard in family credit provided no help to parents on the lowest incomes, the new childcare tax credit provides maximum help to lower-paid parents – up to 70 pounds of help for families with one child and up to 105 pounds for families with two or more children in qualifying childcare.

    And for lone parents, the two-week benefit run-on, together with the extended payments scheme for housing benefit, means they could gain 300-400 pound on moving into work.

    Fourth, we are tackling racial discrimination. We will ensure there is no place for discrimination – that opportunity is open to all.

    Under the New Deal for 18-24s, partnerships must ensure equal opportunities for people of ethnic minority backgrounds.

    We are asking the equality commissions, working with employers and other organisations, to put together an effective package of support and advice for businesses.

    And the public sector must take a lead – by implementing the commitments in the Modernising Government White Paper to set targets for fair representation for people of ethnic minority backgrounds and by putting in place the policies to ensure these targets are met.

    Leading in the knowledge economy

    But to meet our ambition of enterprise and employment opportunity for all in today’s global economy – where new information technologies are transforming the way we communicate, educate, buy and sell – we must ensure that the opportunities of the new technologies are open to all.

    You cannot build a knowledge-driven economy without a knowledge-driven society. Unless everyone in it has knowledge of these technologies and access to them, no economy will have the size and sophistication of markets nor the quality of skills base needed to succeed in this digital age.

    So success in the Internet age depends upon an educated economy where the benefits flow not just to some but to all. And we must make sure that the opportunities of new technologies are shared in every community.

    As a nation we could stand aside. We could have a society divided between information haves and information have nots. A society with a wired up superclass and an information underclass. An economy geared to the needs of some parts of Britain but not the whole of Britain.

    Yet the blessings of new technology give us the means to break down the walls of division, and the barriers of isolation.

    By putting the equipment, as well as the opportunity, directly into people’s hands, we can break down the barriers that prevent people realising their potential.

    In schools, the extra investment this Government has made is already giving access to the Internet’s new world of knowledge to pupils in two in every three schools across Britain. By 2002 every school – rural and urban, rich and poor, north and south – all of our schools should be connected to that new world of knowledge.

    But we are doing far more than simply invest in schools and colleges. We are establishing 1000 new information technology learning centres – in schools, colleges, libraries, in Internet cafes and on the high street.

    And we are introducing measures to widen the use of information technology in homes, schools, business, the community – including new opportunities for people to attend free IT introductory learning courses. And making it possible for people to lease computers and software in the new century in the same way local libraries have loaned books in the last century.

    Conclusion

    In the new Britain we want more enterprise, more investment, better education and preparation for the future in every community. I want Britain to be a world leader in enterprise – and the opportunities and benefits of enterprise to be shared by all regions and all people.

    And this is right for business. Business now needs new workers and the workers are right here in the areas left behind. There are new markets here too.

    So this is the time to say to every corporate leader in our country, take a look at investing in our high unemployment areas. They offer business new choices, new recruits, and new markets. It is good for business and for growth.

    I believe we can work together – Government, business leaders, and local communities – to deliver our aim of enterprise and employment opportunity open to all in every region, every town, every community in Britain.

  • Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at the Joint Association of British Insurers and British Venture Capital

    Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at the Joint Association of British Insurers and British Venture Capital

    The speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Financial Secretary to the Treasury, on 29 February 2000.

    Introduction

    Thank you for inviting me to speak, and for organising this conference, on what is an extremely important issue for our economy.

    Let me just first set this in the context of the government’s wider aims.

    My favourite way to explain what this Government is trying to do is that we are building a new Britain which will be modern and decent – fair and enterprising – both of those things at the same time.

    The first economic priority after the election was to achieve a new stability in the UK economy after decades of boom and bust. That has been achieved in a remarkable way, so our focus now is on locking in that hard won stability, and building on it for the future. It gives us the chance to express a new optimism about the future, and so the Chancellor set out at the Pre-Budget Report in November four new ambitions for Britain in the coming decade which encapsulate what we are trying to do:

    • That we should be closing the gap with our competitors on productivity after years of slipping behind;
    • That we should have a higher proportion of the workforce in employment than in the past, and keep it like that. Actually, we already have more people in work than ever in our history, but we want to achieve the highest proportion and on a durable basis;
    • That for the first time over half of our school leavers should go on to study for a degree;
    • That we should halve the number of children living in poverty, on the way to the Prime Minister’s target of eradicating poverty altogether within 20 years.

    The Chancellor this morning, speaking in my area in East London, set out more of his thinking along those lines as he prepares for the budget in three weeks time.

    Institutional investors have a key role to play in making all this happen, providing the finance so that our high-growth businesses can become world-class businesses.

    I want to speak briefly about the key building blocks we are putting in place, building on this new foundation of stability, to create a new culture of enterprise and entrepreneurship; where institutional investors can flourish and contribute – with private equity and in other ways – to the changes we are working to achieve.

    Competition

    The first building block is the most pro-competition policy in the world. Greater competition at home is the key to greater competitiveness abroad. So we are asking in every area what we can do to enhance competition and opportunity. We are building on the decision to create a new independent competition authority with our new Competition Act which contains new powers to prohibit anti-competitive practices.

    For cartels and anti-competitive behaviour, the Office of Fair Trading will be given new investigative resources and trust-busting weapons, including the power to impose fines of up to 30 per cent of turnover.

    For banking and financial services, the Financial Services Authority will now, for the first time, be required to facilitate competition – with a new scrutiny role for the competition authorities.

    For the regulatory system, the government will consider how to scrutinise regulatory bodies and review existing and proposed regulations to ensure that they are promoting – not impeding – new entrants and new investment, and the joint work by BVCA, ABI and NAPF will feed into this process.

    In sum, Britain is open to competition, and at the leading edge of change. And nothing should stand in the way of greater competition in every sector of every industry.

    A more favourable tax environment

    A higher degree of enterprise calls for higher levels of investment and entrepreneurship. So our second building block is the best tax environment for investors in start-ups and high tech businesses, with improved rewards from enterprise and wealth creation. On tax a great deal is being done:

    • On business tax, we have already cut small business tax from 23p to 20p and introduced a new starting rate of tax for small companies of 10p in the pound. Every company making profits of up to 50,000 pounds will benefit.
    • Corporation tax has been cut from 33 to 30 per cent. To encourage and reward new business investment, we have cut the long-term rate of capital gains tax from 40p to 10p. We have proposed a cut in the taper so that those investing for five years will pay only 10p and for three years only 22p. Final decisions – following our public consultation – will be announced in the Budget.
    • A new R&D tax credit will, from this April, also mean that nearly a quarter of new investment in small and medium-sized business research and development is under-written even before a penny profit is made.
    • The Budget will introduce a new tax incentive to promote corporate venturing too. Large companies investing in growing companies for a specified period will receive a tax relief of 20 per cent, underwriting one fifth of their investment. This 100 million pounds incentive can bring Britain additional investment of 500 million pounds every year.
    • We need to encourage those who already have a successful track record to play a key role in building up small high-risk companies. We recognise the significant role stock-options have to play here and we are currently looking at the role of employer NICs charges which we know is causing concern particularly in the entrepreneurial community.
    • We are introducing a new targeted tax cut for people with skills and talent who are prepared to move from safe, secure jobs to risk time, effort and savings to create wealth in a more challenging environment. From next year, a third approved option scheme, the Enterprise Management Incentive, will enable growing enterprises to offer their key employees tax-advantaged options over shares up to £100,000.

    That measure reflects our recognition that nearly a quarter of all UK business failures are thought to be directly attributable to poor management practice. For Britain to succeed in the knowledge driven economy we need to raise our game. We want to take steps to ensure that our smaller firms can recruit and nurture the best talent, rewarding the real risk takers who are creating wealth and jobs.

    Venture Capital

    Turning to private equity and venture capital – the particular interest of this conference – we want new encouragement from the venture capital industry and from institutional investors for investment in start up and early stage ventures. The problem here is not so much access to finance but finance on the right terms.

    We have already the best developed venture capital market in the Europe, and we are the focal point for US investors looking for access to Europe’s growth companies.

    Our venture-backed growth companies are proven job-creators. Between 1993 and 1997, employment in VC-backed companies rose by 24 per cent compared with one per cent for the economy as a whole.

    BVCA’s own survey of the economic impact of venture capital showed that VC-backed companies now account for 2 million jobs in the UK, or 10 per cent of the private sector workforce.

    Venture-backed growth companies are also proven sound investments, as the record of overseas investment demonstrates. The last speaker (Anne Glover) also showed that returns to early-stage investments are increasing.

    In 1998, overseas sources provide three times as much finance for VC-backed companies as UK sources. Overseas pension funds are now the largest single source of funding for our VC-backed firms, and overseas banks are the second largest source. I was in Cambridge a few weeks ago and the venture capital specialists I met there made the point that there was a very high level of interest from elsewhere in Europe in venture investment in start up firms there.

    UK pension funds invest less than one percent of their money in venture capital. In the US, the comparable figure is closer to six per cent. And in 1998, UK insurance companies represented only 3 per cent – £152 million – of money raised by the UK venture capital industry.

    We cannot – neither would we want to – make UK insurance funds invest more, but I would encourage them to look very carefully at all their options and make sure they are alive to the opportunities around.

    Last year, following a speech by the Prime Minister, three leading consulting actuaries and benefits consultants (Bacon and Woodrow, William M Mercer and Watson Wyatt Partners) welcomed the Government’s call for a more enterprising approach to the investment of institutional assets. They considered that the time had come for some institutional investors to put more emphasis on other opportunities, particularly unquoted securities. We will shortly be discussing with the actuaries concerned what the response has been.

    To help institutional investors take the leap to invest in early-stage venture capital, we are taking forward a UK High-Technology Fund and nine Regional Venture Capital Funds to invest in early-stage high growth businesses which have historically found it difficult to raise finance. The funds will be run by experienced fund managers and will complement existing market provision, using public resources in partnership with private sector funds to address recognised gaps in the market. And all the funds will invest on a wholly commercial basis, expecting robust commercial returns.

    Making Britain the knowledge capital of the world

    The third building block for our enterprise Britain open to all is to make Britain the knowledge capital of the world.

    Knowledge is the key to future business success. Our future competitiveness and prosperity will be directly related to our creativity, our imagination and our knowledge base. That puts a great premium on education and skills. I have visited a number of our universities in recent weeks ­ Cambridge, Oxford, Warwick, Newcastle, Durham, Sheffield ­ to have a look at what they are doing to commercialise the superb research which is being undertaken by them and I have been heartened by what I have seen.

    That premium on education and skills in the modern economy is exactly why we are pushing through huge educational reform, investing an extra 19 billion pounds in education – so that everyone has the opportunity to master the skills and technologies of the new information age.

    In 1997, barely one in ten schools was connected to the Internet. Now, two thirds are – the most in any G7 country. The number of primary schools connected has gone up four fold in the last year. By 2002, every school will be connected.

    And this year, we are working to raise education levels amongst adults: a whole network of adult learning centres is being created; incentives are being provided to upgrade skills; and a new University for Industry which uses internet and digital TV technology will be bringing education into the home and workplace.

    These reforms will help in the next stage of the technological revolution which we are determined to lead.

    Our target is that within three years we want to become the world’s best environment for e-commerce. This is a huge challenge for everyone: Government needs to put in place the right framework and lead by example; individuals need to get skilled; and business needs to be confident and sufficiently ambitious to grasp the new opportunities.

    Conclusion

    There is a great deal at stake in getting all of this right. But we are optimistic.

    We have started with a foundation of a new stability which we are determined to lock in. The building blocks we are putting in place now for an enterprise Britain open for all – in competition, in investment and enterprise and in the knowledge economy – those building blocks will help British investors and entrepreneurs make the most of the challenges ahead.

    Thank you for the contribution you are making, and let’s work together to make this a success for all our people.

  • Gordon Brown – 2000 Pre-Budget Speech in Sunderland

    Gordon Brown – 2000 Pre-Budget Speech in Sunderland

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of Exchequer, on 6 March 2000.

    It is a pleasure to be in Sunderland today, where over one and half thousand people have moved into work under the new deal, and where the new regional development agency, one north east,  and the economic development team are creating an environment in which job opportunities are rising, more investment being generated, and new businesses created.

    With me today are Lord Trotman, former chairman of Ford, who has been looking at our measures to promote enterprise and innovation. And David Irwin, the new head of the small business service – and most important of all local businessmen and women who are the bedrock of the economy.

    This month’s budget will set new goals to build a stronger more prosperous more productive Britain.

    My theme today is that we not only want to re-establish the work ethic in every community of Britain, but establish a dynamic business culture which opens enterprise not just to the few but to all.

    Indeed I believe that in the global marketplace, Britain will best succeed in creating an economy with employment opportunity for all when we create an economy with enterprise open to all.

    So in the budget we will promote, support, and encourage the development of that culture through our support for small businesses:

    • first, by entrenching stability;
    • second, by promoting competition;
    • third, by a favourable tax environment and encouraging e-commerce;
    • fourth, by encouraging new investment and being on small businesses side as they invest, export, and expand;
    • fifth, by special measures in areas of need.

