Category: Defence

The statement made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 22 May 2025.

Thank you, Prime Minister.

As the world becomes more dangerous, the Diego Garcia military base becomes more important.

But I want to underline the urgency and uncertainty over the future control of this UK base.

Within weeks, we faced new legal rulings which would weaken the UK’s full operational sovereignty over this base, and within just a few years, this irreplaceable military and intelligence base would become inoperable.

That’s why we have taken action today.

That is why the Prime Minister has signed this treaty today, securing this base for the next 99 years and beyond.

Our allied nations are right behind us and behind this deal – the US, Australia, New Zealand, India, Canada.

Others want to see this base closed. They want to see this deal collapse – China, Russia, Iran.

The value of this deal is beyond doubt.

Full control of Diego Garcia for the next 99 years and beyond.

Full control and protection of the electromagnetic spectrum that priceless intelligence; communications, sensors; radar; a strengthened buffer zone so we can control the seas and the skies immediately around Diego Garcia and wider islands up to 100 miles – an effective veto over any developments or hostile activities.

And with the base in jeopardy, no action was no option, and anyone who would argue to abandon this deal would abandon this base.  So let me be clear, the British people and our British forces are safer today and into the future because of this deal.

Thank you.

The statement made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, in the House of Commons on 30 April 2025.

I wish to make a statement to update the House on the action we took last night against a Houthi military target. We did so in collective self-defence and to uphold the freedom of navigation, as Britain has always done.

Yesterday, UK forces conducted a joint operation with US allies against a Houthi military facility in Yemen. Our intelligence analysis identified a cluster of buildings 15 miles south of Sanaa used by the Houthis to manufacture drones of the type used to attack ships in the Red sea and in the gulf of Aden. Royal Air Force Typhoon FGR4s, with air refuelling support from RAF Voyager tankers, struck a number of those buildings with Paveway IV precision bombs last night. This action was limited, targeted and devised to minimise the risk to civilian life. Everyone involved in the UK operation has returned to base safely. On behalf of the House, I thank all members of our armed forces involved in this operation and pay tribute to them for their total professionalism and courage.

Yesterday’s operation was carried out alongside the US, our closest security ally. It was conducted in line with both the UN charter and the established UK policy of this Government and the last; you will remember, Mr Speaker, that when Labour was in opposition, it backed the Government when they conducted five separate strikes with the US against Houthi targets.

Yesterday’s attack aligns with four broad objectives. The first is to restore freedom of navigation in the Red sea and the gulf of Aden, the second is to degrade Houthi capability and prevent future attacks, the third is to reinforce regional security alongside allies and partners, and the fourth is to protect our economic security at home. First thing this morning, the Government briefed the shadow Defence Secretary, the hon. Member for South Suffolk (James Cartlidge); the Speakers of both Houses; the Liberal Democrats’ defence spokesperson, the hon. Member for Epsom and Ewell (Helen Maguire); and the Chair of the House of Commons Defence Committee, my hon. Friend the Member for Slough (Mr Dhesi). I can now tell the House that our initial assessment is that the planned targets were all successfully hit, and we have seen no evidence of civilian casualties.

Since November 2023, the Houthis have been waging a campaign of aggression against international shipping in the Red sea. To date, there have been over 320 attacks; those attacks are illegal and deadly, and we totally condemn them. Maritime routes have been disrupted, sailors have been killed, and commercial ships have been hit and sunk. The Houthis have even targeted aid vessels destined for Yemen itself, as well as military vessels of our allies and partners. Both the Royal Navy and the US navy have been forced into action in the Red sea—last September, I met the crew of HMS Diamond, who shot down a ballistic missile and multiple drones in self-defence during their deployment in the Red sea.

Make no mistake: the Houthis act as an agent of instability across the region. They continue to receive both military and financial backing from Iran, and even Russia has attempted to support the Houthi operations. The aggression in the Red sea and the gulf of Aden is yet another example of how our adversaries are increasingly working together against our interests. As such, I want to be clear that this Government reject any Houthi claims that attacking ships in the Red sea is somehow supporting Gaza. The Houthis were targeting tankers and seizing ships well before the war in Gaza began, and their attacks since have targeted vessels of all nations, so hear me when I say that these attacks do absolutely nothing for the Palestinian people or the push for a lasting peace.

