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Category: Defence

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Speech at the Munich Security Conference

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Speech at the Munich Security Conference

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 14 February 2026.

    For many years, for most people in the United Kingdom, war has been remote. Something that concerns us deeply, but which happens far off.

    But now we feel the solidity of peace, the very ground of peace now softening under our feet. It is the job of leaders to be ahead of these seismic shifts. Yet that is against the grain of history.

    Time and again, leaders have looked the other way, only re-arming when disaster is upon them. This time, it must be different. Because all of the warning signs are there.

    Russia has proved its appetite for aggression, bringing terrible suffering to the Ukrainian people. 

    Its hyper-threats extend across our continent, not just threatening our security, but tearing at our social order. 

    Collaborating with populists to undermine our values. Using disinformation to sow division. Using cyber-attacks and sabotage to disrupt our lives and deepening the cost-of-living crisis.

    It is true that Russia has made a huge strategic blunder in Ukraine, and the Russian casualties number well over a million. But even as the war goes on, Russia is re-arming, reconstituting their armed forces, an industrial base. 

    NATO has warned that Russia could be ready to use military force against the Alliance by the end of this decade. In the event of a peace deal in Ukraine, which we are all working hard to achieve, Russia’s re-armament would only accelerate.

    The wider danger to Europe would not end there. It would increase. So we must answer this threat in full.

    At the outset, it is important to be prepared. We do not seek conflict. Our objective is lasting peace, a return to strategic stability, and the rule of law.

    And in the face of these threats, there is only one viable option. 

    Now, to break the convention of a house of speeches, we are not at a crossroads. The road ahead is straight and it is clear.

    We must build our hard power, because that is the currency of the age. We must be able to deter aggression. And yes, if necessary, we must be ready to fight.

    To do whatever it takes to protect our people, our values, and our way of life. And as Europe, we must stand on our own two feet. And that means being bold.

    It means putting away petty politics and short-term concerns. It means acting together to build a stronger Europe and a more European NATO, underpinned by deeper links between the UK and the EU, across defence, industry, tech, politics, and the wider economy. Because these are the foundations on which our security and prosperity will rest.

    This is how we will build a better future for our continent. True to the vibrant, free, diverse societies that we represent, showing that people who look different to each other can live peacefully together. But this isn’t against the tenor of our times.

    Rather, it’s what makes us strong, as we’re prepared to defend it with everything that we have.

    And we are not the Britain of the Brexit years anymore.

    Because we know that in a dangerous world, we would not take control by turning in.  We would surrender. 

    And I won’t let that happen. That’s why I devote time as Prime Minister to Britain’s leadership on the world stage.

    And that’s why I’m here today. Because I am clear, there is no British security without Europe, and no European security without Britain. That is the lesson of history, and is today’s reality as well.

    So together we must rise to this moment. We must spend more, deliver more, and coordinate more.

    And crucially, we must do this with the United States.

    The US remains an indispensable power. Its contribution to European security over 80 years is unparalleled. And so is our gratitude.

    At the same time, we recognise that things are changing. The US National Security Strategy  spells out that Europe must take primary responsibility for its own defence. That is the new law.

    Now, there have been a series of thoughtful interventions about what this means, including the argument that we’re at a moment of rupture. 

    Now, I would agree that the world has changed fundamentally, and that we must find new ways to uphold our values and the rule of law. But in responding to that, we must not disregard everything that has sustained us for the last 80 years.

    That could be a moment of destruction. And instead, I believe, we must make this a moment of creation. Instead of a moment of rupture, we must make it one of radical renewal.

    So, rather than pretending that we can simply replace all US capabilities, we should focus on diversifying and decreasing some dependencies. We should deliver generational investment that moves us from over-dependence to interdependence. I’m talking about a vision of European security and greater European autonomy.

    It does not herald US withdrawal, but answers the call for more burden-sharing in Europe and remake the ties that have served us so well. Because we know the value of our own power. The nature of our power is at the core of human decision.

    It achieved something that leaders have been trying to do for centuries. From Westphalia to the Congress of Vienna to Versailles. After centuries of conflict, the founders of NATO finally united our continents in peace and security.

    Our militaries, that once faced each other on the battlefield, now stand side-by-side, pledged to each other’s defence. It is a shield over our heads every single day. And whilst some on the extremes of our politics chip away at this alliance, we defend it.

    I am proud that my party fought for NATO’s creation. While our then Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin called it a spiritual union of the West. And we’ve shown our fidelity to that idea, asserting each other’s sovereignty, as we did on Greenland.

    And crucially, coming to each other’s aid under Article 5. We fought together in Afghanistan, at terrible cost to many in my country and across many allied countries. And so I say to all NATO members, our commitment to Article 5 is as profound now as ever. And be in no doubt, if called on, the UK would come to your aid today.

    Instead, we must move forward together to create a more European NATO. As I see it, Europe is a sleeping giant. Our economies dwarf Russia more than ten times over.

    We have huge defence capabilities, yet too often this adds up to less than the sum of its parts. Fragmented industrial planning and procurement have led to gaps in some areas, and massive duplication in others. 

    Europe has over 20 types of frigate, and 10 types of fighter jet. We have over 10 types of main battle tank, whilst the US has one. It’s wildly inefficient, and it harms our collective security. The US security umbrella has allowed these bad habits to develop. But now we must break them. 

    And we have shown that we can coordinate in great effect, as was just set out. Supporting Ukraine in a way that Putin never really imagined. Creating the Coalition of the Willing, which now covers almost all of Europe, as well as Canada and our friends in the Asia-Pacific. And going further in our support, with the UK announcing over £500 million this week for more air defence for the Ukrainian people. To meet the wider threat, it is clear that we are going to have to spend more faster. 