    Creating the best environment for new business

    There are now 1.3 million small businesses in Britain employing one or more people – around an extra 100 thousand since we came to power.

    And the number of high growth start-ups has increased by more than 10 per cent since 1997.

    But we want to do better.

    Just as we are increasing jobs, we want to increase businesses.

    Our policy of enterprise open to all seeks a larger number of small businesses.

    Our aim must be to increase the number of growing, new businesses – businesses that will survive and expand rapidly to create new jobs and new opportunities throughout Britain.

    I say to the small business community and to those people who want to start a new business, with the measures I am going to announce today, this government will be on your side if you’re starting up, growing, hiring, investing, innovating, exporting, going public.

    At every stage, in every way, on your side as you move up the ladder of opportunity.Let me set out the measures we are taking.

    First, stability

    First, by our toughness, discipline and prudence, we can create the most favourable environment for long term capital investment and business development this country has seen.

    Indeed, I want to create the most favourable environment of any of our competitor countries, including not only Europe and Japan, but America.

    So our first priority is stability and steady growth.

    One of our first steps after the election was to make the Bank of England independent, ensuring that interest rate decisions are taken in the best long-term interests of the economy, not for short-term political considerations.

    As important as the creation of a new framework for monetary policy, has been the creation of a new fiscal policy framework, with our two strict fiscal rules to ensure sustainable public finances.

    Already we are seeing the rewards of creating a British framework for monetary and fiscal stability. Over the last year and a half inflation has remained within 0.5 percentage points of the government’s target. Underlying inflation is 2.1 per cent – around its lowest level for over five years. And stability has brought the cost of borrowing down to half the levels of the early 1990s.

    Second, competition

    Second, the whole competitive environment needs to modernise for the new challenges of the economy.

    Equality of opportunity does not exist in practice if small businesses or enterprising individuals are denied access to the marketplace and pushed aside by vested interests.

    So in future we will be the champion of opening up competition and enterprise to all.

    We are asking in every area what we can do to enhance competition and opportunity.

    It is time to build on this government’s decision to create a new independent competition authority.

    Our new competition act contains new powers to prohibit anti-competitive practices. New businesses and new entrants to markets will benefit from our reforms of the regulatory system.

    The government will consider how to scrutinise regulatory bodies and review existing and proposed regulations to ensure that they are promoting – not impeding – new entrants and competitive forces.

    For banking and financial services, the financial services authority will now, for the first time, be required to facilitate competition – with a new scrutiny role for the competition authorities – so helping small businesses get a better deal from financial services.

    For the planning system, we are introducing a series of changes in planning guidelines that will, for the first time, facilitate the formation of hi-tech clusters – helping to foster dynamic new businesses.

    For high tech businesses that need key skills, we will reform the rules on work permits and open them up to essential workers in information technologies and to entrepreneurs.

    In sum, Britain open to competition, and at the leading edge of change. Nothing should stand in the way of greater competitiveness in every sector of every industry. There can be no return to the British disease of complacency or clinging to old fashioned attitudes – no protectionism, no misplaced sentimentality towards out-dated restrictive practices – that for too long have held back small businesses.

    Third, tax and encouraging e-commerce

    Third we seek not only to create the best environment with stability and competition, but the best tax environment for small businesses.

    Let me say what we have already done on business tax. We have cut small business tax from 23p to 20p and introduced a new starting rate of tax for small companies of 10p in the pound. Every company making profits of up to 50,000 pounds will benefit.

    As a result 270 thousand businesses will benefit from the 10 pence rate.

    We have the lowest ever start up tax-rates for business.

    And now we have a capital gains tax regime that is more generous to new investors. When we came to office we said we would cut long term capital gains tax to 20 pence after 5 years and to 10 pence after ten years.

    In the forthcoming budget we intend to go even further to create the most favourable environment for long term capital investment Britain has seen. I said last November, we would look at cutting the long-term rate of capital gains tax – for example that it could be cut to 22 pence after the first three years, and 10 pence after the first five. Following our public consultation, final decisions will be announced in the budget.

    Britain is now the place to start up, invest, grow and expand. By next year, the government will already have cut the average tax bill for these companies by more than 20 per cent, compared to the tax regime when the government came into office. This works out at a cut of 850 million pound in total.

    And we are determined that Britain will lead in the next stage of the internet revolution. Our target is that within three years we want to become the world’s best environment for electronic commerce.

    Today the internet is revolutionising our access to information – the way we communicate, educate, buy and sell – and from the acquisition and servicing of people to the management of stocks and supplies the internet is transforming the way we do business.

    We are not only offering new incentives to high technology companies to lead the internet revolution, but helping existing companies move faster in going on-line.

    I want internet costs in the UK to be as low as in the US. By 2002 and with companies now announcing new initiatives this will help us meet our aim of getting 1.5 million small and medium sized enterprises connected – with 1 million trading on-line. This will be backed up by a network of 100 advice centres – “one-stop-IT-shops” for small and medium-sized businesses which offer individually tailored consultancy and advice to help businesses get on-line.

    And we are offering discounts for the electronic filing of tax returns:

    • in April 2001-02, 50 pounds for either PAYE or VAT returns filed by small businesses over the internet -100 pounds for both PAYE and VAT;
    • in April 2000-2001, 10 pounds for each income tax self assessment return filed by taxpayers over the internet.

    Fourth, encouraging investment and being on small businesses’ side as they invest, export and expand.

    We are creating for Britain an environment for new businesses, high tech business, start up businesses in which our government is on the side of the inventor, the innovator and the risk taker and prepared to share the risk.

    We will shortly publish the report of Lord Trotman, former chairman of Ford on measures to encourage enterprise and innovation.

    From all corners of the world I want Britain to be seen as the place to start up, invest, grow and expand.

    In America the venture capital industry is highly developed. In Britain, I want new encouragement from the venture capital industry for the start up and early stage ventures, where equity will often be more appropriate than bank loans, but where the problem is not so much access to finance but finance on the right terms. And where there is as yet insufficient encouragement to invest.

    In advance of the Budget we will examine how we can build on the new network of government- backed regionally based venture capital funds, nine in total, that are designed to encourage investment in early-stage, high technology companies, especially for amounts up to 500,000 pounds.

    We are taking forward not only regional venture capital funds but also a auk high technology fund to help early-stage high-technology businesses – who have historically found it difficult to raise money for development. It will provide finance for investment in existing venture capital funds that specialise in the provision of equity-based finance for early stage high-technology firms.

    And to foster the innovation on which future success depends, a new r&d tax credit will, from this April, mean that nearly a quarter of new investment in small and medium-sized business research and development is under-written even before a penny profit is made.

    We have also been learning from the success of corporate venturing in the USA. Corporate venturing has been vital in silicon valley and elsewhere – providing small high tech firms with a strong capital base, better skills in marketing and management, and a greater market reach.

    To promote corporate venturing, we are introducing a new tax incentive. To help the large companies sponsor the development of the small, large companies that invest in growing companies for a specified period will receive a tax relief of 20 per cent, underwriting one fifth of their investment. This 100 million pounds incentive can bring Britain additional investment of 500 million pounds every year.

    But Britain needs a culture even more favourable to small business creation and development.

    That is why we are setting up the new small business service. It will have three main tasks:

    • acting as a voice for small business at the heart of government;
    • simplifying and improving government support for small businesses;
    • helping small businesses deal with regulation and ensuring small businesses’ interests are properly considered.

    The government is determined that the small business service can offer a single electronic point of entry, for all small businesses – providing advice and information, backed up by new call centres.

    To ensure this is possible, we are investing 10m from the invest to save budget and considering a further bid under the capital modernisation fund to help provide a single point of contact – putting small business support on-line.

    In addition, we want to make it easier for businesses to register with Customs and Excise and the Inland Revenue. I am extremely pleased that David Irwin, the new chief executive of the small business service, can be with us here in Sunderland. He brings his experience as a businessman and entrepreneur here in the north east to the task of ensuring government is on the side of small businesses – not holding businesses back, but helping businesses go forward, grow, expand.

    Fifth, special measures in areas of need.

    Enterprise matters and we want to expand enterprise to peoples and places too often forgotten.

    Inner cities and established industrial areas should be seen as new markets with competitive advantages – their strategic locations, their often untapped retail markets, and the potential of their workforce.

    And so we want to put in place the right incentive structure to stimulate business-led growth in our inner cities and estates and encourage much bigger flows of private investment.

    Our new Phoenix Fund will be a catalyst for harnessing the enterprise that is present – but often hidden – in our poorest communities:

    • it will fund a new network of 1000 volunteer business mentors, to be up and running by April 2001.
    • It will also fund the development of more ‘incubators’ – workspace where small businesses get accommodation and practical help from experienced managers.

    We know that there are other gaps in the finance markets for the poorest communities. So new loan funds will help businesses get the finance they need. And help that will be linked to the training and support, that is often as important as the finance. Our new Phoenix Fund will start supporting these new loan funds from the Spring.

    And we will work with the social investment task force, reporting in the autumn, to look at the next steps in this agenda.

    This will include considering:

    • tax incentives for investing in community development projects, like incubators, loan funds, and social enterprises;
    • for the long term, constituting a permanent investment fund with a continuing remit to help fund a regular wave of new projects.

    I want to see more resources in venture capital funds targeted at our high unemployment areas. The new social investment task force we have just set up will look into this.

    We plan to learn from our experience with these initiatives – and from experience in the us – and to build on what we learn.

    But if we are to encourage more inner city entrepreneurs, we also need to get better help to unemployed people wanting to start their own business.

    So I can say that Tessa Jowell our employment minister plans that the new deal will offer help for long term unemployed to become self-employed and to start a business – for the over-50s, up to 3,000 pounds during the first year in business and in work.

    And we are introducing measures to boost enterprise skills from school to adulthood.

    Let me tell you how this and many other areas will benefit:

    • we aim to double to 200,000 the number of pupils benefiting from enterprise courses in our schools;
    • we are improving the national network which introduces schools to businesses and has them working together. We will link all 30,000 schools to the world of business;
    • and we are trying to ensure pupils and teachers are given the opportunity for work experience and placements. Already six hundred thousand 14 to 16 year olds are benefiting from work experience and thirty thousand teachers are in work placements. And we are now working with business and the world of education to build on this, improving the quality of placements and experience;
    • in addition, we are launching this spring a national campaign with the message that enterprise is open to all. Our business leaders – including Alan Sugar and Richard Branson – will run a series of enterprise events in schools and colleges.

    Conclusion

    In the new Britain we want more enterprise, more investment, better education and preparation for the future in every community. I want Britain to be a world leader in enterprise – and the opportunities and benefits of enterprise to be shared by all regions and all people.

    I believe we can work together – government, business leaders, and local communities – to create the best environment for new business, creating new jobs and new opportunities open to all.

  • Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at the Economist’s Electronic Business Conference

    Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech at the Economist’s Electronic Business Conference

    The speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Financial Secretary to the Treasury, on 4 April 2000.

    “The benefits and challenges of e-commerce”

    Introduction

    Thank you for inviting me to join you this morning.

    We are on the threshold of a new era for business. Across the country people are talking of the impact of Business to Consumer – or ‘B2C’ – e-commerce. But the growth of Business to Business – or B2B – e-commerce has the potential to be even more explosive and pervasive. I have seen US estimates suggesting B2B turnover on the net could amount to 4 trillion dollars in America alone by 2003, compared with less than 400 billion dollars of online sales to customers.

    That is a staggering amount of trade – with potentially staggering implications for our economies and our consumers, as well as business itself.

    So I am delighted to be able to join many of the world’s B2B experts here this morning.

    Budget aims

    Let me begin by putting our hopes for electronic commerce and the knowledge economy in the context of the Government’s wider aims.

    After the UK election in 1997, our first economic objective was stability. The Budget two weeks ago confirmed that in a remarkable way that has now been achieved. We are delivering a platform of stability and steady growth, with inflation low and the public finances under control.

    More people are now in work than ever before: unemployment is at its lowest for 20 years; youth unemployment is at its lowest for 25 years and there are one million vacancies on offer across all the regions of the UK.

    Inflation in Britain has also now been lower for longer than at any time for over 30 years. And today British inflation is lower than in any of our major competitors in the European Union.

    And we are also investing now a bigger share of our national wealth than our largest competitor countries in the European Union, and a bigger share even than in the US.

    The state of the public finances is sound as well.

    So things are in good shape as a consequence of the prudent measures the Chancellor has taken.

    But we have always said that our prudence is for a purpose.

    And the Budget took the next steps towards that purpose, of building a modern and decent Britain, towards the four ambitions that we set ourselves last November:

    • our prosperity ambition: that we should be bridging the productivity gap with our competitors;
    • the full employment ambition: that we should achieve employment opportunity for all, and a higher proportion of people actually in jobs than we have had before;
    • the education ambition: that for the first time at least half of our school leavers should go on to university by the end of the decade;
    • our antipoverty ambition: that we should halve the number of children living in poverty by 2010, on the way to the Prime Minister’s ambition of eradicating child poverty altogether within 20 years.