An estimated 12% of global trade and 30% of container traffic passes through the Red sea every year, but the Houthi threat has led to a drastic fall. Levels are down by 55% on what they were in November 2023; the majority of ships now take a 5,000-mile diversion around the Cape of Good Hope, adding a full fortnight to a journey between Asia and Europe and pushing up prices for the goods that British people and others rely on. This cannot continue.

In opposition, I argued that, for what is now 80 years,

“the lion’s share of the responsibility for protecting international freedom of navigation in the Red sea is being shouldered by the Americans, just as the US has been doing across the world”—[Official Report, 24 January 2024; Vol. 744, c. 355.]

Since last month, the US has been conducting a sustained campaign, targeting the Houthis in Yemen to restore freedom of navigation. It moved two carriers into the region, and its recent strikes have destroyed multiple command and control centres, air defence systems, advanced weapons manufacturing sites and advanced weapons storage sites. The US military says that its operations have now degraded the effectiveness of the Houthi attack, reporting that ballistic missile launches have dropped by 69% and one-way drone attacks are down by 55%.

The US continues to be the UK’s closest security ally. It is stepping up in the Red sea, and we are alongside it. Yesterday’s joint operation builds on the broader support that we have provided to the US in the region in recent months. That includes air-to-air refuelling; the use of our important military base, Diego Garcia, for regional security operations; and RAF Typhoons to support the defence of the US carrier strike group, which has been coming under near-daily attack from Houthi missiles and drones.

This Government will always act in the interests of our national and economic security. The UK is stepping up and encouraging allies to do more to protect our common security, just as we are with the eight-month deployment of our carrier strike group to the Mediterranean and the Indo-Pacific, which started last week. The UK has a long and proud history of taking action to protect freedom of navigation. This illegal Houthi aggression does not just disrupt shipping and destabilise the region; it hits our economy here at home. That is why the Government took this decision. It is why the UK has taken this action to help protect freedom of navigation, reinforce regional stability and strengthen economic security for families across the country. We are determined that we will keep Britain secure at home and strong abroad.

The speech made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, at the Institute for Government in London on 18 February 2025.

Good morning, everyone. Thank you for being here and thank you for hosting us today.

The Institute for Government, in my book, plays a really important role in Westminster. It helps hold Ministers to account for what we say we’re going to do as part of that bigger mission to securing this country a better government for Britain.

I must say, when I confirmed this event a few weeks ago, I wouldn’t have expected such interest in MOD reform, and I’m really grateful for the level of this attendance and presence, both in the room and online.

But I guess the pace of the geopolitical change which you were referring to Hannah, and what we’re seeing right now confirms what I would argue is the need for change within defence too.

As I said on my first day as Secretary of State in the department, when I came through the doors, I’m a Defence Secretary that’s more interested in getting results and global opportunities than headlines, and I guess I’m delivering on that promise, making a speech on defence reform right in the middle of parliamentary recess.

However, the headlines, the wider headlines, and the decisions that we make right now over the coming weeks will not only define the outcome of the conflict in Ukraine, but the security of our world for a generation to come, and the nature of government means dealing with these challenges.

In my view, the test of leadership, of political leadership isn’t just about managing the immediate, it’s also about reforming for the future.

We’re in a new era of threat that demands a new era for defence and in the middle of everything else, last week, the new Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth in the US and I,  made time to discuss the aims we share on defence reform.

This government, our new Labour government, was elected on a mandating one word: change.

We govern on an instruction in one word: deliver.

And as a new government, we’re delivering for defence.

Over these first seven months, we stepped up and speeded up support for Ukraine. We’ve increased defence spending this year by nearly £3 billion, and we’ll set the path to spending 2.5% of GDP in the Spring.

We’ve launched a new Defence Industrial Strategy. We secured a deal to buy back 36,000 military homes to improve conditions for personnel and get better value for the taxpayer.

We’ve given the men and women of our armed forces the biggest pay increase for more than 20 years. We signed the landmark Trinity House agreement with the Germany.

We’ve already progressed the Armed Forces Commissioner bill through the House of Commons to give a strong independent voice to improve service life.

We have in the MOD two major change programmes both launched within the first month of government.

One, the Strategic Defence Review. Two, our Defence Reform program. Each is essential for the other. The Defence Review will reinforce the imperative for Defence Reform. Defence reform is the foundation for being able to implement the Defence Review and for discharging what is our first duty in government.