    And we have shown our collective intent in this regard as well. With the historic agreement to increase spending to 5% on security and defence. And we are prepared to explore innovative solutions. So we are stepping up work with like-minded allies on options for a collective approach to defence financing, to help accelerate this vital investment.

    And as we increase spending, we must use it to its full potential. We must come together to integrate our capabilities on spending and procurement and build a joint European defence industry. I welcome the steps that we have taken so far, which could allow us to participate in the £90 billion Euro loan to Ukraine.

    I hope we can work together like this going forward. Because, look, the logic of defence is solidarity and collective effort, not market access. 

    In a crisis, our citizens expect us to be ready. So we need to deliver a step change in collaboration. 

    And I am proud of the work we are already doing together. Delivering cutting-edge drones with Ukraine. Developing next-generation long-range missiles with Germany, Italy and France. Working with our JEF allies to protect our northern flank.

    Doubling our deployment of British commandos in the Arctic. Taking control of NATO’s Atlantic and Northern Command in Norfolk, Virginia. And transforming our Royal Navy by striking the biggest warship deal in British history with Norway.

    We are building a fleet of warships to hunt Russian submarines and protect undersea infrastructure. We want to replicate this level of collaboration with other allies across the High North and the Baltics. 

    And I can announce today that the UK will deploy our Carrier Strike Group to the North Atlantic and the High North this year led by HMS Prince of Wales, operating alongside the US, Canada and other NATO allies in a powerful show of our commitment to Euro-Atlantic security.

    That is also why we are enhancing our nuclear cooperation with France. For decades the UK has been the only nuclear power in Europe to commit its deterrent to protect all NATO members. But now any adversary must know that in a crisis they could be confronted by our combined strength.

    It shows beyond doubt how vital it is that we work together. So, we must also look at what more we can do with the EU. 

    We must go beyond the historic steps that we took at last year’s UK-EU summit to build the formidable productive power and innovative strength that we need. British companies already account for over a quarter of the continent’s defence industrial base. 

    They are a job-creating, community-building machine employing around 239,000 people across the UK, including in Wales, where this month we’re launching the first of five regional defence-grade deals.

    We want to bring our leadership in defence, tech and AI together with Europe to multiply our strengths and build a shared industrial base across our continent which could turbocharge our defence production. 

    That requires leadership. To drive greater coherence and coordination across Europe. That is what we’re doing with Germany and France in the E3, working closely with EU partners, particularly Italy and Poland as well as with Norway, Canada and Turkey. 

    So my message today is the United Kingdom is ready. We see the imperative. We see the urgency. We want to work together to lead a generational shift in defence industrial cooperation. 

    Now this includes looking again at closer economic alignment.

    We are already aligned with the single market in some areas to drive down the prices of food and energy. We are trusted partners. And as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said this week, deeper economic integration is in all of our interests.

    So we must look at where we can move closer to the single market in other sectors as well where that would work for both sides. 

    The prize here is greater security. Stronger growth for the United Kingdom and the EU, which will fuel increased defence spending and the chance to place the UK at the centre of a wave of European industrial renewal.

    I understand the politics very well. It will mean trade-offs. But the status quo is not fit for purpose.

    And to me there is no question where the national interest lies. I will always fight for what’s best for my country. 

    I started today talking about avoiding mistakes of the past like delaying action or fragmenting our efforts. 

    But there is something else. In the 1930s, leaders were too slow to level with the public about the fundamental shift in mindset that was required. 

    So we must work harder today to build consent for the decisions we must take to keep us safe. 

    Because if we don’t, the peddlers of easy answers are ready on the extremes of left and right and they will offer their solutions instead. 

    It’s striking that the different ends of the spectrum share so much. Soft on Russia. Weak on NATO. If not outright opposed. And determined to sacrifice the relationship we need on the altar of their ideology.

    The future they offer is one of division and then capitulation. 

    The lamps would go out across Europe once again. But we will not let that happen.

    If we believe in our values, in democracy, liberty and the rule of law. This is the moment to stand up and to fight for them. That is why we must work together.

    And show that by taking responsibility for our own security, we will help our people look forward. Not with fear, but with determination. And with hope.

    Thank you very much.

  • Kemi Badenoch – 2026 Comments on the Chagos Islands

    Kemi Badenoch – 2026 Comments on the Chagos Islands

    The comments made by Kemi Badenoch, the Leader of the Opposition, on 5 January 2026.

    Last night the Conservatives defeated the Government four times over its Chagos surrender. Surrendering a vital military base weakens our security and costs £35bn.

    Britain must project strength. Only the Conservatives will stand up to hostile actors and for our national interest.

  • James MacCleary – 2026 Speech on the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill

    James MacCleary – 2026 Speech on the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill

    The speech made by James MacCleary, the Liberal Democrat MP for Lewes and Liberal Democrat defence spokesperson, in the House of Commons on 5 January 2026.

    The Liberal Democrats are clear that the Conservatives’ Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023 failed victims, survivors and veterans alike by removing legal avenues to justice and eroding public trust. Elements of the Government’s new Bill are welcome, particularly the desire to move towards reconciliation and information recovery, but those aims cannot come at the expense of justice and fairness, or the rights of those who served. Our concern is not to shield wrongdoing; it is to ensure fairness for those who acted within the law as it stood at the time. Veterans must not be left exposed to uncertainty or retrospective judgment, and without clear legal protection.

    Recruitment and retention is already an acknowledged challenge for our armed forces. Given the flaws in the Bill, an impact in this area could only further the case against it. What steps is the Minister taking to protect personnel who served during the troubles who followed the laws of the day? Given the extreme concern across the armed forces community about the impact that this legislation could have, will he consider halting the Bill, and replacing it with one that puts veterans at its heart?