    Four ambitions which I think are now attainable and which encapsulate our commitment to a modern and decent Britain. Our best route for achieving this modern and decent Britain – for an enterprising society which is also a fair society – is success in the knowledge economy.

    First Tuesday report

    A few weeks ago, John Browning, a cofounder of First Tuesday – the global B2B start- up market and meeting place for entrepreneurs – gave an intriguing evidence to the House of Lords e-commerce sub-committee on the future of e-commerce in Europe. This evidence he gave was based on an e-mail survey of their members on what they wanted national and European governments to do.

    The overwhelming view was that government has a very limited role – that it does most good where it treads lightest. Well, that is our view too.

    The Internet and e-commerce world is moving at speeds difficult for anyone to keep up with. As Tony Blair says, the wind of economic change has never blown through our economies with such force as it is doing today.

    We know the market sets the pace of that change. And it always will do.

    But our role as a Government is an important one still. Not to dictate. Not to attempt to control. But to help to enable and to empower every business and individual to win from the changes, and to extend the new opportunities to all.

    That is why we have set ourselves two parallel targets to these challenges.

    First, to make the UK the best place in the world to trade electronically by 2002.

    And second, to aim for universal access by 2005.

    Those two goals are complementary. Making sure everyone has access to the Internet will both improve our competitiveness and reduce social exclusion. A very clear example of enterprise and fairness working together.

    And we are working very hard indeed in a number of areas to achieve these goals.

    Back to John Browning’s evidence to the Lords Committee: his statement consisted of a number of lessons First Tuesday had learnt in the course of their rapid growth. I want to spend a little time examining these lessons and what they mean for governments and for e-businesses as well.

    Lesson 1: Europeans are passionate entrepreneurs

    The first lesson learned by First Tuesday was that Europeans are passionate entrepreneurs. And, to quote him, ‘contrary to conventional pessimism, they are neither defeatist nor risk averse.’

    That, I think, is clear enough from the number of European companies we have here today.

    It is also clear from the signs that the technology gap between Europe and the US is narrowing. In some areas, of course, Europe already leads.

    The first wave of the Internet came through PCs. But the next wave will come through broadband mobile and digital television.

    In both, the United Kingdom in particular ­ and Europe more generally ­ have a pretty impressive lead.

    Last month we launched the world’s first auction for third generation mobile telephone spectrum. Thirteen bidders from all round the world have been taking part and all have put in significant bids to play a role in the future market.

    Third generation mobile will give businesses the Internet on the move. Everything we now get from our PCs, digital cameras and good old voice telephones – all on our mobile phones, our PDAs, our laptops and palmtops, and a host of new devices now emerging from the research labs.

    Digital TV – interactive TV ­ is also taking off. It’s only just begun. But some forecasters suggest that as much as 75 per cent of UK households will have DTV by 2008.

    Both of these – digital TV and third generation mobile – are technologies where the UK is a world leader.

    And both are creating extraordinary opportunities for new businesses in both B2C and B2B e-commerce, new applications, new services and new jobs.

    That is why we’re seeing venture capitalists, technology and telecoms companies, and individual entrepreneurs so active today in the UK, confirming our position as the single most popular destination for inward investment into Europe.

    European enthusiasm for the new economy was out for all to see as well at the Lisbon Summit on European economic reform two weeks ago. There, the Heads of Government of our European States set a new strategic goal for the next decade – to become the most competitive and dynamic knowledge based economy in the world.

    That is a huge change. And it is the beginning of a process with tremendous implications and opportunities for our economies and our workforces.

    Lesson 2: Scale is critical to entrepreneurial success

    The second lesson First Tuesday drew was that scale is critical to entrepreneurial success.

    As they said, only by expanding quickly can companies grasp the available opportunities.

    But companies can only expand to the extent that there is the sufficient size and sophistication of markets and the quality of skills base needed to be successful.

    You cannot build a knowledge driven economy without a knowledge driven society.

    So we have to make sure that the opportunities of the new technologies are shared by every business and every worker.

    That is why the Budget two weeks ago introduced a special tax reduction to encourage a million small companies to get on line. For the next three years any small business buying computers, or investing in e-commerce and new information technology, will be able immediately to write off against tax the full 100 per cent of the cost in the year of purchase.

    We are also legislating for other tax cuts – a 100 pounds tax cut for electronic filing of tax and vat returns, and a further 50 pounds tax cut for electronic filing for those paying the working families tax credit.

    And side by side with these incentives, the new Small Business Service – opening its doors this month – will offer consultancy, advice and planning to help small businesses get on line and become e-companies.

    Of course, while getting United Kingdom on line is vital, the big prize will come when we create a single European market for electronic commerce – a single market of 375 million people and potentially 100 million more.

    Lesson 3: Speed is just as critical

    That brings me to the third lesson from First Tuesday’s evidence that speed is just as critical as scale. ‘…because the Internet is evolving so fast, and because first-mover advantage is so powerful, Internet companies have to move very, very fast.’

    A key priority for governments must be to ensure the right dynamic market framework is in place to cope with this speed of change.

    At the Lisbon Summit, European Heads of Government recognised that the speed of technological change requires new and more flexible regulatory approaches in the future.

    That is why they called on the European Council along with the European Parliament, where appropriate, to adopt as rapidly as possible, this year, pending legislation on the legal framework for ecommerce, on copyright and related rights, on e-money, on distance selling of financial services, on jurisdiction and on the dualuse export control regime.

    We have already agreed a directive on electronic signatures that introduces their legal recognition throughout the EU and sets voluntary standards for certificate providers.

    These further steps will take Europe quickly into the new digital age, boosting consumer confidence and making it far easier for a business based in one country to sell on-line in the fourteen others.

    In the UK, we are currently also reviewing every barrier to competition in the emerging e-commerce market and seeking to remove them.

    In every area we are asking what we can do to enhance competition and opportunity:

    The new Competition Act makes our competition authority independent and for the first time prohibits all anti-competitive practices.

    We are driving competition further and faster into the leadingedge communication markets, to bring prices down and give consumers more choice.

    In the last few weeks we’ve seen four different companies offering new, unmetered Internet packages.

    As the new tariffs come into effect, it will almost certainly mean that for the average Internet user at home and in business, the UK will be cheaper than anywhere else in Europe.

    We are working as well on the legal framework.

    Our electronic communications bill will allow us to update decades, indeed centuries, of legislation that refer to paper and post.

    And we are helping employees in UK high growth Internet companies by tackling the issue of employer’s National Insurance Contributions on share options. I have been asked by the Chancellor to conduct a consultation on a technical solution to the tax treatment of share options in unapproved schemes, and I’m moving quickly to fulfil his request, and, I hope, to resolve quickly the serious technical problem that currently exists.

    Lesson 4: Governments themselves are slow in using the technology

    The fourth lesson First Tuesday learned from its European survey was that governments themselves generally are slow in using the technology.

    Businesses represented here and individuals are responding to the new technologies and the new challenges. And Government has to do the same.

    Last week, Tony Blair proposed a challenging target for Government – to offer all services online by 2005.

    We need to transform relationships between government and citizen by delivering services on-line. And we need to do it quickly.

    We also need to transform policy-making by managing government online.

    The first step is to develop a clear strategy. So Andrew Smith, my colleague as Chief Secretary to the Treasury, and Patricia Hewitt, as our e-minister, are heading a crosscutting spending review to look at all aspects of Government and e-commerce.

    Our strategy for e-government will be shaped by our view of the new technologies. Yesterday, Ian McCartney, the Minister responsible for e-government, launched our Government’s e-government strategy.

    We want businesses and people to be able to access government anywhere and anytime.

    From a computer. A mobile device. A TV. A kiosk in a post office or a shopping centre.

    So the challenge to us is to make government-content, and government services, available across all our networks – wired and wireless – to all the devices.

    It’s exactly the same challenge that content-providers in the private sector are facing. Financial services information providers, for example, now integrating content, and delivering it real-time to market analysts and retail investors alike on the trading screen, the television screen and the mobile phone.

    But we also have to re-engineer government on the inside. Like every major global company, we have to move from vertical silos to horizontal processes. We have to move from inputs to outcomes. And we have to use ICT to enable all that to happen.

    Like everybody else, we have to contend with legacy systems. E-mail systems that don’t talk to each other. Different data standards.

    In the next few weeks, however, we will be publishing a single set of standards for inter-operability across government. We’re following the lead of business by adopting open, I/P based standards for all government systems. Making the browser the key interface for access and manipulation of all information. Adopting XML as the cornerstone for government data inter-operability and integration. And working with the global Govtalk consortium to create the infrastructure we need for implementation.

    Conclusion

    We are optimistic our British knowledge economy can match the best:

    With individuals alive to the opportunities, and businesses sufficiently ambitious, we can rise to the challenge – making Britain and Europe the best place in the world for e-commerce.

    Thank you for the contribution you are making ­ let’s work together to make this a success for all our people.

  • Andrew Smith – 2000 Speech to the IPPR New Economy Launch Event

    Andrew Smith – 2000 Speech to the IPPR New Economy Launch Event

    The speech made by Andrew Smith, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, in London on 4 April 2000.

    THE FUTURE FOR PUBLIC SERVICE AGREEMENTS

    Introduction

    Thank you for that kind introduction, and to Matthew Taylor and the IPPR for inviting me to speak today. I want first to set out our ideas about setting PSAs , and then I want to briefly cover how all this fits in with our ambition of modern, high-performing public services combining innovation and excellence.

    As many of you know, PSAs are a unique innovation. Colleagues from other countries in Europe and across the world are intrigued and, sometimes, frightened by our radical approach. Never before has a British Government set out so clearly the aim, objectives, resources, performance targets, and operations targets for every major government Department in one public document. Neither has any government publically committed itself to reporting annually against those targets.

    The 1998 Comprehensive Spending Review PSAs were a revolution in this respect. And for our departments, I think they were something of a revelation too. PSAs challenged them for the first time to think about what were the outcomes they really wanted in each policy area. They also challenged departments to think about how their success might best be measured. But most importantly they challenged them to commit publically to delivering the improvements we have targeted within the resources allocated to them in the CSR. Through the PSAs, the Government made clear that it was investing for reform. Reform for better public services and a step change in the way they were delivered.

    Not everyone sees it that way of course. PSAs have come in for their fair share of suspicion and criticism. According to Simon Jenkins in the Times, Gordon Brown and I sit at the heart of a “vast cobweb” of targets. In fact, according to Mr Jenkins, I am building a structure like Stalin’s Gosplan! Mr Jenkins even accuses my officials of being “music-loving, theatre-going liberals”. Those of you who have dealings with the Treasury will judge whether that’s and accurate description.

    The radical nature of PSAs, and their immediate impact on Departments inevitably led to some shortcomings in the new system the first time round. As John Garrett pointed out in the Guardian, our emphasis on the serious issue of sickness absence in the public sector looks unbalanced when we didn’t have comparable measures in other areas of people management. And some of our targets are simply not very good, because we were new to the business: setting targets to achieve 100% prompt payment of invoices looks good, but will often be unachievable for very sound reasons, if an invoice needs to be investigated.

    So the current spending review, is a big opportunity to improve the PSAs and learn from experience – both positive and negative – as we take them forward.

    Setting the SR2000 PSAs

    We are doing that in a number of ways.

    First we are focussing even harder on the things that really matter. PSAs are all about priorities. Openness and accountability about priorities should not be allowed to be fudged by too great a mass of targets.

    Second, we are making sure part of this focussing process involves separating out the key overall goals (the “what”), from targets for Departmental processes and operations (the “how”).

    Third, we are working harder than ever before on ensuring we target the right measures of success. Determining what it is you want to achieve is the first crucial step. But picking the right measure to avoid unwanted distortions in the system, is as important.

    Finally, we are sharpening up our targets, making them as transparent as possible. We should be clear in every case about what the terms of the targets mean, when we are committing to deliver the target, and how it will be measured.

    The way we are conducting the review means that we are tackling all of these issues head on.

    In the past few months, I have had a series of meetings with Ministerial colleagues to nail down their highest priorities. Everyone is determined to show Parliament and the public the things that really matter to us. Whereas some Departments had more than thirty policy targets after the CSR, most Whitehall Departments will have no more than ten high level PSA targets after SR2000.

    I am also making PSAs even clearer by ensuring they are short and sharp, containing only the aim, objectives, and top few political priority targets. New supporting documents, Service Delivery Agreements, will describe how these priorities will be delivered, and the management and operational changes Departments will be introducing to facilitate this.

    On measures, departments have been working together with the Treasury to ensure the measures to support the next round of targets are the best possible in the light of evidence. And in another first, the Treasury is leading work with other Departments, the National Audit Office, and the Audit Commission, to agree the basics about what makes for good performance measurement in Government.

    Delivering the new PSAs So that’s how we’re ensuring the targets are the most specific, measurable, outcome-focussed targets they could possibly be.

    We also want to make sure the right support and structures are in place to allow Departments to deliver public services fit for the 21st Century. I want to briefly examine three reforms here.