Exactly a year ago, actually, in February, I gave a speech at Policy Exchange on defence reform in which I outlined, and I said then the need to create a strong defence centre capable of leading Britain meeting the increasing threats we face.

And in a little noticed section of the Labour Party manifesto at the July election, we pledged specific reforms and said strengthening our defences requires stronger leadership, clearer accountability, faster delivery, less waste and better value for money.

By the end of July, I put in place a new team, new leadership, and weekly meeting meetings with me to drive our defence reform programme.

And today, I wanted to offer an update on where we’ve got to and where we are going in the months ahead.

One of the really special things about this job, the special things about this special job are the deeply impressive men and women I meet every day, from the submariners coming home from weeks undersea, to apprentices on Derby’s nuclear reaction production lines, to the NATO HQ team with people in the MOD building that last week pulled together the Ukraine led contact group meeting of 46 nations in the room at one week’s notice.

Extraordinary people doing extraordinary things within a system that very often doesn’t work in the way that we need it to, for an increasingly dangerous world, work in the way that we need it to, to provide our armed forces with what they need to deter, to fight and to win.

First, underpinning it all is the absence of clear, consistent accountability, central to the effectiveness of any organisation. Yet I have been in too many meetings when I ask who’s leading this? Who’s responsible for getting this done? And no one is able to give me a single, clear answer.

Second, while everyone agrees that defence spending needs to increase, it’s not just how much you spend, but it’s how well you spend it. And we’re simply not securing the value for money our armed forces, our economy needs for every defence panel.

We duplicate even the most central tasks. For example, we have eleven separate finance functions, two and a half thousand people doing the same activity in different places, in different ways. And third defence is mired in process and procedure. We’ve added complexity where simplicity is needed.

Procurement, we’ve got a situation where we employ eleven checkers for every one decision maker. So, no wonder it takes an average six years for a large programme simply to get onto contract.

So today, I’m here to declare that investment in defence will be matched by reform.

First, we’re introducing clear points of accountability at every level within UK defence, starting at the top with four new senior leaders, four leaders who report to me as Defence Secretary and my ministerial team at the central point of accountability to the British people and to the British public.

The Chief of the Defence Staff, who, for the first time since this role was created, now commands the service chiefs and will be the head of newly established Military Strategic Headquarters, responsible for force design and war planning across our integrated force.

The Permanent Secretary, our principal accounting officer, who will run a leaner, more agile Department of State with more policy muscle to lead arguments across Whitehall and with allies, we’ll revamp senior roles to elevate those into policymakers with broad portfolios and powerful mandates.

Third, our new Armaments Director, who will fix procurement and drive growth. I’ll come back to the detail of the National Armaments Director in a moment.

Fourthly, our Chief of Defence Nuclear, who will continue to lead and deliver the national Nuclear Enterprise within the recently established ring fence and freedoms.

This new quad will lead a defence which is more concentrated on warfighting, readiness and on deterrence.

They’ll shift the approach as an organisation, which too often has been obsessed with process, to one focus on outcomes, in which information flows quickly, accountabilities are clear, and results are demanding. This new quad will be up and running from the 31st of March.

On finance will match our new accountabilities, making hardware that manages money better to secure better value for money, for the taxpayer, better outcomes for the armed forces.

[Political reference removed]

Instead of the ten current top line budget holders, there will be four new budget holders, one for each of this new quad. We will introduce three new centrally determined financial budgets, each with ministerial oversight, readiness, operations, investment.

The new readiness budget will hold the chiefs of the services to account for how they run their day-to-day spending. This will be done by the Chief of Defence Staff through our new Military Strategic Headquarters. The Military Strategic Headquarters will be responsible for the new operations budget, unencumbered by the excess bureaucracy and the lack of clarity that characterises the way the defence is organised now, and ministers will direct those priorities.

And then finally, our new National Armaments Director will run the single new investment budget, bringing together eight separate procurement budgets across the organisation into one.

This will help cut waste, reduce duplication, it will help ensure that we are buying better what our front-line forces need. In turn, the Armaments Director will acquire owning capabilities which are affordable within the budgets set by Ministers.

These budgets, as with the quad, will have Initial Operating Capability from the end next month, 31st March.

Our new National Armaments Director will fundamentally change how defence works partner with industry, how the defence becomes the engine for driving economic growth.