    Al Carns

    I have been really clear: I have been working with veterans across the whole UK, with Northern Ireland and with the commissioners to ensure that the protections that we put in place are written into legislation and are well thought-through, so that the process does not become the punishment. People have said in Northern Ireland that the prospects of prosecution are vanishingly small. We must also ensure that other groups, such as families who lost loved ones in the troubles, get truth, reconciliation and justice, but in doing so, we must absolutely protect our veterans. We will put six protections in place; we will get five of them straight into the Bill, and written into law. We are working through the sixth one, a protocol to ensure no cold calling. It will ensure that anybody who is required to give evidence remotely, rather than by going to Northern Ireland, is engaged with by either the MOD or a regimental association. The main aim of involving our veterans was for them to help me articulate how we can stop this process from being wielded as a punishment against those who served our country so valiantly and honourably in Northern Ireland.

  • James Cartlidge – 2026 Speech on the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill

    James Cartlidge – 2026 Speech on the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Shadow Defence Secretary, in the House of Commons on 5 January 2026.

    Our legacy Act ensured that those who served bravely in Northern Ireland could sleep soundly in their beds at night, knowing that they would not be hauled before the courts for protecting all of us from terrorism decades ago. But when our Act was challenged in the courts, instead of appealing, Labour immediately caved and is now scrapping those protections. This will reopen cases, such as Loughgall, from 1987, when IRA members were shot while mounting a bomb attack on a police station, having fired first on the Army.

    Loughgall involved 24 SAS soldiers, so it is no wonder that on 30 December, seven senior former SAS officers wrote an extraordinary letter stating:

    “Commanders now hesitate, fearing years of litigation. Troops feel abandoned…This self-sabotage needs no foreign hand…In this Troubles Bill, the Government is complicit in this war on our Armed Forces.”

    The Minister knows the operational importance of special forces as much as anyone. Does he recognise the huge hit to morale if cases like Loughgall are restarted because of the troubles Bill?

    Of course, the Government will say that we need the troubles Bill to pursue unsolved IRA crimes, but as the Prime Minister’s own appointed Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner David Johnstone warned last week, soldiers may be dragged before the courts, but IRA terrorists walk free because the weapons they used were decommissioned without forensic testing. Was the commissioner not right to say that veterans are treated “worse than terrorists”? Furthermore, last October the Government said that the troubles Bill would contain protections specifically for veterans. Will the Minister confirm that all the protections in the Bill also apply to terrorists?

    In November, eight retired four-star generals and an air chief marshal described the troubles Bill as a

    “direct threat to national security”.

    The letter from seven former SAS officers said that they

    “are not asking for immunity; they simply want fair procedures and decisive political leadership”.

    With the threats that we face and the need to maximise recruitment and retention, can the Minister show decisive political leadership of his own and scrap the troubles Bill?

    Al Carns

    As the shadow Defence Secretary has raised a question about recruitment and retention, it is important that we look at the record of his own Government. Military morale fell to record lows under his Government, with just four in 10 personnel in the UK armed forces satisfied with service life; satisfaction fell from 60% to 40% in 2024. Is that surprising when there were real-terms pay cuts in nine out of the 14 years that the Conservatives were in power and over 13,000 housing complaints in a single year? I will not be lectured by the hon. Gentleman on this issue.

    I would suggest that to mention that I have an insight into the operational imperative of our forces, as the tip of the spear, is a slight underestimation. I would argue that there are several people in this House who would understand that, including one who is stood here and another on the Opposition Benches. We have been left with a mess and our Northern Ireland veterans were in a legal wild west because of what the Conservatives did with the last legacy Act. No party in Northern Ireland agreed with that Act or supported it, so we had to sort that out—this Government will not allow that situation to continue.

    Let me be very clear: we are listening. We have spoken to the Royal British Legion and other associations. I speak to military cohorts on a weekly, if not daily, basis and I speak to the Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner almost every day. We are working collaboratively and collectively to ensure that the Bill is fit for purpose, that it protects the individuals, that the process does not become the punishment for those individuals, and that we do not allow any terrorist organisation to rewrite history through the courts.

  • Archie Hamilton – 1987 Statement on Devonport Dockyard

    Archie Hamilton – 1987 Statement on Devonport Dockyard

    The statement made by Archie Hamilton, the then Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Defence Procurement, in the House of Commons on 21 January 1987.

    With permission, Mr. Speaker, I should like to make a statement on the Devonport dockyard.

    My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State announced yesterday, in following up an answer to a question from my hon. Friend the Member for South Ribble (Mr. Atkins), that the Government are now satisfied that there exists the basis for an advantageous contract to be placed for the future operation of Devonport dockyard with Devonport Management Limited, which is a company formed by Brown and Root (UK) Limited, the Weir Group plc and Barclays de Zoete Wedd Ltd. I am sorry that the Official Report has not yet printed my right hon. Friend’s answer. However, I did write yesterday to those Members most concerned.

    All three companies in the consortium are British, but Brown and Root is a United Kingdom subsidiary of the United States Halliburton company. As the hon. Member for Clackmannan (Mr. O’Neill) will recall from our discussions of the Dockyard Services Bill, the upper limit which we set for foreign shareholding in the companies bidding for the contracts was 30 per cent. In determining whether a particular shareholding should be considered foreign, account is taken of the parent companies. On that basis, Brown and Root’s share in Devonport Management Ltd. has been set at 30 per cent.

    The House will recall that, in our paper to the trade unions of 4 December, we announced our preferred contractor for Rosyth. My right hon. Friend is at this moment chairing a meeting with general secretaries of eight unions to hear their views on that paper, before he takes a final decision.