    First, we are determined to break down artificial barriers in policy-making and delivery, using the PSA process to make Departments jointly responsible for delivering some key policy objectives. It is important to get this right as government increasingly has to organise horizontally, with joint work across departments to deal with challenges which don’t organise themselves conveniently in line with the traditional vertical departmental silos. For this Spending Review we have launched fifteen cross-cutting studies of problems that cross Departmental boundaries.

    With subjects as diverse as crime reduction, new gateways to care for the elderly and conflict prevention in sub-Saharan Africa the studies have pulled together expertise from outside and inside Government to propose targets for cross-Departmental working. In some cases they will result in further full cross-cutting PSAs.

    Second, Departments are now more than ever drawing on outside expertise to raise their productivity and to produce the step change in our public services that we all want to see. This Government wants to listen and learn from the best practice available. The mantra is “what matters is what works”.

    This is why I am committed to the work of the Public Services Productivity Panel, which I chair. The Panel brings together high level experience of the public sector and the outside perspective of the private sector. It brings together people with deep knowledge of the public sector, such as Andrew Foster of the Audit Commission, and Sheila Masters with her NHS experience, and leaders from business like John Makinson from Pearson’s and John Dowdy from McKinsey.

    The Panel is an excellent resource for all Departments to draw upon. Each Panel member is assigned to detailed projects, supported by Departmental and Treasury staff. And some Panel members are also supported by their own company staff. This openness and joint working encourages innovative approaches, and puts an emphasis on the practical steps that will help us do things better.

    Already good examples of the fruits of this approach have been published. John Makinson wrote an excellent report with the big Government office networks on incentivising good team performance. Andrew Foster has highlighted both good practice and bad in customer service in the big DETR driving agencies, so that we challenge poor performance as well as praising the good.

    The reports are only a means to an end. And that end is delivering real changes in the effectiveness and customer focus of our public services. John Makinson’s report represents a bold and radical new approach to pay in the public sector. His proposals have the potential to lever up productivity in the Inland Revenue, Customs and Excise, Benefits Agency and Employment Service. Work is underway to implement new pay systems based on team incentives from 2001. These will deliver real improvements to taxpayers and users of services as well allowing staff to share in the benefits of better performance.

    The Makinson report is only one element of the Government’s strategy to empower public servants. For too long, public services have been allowed to stagnate because public servants have been undervalued, and have not been listened to. So the Government third reform is to turn this around, encouraging innovation by front-line staff and by local managers, and celebrating the success of our most outstanding managers and teams, as beacons to others in their sector.

    The reforms to the Civil Service inspired by the Prime Minister and being led by Sir Richard Wilson, offer the prospect of transforming our Civil Service – retaining the elements so prized abroad, such as its probity and professionalism, but encouraging more adventurous thinking, greater diversity, and a stronger sense of good management.

    Local autonomy versus central direction

    I want to touch on the important issue raised by Matthew [Taylor] an issue all major programmes of reform in any institution must face and tackle: that is, to what extent should the centre direct and impose change, and to what extent should local agents be allowed the flexibility to find their own strategies for delivery, shaped to local context and taking advantage of the available expertise.

    Some criticism of the Government’s modernisation programme has centred on the perception that it inevitably involves highly inflexible directives from the centre. I do not accept this, and would argue instead that Public Service Agreements and our programme of reform offer an important opportunity to local service deliverers to shape their own strategies within the framework we have set.

    We believe that local government and local services are a crucial source of good ideas about improving service delivery, and the vast majority of public servants take pride in the standard of service they deliver. We are determined to learn from good practice at local level, and to tackle unacceptable variations in performance where they exist.

    Only last week, I hosted a seminar at the Treasury bringing together experts from inside and outside Government to see how we might best raise the performance of the less good units to that of the best.

    The real challenge for the Government is not debating an artificial tension between local autonomy and central direction but in making sure that good practice from some of our most outstanding public services is successfully shared.

    This is not to say however, that there are not issues of balance which we need to work on. But I see this as a dynamic process. Different combinations of direction and autonomy will be appropriate for different services and between different units within services. This is a matter which I will be discussing with colleagues, particularly as we make progress on their Service Delivery Agreements, which will state clearly for the first time how they intend to cascade their high level commitment to local agents.

    Conclusion

    To conclude, I believe PSAs have been something of a revolution. Departments have recognised the real benefits for their own management of clear priorities and targets, and we will see further steps forward in the quality and clarity of the PSAs which come out of this spending review.

    But like the Productivity Panel, PSAs should not be about elegantly drafted glossy documents: they must be about driving change on the ground that the public can see. The Government has set out its vision. In PSAs we have published a ground-breaking set of commitments. In our modernisation and investment programme, we are giving public sector employees the tools to do the job. That has raised public expectations. So now they have to see the change we have promised.

    Thank you.

  • Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech to the British Chamber of Commerce National Conference

    Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech to the British Chamber of Commerce National Conference

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 5 April 2000.

    I am delighted to join you today at the National Conference of the British Chambers of Commerce. Let me start by paying tribute to the work you do, the contribution you make, and the service you as local and regional Chambers of Commerce give in every part of the country.

    Local Chambers of Commerce are not only voices for business and industry in every one of our country’s regions but you also represent the best of British values- our shared belief in hard work, in enterprise, in looking outwards to the world, and you speak up in particular for the hundreds of thousands of medium and small businesses of Britain that are the backbone of our economy.

    And it is because I share your ambition, a theme of this conference, that Britain has the best competitive environment for business in the years ahead, that I want to discuss with you today the challenges ahead – how we equip ourselves to meet and master ever more fierce global competition and ever faster change – and the prize for our country – a Britain which with opportunity open to all is enterprising and fair, a Britain where – with higher productivity from all – there is prosperity for all.

    Now our first two years as a government demanded that we establish the only sound platform for an enterprise culture in a global economy – economic stability.

    In a global marketplace with its increased insecurities and indeed often volatility and instability national economic stability is at a premium, the precondition for all we can achieve, and no nation can secure the high levels of sustainable investment it needs without both monetary and fiscal stability together.

    And it was to avoid the historic British problem – the violence of the repeated boom and bust cycles of the past – that we established the new monetary framework based on consistent rules – the symmetrical inflation target; settled well understood procedures – Bank independence; and openness and transparency. And side by side with it and as important, a new fiscal discipline with, again, clear and consistent rules – the golden rule for public spending; well understood procedures – our fiscal responsibility legislation; and a new openness and transparency.

    I saw – as you saw – what damage inconsistent and ever changing rules, short- termist and politicised decision making procedures and a lack of openness did most recently in the late eighties and early nineties – the one million jobs lost in manufacturing, the one million businesses that went under, the two million jobs in total that disappeared.

    I saw how difficult it was for businesses to plan ahead and make investments for the long term.

    And I never want to return to those days when interest rates were above 10 per cent for four years nor do you or I want ever to rerun that day in 1992 when interest rates were 10 per cent when we started work, 12 per cent by 11 am, and by 3pm set to be 15 per cent.

    So stability matters to me as it does to you. High inflation and instability hurts businesses as it hurts savers, those like the elderly on fixed and low incomes, and I understand what you understand, that a disciplined and prudent framework of stability is the indispensable foundation for economic success.

    Already we are seeing the rewards of creating Bank of England independence and tough fiscal rules.

    For the third year running inflation is in line with our target and inflation is at historically low levels. I can tell you that our target of 2.5 per cent will be met this year, next year and the year after that and our forecast is that the economy will grow steadily – by between 2.75 and 3.25 per cent this year, with growth forecast to be 2.25 – 2.75 per cent next year and the year after.

    Long term interest rates – once 2 per cent or more above Germany’s – are now at the level of Germany’s, showing that people have confidence in a low inflation future for Britain, a platform from which businesses can now plan for the longer term with greater confidence.

    But everybody knows it is not simply monetary stability that matters, but also fiscal stability.

    And having imposed new fiscal disciplines we have cut borrowing by £40 billion in our first three years. And we are on course to meet our two strict fiscal rules.

    It is because we sought to learn from the political mistakes of the last forty years that this government will maintain its prudent and tough approach. The figures I announced in the Budget mean that we will meet our fiscal rules over the cycle. Indeed that we will meet our fiscal rules even in the most cautious case, on the most cautious assumptions, including the most cautious view of trend growth at 2.25 per cent.

    And as I announced in the Budget, I have decided to lock in a greater fiscal tightening next year and the year after than we promised in last year’s Budget and Pre-Budget Report.

    We are therefore able to repay debt – last year 3 billion pounds, this year 12 billion pounds, next year 6 billion pounds, and the year after that 5 billion pounds.

    And it is from this platform of monetary and fiscal discipline that you have been able to create 100,000 more small businesses employing people, from 1.2 million to 1.3 million, and create in total 800,000 more jobs, with last year 6 billion pounds more in business investment and 13 billion pounds more inward investment into the United Kingdom.

    I can say that as a government we are determined to continue to back your efforts by maintaining our disciplined approach: in particular we must all be determined not to make the old British mistake of paying ourselves too much today at the cost of higher interest rates and fewer jobs tomorrow.

    Now I understand your worries about the Euro – Sterling exchange rate and the pound’s strength in relation to the weak euro and I welcome the positive response of manufacturing which has increased productivity by more than 5 per cent over the past year.

    By making investment allowances for business permanent, by introducing new allowances for any small and medium company adapting to new information technology by inaugurating this month a new R&D tax credit worth 150 million pounds, and by creating a one billion pound regional venture capital investment fund, this month’s Budget has sought to build upon Britain’s stability and Britain’s low corporation tax rates to support manufacturers and exporters. But the policies which I am sometimes asked by some to follow to bring the exchange rate down would risk the very outcome all of you want to avoid – a return to boom and bust.

    Indeed I can tell you I am determined to avoid a repeat of the economic instability caused by the succession of ever-changing money targets as we saw in the early 1980s and the dual exchange rate and inflation targets of the late 1980s and early 1990s – when the then government chose in succession £M3, M1, then M0, then when this failed shadowing the Deutschmark, then the Exchange Rate Mechanism, as the economy moved from boom to bust.

    The objective of British monetary policy today is clear and unambiguous – to meet a symmetric inflation target with inflation outcomes below target viewed just as seriously as outcomes above target. And it is this consistent long-term approach which is the foundation for stability and steady growth.

    There are some who criticise the Bank of England and say inflation can only be controlled at the cost of growth and jobs. And there are of course those who say we should grow by ignoring inflation. But far from choking off recovery, pre-emptive action has allowed us both to meet our inflation target and sustain growth. And because this is what I want us to continue to do, we will support our monetary authorities in the difficult decisions they have to take to ensure that we meet the inflation target and sustain high and stable levels of growth and employment.

    Employment opportunity for all

    So building on this platform, I believe Britain can now set a new economic ambition, indeed an economic mission, for the next decade: a faster rise in productivity than our main competitors, as we close the productivity gap.

    And for that to happen there is a second precondition – reinvigorating the work ethic in every community of our country.

    For too long too many people had become accustomed to not working and to a benefits system that failed to make work pay and led to the ‘why work’ syndrome at a cost to the work ethic. For too long historic British virtues – hard work and self improvement – had been drowned out. For too long opportunities in our economy had become detached from responsibilities to take them up.

    Now, because we expect everyone who can work to go to work and not sit at home on benefits, we are matching opportunity with responsibility. And with the help of your members who are signed up to the New Deal, youth unemployment is down 70 per cent and long term unemployment down 50 per cent. In the mid eighties as many as 500,000 young people were out of work. In 1997 the figure was 200,000. Now that we have reduced that figure to 50,000 we have a long way to go but already there are more people in work than ever before and unemployment is at its lowest for 20 years.

    As I said in the Budget, we will extend the opportunities and the obligations of the New Deal to the long term adult unemployed. And with one million vacancies in every region of the economy our agenda demanding responsibility in return for the extension of opportunity will intensify in the years to come.

    As we implement the report of Lord Grabiner QC, create new opportunities for the long term unemployed to work, take action to visit, telephone and coach long term unemployed men and women back into the jobs on offer and introduce tougher sanctions and penalties .

    Productivity

    And with stability, the renewed importance we attach to work is the precondition for the next stage of our agenda – to bridge the productivity gap with our competitors by opening enterprise to all.

    We have some of the greatest companies, some world class sectors, some global champions in whom we do and should take pride. But let us face facts. We have not enough of them and over the last 50 years, productivity growth in Britain has been just over two and a half per cent a year, compared to between three and a half per cent and four per cent among our main European competitors.

    I believe that when we look at changes in Britain’s relative economic position over the last century, one of the causes is that there has not been enough competition, dynamism and entrepreneurship in many areas of our economy – and over decades politicians and governments must take our share of the blame. We have to set aside the old sterile battles that posed enterprise against fairness, public against private, management against workforces and deprived us of the national economic purpose we need.

    Today we know that in a global economy greater competition at home is the key to greater competitiveness abroad. We know that it is the openness of the economy not its closed nature that is the driving force in productivity growth. And we know that it is the global reach of business, not protectionism, that is the key to dynamism and growth.

    Global competition challenges us to innovate, to be better managers, to perform more competitively on the world stage.