So sitting alongside the Permanent Secretary, the Chief of Defence Staff, then executing £20 billion-plus budget to build sustain our national arsenal, because at this time, we must rearm Britain, and I see this as a new FTSE 100 company within the MOD tasked, if you like, with getting the very best capabilities needed into the hands of our frontline forces.

Delivering on our Defence Industrial Strategy to create more defence jobs, more defence apprenticeships in every region and nation across the UK. Tasked with driving British exports up and wider, tasked with receiving responsibility for the entire end to end acquisition system for the MOD.

They will save the taxpayer at least £10 billion over the next decade, savings that we would reinvest directly into Britain’s defence. Our interim National Armaments Director will be in post by the end of next month, recruitment for a permanent candidate is already underway.

In conclusion, the world is changing. Defence is changing. Our reform programme represents the biggest shake up of UK defence for over 50 years.

Let me say this. This is a government whose commitment to defence is unshakeable. It’s the foundation for our Plan for Change, for the delivery of our government’s missions, we will match sustained investment with serious reform.

It will mean, growing the economy. It will mean a more muscular defence for a more dangerous world. It will mean, Britain, which is secure, at home, and strong abroad.

The speech made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 28 January 2025.

Good evening. Let me begin by thanking Kevin and his team at ADS for hosting this splendid event and for their work in promoting an industry that is the foundation for our way of life.

ADS is going from strength to strength, with a double digit increase in your membership last year.

You represent a commitment to innovation and excellence that are hallmarks of the British business spirit.

Yours is an industry which proves that we are still – at heart – a nation of makers and inventors. I know recent times haven’t been easy. And as Defence Secretary, I am grateful to you all.

This event brings us together from across the UK, across the industry and across the political divide.

I welcome this because defence policy and procurement commitments reach beyond political cycles.

I believe I’m the first Defence Secretary who’s spoken at this dinner, and tonight, you have two for the price of one with me as the warmup act for Penny Mourdant’s after dinner speech.

Penny is someone with a lifelong connection and commitment to our armed forces, who rose to become the first woman ever to hold the role of Defence Secretary.

I’ve had the privilege of six months in the role, part of a government taking on profound challenges in our economy, our public finances and our national security.

Yet, as a new government, we’ve already:

• Stepped up and speeded up support for Ukraine…
• Increased defence spending by nearly £3 billion…
• Launched a first of its kind Strategic Defence Review…
• Given service personnel the largest pay rise in over 20 years… and still dealt with a multi-billion in-year deficit…
• Signed the landmark Trinity House Agreement with Germany…
• Secured a huge deal to buy back over 36,000 military homes to improve forces housing and save taxpayers billions…
• Set new targets to tackle the recruitment crisis…
• Begun a transformational MOD reform programme…
• And got the Armed Forces Commissioner Bill through the House of Commons to improve service life.

The point I want to make is that this is a new government that is delivering for defence.

Something which I was able to underline last Friday at Rolls Royce, announcing a major new contract over 8 years, which will boost British jobs, business and national security.

There’s incredible work being done there in Derby, by an incredible team, some of whom are here this evening.

It’s a big investment, but behind the numbers are 200 apprentices a year who now feel they have a future.

And suppliers – 92 per cent of which are British based – who now feel like have certainty.

What really struck me – and it happens every time I visit a defence site – is the deep sense of pride and purpose.

Defence workers are right to feel that way. Their efforts keep us all safe.

And as an industry, you also invest huge sums in research and development. One of the great strengths of the defence industry is that you force us to reach for the future.

Down the years, you’ve been responsible for some of the most significant innovations in history. Designed for times of war but which often produce lasting benefits for wider society well beyond the battlefield.

As a nation, we’re good – and rightly so – at taking pride in the professionalism of our soldiers, sailors and aviators.

But we know that that they are only as effective as the industry which equips them.

We must be better at celebrating the role of the coders, programmers, scientists and engineers who provide our forces with the tools they need to protect us.

It’s why I want us to not only change the way we work with the defence industry, but also change the way we see the defence industry.

On the way we work with industry, I hope the last few months serve as a glimpse of type of partnership we want to forge.

From industry involvement – for the first time ever – in our war gaming, to the creation of the new Defence Industrial Joint Council.

And on the way we see industry, we know we have much to do.

Right now, there’s growing security concerns for defence firms at university careers, you attend to offer young people a route to a better life.

You’re facing harassment and intimidation, forced to cancel events on campus. This is wrong.