    In forwarding the paper on Devonport to the unions yesterday, my right hon. Friend proposed a meeting with them on 13 February to discuss that paper. No contract has yet been placed, and my right hon. Friend has said that he will do so only when the unions have had an opportunity to give him their views.

  • Al Carns – 2025 Statement on the Defence Estate Security Review

    Al Carns – 2025 Statement on the Defence Estate Security Review

    The statement made by Al Carns, the Minister for the Armed Forces, in the House of Commons on 27 November 2025.

    Further to the Minister for the Armed Forces’ statement of 8 September (HCWS913), I am providing a further update on the measures we continue to take to enhance and improve security across the defence estate.

    As we set out previously, after many years of under-investment and hollowing out under the previous Administration, we have identified the physical security of our sites as an area in need of greater focus. The Department is using in-year funding to deliver physical security enhancements, focusing on high priority sites across the defence estate. We remain committed to maintaining the highest standards of security to safeguard our national defence capabilities.

    Since we last updated the House, we have maintained our posture of enhanced vigilance and continue to strengthen our security culture. Our updated guidance and reinforcing messaging applies to all those working on our estate, including our contractors. We have made it easier for defence personnel and industry partners to report suspected security incidents.

    In respect of our airbases, the Royal Air Force has made significant progress in strengthening security through advanced technical enhancements, now operational at multiple main operating bases. These enhancements provide a robust layer of protection at our most critical sites. A key innovation is the use of cutting-edge technology through the immediate threat mitigation solution—a self-contained CCTV system designed to detect, track and deter unauthorised access.

    This technical innovation strengthens physical security measures. At RAF Brize Norton, for instance, the upgraded automated track-and-detect system monitors specific areas and feeds into a central control room which is monitored 24/7, enabling faster decision making and improving the Military Provost Guard Service’s ability to respond swiftly and effectively to incidents. In addition, engagement with local landowners and Thames Valley police is strengthening suspicious activity reporting.

    Together, these steps ensure technology and our workforce operate in tandem as part of a layered security approach, with lessons learned being rolled out across the defence estate.

    We will also be piloting restricted airspace above 40 strategic sites across the defence estate, a precursor to wider implementation in 2026, reinforcing existing national security act legislation. This will aid the enforcement of the National Security Act prohibited place legislation and assist with identifying malicious and unlawful activity. We are significantly investing in remote piloted aerial systems, a drone capability that provides persistent surveillance and patrolling to help deter threats and identify them when they arise. This equipment has been procured and personnel are beginning training shortly.

    We have taken decisive steps to improve recruitment across MOD Police, MOD Guard Service, Military Provost Guard Service, and Security Services Group. Recent financial incentive campaigns for the Military Provost Guard Service have been a success and we will consider similar campaigns where appropriate. Other steps include more targeted approaches to advertising and improved candidate engagement.

    Looking further ahead, improvements through the implementation of the strategic defence review will address the chronic under-investment in the security of the defence estate this Government inherited and improve the assurance of security and resilience risk management that this Government inherited. The £20 million for digital transformation of our security, which the Minister for the Armed Forces announced in her statement to the House on 8 September, is being invested in three flagship systems to modernise defence security. These include MOD adoption of the critical national infrastructure knowledge base, a new enterprise incident case management system, and a real-time physical security assurance platform.

    Ensuring the safety and security of the defence estate continues to be a key priority. We are focused on improving physical security, taking advantage of technological advancements and reinforcing our workforce to ensure that we deliver. And all those who seek to threaten the security of our bases should be in no doubt that we will use all the levers at our disposal to take swift action wherever and whenever that occurs. The Department will not hesitate to pursue prosecution where criminality is suspected.

  • John Healey – 2025 Speech at the Pacific Future Forum

    John Healey – 2025 Speech at the Pacific Future Forum

    The speech made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, in Tokyo, Japan on 28 August 2025.

    Ohayo-gozaimasu, good morning, everyone.

    Good morning and welcome aboard HMS Prince of Wales and welcome to the Pacific Future Forum.

    When our flagship here, every one of 65,000 tons of military capability is being put to the service of strengthening our shared security through diplomacy and through deterrence. During an eight-month deployment involving 4,000 of our service personnel, coordinating 12 nations, covering 26,000 nautical miles and visiting 14 countries.

    On behalf of Captain Will Blackett and his crew, we’re delighted to host you here for the Pacific Future Forum, a forum which is increasingly influential, setting out, as you do, a mission, and I quote, dedicated to strengthening the defence, security, technology and trading relationships between like-minded democracies.

    I’m really grateful on your behalf to everyone who has helped put together this two-day forum.

    I’m grateful to them and I’m proud that we’re able to host you here in Tokyo. For the first time on a foreign carrier alongside in Tokyo Bay, and that honour reflects the deepening defence partnership between Japan and the UK.

    Before I turn to the future, I want to just reflect on the past, as we have this month following the commemorations around the world to mark the anniversary of the end of the Second World War.

    Because 80 years on, we honour the memory of some 60,000 souls lost.

    We reflect on the untold suffering of many more.

    And especially, we join in thanks that our two nations have rediscovered friendship.

    The importance of that was reminded to me yesterday when Minister Nakatani and I laid wreaths at the Chidorifaguchi Cemetery.

    It was also very powerful two weeks ago when I attended the UK National Service of Commemoration at the Arboretum.

    I was sat alongside one of the veterans who spoke during that service alongside his great-granddaughter.

    He spoke in remembrance of his fallen by saying this:

    I speak not as a hero, but as someone who witnessed the price of freedom. We must look to the future”, he said.

    We must ensure that the next generation remember our sacrifices so that they can strive for a more peaceful future.