    So today I want to set out the next stage of our productivity push for the British economy -encouraging more competition, more innovation, more flexibility and more long term investment, sometimes by government getting out of the way.

    Sometimes by government positively improving the competitive environment.

    And meeting the productivity challenge – bridging the gap with our competitors – must be the priority over the next few years.

    Only with rising productivity can we meet people’s long-term expectations for rising standards of living without causing inflation or unemployment.

    There are of course those urging us to slow the pace of change or even to pause or turn back. But we cannot and must not slow the pace of economic reform.

    Increasingly every good and every service will be exposed to ever more fierce and relentless global competition.

    So we must work to remove all barriers to productivity in the economy – with a shared national effort to raise our game.

    I want us not only to give more people the chance to turn their ideas into profitable businesses but to be able to say to business in every part of the country this government will be on your side if you’re starting up, growing, hiring, investing, innovating, exporting, going public. At every stage, in every way, on your side as you move up the ladder of opportunity.

    In the last year we consulted widely with business and we set out in the Pre-Budget Report measures for radical reform in our capital labour and product markets to expand investment and productivity.

    Your views have helped shape policy to raise investment and productivity across the UK.

    The British Chamber of Commerce:

    • asked for permanent capital allowances – that give greater certainty to businesses wanting to plan ahead and invest;
    • proposed capital gains tax reform – removing the barriers to long term investment;
    • suggested improvements in corporate venturing tax incentive – helping the large companies that invest in the development of the small;
    • called for special help for small businesses as they invested for the future.

    The CBI joined you in calling for new permanent capital allowances, reform of capital gains tax and welcomed the introduction of our new R&D tax credit. They also proposed new incentives for employee share ownership – to help small firms recruit and retain the best people.

    The Federation of Small Business proposed new incentives to help small firms seize the opportunities of e-commerce and the Internet.

    And in the Budget we took positive action in every one of these areas.

    And we took action too on transport. Immediate new investment of 280 million pounds in transport, 250 million of it to a ring fenced fund for improving roads and public transport. And more important our 10 year plan to be published this summer which will set out our strategy for modernising transport infrastructure – building on our understanding that instead of the public sector fighting the private sector, public and private sectors can work together in the national interest.

    Let me explain my pro-business reforms – first capital gains tax reform. When we came into government and cut the long term rate of capital gains tax for business assets held for ten years or more, capital gains had been fixed at 40 per cent for almost ten years.

    Indeed the last government aligned the rate of capital gains tax with the top rate of tax.

    You could have excused me for leaving capital gains tax rates as they were. But I decided that an enterprise economy needed new and better rewards for enterprise.

    And so in the face of many other priorities – including the public services – I decided to devote substantial funds to radically cutting capital gains tax.

    From tomorrow the new capital gains rates for business assets are being cut from 40 per cent to 35 per cent after one year; to 30 per cent after two years; to 20 per cent after three years; and so while for a decade capital gains have been taxed at 40 per cent or above, for investments of four years or more they will now be taxed at 10 per cent.

    Having made these decisions I also looked at what I could do to recognize the importance of investors in small and medium sized businesses, and help business angels and I have redefined the help we will give to reward risk.

    Today business investors who own between 5 per cent and 25 per cent of a new and growing business do not benefit from the 10p rate. From tomorrow their rate will be 10 per cent for all investments above 5 per cent held for four or more years.

    I also wanted to recognize the importance we attach to the growing numbers of Britain’s unquoted companies. So for them all investments held for four years will benefit from the 10 per cent rate.

    So stage by stage we are removing the tax barriers to enterprise and creating in Britain the best tax environment for business investment.

    To encourage long term investment, the main rate of corporation tax cut has been cut from 33p to 30p, the lowest rate in the history of UK corporation tax, the lowest of all major industrialised countries.

    We have cut small business corporation tax from 23p to 20p and introduced a new starting rate of tax for small companies of 10p in the pound. Every company making profits of up to 50,000 pounds will benefit.

    Our new Enterprise Management Incentive scheme is tailor made for the new hi-tech companies. To motivate, recruit and reward Britain’s real risk takers, high tech firms recruiting essential personnel will be able to offer share option incentives of 100,000 pounds for up to 15 employees.

    We are consulting on a set of proposals to resolve the treatment of employer national insurance in share options.

    All of us recognised that innovation is the key to the future success of the new enterprise economy.

    Because it is well understood that two thirds of growth is the result of innovation we decided on special new incentives to encourage and reward the inventor and the innovator.

    Not only therefore have we allocated 150 million pounds to our new research and development tax credit, supporting nearly a quarter of new investment in small and medium-sized business research and development, but we are honouring the spirit of British invention, facilitating the exploitation of invention and encouraging the commercialisation of invention:

    • an extra £1.4 billion in basic scientific research;
    • from our University Challenge Fund seedcorn finance to commercialise inventions;
    • to transfer technology from the science lab to the marketplace, new Institutes of Enterprise in every region;
    • a new tax incentive to help the large companies sponsor the development of the small.

    I want to make Britain the best environment for e-commerce and catch up with America as swiftly as possible. You asked us to help e-commerce develop in small and medium sized businesses.

    We are introducing 100 per cent allowances for the next three years for any small business buying computers, or investing in e-commerce and new information technology.

    And to promote the use of the Internet we will legislate for other tax cuts – a 100 pounds tax cut for electronic filing of tax and VAT returns, and a further 50 pounds tax cut for electronic filing for those paying the Working Families Tax Credit.

    And of course the new Small Business Service – acting as a voice for small business at the heart of government; simplifying and improving government support for small businesses; and helping small businesses deal with regulation and ensuring small businesses’ interests are properly considered.

    So we are introducing measures to promote investment, enterprise, and innovation.

    The challenge for business is to take advantage of the new platform of stability and use these incentives to innovate, grow and expand – which will be particularly helpful to manufacturing and the regions.

    The challenge for government is to build on these reforms.

    Our productivity push will be stepped up in the coming year. So we will build on the measures we have already introduced with further reforms and incentives for the modernisation of our capital, product and labour markets, measures we will pursue in our constructive approach to Europe as well as in Britain. These will be set out in detail in this November’s Pre-Budget Report.

    First competition policy.

    Having made the Competition Authority independent and having accepted the main Cruickshank recommendations on banking we will now examine how we can further promote the best competitive environment.

    For the professions, the Office of Fair Trading has now set out a detailed remit to examine how best to ensure that the rules of professional bodies do not unnecessarily restrict or distort competition.

    I can report today that the remit is to look at:

    • rules which restrict entry to certain professions and legal restrictions on the ability of individuals who do not have specified qualifications from offering certain services;
    • rules on the conduct of regulated professionals such as restrictions or prohibitions on advertising or price competition;
    • and legal requirements which require third parties to use qualified professionals for certain transactions.

    For the regulatory system, the government will now consider how to scrutinize regulatory bodies and review existing and proposed regulations to ensure that they are promoting – not impeding – new entrants and competitive forces.

    For the planning system, we are not only introducing a series of changes in planning guidelines that will, for the first time, facilitate the formation of hi-tech clusters – helping to foster dynamic new businesses – but we are now ready to examine further necessary improvements.

    For the utilities, we will for the first time explicitly require the regulators to promote competition, so that we can continue to get the best deal for domestic and business consumers.

    And so we can ensure new entrants get the best deal and that small business is not pushed around by vested interests, the Office of Fair Trading is being given new investigative resources and trust-busting weapons, including the power to impose fines of up to 30 per cent of turnover.

    Second greater flexibility and adaptability in the labour market.

    Because we recognise that people will have to change jobs more often, that skills are at a premium, that reform has been needed from the 1980s onwards to create more flexibility, we will introduce further reforms to make our labour markets more dynamic and raise standards in education.

    Having put new grants for books equipment and staff directly in the hands of head teachers, David Blunkett has indicated that there will be new tests and targets for 12-14 year olds, and new measures to deal with failing schools.

    And to back up our extension of Educational Maintenance Allowances we now will encourage more young people from 14 to gain work experience and launch a staying on campaign.

    We are investing in new opportunities for small business employees to benefit from learning direct.

    Work permits will allow key workers in it areas to be employed in our country.

    And to make labour markets work better by giving employees more share in success, the all employee shareholding scheme -coming in this week – will offer the best incentives for employee shareholding we have seen.

    While our capital markets are among the best in the world. We must ensure there are no barriers to competition and innovation, that there are no closed circles, that there are no unnecessary constraints restricting investment decisions, and that investors have every opportunity and encouragement to back dynamic small and growing companies.

    Our proposed regional venture capital investment funds were unveiled this week by the head of the Small Business Service.

    Institutional investors have a vital role to play, controlling around 45 per cent of quoted equity investments. That is why I have asked Mr Paul Myners to head a review of institutional investment.

    I can report today that he will look at:

    • whether regulatory provisions have unintended effects on investment decision-making;
    • how pension funds make their investment decisions, and the role of professional advisers;
    • how institutional investors’ results and charges are reported;
    • and the incentive effects of the methods used to assess fund performance.

    He will report back to me in time for the next Budget.

    In sum, making for a Britain open to competition, and at the leading edge of change.

    Finally, we must work together in the months ahead to tackle the cultural barriers to enterprise.

    I want young people in every area of the country to see that enterprise is genuinely open to all.

    And I feel strongly that all of us have a role to play in building this new enterprise culture in every community.

    I am very pleased to see the British Chambers of Commerce forming a unique partnership with the CBI and Institute of Directors for the National Enterprise Campaign to be launched on 11 May.

    The business ambassadors ready to go into our schools, colleges and communities – 250 ambassadors initially and a target of 1000 by the end of 2001 – will become role models for a new generation of entrepreneurs.

    And the new nationwide campaign will build on the steps business and government are already taking to boost enterprise skills from school to adulthood:

    Let me tell you that we aim to double the number of pupils benefiting from enterprise courses in our schools;

    by improving the national network which introduces schools to businesses we will link all 30,000 schools to the world of business;

    and by ensuring pupils and teachers are given the opportunity for work experience and placements – with already six hundred thousand 14 to 16 year olds benefiting from work experience and thirty thousand teachers in work placement – we are now working with business and the world of education to build on this, improving the quality of placements and experience.

    New businesses need advice and mentoring. So working with the Prince’s Trust and others, we are building a national network of mentors to help businesses starting in the poorest areas. And we are offering new management scholarships – aimed specifically at entrepreneurs from high unemployment areas.

    And Stephen Byers and I will host a major UK-US conference later this year which will bring together leading US and UK entrepreneurs and representatives of leading companies and capital providers to look at further ways we can develop a more entrepreneurial and enterprise focussed economy in the UK.

    Stage by stage we are moving from the Britain where enterprise was often seen as a closed circle for the few, to a Britain where enterprise will be open to all.

    Opening enterprise to all means locking in the economic stability we are building and creating the most aggressively pro-competition policy in the world.

    Opening enterprise to all means being on the side of business as you grow, invest, and seek equity and it means – from school lessons in commerce to new encouragement for the over 50s – opening up every area in the country to enterprise, in some areas replacing the old dependency culture with a new enterprise culture.

    Conclusion

    So let me conclude.

    Now with the lowest corporate tax rates for businesses ever, the lowest ever capital gains tax rates for long term investors, the lowest basic income tax rate – at 22 pence – for 70 years, I believe we are making Britain the place for companies to start, to invest, to grow and to expand.

    But only with higher productivity, more enterprise and greater innovation can we meet all the challenges ahead.

    My vision is of a Britain where there is not stop go and boom bust but economic stability; a Britain which is business-friendly, and where there is enterprise, opportunity for all; a Britain which rewards the innovator and risk-taker and encourages a new generation of entrepreneurs, a Britain which because opportunity is open to all is enterprising and fair.

    And I believe we can achieve most by working not in isolation from each other but government, business leaders, and local communities working together, setting aside the old conflict, mobilising the great British qualities, our belief in hard work, enterprise creativity and fair play, and being open and outward looking to Europe and the world….the best and surest route to prosperity for all.

  • Andrew Smith – 2000 Speech to the IPPR Seminar

    Andrew Smith – 2000 Speech to the IPPR Seminar

    The speech made by Andrew Smith, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, on 5 April 2000.

    Introduction

    John has illustrated how PPPs are the cornerstone of our modernisation programme, and with some key examples shown how PPPs can make real difference to Britain’s public services. I want to demonstrate the scale of the benefits that PPPs are bringing, and how these benefits flow from the reforms we have made since the election. And I want to set out our vision to build on this success, extending and deepening the partnership concept to embrace new areas and different ways of doing business.

    The scale of the PPP programme

    Already public private partnerships are present in every area of the public sector and across the country.

    Since May 1997, at our last estimate we had signed contracts for over 200 projects, leveraging in capital investment of over 12 billion pounds.

    Compare this with less than 4 billion pounds of contracts signed during the whole of the last Parliament.

    Our frontline services have been the main beneficiaries.

    In the NHS, since we reformed PFI, three waves of major projects totalling 35 major hospitals have been agreed – that’s over £3 billion of extra investment. This represents the largest investment in new hospital facilities since the NHS was established.