This attitude takes for granted the privileged position we enjoy in Britain – to live in freedom and security… security our defence industry guarantees.

So, today – alongside the Business and Education Secretaries – I’ve written to Universities UK for assurances about your safety on campuses.

We’re also seeing defence firms ranked alongside tobacco and gambling in Environmental, Social and Governance audits. And pension funds divest from you.

I have no doubt the intentions are well-meaning. But they’re fundamentally flawed.

We don’t stop wars by boycotting our defence industry.

We stop wars by backing it.

Let’s not forget that national security is a pre-condition for economic security, investor confidence and social stability.

I will always be a fierce advocate for you in the Department, to wider government, to the City, to the British public and to whoever needs to hear it.

My challenge to you – as an industry – is to be louder and confident about your role.

As my friend – Jonny Reynolds– said to the President’s Reception earlier:

“You are exceptional in your importance… in helping to safeguard our national security and our way of life.

“But you are also exceptional in your contribution to our economy. Nearly half a million well paid jobs are directly owed to aerospace, defence, security and space sectors.”

To meet the challenges of this new era of threats, you’ve seen the direction we want to take with our Defence Industrial Strategy Statement of Intent.

And let me thank everyone who’s shared their insights so far in submissions to both our industrial strategy, and SDR consultations.

I know – for some – our Statement of Intent may have been met with a degree of scepticism. You’ve been here before… I get that…

New government, new ideas.

But old habits die hard and entrenched interests dig in.

Previous industrial strategies have produced policies – many of them good – but there wasn’t the plan, the structures and the relentless attention to reform needed to make change happen.

So, why will this be different?

First, it has to be different.

The war in Ukraine confronts us with the deep truth that when a country faces conflict or is forced to fight, its armed forces are only as strong as the industry which stands behind them…

That innovation and production capacity is a major part of our nation’s – and our alliance’s – deterrence.

And that industry’s constant purpose is to give the nation’s war fighters the advantage over our adversaries.

The last Defence Industrial Strategy was published in 2021, a year before Putin shattered the peace in Europe.

Ours will hardwire in these lessons and so too will the Strategic Defence Review.

Second, I’m driving deep reform to defence.

It doesn’t make news headlines, but it’s an essential foundation for implementing both the SDR and Defence Industrial Strategy.

For industry, it means you’ll be brought in earlier to the conversation on how we should fight…

We’ll ask you how you can help solve our problems rather than giving you a requirement to deliver.

You’ll also see the creation of a new role, the National Armaments Director, soon-to-be one of the most senior roles in UK Defence, sitting alongside the Chief of the Defence Staff and Permanent Secretary.

Their responsibilities will include:

• Repairing a broken procurement system…
• Ensuring our armed forces have what they need to fulfil their duty of protecting our nation…
• And championing your industry at home and abroad.

Third, defence is part of our bigger British drive for growth – the government’s number one mission.

The Chancellor is speaking tomorrow about how we are going to meet this challenge.

But the message I want to reinforce is that defence is an engine for driving economic growth.

Fourth, we’ve proved we can do it by supporting Ukraine through Taskforce KINDRED and HIRST.

From the onset, when it took 287 days after Putin invaded to sign contracts for new NLAWs…

… to today, when we’ve created industrial bases for new capabilities – virtually from scratch…

Supplying – at scale – one of the most effective drone systems in Ukraine.

Restarted artillery barrel manufacturing in the UK to deliver hundreds to the front line.

Enhancing our own capabilities through Stormer and Starstreak…while Gravehawk, Snapper and Wasp have all been developed with breathtaking speed.

I don’t just want this to be the government’s new Defence Industrial Strategy, it needs to be a national endeavour… private and public… SMEs and primes… innovators and educators… trade associations and trade unions…

All creating a defence industry which is better and more integrated…

One that can keep our armed forces equipped… and innovating at wartime pace, ahead of our adversaries.

The Shadow Defence Secretary is familiar with the challenges.

I know he will play his part in holding us to account.

And I trust he – and his Party – will play their part in backing reforms that strengthen our country’s defence and its defence industry.

This is new era of threats, demands a new era for defence.

Change is essential, not optional.

Our success rests on a new partnership with innovators, investors and industry.

Our government is determined to meet the challenge, determined to deliver for defence.

Together, we will make Britain secure at home and strong abroad.