    And in many ways, that is the challenge at the heart of the Pacific Forum’s purpose — that is at the heart of your discussions over these next two days.

    To better protect the generations of tomorrow, we strengthen the alliances of today.

    As Prime Minister Ishiba said at the weekend, aboard this very ship, he said the levels of partnership now between Japan and the UK are unprecedented.

    And when he and I met yesterday, we reflected together on the fact that our two nations are now in a golden age of defence cooperation.

    From future fighter jets to joint exercises, from naval cooperation to cyber resilience.

    Japan is the UK’s closest security ally in Asia, and I know Japan sees Britain as its closest security partner in Europe.

    And just as we set out in June, when we published the Strategic Defence Review, this relationship is vital to regional, it’s vital to global, security.

    Because the security of the Indo-Pacific is simply indivisible from the security of the Euro-Atlantic.

    And this carrier strike route deployment is the operational demonstration of this truth.

    A deployment of firsts.

    For the first time in recent weeks, Japanese destroyers have provided security to Royal Navy ships and RAF aircraft during exercises.

    For the first time in recent days, a British F-35 fighter has landed on the flight deck of a Japanese ship, JS Kaga.

    For the first time in the coming weeks, Japanese F-15s will deploy to Europe, based in the UK.

    But our partnership goes beyond the seas and the skies.

    Our armed forces continue to train together, and the UK is proud to be the first European force to exercise with Japan on Japanese soil.

    And in cyber, our two nations have collaborated in one of the largest international cyber defence exercises outside the US.

    That’s a relationship that we will deepen still further in the months ahead.

    So in every domain, we’re putting in the hard work now so that if ever we are called on to work together in a time of crisis, we know we can. And so do potential adversaries.

    Just as our armed forces operate together, our industries will build together.

    Times change.

    The control of the skies will always belong to those who can adapt first.

    And make no mistake, our adversaries are rapidly designing the capabilities specifically to counter our strengths.

    So the Global Combat Air Programme is how we’ll maintain our advantage.

    A flagship example of a capability partnership — strengthening alliances, strengthening security — both in the Euro-Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific.

    And I hope you see this as a powerful signal of the UK government’s determination to bring partners together from different global regions.

    And I hope you also see it as it is, a programme also of firsts.

    The first time that the UK has worked with a nation outside of Europe on such a programme.

    The first time that Japan has partnered with other nations on such a programme.

    And GCAP grew out of our common assessment of threats, our respect for each other’s technology, and our shared imperative and timeline for introducing the next generation of capability.

    Our shared aim is that GCAP becomes an international standard for how nations pool their resources for greater security and for greater prosperity.

    And you will hear over the next two days more about this, but the government and industry teams from the UK, from Japan and from Italy are making real progress now in realising those ambitions.

    We set up the inter-government organisation led in Reading by a Japanese CEO, underpinned by treaties passed in all three of our parliaments.

    Edgewing, our joint industrial venture, has now stood up — bringing the aerospace leaders from all three nations together in a single joint company venture.

    Our task as three ministers now by the end of the year is to ensure that we can agree the first GCAP international contract — another important step in driving the delivery of the design and development phase and allowing them to get towards manufacturing.

    Whilst building a supersonic stealth fighter is by nature a long-term project, economic benefits are already being felt in all three nations.

    So in the UK, we’ve invested a further billion pounds this year in our future combat programme. It already employs four and a half thousand people, and we expect GCAP to create thousands of new jobs in all three nations.

    So whilst it’s first and foremost about ensuring our three nations can police the skies over the Indo-Pacific and the Euro-Atlantic — to ensure they keep our people safe for a generation to come — one of the greatest strengths that many of you in this room know better than anyone else, one of the greatest strengths of the defence sector, is often the instruments that we design to provide a combat or battlefield advantage become the foundation for wider progress in society.

    And so GCAP will also provide huge potential opportunities for our finest minds to work at the forefront of autonomy, space, quantum technology — potential and possibilities not just for security, but for our societies as well.

    And I want you to see our total UK commitment to developing GCAP, our continued effort to operate ever closer with Japan’s Self-Defence Force, and I want you to see the deployment of our carrier strike group to the Indo-Pacific as demonstrating what we declared as a government, we set out in the strategic view, of a policy that is NATO first, but not NATO only.

    Because as we see the threats, more serious, less predictable, than at any time since the Cold War — Ukraine demonstrates what Jens Stoltenberg argued years ago:

    What happens in the Indo-Pacific, he said, matters in the Euro-Atlantic.

    And what happens in the Euro-Atlantic matters in the Indo-Pacific.

    And right now in Ukraine, our adversaries are proving just that — autocratic states working more closely together.

    So Russia, in the hope of breaking the will of the sovereign Ukrainian people, has called on North Korea for troops, Iran for drones, and China for technology, equipment, and weapons components.

    Here, 8,000 kilometres from Kyiv, the Japanese people understand this, and have stood as true friends from the start to Ukraine.

    We’re grateful, and we pay tribute to that support.

    They’ve been providing assistance alongside NATO.

    They’ve been supporting the coalition of the willing.

    So when we say “NATO first, but not NATO only,” this is more than a slogan.

    It reflects the growing threats that we face today — threats that don’t respect regions or national borders: cyber attacks, disinformation, attacks on democracy, hostile action in space.

    And for the UK, some of our closest, most like-minded partners in countering these threats are to be found in the Indo-Pacific — just as some of our most exciting technological partnerships are forged here too.

    And it is only through working together that we will strengthen regional security, that we will reinforce a lasting stability— the stability on which our economic growth, our social resilience, and the future of our countries depend.

    For us, our allies are our strategic strength.