    In the schools sector, eighteen individual schools projects and twenty three grouped projects, covering 520 schools, are underway.

    But this is just the start. Over the next three years we expect to sign contracts for projects with an estimated capital value of over £20 billion. This will include £8 billion to modernise the tube; more than 60 new education projects, 25 new health projects and 12 other new transport projects.

    Getting better value for money

    Central to our approach is to use PPPs only where they provide better value compared to public sector investment. Partnerships enable the public sector to benefit from commercial dynamism, innovation and project management and planning skills, harnessed through the introduction of private sector investors who contribute their own capital, skills and experience. In short, getting the private sector in to do what they usually do best, using the disciplines, incentives and expertise they have developed in the course of their normal everyday business. This allows Government to concentrate on what we usually do best – enforcing standards and protecting the public interest.

    Better value for money means that, within the resources available, we can deliver more essential services and to a higher standard than would otherwise have been the case. As John says, on average privately-financed projects are delivering savings of 17% compared to public sector alternatives – this represents savings of £2 billion on a £12 billion programme, equivalent to 25 new hospitals or 130 new schools.

    The Government’s reforms

    What makes a PPP programme of this scale possible, delivering the benefits I have described, are the reforms that we have made since the election. These reforms are designed to:

    • deliver significantly improved public services, and
    • to share the benefits of PPPs fairly between all stakeholders – this includes customers, taxpayers and employees at every level of the organisation.

    We started by reforming the Private Finance Initiative.

    To improve the flow of PFI deals, and provide better value for taxpayers we:

    • ended the previous Government’s insistence on universal testing which had caused only frustration and delay;
    • we took the decision to prioritise PFI schemes;
    • and we introduced standardised contracts into PFI deals.
    • we have also ensured that ownership of PFI assets will revert to the public sector at the end of the contract.
    • and unlike the last Government, we use PFI where it offers best value for money – not to move public sector investment off balance sheet.

    To ensure a fair deal for staff, we have provided for better consultation on PPP proposals, announced plans to protect staff pension entitlements, and have ended the requirement for staff providing services such as cleaning, caretaking and catering to have to transfer automatically to the private sector. We do this, because unlike the last Government we recognise that staff are partners in PPPs, and that the future success of the partnership relies on their dedication and commitment.

    And to ensure that PFI projects do bring demonstrable benefits to customers and those who rely on the services provided, we have designed contracts with the focus on outputs and performance. Private sector partners are clearer about what is expected of them and the implications if they fail to deliver.

    What is particularly encouraging is the way that private sector parties have responded to these reforms we have put in place. Construction companies are prepared to take on new risks – becoming investors in infrastructure, as well as merely providers of the asset. And a new industry in facilities management – providing the long term maintenance of assets – has been created to manage more effectively risks which fell to the public sector under conventional procurement. Increasingly, private sector providers are able to supply whole life costing for new assets, giving Government greater assurance that it is securing value for money.

    And the public sector has responded positively too. Privately-financed projects are acting as value benchmarks against which wholly public sector providers can be compared. As a result, the public sector is having to raise its game, both in the way it contracts for, and in the way it organises and manages capital projects.

    The Way Forward

    These changes in just the last few years point to the further potential of PPPs, as both the public and private sectors deepen and widen our experience of partnerships, to improve standards across the board and deliver the quality of public services that Britain deserves.

    On 15 March, I launched a document which for the first time set out the Government’s approach to the full range of partnerships between public and private sectors and which in the last chapter points to new forms of partnership which we need to develop. The same principles and themes underpin them all.

    But to make these partnerships work requires public and private sectors to continue develop new forms of relationships and work together in new and innovative ways.

    It requires Government to identify the opportunities for harnessing private sector disciplines. And private sector to adapt and organise to make its contribution as effectively as possible.

    One example, is the Wider Markets initiative which is helping to release the latent potential of public sector assets. This includes physical assets – land, premises and equipment, and intangibles such as intellectual property.

    Examples of PPPs in this area include the Defence Evaluation and Research Agency – transferring technology developed for the military into the civil sector, such as technology for producing flat loudspeakers and speech recognition.

    Another example is the increasing use of private sector individuals and parties in the development and implementation of policy.

    This can introduce new thinking and relevant experience into resolving policy problems and the modernisation of Government.

    But it requires public sector to be open to new ideas and new ways of working; and the private sector to be prepared to challenge traditional assumptions and also widen its horizons.

    Partnerships UK, which we expect to launch shortly to help Government develop and implement PPPs, could itself be seen as an example of this type of partnership.

    Conclusion

    Our vision is see the partnership concept extended. We have already seen what partnerships can achieve through the private finance initiative, as public and private sectors are finding new ways of working together to deliver better public services – for the benefit of customers, local communities, employees and taxpayers. The challenge John and I are setting today, to both public and private sectors, is to build on this success. To develop new and innovative forms of partnerships, so that together public and private sectors can be partners in the modernisation of Britain.

  • Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech at the James Meade Memorial Lecture

    Gordon Brown – 2000 Speech at the James Meade Memorial Lecture

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, at the London School of Economics on 8 May 2000.

    Tonight I want to set out our economic and social goals for our country, to detail the long-term strategy we are pursuing to implement them and – as we complete our third year in Government – to review the progress we are making and the next steps – in the coming spending review and beyond – that we intend to take.

    To achieve our objectives in a new economy that simultaneously offers greater opportunity and yet threatens greater insecurity, we require a fresh understanding of the rights and responsibilities of the citizen and the reach and role of Government.

    For only with a credible and radical view of citizenship as responsible citizenship, and a new view of the state as the enabling state can we fulfill our historic mission as a Government: building a Britain where there is security and opportunity, not just for the privileged few but for all.

    Such objectives were, in my view, at the centre of James Meade’s work which we honour with this lecture this evening . His life’s work was to show that in a modern economy efficiency and equality, far from being incompatible, were necessary allies. To achieve these, he sought a modern and fair relationship between individuals, markets and Government. Like us, he wanted to achieve high growth without inflation; he led the way in seeing full employment as efficient and fair; and he saw the best – not just the most basic – public services especially in health and education as the key to security and equal opportunity for all .

    The precondition – of high employment, higher living standards and strong public services – is economic stability. And it is by building on a platform of stability and by meeting our national economic goals that we can realise security and equal opportunity not just for those born to privilege but for all:

    our prosperity goal – in place of our historic under-performance against other countries, a faster rise in productivity than our competitors, as we close the productivity gap;

    our full employment goal – in contrast to years of high unemployment, that we have employment opportunity for all, a higher percentage of people in work than ever before;

    our education goal – instead of lagging behind other countries and suffering huge disparities in our educational attainments, we ensure educational opportunity for all. Aiming for 50 per cent of people going into higher education for the first time in our history, and as close as possible to 100 per cent of young people with computer skills;

    our anti-poverty goal – in contrast to the rise in inequality and poverty seen over recent decades, that we ensure every child has the best start in life as we halve child poverty in ten years and end it within twenty;

    and in addition, the public services goal. Instead of our inheritance, inadequate public services which failed to guarantee opportunity or security for all, we invest for the future in strong public services there when people need them.

    Not only the scale of our ambitions for the coming decade but Britain’s legacy of economic under-performance, social division and rising inequality required us in 1997 to reject the short-term, quick fix in favour of a consistent, long-term strategy. So we have never pretended that Britain’s problems could be solved overnight, or that they could be resolved without the need for tough decisions.

    Indeed, we will not waiver and must remain single-minded in focussing on our long-term challenges: whether it is reforming labour, capital and product markets to bridge the productivity gap or modernising delivery of public services to achieve our health, education, and anti-poverty gaols

    The last few decades teach us to reject the short-termism of flawed quick fixes – policy lurches in face of short-term difficulties – rather than taking the tough decisions to achieve our long-term economic and social aims. It is not by populist quick fixes or gesture politics but by maintaining stability and seeing through long-term modernisation and principled reforms that we will achieve our goals for full employment, prosperity and social justice.

    And we recognise most of all – and this is my theme tonight – that our goals cannot be achieved by the old methods of old left or old right.

    Indeed, fundamentally, they require a new, modern understanding of the duties of citizenship and the role and limits of Government.

    We reject the old left command and control view of Government which mistakenly equated public ownership and a public bureaucracy with the public interest, argued that full employment could be achieved simply by old-style demand management, and suggests that the only answer to poverty is compensating the poor for their situation rather than tackling the underlying causes.

    This old and misguided view of the state – irrelevant for a global economy – was accompanied by a failure to place sufficient emphasis on personal responsibility. I believe instead that our determination to combat social and economic injustice should be matched, not by insisting on rights without responsibilities, but by asserting the responsibility of the individual.

    So an out-of-date view of the relationship between individual and state led in the 80’s to the right-wing attack on collective provision: their exclusive reliance on markets , their rejection as evil of any kind of state intervention, and the crude dogma of a self-interested individualism which denied there was such a thing as a society.

    For the right, the best Government is the least Government. Yet abandoning established responsibilities of Government – saying that there is nothing Government can do – did not improve our productivity performance, but instead led to more people out of work and a cycle of poor skills, worklessness and deprivation.

    That has been the legacy of absentee Government and it was to, step by step, tackle these problems of economic inefficiency and social injustice that a new Government was needed and given a mandate in 1997.

    That was – and remains – our task, a strong economy and a fairer society, but to do so we require a better understanding of the duties of citizenship and the role and limits of Government.

    I believe that as advocates of economic and social renewal, we should reclaim both the ethic of personal responsibility as we stress obligations as well as opportunities, and affirm the ethic of fairness, as we root out economic injustice.

    Take our goal of full employment. We know it cannot be achieved by the old right ways – of leaving it wholly to market forces – nor by the old left methods – simply by pulling the macroeconomic levers without tackling underlying structural weaknesses, not least the need for rights and responsibilities in the labour market

    And just as we support, in the New Deal, new opportunities for employment but new obligations to seize them, so too elsewhere we support responsibilities accompanying rights:

    new opportunities for already an extra 100,000 higher education students, but in our new system of student finance new obligations to contribute when earnings are higher;
    new help for mothers – a £300 pound maternity grant in the year their babies are born, but a new responsibility that health checks for the baby are met;
    new help for teenagers – with educational maintenance allowances available in return for staying on at school and seeking higher qualifications;
    new help for adult learning, a break from the old system of levies or simply doing nothing, with an Individual Learning Account for initially I million adults to which Government contributes but the individual contributes too.
    And with the growth of personal responsibility, we seek the growth of corporate responsibility too:

    new opportunities in the financial service industries but in return a new requirement from financial services companies for openness and transparency;
    for the environment, new incentives for heavy energy users matched by a responsibility, in the climate change levy, to deliver environmental improvements;
    and in the global economy, a new responsibility on Governments to be transparent, to be accountable and to agree a dialogue and partnership with the private sector – and in return greater responsibilities on the private sector to contribute to crisis prevention and crisis resolution.

    So whether it be individual or corporate responsibility, our call is for a responsible citizenship.

    And we understand what the right fails to acknowledge, that there is a public interest in growth, employment, fairness and the best public services, but understand too that this public interest can best be advanced not by allowing the public sector to become a vested interest, but often by the public sector ceasing to be controller or owner and becoming partner, catalyst, sponsor, coordinator. Action that empowers rather than directs.

    So our call is not for big Government but better Government, what we might call an enabling state.

    And underlying all this is our understanding of the changed world in which we live – a period of great technological advance and opportunity, but also a period of unprecedented restructuring and insecurity – and the reform this necessitates in the relationships between individuals, markets, and Government.

    More than ever, we need to help equip people to cope with the insecurities that ever faster change brings.

    More than ever, we need to remove the old barriers and let everyone move ahead.

    In the new economy where capital and companies are mobile, we must ensure that we offer the right environment and help for business to succeed in every part of Britain, and ensure that we have the right competitive environment, the key to competitiveness abroad.

    So in the new economy, the role for Government is neither to obstruct change nor to passively abdicate responsibility for managing the consequences of change that affect working people, but instead equip people and companies to meet and master change.

    So it is on this basis – an enabling Government encouraging responsible citizenship in pursuit of opportunity and security for all – that we will continue to take the tough long term decisions on the side of Britain’s hard-working majority – in the spending review, in drawing up the next election manifesto and beyond.

    First, stability

    The first objective national Governments must have, in a global marketplace, is to maximise economic stability. We have learnt that monetary and fiscal stability is a necessary pre-condition for national economic success. For in a global economy, funds will flow to those countries whose policies inspire confidence. And investors punish mistakes more quickly and more severely than in the past.

    Both the old Keynesian fine-tuning, and the rigid application of fixed monetary targets, were policies designed for sheltered national economies and based on apparently stable and predictable relationships which have now broken down in our modern, liberalised and global capital markets.

    So our policy has been to set for a global economy a new long-term framework for monetary and fiscal policy that can command new confidence. Its essence is that long-term, open and transparent decision-making procedures which command credibility provide a better route to stability than fixed monetary or exchange rate rules.