Thank you – enjoy your evening and I look forward to working with you over the coming years.

The speech made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, at Church House, Westminster, on 22 July 2024.

Thank you for inviting me. I have to say this is a really huge pleasure to join you here and a real honour to do so as the new Secretary of State for Defence for this country.

So, thank you to RUSI for what is a rich programme over the two days but particularly thank you for letting me join you.

Last week I visited the Permanent Joint Headquarters to get a briefing on some of the current really critical work that has been going on there. And General Charlie Stickland ran me through what he called his ‘three Rs’.

Now, I know I am quoting a Royal Marine to an Army audience but hang on it is the joint headquarters.

Reassurance. Reality. Request.

I’m always keen to learn. And as a politician I’m always keen to pick other people’s good ideas and try and use them for myself so I’m going to take that to structure my argument, not just a speech, for you today. And I’m going to add to this rule of three Rs to add one of my own: responsibility.

Let me begin where General Charlie did last week, with reassurance.

And in some ways, this is my most important point to you.

This new Government stands steadfast behind the British Army. Behind our wider armed forces and behind all those out of uniform who also make such an important contribution to the defence of this country.

Many roles, One Defence.

And in the British Army, you’re essential to our national defence, and to our national resilience. We’re proud of you professionalism, we’re proud of your dedication to service, and your work is central to keeping Britain secure at home and strong abroad.

Working alongside the RAF to provide life-saving aid to Gaza, training more than 40,000 Ukrainians. Commemorating the D-Day, those heroes who gave their lives to stop the Nazis overrunning Europe. And building ties now with our allies, through exercises like Steadfast Defender in NATO.

You will have this new Government’s fullest support to do your job, defending Britain and deterring threats.

Because we know as a government that is our most important first duty – to keep the country safe and to protect our citizens.

That’s why, at the recent NATO summit in Washington the Prime Minister and I confirmed this Government’s unshakeable commitment to NATO and the UK’s nuclear deterrent.

And we confirmed also our total commitment to raising defence spending to 2.5% of GDP.

It’s why the Prime Minister last week launched the first-of-its-kind Strategic Defence Review.

And it’s why we announced legislation in our first King’s Speech legislation to create a new independent Armed Forces Commissioner to improve service life.

Reassurance.

Let me introduce my extra ‘R’ at this point: Responsibility.

At that NATO summit, in week one, as a new government, we wanted to demonstrate that we were getting on with the job, to serve the country.

I was struck by how the other nations there looked at us and noted two particular things.

The first, that in our British system, there is a decisive change of power after an election – unlike many other countries.

And second, they looked at us and noted that our British government now has a strong mandate promising stability, again, unlike many other countries who are approaching their own elections or facing uncertainty in their governing coalitions.

This is an important responsibility for us now as a nation. A responsibility in our relations with allies, and of course it is also an opportunity.

So, as a government, we do have a mandate for change.

To restore public service to politics.

To re-earn public trust in Government.

And to reduce the politics, the partisan politics in national security.

Because no political party has the monopoly on defence, or pride in our military.

We in the Labour Party have deep roots in defending this country. And deep respect for those who serve in uniform.

The scale of the challenges we face requires a national, unified response.

That’s why the Prime Minister has been clear that a change of government means no change in our commitment to Ukraine.

It’s why I’ve already offered the Shadow Defence Secretary access to intelligence briefings and will I do so to other relevant members of Parliament.

And that’s why the Strategic Defence Review will brief and will welcome contributions from other political parties and from across the defence community.

Because I want to forge Britain’s defence strategy, not just the defence strategy for this new Labour Government.

Reassurance, responsibility.

Moving on to the General’s next R which is reality.

And as I look around this room, you know better than anyone else, these are really serious times.

We face rapidly increasing global threats.

I became Shadow Defence Secretary back in 2020. That was before the fall of Kabul, that was before the crisis in the Middle East, it was before Putin launched his full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

And in the face of this insecure world, the British Army has done and continues to do incredible things.

And I know during the months and the years that I’ll serve in this post I’ll continue to be inspired by the things you do.

Vital work. Unique responsibilities. And underpinning it, your historic roots, and traditions.

I respect that as I do for the other Services.

The whole country is proud of what you do.

And as this world becomes more dangerous, we will rely more heavily on your bravery and on your professionalism.

And the principle of One Defence also becomes increasingly more important.

The days when we could indulge in inter-service rivalry are over.