    And so in a more dangerous world, in a new era of threats, we’re deepening our defence cooperation with good partners like Japan — bilaterally, industrially, and through NATO.

    And just as the threats we face are real, to make deterrence real, we must work more closely together.

    That imperative is right at the heart of the purpose of the Pacific Future Forum.

    So in summary, that is why the presence of the Prince of Wales here in Tokyo is not just symbolic — it’s strategic.

    It’s building on the UK’s partnerships and commitments across the region.

    Our naval presence provided by HMS Tamar and HMS Spey — helping to uphold freedom of navigation, enforcing sanctions, providing humanitarian assistance.

    Our military presence in Singapore, Brunei.

    Our joint exercises with Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Singapore — as part of the historic Five Power Defence Arrangements.

    And our contribution to ASEANs expert working groups in the dialogue partnership.

    Each deployment, each exercise, each relationship, each industrial or technological collaboration strengthens stability, reinforces security.

    And as our two nations prove — when we double down, when we invest in those partnerships — those partnerships are the source of our ultimate strength.

    So thank you once again to Minister Nakatani, who will speak to the forum later today.

    Thank you to everyone in Japan who has made this visit possible.

    Thank you to everyone who contributes to our defence partnership.

    Our relationship with Japan is one that we hold dear.

    And in the words of His Majesty, the Emperor:

    We are friends like no other.

    And I look forward to strengthening that partnership, that friendship, in the years ahead.
    Thank you.

  • Luke Pollard – 2025 Speech at the Global Air & Space Chiefs’ Conference

    Luke Pollard – 2025 Speech at the Global Air & Space Chiefs’ Conference

    The speech made by Luke Pollard, the Secretary of State for Defence, at Savoy Place in London on 17 July 2025.

    Good morning everyone.

    It’s a year ago that I last stood in this spot as a new Minister. Some of you will not be able to remember me because I have more grey hair than I had, certainly at this time last year.

    But it was a privilege to welcome colleagues from around the world a year ago and it is a privilege to be able to do exactly the same again today.

    The Secretary of State sends his apologies that he can’t be with us today – some of you may have spotted there has been some news going on in the UK over the past few days – and he continues to explain the situation that we inherited there.

    But having worked alongside him in Opposition as the Shadow Minister for the Armed Forces, and now over the last year, I’ll do my best to fill his considerable shoes that he has.

    But let me first begin by saying a few words about Air Chief Marshal Sir Rich Knighton, for his incredible service as the Chief of the Air Staff and now as we look ahead to his new role as Chief of the Defence Staff.

    Sir Rich has served our nation with considerable distinction for 37 years.

    Of the 31 individuals who have been CAS since the creation of the RAF in 1918, he has been the first non-pilot to do so, an engineer by trade.

    In leading the Royal Air Force, he has upheld the highest traditions of respect, integrity and excellence, and he’s normally done so with a cheeky smile on his face as well – for those who know him.

    And at a time when our recent Strategic Defence Review has heralded the beginning of a new era for UK deterrence and defence, I can think of no-one better to lead our people through the critical changes ahead.

    Congratulations on your fully-deserved appointment, Rich. I look forward to carrying on working with you.

    And of course, Rich’s boots are not easily filled. And so although there was a very competitive shortlist for the new Chief of the Air Staff, it was fiercely competitive, we were very fortunate to have an outstanding candidate in Air Marshal Harv Smyth.

    Harv, we have urgent and important work to do as we seek to implement the Strategic Defnece Review and I’m going to look forward to continuing to work strongly with all our RAF colleagues.

    And it was just a year ago, we had a General Election. It feels in Britain like there’s a lot of politics going on at the moment, and a lot of change. And that has been a year when defence has rarely been off the front pages.

    From the conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, to the modernisation of the UK Armed Forces set in motion, not just by the General Election, but by the Strategic Defence Review that follows.

    But what the news headlines don’t always show are the efforts and the achievements of the people that stand behind the headlines that work every single day to protect our nation and our allies.

    The men and women of our Armed Forces, and if I look around the room, the collective men and women of our Armed Forces, from an alliance that spans the globe of friends and allies – those men and women carry out their duties every single day with superb professionalism and precision, they go above and beyond to keep their nations, our nations, and all our partners safe, and in doing so, they not only create the environment where we can better protect our own homeland from Russian aggression, they are working to support friends and allies the world over.

    The UK Armed Forces have flown over 500 sorties, for example, and moved 9 million tonnes of freight to help the people and the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

    And I’m minded, at times like this, when there are so many people in uniform ahead of us, that at this very moment there are brave Ukrainian pilots in the sky above their country trying to keep Ukraine safe from Putin’s illegal aggression. There are brave men and women who I met at the INTERSTORM graduation for the training of Ukrainian pilots – many of whom were very frank and honest about their chances of survival.

    That bravery is something that you all know, because it’s the bravery you see in your own people. But it is something that we, and myself as a politician, need to talk more about. Because we spend a lot of our time talking about kit and equipment and it is absolutely right – and I will do so in this speech, as a spoiler alert – but we need to talk more about our people.

    Notwithstanding autonomy and uncrewed systems, we need to value the men and women who not only serve in the sky, but on the ground, in the laboratories and workshops, that keep our air forces on a global basis the incredible power that they are.

    It was those brave men and women who also were active recently in the Middle East, evacuating over 220 British nationals and their dependants out of Tel Aviv, including a 3 month old baby and a 91 year old pensioner, to protect them from missile attacks.

    It’s particularly important in these times of increasing insecurity that we do recognise that dedication of our people, and that is why, unapologetically, this government talks about renewing the contract between the nation and those who serve.