    That is why, when we came into power in Britain in May 1997, we put in place a radically different monetary framework based on imposing consistent rules – the symmetrical inflation target; settled and well understood procedures – with Bank of England independence; and openness and transparency.

    Side by side with this and as important, a radically improved fiscal discipline with, again, clear and consistent rules – the golden rule for public spending; well understood procedures – our fiscal responsibility legislation; and here, too, a new openness and transparency.

    Already we are seeing the rewards of creating Bank of England independence and new fiscal rules.

    And it is because we sought to learn from the political mistakes of the last forty years that this Government will maintain its prudent and tough approach. So we must all be determined not to make the old British mistake of paying ourselves too much today at the cost of higher interest rates and fewer jobs tomorrow.

    I understand the great difficulties that the current fall in the euro is causing for British industry, particularly in manufacturing.

    Such a euro-sterling exchange rate cannot be justified by any view of long-term economic fundamentals. But manufacturers who have suffered from the old boom and bust – and the short-term policy lurches which all too often went wrong – would also reject a return to the short- term quick fix which would put at risk the long-term stability which is the foundation for steady growth, investment and job creation.

    Raising our productivity

    Stability is a necessary pre-condition to deliver our objectives for growth and employment, but it is not sufficient. An economy cannot fly on only one wing. Supply side or microeconomic reform is also essential to raising our productivity.

    Some people argue that Governments working with business cannot improve the productivity levels of the economy. I reject this pessimistic view. Of course it is businesses that create wealth, and managers and workforces that create jobs and higher output, but Governments must ensure that the environment within which wealth is created is one that favours competition, not monopoly or vested interests, and that the economy has properly functioning labour, capital and product markets.

    And fifty years of economic history from 1945 – marred by a succession of sterile and self-defeating conflicts between state and market, managements and workforces, public and private sectors – taught us the need for national economic purpose , for an end to short-termism and the need for all – industry, the financial community, and Government – to take a long term view:

    industry, by investing for the long term;
    the financial community, by refusing to resort to the short-termism and stop-go attitudes which have bedevilled us since the war;
    and Government, by not only ensuring lasting stability but taking seriously its responsibilities to remove the barriers to productivity and growth.

    So while 30 years ago, Governments responded to the productivity challenge with top-down plans, and tax incentives and grants primarily for physical investment, today it is a more complex role for Government – the encouragement of competition, the modernisation of capital and labour markets, and the encouragement of innovation and an enterprise culture open to all, so that British industry-manufacturing and services can close our productivity gap and deliver higher profits, investment employment and growth

    First, we are removing the tax barriers to enterprise and creating in Britain the best tax environment for business investment – we have cut small companies? tax from 23p to 20p, introduced a new 10p rate of corporation tax for small companies, and radical reforms to capital gains tax. While for a decade capital gains have been taxed at 40 per cent or above, they will now be taxed at 10 per cent for investments of four years or more .

    Second, new incentives to encourage and reward the inventor and the innovator – we are investing an extra £1.4 billion in basic scientific research, and have put in place a new R&D tax credit; our University Challenge Fund is providing finance to commercialise inventions; and to transfer technology from the science lab to the marketplace, we have new Institutes of Enterprise.

    And these measures are of special importance to manufacturing, which will secure the biggest benefit from permanent capital allowances, the new R&D tax credit, the 100 per cent allowance for introducing new technology; and the regional funds and the doubling of modern apprenticeships.

    Third, because we recognise the sharpest spur to innovation, efficiency and improvement is competition, we are removing the barriers to competition. We have rewritten this country’s out-dated framework of competition law. We have given the Office of Fair Trading new powers and new money to police anti-competitive practices which damage businesses and consumers alike. And now we will be consulting on the next stage, withdrawing ministers from the decision process on merger cases.

    Our productivity push will be stepped up in the coming year. We will build on the measures we have already introduced with further reforms and incentives for the modernisation of our capital markets, product markets and labour markets. These will be set out in detail in this November’s Pre-Budget Report.

    We are examining how we can further promote the best competitive environment for industry and consumers alike.

    For the professions, the Office of Fair Trading is now working through a detailed remit to examine how best to ensure that the rules of professional bodies do not unnecessarily restrict or distort competition.

    For banking, having accepted the main Cruickshank recommendations, we will legislate to ensure the UK payments system is open to new competition.

    In our capital markets, we must ensure there are no barriers to competition and innovation, that there are no unnecessary constraints restricting investment decisions, and that investors have every opportunity and encouragement to back dynamic small and growing companies in manufacturing and services in all our regions.

    Not city and industry working against each other, nor the old battles between private and public sector but city industry and Government together playing their part in promoting industrial growth.

    That is why, following the Cruickshank Report, I have asked Mr Paul Myners to head a review of institutional investment to cover all these issues. Institutional investors have a vital role to play, controlling around 45 per cent of quoted equity investments and Mr Myners will report back to me in time for action in the next budget.

    In this way we are removing the old barriers of under-investment and neglect that for too long have held our regions back. Working with the new Regional Development Agencies and the Small Business Service, our aim is balanced economic development across all the regions and nations of the United Kingdom – a modern regional policy supporting local innovation, more investment and improved infrastructure.

    Having launched a network of regional venture capital investment funds – with a target of one billion pounds – John Prescott and I will, in the Comprehensive Spending Review, announce further measures to strengthen the work of the Regional Development Agencies.

    I want Britain to be a world leader in enterprise – and by moving from a Britain where enterprise was confined to a closed circle of the few to a Britain where enterprise is open to all, I want, as this week we launch the National Enterprise Campaign, the opportunities and benefits of enterprise to be shared by all regions and all people. I believe Government, business leaders, and local communities can now work together to achieve this aim.

    Employment

    When the Government came to power in 1997, we put the restoration of the work ethic at the centre of our social and economic policy, our aim, for the next decade, employment opportunity for all with a higher proportion of people in employment than ever before.

    To help achieve this, we are building a new and modernised welfare state, one that in addition to its traditional and necessary function of giving security to those who cannot work, promotes work, makes work pay and gives people the skills they need to get better jobs.

    In the last 20 years, unemployment has been the primary cause of poverty in Britain today.

    Simply compensating people for their poverty through benefits is not enough, the task must be to deal with the causes of poverty. And the best form of welfare is work. So we have put in place a long-term strategy to help those sections of the population excluded for too long:

    the young unemployed;
    the long term unemployed;
    lone parents;
    and the disabled who can work.

    Already over 400,000 young people have joined the New Deal and almost 200,000 have found jobs – the vast majority sustained jobs. A further 120,000 have gained valuable experience on New Deal options. And over 70,000 employers have signed up to the New Deal. Since the election, long-term youth unemployment has halved.

    And because we have succeeded in this Parliament in removing the old barriers to employing the young, from April next year we will extend the opportunities and the obligations of the New Deal to the long-term adult unemployed – with four options of work, work-based training, work experience including in the voluntary sector, and self-employment. But no fifth option, no staying at home on benefit doing nothing.

    The relationship we are forging between rights and responsibilities is firmly rooted in both economic opportunity and individual responsibility.

    Instead of being left to draw benefit at a Social Security office, the unemployed who are able to work will sign up to seek work, with the long -term unemployed offered the help of a personal employment adviser.

    In Britain, unlike any other comparable countries, unemployment among lone parents is over 50 per cent. Starting nationally from next April, lone parents with children over five will attend work-focused interviews to find out about the new choices on offer: the choice to train for work with a new cash payment of £15 a week on top of benefits for training; the choice of a few hours work a week, with the first £20 of earnings allowed with no reduction in benefit; the choice of part-time work with a guaranteed £155 for 16 hours of work, or the choice of full-time work on a guaranteed £214 a week; and on every rung of this ladder of opportunity there will be help with child care.

    Our aim is to create a ladder of opportunity with Government on the side of working people as they seek and find jobs, and in many cases consider self employment and starting a business. And to sustain our goal of full employment, Government needs to ensure work pays.

    When this Government came to power, with no minimum wage in place and the tax and benefits system unreformed, many of those without work faced an unemployment trap, where work paid less than benefits, and the low-paid in work faced a poverty trap which meant that they faced marginal tax and benefit rates of 80, 90 or even over 100 per cent.

    To tackle this, we needed to combine a sensible and prudent minimum wage with a generous and fair system of in-work support.

    And all the measures we have introduced – the 10p tax rate, the 22p basic rate, reform of National Insurance, the children’s tax credit and the most important innovation, the Working Families Tax Credit, are the building blocks of this strategy.

    Already, over 1 million people are receiving the Working Families Tax Credit which means that every working family with someone working full-time is guaranteed a minimum income of over 200 pounds a week today, and £214 a week from April next year.

    And as a result of all these measures, the family on half average earnings will be £2,600 a year better off in real terms in 2001 compared to 1997 – a rise in living standards of 20 per cent this year alone – the biggest improvement in living standards for a generation.

    So while the old tax system simply set a personal allowance that failed to ensure that work paid, and also made thousands pay tax even as they claimed benefits, we are putting in place a new more progressive system that encourages and rewards work.

    Instead of a tax system that has rates from 40 per cent to 0 per cent, we now have a tax and benefits system with rates from 40 per cent to 10 per cent and then to as low as -200 per cent at earnings of around £60 a week – for every £ people earn, up to £2 paid in WFTC.

    Our next step is to extend the principle of the WFTC. Of course, barriers to work across the workforce are different for different groups- for families with children, those without children, older workers and single people.

    From 2003, we will introduce an employment tax credit, paid through the wage packet, available to households without children as well as households with children.

    As a first step, we began this April with an employment credit with a minimum income guarantee for over 50’s returning to work.

    Full employment is not just about the right to work, but, where there are jobs, the responsibility and the requirement to work. So, as we extend opportunities to those who are out of work, we will extend the responsibility to take up the work on offer. The informal or hidden economy is now draining billions of pounds in fraudulent benefit claims and unpaid taxes.

    This loss of revenues, this incidence of fraud, this waste of resources, cannot be allowed to continue and especially when there are jobs that benefit claimants could take. That is why we are implementing the report of Lord Grabiner QC. I can confirm we will legislate to tackle benefit fraud and we will take powers in the Finance Bill for a new statutory offence of fraudulent tax evasion. This will enable the Inland Revenue to prosecute in the Magistrates? Court those who evade their responsibilities.

    Education

    New opportunities matched by responsibilities are also at the heart of our education policy too. By the end of the coming decade, our goal is not the old 10 per cent of the Sixties, or 20 per cent of the Eighties, but more than 50 per cent of young people entering higher education.

    In addition to the investment in higher standards in schools colleges and universities, let me emphasise that we make equal opportunity count by the creation for lifelong learning of Individual Learning Accounts and the University for Industry and the extension of educational maintenance allowances of up to 40 pounds a week in our highest unemployment communities. Higher rates of staying on in education are our aim and in return for young people pursuing higher qualifications, we provide new cash support. Once again the enabling state. In schools, encouraging and rewarding effort.

    Child poverty

    Our goal is that every child has the best possible start in life – ending child poverty in twenty years and halving it in ten years.

    And it is because the scale of the injustice over the last 20 years was so great that we have already taken action to lift 1.2 million children out of poverty and are investing in a new Sure Start programme to give the youngest children in the poorest areas a far better start in life.

    In the Child Poverty Action Group lecture next week, I will set out new measures to fight the war against child poverty, showing how we plan to tackle social injustice and extend opportunity in new ways.

    First, we recognise the war against child poverty cannot be won by Government and parents alone. It depends on engaging the voluntary community and charitable sector and in both our Sure Start programmes and the Children’s Fund we will devolve power from the national and local Government to community-based organisations

    And second, we match new opportunities with new responsibilities – new help for mothers when their babies are born, but a new responsibility that vital health checks for children are undertaken.

    Pensioners

    Just as we have a long-term strategy to tackle child poverty and have made a start, so too pensioner poverty. As a result of the measures introduced since 1997, we will be spending £6.5 billion more over the Parliament supporting pensioners. We are spending more than we would have spent if we had simply restored the earnings link. And we are spending it in a fairer way – helping the poorest most.

    As I said in the Budget, based on forecast rates of inflation, we expect the basic state pension rise in April 2001 to be over 2 pounds for single pensioners and over 3 pounds for couples.

    All pensioners benefit from the new winter fuel allowance – raised to £150 for the coming winter – and measures like free TV licenses for the over 75’s and the new minimum income guarantee have helped the poorest pensioners the most.

    So our first priority was to tackle pensioner poverty. And, taking these measures together, I million pensioners will be up to £20 a week better off since 1997.

    The next stage is to ensure that pensioners are not penalised for their thrift, and therefore to do more for pensioners with modest occupational pensions and small savings.

    And later in the year, Alistair Darling will be consulting on a measure for the next Parliament – the new pensioners credit. This will do more for those with modest occupational pensions and savings who should not be penalised for having worked hard all their lives and saved for their retirement.

    Spending review

    In all these initiatives to meet our productivity, employment, education and anti-poverty goals, our approach is driven by a desire to match opportunity and security and it is underpinned by reform

    This approach is at the heart of this year’s spending review as we build public services that make people more secure, something that is even more important in today’s world of rapid economic uncertainty and change.