We must be to fit to fight – not fight amongst ourselves.

So, I really want to see the old rivalries left behind. I really want with you to establish a new era for UK defence.

Because we know all three services face very serious challenges.

Hollowed-out forces, procurement waste, low morale. A recruitment and retention crisis.

And veterans who can’t access the services they deserve.

And I have to tell you, two weeks into this Government, we now also see that these problems are much worse than we thought.

But we are getting on with the job, we are getting on with the job with urgency.

Backing Ukraine, launching our Defence Review, reconnecting with allies.

We’re doing this with an absolute commitment to improving the service life for those in our Armed Forces.

With a “NATO first” defence strategy, because Britain is always stronger when we work with others. And of course, facing up to the reality of Putin’s continuing war in Ukraine and his wider aggression.

So, on my second day in this job, as Jonathan said, I was in Odesa, I spent the afternoon with President Zelenskyy and his team.

We held our bilateral talks, we celebrated Ukraine’s Navy Day and he and I visited together injured servicemen in a military hospital.

And again, you in this room know this better than anyone else, the Ukrainians are fighting with huge courage, the military and civilians alike.

But despite the losses, despite the Ukrainian’s fight, Russia is far from a spent force; and if Putin wins, he will not stop at Ukraine.

And this war now is at a critical moment.

So, we are speeding up delivery of aid already pledged by the previous government.

Stepping up support with a new package of ammunition, anti-armour missiles, de-mining vehicles and artillery guns.

And we’re confirming £3 billion a year for Ukraine this year and for each of the years ahead, for as long as it takes.

And finally on Friday, I signed, when President Zelenskyy was in Downing Street, a new Defence Industrial Support Treaty which will be the framework through which we and others can leverage export finance and investment finance to help Ukraine.

So, the scale of the challenge we face is vast. And that’s why to take this on we need to be at our best.

And that brings me to the final R which is request.

We launched our Defence Review last week. I described it earlier as the first of its kind for the UK, because it is externally led, and led by the former Secretary General of NATO George Robertson.

It will consider the threats that we face, the capabilities that we needed, the state of our armed forces and the resources available to do the job.

And my ask or request of you today is this. It’s for the Army to play its fullest part in this review. It’s the chance to think afresh, it’s the chance to contribute the ideas needed in that review.

Because this is a review that will be done with, not to defence.

It will be done with the Army, not about it.

It’s a review that our troops want, our public deserves and our country needs.

And your input in making this a success will be vital.

Why vital? Well, because Ukraine is showing us how the nature of war is changing more rapidly.

How the distance between domains is diminishing rapidly. How the imperative to operate as an integrated force is increasing, and as the threats posed to the UK are increasingly interdependent, reinforcing and converging.

And, as Jack Watling at RUSI who has done so much to organise this conference has argued: We must urgently re-establish credible deterrence to keep these threats in check.

That means looking at firepower, it means looking at enablement, it means looking at readiness, it means looking at resilience.

It means looking at the things that don’t present good photo opportunities for a Defence Secretary or a defence minister.

It means the things that matter in getting results, in being more ready to fight, in being stronger, to be able to fight if we need to fight but deter to avoid that fight in the first place.

It also means deeper interoperability with our allies.

And it means industry must also play an integral role alongside the military too.

And these will be at the heart of the matters that the Defence Review considers.

It’s fair to say the Army does, and as far as we can see, will always operate as part of a joint forces, fighting not only on the land but from the land

Boosting combined deterrence and operations.

We already have Forward Land Forces permanently deployed in eastern Europe to ensure greater security on the Russian border.

This year we will provide a Land Component for the Allied Reaction Force, providing NATO with a rapid response to crises when needed.

And from the year beyond, 2026, the United Kingdom will lead NATO’s Special Operations Task Force, and provide a crucial contribution to NATO’s Unconventional Warfare capability.

And then the greatest opportunity of all, to lead within the alliance is through our offer of a multi-domain Corps as one of SACEUR’s Strategic Reserve Corps.

Big challenges, big responsibilities, big opportunities for the Army as part of One Defence and a stronger alliance for the future.

Now this is just our third week in office. We’re a government getting on with the job.

But my ambition is to see that Defence is not just integral to the future security of Britain but central also to the future success of Britain.

You, our land forces are essential to that work.

Together, we can and will make Britain more secure at home and strong abroad.