    Everyone around the world will have a similar formulation. It may be slightly worded differently, it may be translated in a slightly different word order. But fundamentally, we need our nations to value our people more, and if we can do that we have a stronger defence by default even if we spend not a single extra penny on it. Because our people are only as strong as the nation that stands behind them.

    So after awarding UK service personnel their biggest pay rise for 20 years and giving them another above inflation pay rise this year, we are delivering a generation of renewal of military accommodation, with at least £7 billion of funding for this in this parliament. For those international visitors who have not stayed in some British military accommodation for a while, let me tell you it is not good enough. That is not good enough for me, it’s not good enough for our people, and we are fixing it.

    And that’s why we are going to continue to put people at the heart of our defence unapologetically.

    Now, I know that the pace of change in our Armed Forces in the UK and collectively is matched by many of our international friends who are doing exactly the same.

    But we are only at the start of the transformation and the RAF is at the heart of that.

    The Strategic Defence Review set out our blueprint to reshape and revitalise UK defence in a new geopolitical era of threat.

    Britain now has a absolutely clear NATO-first defence policy and it is pivotal to our future security.

    But it is only right that Europe steps up to take on more of the heavy lifting for its own defence and protection.

    At the recent Hague Summit, European leaders came together and did precisely that.

    As well as a pledge to spend 5% of GDP on national security, the UK announced the biggest strengthening of our nuclear posture in a generation, including the purchase of a dozen F-35As and a commitment to join NATO’s nuclear Dual Capable Aircraft mission, giving the RAF a nuclear role for the first time since the end of the Cold War and complementing our own sovereign Continuous At Sea Deterrent which we declare, in full, to the defence of NATO.

    Driving the modernisation of the RAF will be a relentless focus on innovation. For well over a century, the UK has been a leader in shaping and pioneering air power.

    From the founding of the Royal Flying Corps in 1912, and the new technologies of the interwar years, radar, air defence systems, the Second World War saw air power tested and developed like never before. Yet the pace of change did not stop after the peace came.

    The jet age defined deterrence in new terms, transforming speed, reach, and altitude, and while the post-Cold War era has given us precision weapons, global ISTAR and unparalleled situational awareness.

    Today, we stand on the verge of another profound leap forward in which autonomy, AI, and digitisation will define the bounds of the sky. One of the key takeaways from me from the SDR is that we’re not just developing niche autonomous units at the periphery of our military. Every single unit across every single service in the UK will be moving to a system of crewed, uncrewed, and autonomous systems. That is a substantial change in not just fighting doctrine, in training, in how our people come together, in how we procure, it is a fundamental change in how we will fight and how we will deter.

    We will deliver £1 billion in an integrated Targeting Web. So any sensor, any effector, any target can be struck. That is a fundamental change in how we build an integrated force, regardless of the cloth that you are wearing.

    Times change, but the victors in the race to dominate air power are always those who adapt first and adapt fast.

    Innovation, speed and agility, the ability to out-think, out-perform and out-manoeuvre the enemy, are the capabilities and challenges we must harness.

    But let us make no mistake, our adversaries are doing exactly the same, and they are seeking to hack our phones to learn what we are doing to outpace them as well.

    That means the UK and our Allies must compete harder to have control of the air and to fight in new ways.

    Now I mentioned the war in Ukraine earlier, and one of the things that that is showing us is that getting new technology into the hands of warfighters fast can give you an edge on the battlefield.

    It is also a central message of the new UK defence policy.

    Our SDR calls for investment in Autonomous Collaborative Platforms to ensure the future of UK air combat air. And that can sound, to the voters I represent in Plymouth, a little bit like science fiction.

    But making the case that that already exists, and telling the story of systems like StormShroud is vital to building the public support we need for this new era of autonomous systems as well.

    StormShroud is designed to disrupt enemy radar at long range, and this fleet of new autonomous wingman drones will increase fighter jet survivability, and boost our warfighting power.

    As an uncrewed system, integrated into our new digital targeting web, it also frees up personnel to perform other vital frontline missions.

    And there are other ways in which StormShroud provides glimpses of the future.

    As we spend more on the military in the coming years, something that as a group of friends we are all doing, Defence will increasingly become a potent engine for economic growth. An argument we must make over, and over, and over again. It is a licence to operate – Defence is an engine for growth.

    StormShroud has already created hundreds of skilled jobs around the UK, with the promise of 1,000 more in the future.

    And it is in contrast to the failing procurement system we inherited, StormShroud is an example of good practice.

    It has gone from factory to front-line in record time, signalling how we want to streamline procurement in the future. And I suspect that the UK is not alone in wanting to make procurement faster on a global basis.

    Our policy is NATO-first, but it’s not NATO-only.

    The Euro-Atlantic, Indo-Pacific and Middle East are inseparably connected.

    And with that, I welcome our friends from the GCAP International Government Organisation.

    Through GCAP, Italy, Japan and the UK are developing a supersonic stealth fighter jet.

    The programme means our nations can come together, not just to defend the Euro-Atlantic, but to support our values on a global stage. That will bring together our industrial bases, and make sure we are being able to provide the deterrence that we need well into the future.

    And this time last year, just as we were kicking off the SDR, I received a lot of questions on GCAP and our position on it and a year later, I’m absolutely proud to stand on the same stage and say that GCAP is progressing well.

    It already supports 3,500 UK jobs, and 1,000 apprenticeships.

    Last week, we cut the ribbon on GCAP’s new headquarters in Reading, where hundreds of skilled personnel will be based, and the Defence Secretary met with counterparts from Italy and Japan to plan the next phase of this programme.

    And at a time of rapidly changing technology, it’s also essential we upgrade not just those at the tip of the spear that are able to deliver kinetic effect, it’s also vital  we upgrade our airborne early warning and control capabilities.