    In the last spending review, we recognised that to achieve these objectives both the role of Government and the management of spending and investment has to change, as we broke from the annual cycle that was short-termist and wasteful. In this review we extend these reforms, further matching new investment with further modernisation.

    With our focus on results, we are breaking down the old incrementalism that concentrated on inputs and not results.

    With our commitment to cross cutting reviews and decisions to target public spending on our priority policy areas, we are breaking down the crude departmentalism that led to duplication and waste.

    With the doubling of public investment, we are breaking from the old focus on consumption alone, as instead we seek to equip Britain for the future.

    And with our public private partnerships extended, we are ending the old public private split.

    This prudent approach is for a purpose to ensure that department by department, we implement our commitment to extending opportunity for all, investing in our future and creating a fairer Britain.

    Already we have shown our commitment to the NHS with the largest ever sustained increase in NHS funding and the intensive review of the NHS which the Prime Minister is leading .

    I am convinced that with tough decisions, we can also meet our priorities not just in health but in our other key priorities including additional money for education, criminal justice, transport and tackling social exclusion, in return for reform.

    Conclusion

    So we are determined to stay the course of reform and modernisation to achieve these ends.

    The way forward is through an enabling Government which encourages responsible citizenship and aims for security and equal opportunities for all – the key to lasting change in our country and a stronger fairer Britain.

  • Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech to the Entrepreneurial Economy Conference

    Stephen Timms – 2000 Speech to the Entrepreneurial Economy Conference

    The speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Financial Secretary to the Treasury, on 9 May 2000.

    Introduction

    Sir Peter and friends, I am delighted to be able to join you at this important conference.

    The global economy is changing at a speed difficult for any of us to keep up with. As the Prime Minister has said, the wind of economic change has never blown through our economies with such force as it is doing today.

    So this afternoon, I want to discuss the Government’s view of how we can equip ourselves to meet the challenges of this ever faster change – and achieve the prize of a modernised economy which, because opportunity and security are open to all, is both enterprising and fair.

    Stability

    After the election, our first economic objective was to achieve a new stability in the British economy. And we are now delivering a platform of stability and steady growth, with inflation low and the public finances under control.

    We can illustrate the scale of what has been achieved with what is now a pretty impressive set of superlatives:

    More people are now in work than ever before in our history. The rate of unemployment is at its lowest for 20 years and still falling and there are one million vacancies on offer across all parts of the UK.

    And what is particularly important I think is the dramatic fall in youth unemployment. Across the country, it’s at its lowest level for 25 years. Everybody sees there are incalculable benefits of having so many young people familiar now with the habits and disciplines of having a job, when so many young people have been robbed of that for so long in the past.

    We are investing now a bigger share of our national wealth than any major competitor in the European Union, and a bigger share even than the US.

    Inflation in Britain has now been lower for longer than at any time in the past 30 years. And British inflation today is the lowest of any member of the European Union.

    The state of the public finances is sound. In contrast to the deficit of £28 billion in 1997, this year we will make a debt repayment of £12 billion. So, the monetary and fiscal foundations we are building on are strong foundations. And we are determined to keep them that way.

    But our prudence is not for its own sake. It’s for a purpose. And that purpose is well summed up by the four ambitions that Gordon Brown first set out last November for Britain to achieve in the coming decade:

    our prosperity ambition: that we should be bridging the productivity gap with our competitors, after decades of lagging behind;

    the full employment ambition: that we should achieve employment opportunity for all, and that we should have a higher proportion of people actually in jobs than we have ever managed before, and do so on a durable basis;

    the education ambition: that for the first time, at least half of our school leavers should go on to study for a degree by the end of the decade;

    and finally our antipoverty ambition: that we should halve the number of children living in poverty by 2010, on the way to the Prime Minister’s ambition of eradicating child poverty altogether within 20 years.

    Four ambitions which I think are now attainable and which encapsulate our commitment to a modern and decent Britain where opportunity and security are not just for a few but for everybody.

    In the past, enterprise was open to some but all too often it was a closed circle which excluded too many.

    In the Britain we want – a Britain where there is opportunity for all, fairness to all, and responsibility accepted by all – we must have enterprise open to all as well.

    Our economy will be so much stronger – and our society too – if we can release the dynamism, the creativity and the potential of all of our people.

    The pace of reform has to match the pace of change. The societies which will prosper will be those that are open, flexible, and able to distinguish between fundamental values they must keep and policies they must adapt. Those that move too slowly, or are in hock to vested interests, reacting negatively to change, will quickly fall behind.

    I want to outline today the three fundamental areas of reform we need to push through for success in our aims:

    First, competition – creating the right competitive environment for business;

    Second, by tackling the cultural barriers to enterprise; and

    Third, by transforming the relationship between Government, business and our citizens.

    First, creating the right competitive business environment.

    We won’t achieve our aims if small businesses or enterprising individuals are denied access to the marketplace and pushed aside by vested interests. In future we need to be the champion of opening up competition, and so opening up enterprise to all. We have already rewritten our outdated framework of competition law.

    We have given the Office of Fair Trading new powers and new money to police anti-competitive practices which damage businesses and consumers alike. And now we will be consulting on the next stage, withdrawing Ministers from the decision process on merger cases.

    For banking, having accepted Don Cruickshank’s main recommendations, we will legislate to ensure the UK payments system is open to new competition.

    In our capital markets to, we must ensure there are no barriers to competition and innovation, that there are no unnecessary constraints restricting investment decisions, and that investors have every opportunity and encouragement to back dynamic small and growing companies.

    For the professions, the Office of Fair Trading has now set out a detailed remit to examine how best to ensure that the rules of professional bodies do not unnecessarily restrict or distort competition.

    Tax

    But more competition is not enough on its own. Almost by definition, an enterprise economy needs high levels of entrepreneurship and investment.

    But at the moment, too few businesses in the UK realise their potential because there is not enough investment to capitalise on our entrepreneurial talent and to enable firms to seize the new growth opportunities.

    That is why when we came into government we cut the long term rate of capital gains tax for business assets held for ten years or more.

    This year, we very greatly extended the numbers who benefit from lower capital gains rates, shortening the business assets taper from 10 right back down to 4 years. That is a step change in the incentives for investment and a huge boost in particular for many small and medium sized businesses – and an equally huge boost to the incentives to set up new ones.

    Two days after the Budget, I attended a breakfast meeting hosted by one of the larger accountancy firms. A senior tax partner there said the Budget had put him out of his old job because so many tax loopholes had been closed. But thanks to capital gains tax reform, he expects to have a new job – encouraging clients to invest more in enterprise and in their own future. I hope the accountants here today will feel the same. It’s the start of a new, proinvestment era and you have a key role to play in making a success of it. We have also radically widened the definition of business assets to include all shareholdings in unquoted companies and all employee shareholdings, encouraging more of those who are involved in the success of a business to invest in its future and to secure the rewards from their investments.

    The Budget also recognised the important role share options can play, particularly for young, growing businesses which often don’t have enough cashflow to reward their employees fully in cash.

    Now, Enterprise Management Incentives will enable companies with gross assets less than 15 million pounds to recruit and retain their 15 key employees, with tax advantaged shares options worth up to 100,000 pounds, normally without any Income Tax or National Insurance charge.

    And I have been asked by the Chancellor to conduct a consultation on a technical solution to the tax treatment of share options in unapproved schemes, and I?m moving quickly to fulfil his request, and, I hope, to resolve quickly the serious technical problem that currently exists.

    Taken together, our measures are the biggest boost for employee shareholding our country has ever seen, a boost for enterprise and a boost for security and fairness as well.

    And now – with the lowest corporate tax rates for businesses ever; the lowest ever capital gains tax rates for long term investors; and – at 22 pence – the lowest basic income tax rate for 70 years – bit by bit we are making Britain the place for companies to start, to invest, to grow and to expand.

    Cultural barriers to enterprise

    The second key area of reform is to break down all the entrenched cultural barriers to enterprise.

    Not only must the work ethic be reinvigorated in every community of Britain but there needs to be a dynamic business culture which encourages enterprise open to all.

    When we were elected in 1997, we put the restoration of the work ethic at the centre of our social and economic policy.

    The role for government today is to remove the barriers to work and let everyone move ahead. To ensure that we give everyone the chance to contribute to the enterprise economy, if they can.

    So we are building a new and modernised welfare state – one that in addition to its traditional and necessary function of giving security to those who cannot work, promotes work, makes work pay and give people the skills they needed to get better jobs – matching new opportunities with new responsibilities for the unemployed to take up the opportunities.

    And already, over 400,000 young people have joined our New Deal programme and almost 200,000 have found jobs- the vast majority sustained jobs. Now we are extending the opportunities and obligations to the long term adult unemployed as well.

    The rewards of work are being raised for working families as well. Already over one million people are receiving the Working Families Tax Credit, guaranteeing every working family with some one working full time a minimum weekly income of over 200 pounds today, and 214 pounds from next April.

    And we want to see this new culture of enterprise extend to every part of the country, so that in places where in the past it was assumed that you would never get a job, in the future people will be starting their own enterprises and making a success of them for their own benefit and for the benefit of their communities.

    Education

    Rights and responsibilities are at the heart of our education programme too.

    In an economy where there is an increasing premium on skills and where people need to be properly equipped to cope with change, we will devote more resources to education, including IT, so that everyone – at all ages – can move ahead.

    So we have extended nursery education, reoriented our primary school system around numeracy and literacy, with startlingly good results, doubled the annual capital spending on schools, and committed resources for an extra 800,000 people in further and higher education by 2002.

    And to close the digital divide we are investing 1.7 billion pounds in our national IT strategy. Connecting all schools and libraries through the National Grid for Learning and providing. money for teacher and librarian training. Offering cheap PCs to low-income families. And creating up to 1000 IT Learning Centres to enable disadvantaged communities across the country to acquire basic ICT skills.

    Our £1.7 billion investment will deliver a new network of computer learning with a single purpose: that the whole of Britain is equipped for the information age. So that the opportunities of the new technologies are shared by everyone.

    For people in work, our proposals for a million Individual Learning Accounts and a University for Industry recognise that people should not only upgrade their skills throughout life but they should be encouraged to take responsibility for doing so.

    Our University for Industry will use the latest technology, including the Internet, to do in this decade for lifelong learning what in the 1970s the Open University did for university learning.

    Enterprise Insight

    Finally, we want young people in every area of the country to see that enterprise really is open to them.

    Every one of us here has a role to play in building this new enterprise culture.

    In two days time, on the 11th of May, the Prime Minister will be launching a business led national enterprise campaign, together with the British Chambers of Commerce, the CBI and the Institute of Directors.

    The campaign, under the name Enterprise Insight, will raise awareness about the role and value of business and enterprise, with a national network of businesses ambassadors – including Reuben Singh, Alan Sugar, Richard Branson and others – who will take part in young people’s forums, roadshows, seminars and media events throughout the country.

    Please get involved in what ever way you can.

    The new campaign will build on the steps business and government are already taking to boost enterprise skills nationwide, from school to adulthood.

    Government

    The third and final area for reform is Government itself.

    Some say in these heady times of change that government is a defunct piece of machinery which no longer has any relevance to the way a modern economy is run.

    Certainly the winds of change challenge government to reform as much as any business or individual.

    That’s why, last month, the Prime Minister proposed a challenging target for Government – to offer all services online by 2005.

    We need to transform relationships between government and citizen by delivering services on-line. And we need to do it quickly.

    We also need to transform policy-making by managing government online.

    The first step is to develop a clear strategy. So Andrew Smith, my colleague as Chief Secretary to the Treasury, and Patricia Hewitt, as our eminister, are heading a crosscutting spending review to look at all aspects of Government and e-commerce.

    We want businesses and people to be able to access government anywhere and anytime.

    From a computer. A mobile device. A TV. A kiosk in a post office or in a shopping centre.

    The Small Business Service, headed by David Irwin who is next on the programme, will offer a single electronic point of entry, for all small businesses – providing advice and information, backed up by new call centres.

    The challenge to us is to make government content, and government services, available across all our networks – wired and wireless – to all the devices.

    But as well as reforming the ways of government, perhaps even more importantly, government must articulate the case for reform by allying it to a purpose for the reform; to a vision of the future; to the values that underpin it. That’s how political direction and leadership can exert their own beneficial modernising influence.

    Conclusion

    So we have begun with a new platform of stability and we are determined to maintain it. And with these three key areas of reform – for a more competitive business environment, for a modern enterprise culture and for a transformed Government – we are optimistic our new enterprise economy can rise to the challenges ahead – delivering opportunity and security to everybody.

    Our objectives are two-fold – to build an enterprise economy and a fair society. The two go together. They are not alternatives. Doing well and doing good go hand in hand. An enterprise economy is the route to jobs and prosperity. And a fair society where there are opportunities for all will have an economy which is more competitive and more productive.

    The challenges are enormous but if we work together the prize is an enormous one too – a modern enterprise economy offering optimism for the future, ready to provide opportunity and greater prosperity to all our people in the years ahead.

    Thank you for the contribution you are making – let’s work together to make this a success for all our people.