    The E-7 Wedgetail will provide the improved performance we are looking for offering greater speed, range, endurance and crew capacity.

    And by improving detection, it provides early warning of more challenging threats at greater distances, increasing the time available for offensive and defensive action, so boosting the lethality, survivability and resilience of our Joint Force.

    Wedgetail also has a growth path to meet the expected threat over the next 20 years and beyond and for those at RIAT, look forward to seeing her in the sky above the incredible air show there.

    So, to conclude.

    The story of air power has always been one of constant innovation, imagination, and adaptation. That has not changed today.

    But we must evolve again, to stay ahead of those who threaten our security. And that does mean moving on from some traditional doctrines and embracing the new. Embracing autonomy is a fundamental challenge for all our air forces, for all our procurement systems, for politicians who might be easier to make a case of a pilot in the sky, but by improving our lethality, by increasing it, we increase our deterrence. And with increased deterrence, we make more strategic dilemmas for those who seek to challenge the international order, who seek to challenge our freedom, and the liberty that our people enjoy.

    The SDR has fired the starting pistol on that reform of the UK Armed Forces, and, having read many of the reviews undertaken by our Allies in recent months, I know similar themes are present in the new emerging defence policies that our Allies in this room are developing as well. More collaborative platforms, working together, more investment in our Armed Forces, more focus on our people. It is precisely in these ways that we will be stronger in the future, to keep not only the UK secure at home and strong abroad, but to make sure we do so in support of all our Allies as we all face similar threats from similar adversaries who fundamentally want to attack our values  and our position in the world. The people in this room today have a key role in defending all those values and all our people, thank you for what you are doing. Thank you for the pace of change that you are instigating, and keep going. Thank you very much.

  • John Healey – 2025 Speech at the RUSI Land Warfare Conference

    John Healey – 2025 Speech at the RUSI Land Warfare Conference

    The speech made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, at the RUSI Land Warfare Conference held at Church House, Westminster in London on 17 June 2025.

    David, thank you very much. Thank you all for inviting me here.

    Under your leadership, this institution RUSI really has gone from strength to strength in your last five years despite your first two years as Chair being that very tough period for us all during Covid.

    So David let me thank you this afternoon, to Rachel and the hugely impressive team here at RUSI, not just for this conference, for hosting us for these two days but also for serving as not just simply a long-standing critical friend to government – yes long standing but much needed critic of the government.

    And really in the way that the world changing the way as it is and defence is changing in the way that it is – I think we need this institution’s expert independent voice to be heard more loudly now than ever.

    So thank you for the work that you have done and thank you all of you involved in RUSI.

    At the outset now perhaps I can take the opportunity to say a few words on the deteriorating situation in the Middle East.

    Because this is a dangerous moment for the entire region. And we as a government have been consistent, clear and strong.

    We have always supported Israel’s right to security and we have had grave concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme.

    And I repeat the call on all sides to show restraint this afternoon.

    Because a diplomatic resolution rather than military action is the only route to lasting stability in the region.

    And in terms of our UK operational response, the military assets including the additional Typhoon jets announced by the Prime Minister have begun arriving – the first wave have already arrived and the rest will follow in coming days.

    And I have ensured that force protection is now at its highest level.

    So this operational response is to protect our personnel, it is to reassure our partners and it is to reinforce the urgent need for de-escalation.

    Returning to today, to your programme – I remember last year’s Land Warfare Conference – I think it was one of if not the first public speech I gave after having the privilege of taking up this job. And it came just a week after the Prime Minister kicked off the Strategic Defence Review.

    And I told you in this room actually back then that it would be a Review that would be done with the Army, and not to the Army.

    And I hope with General Walker giving the SDR what he called his “unequivocal support and commitment” this morning – you’re confidence that we met that promise.

    And some of you in the room here, you were part of dozens of submissions that we had from serving personnel, for which we are really grateful.

    And not just the submissions including formal discussions with senior Army officers but actually I hope you see in the SDR the proposals in the core submissions from the Army have been accepted in the review by the reviewers almost in full.

    And this is an SDR that will transform our Army – transform it to meet the challenges and threats in the decades ahead.

    And it will do so by combining the future technology of drones and AI with the heavy metal of our tanks and artillery to the deter threats we may face.

    Many of you have been around for long enough to have seen previous reviews. Many of you have been around for long enough probably to be thinking – well great promises but we’ve seen so many of these reviews put on shelves and gather dust next to the previous reviews that came before.

    The point that I stress today is that for me and everyone in defence, the ten months of hard work to get to the point where we have launched the SDR is just the start not the end of the work that is needed.

    So our adversaries aren’t hanging around and nor are we.

    And have a plan now in government to make Britain safer, secure at home and strong abroad.

    2.6 per cent of GDP on defence in 2027 as the Chancellor confirmed last week in the Spending Review. This gives us the means to implement the SDR.

    And the SDR is a review, a defence review – the first for a generation – which aims to build out rather than hollow out our armed forces.

    A review that is backed by an ambition to hit 3 per cent of GDP spending in the next parliament. And a review that is matched and underwritten by the prospect of a decade of rising defence investment.

    It will bring big changes to our armed forces.

    You discussed it this afternoon with that top level distinguished panel – the SDR will see an integrated force – greater than the sum of its parts – but that does not mean a lessening the importance of the Army.

    The SDR made promises of an Army that is larger in size and greater in lethality.

    And today, I’ll speak about how I’ll play a role as Defence Secretary alongside General Roly to deliver on those pledges.

    Let me start with what matters most to me and that’s our people.

    To maintain advantage, every Army must evolve with the times. Technologies emerge. Tactics advance but the one thing that stays constant is the need for talent.

    Ultimately, it is people who win, it’s the people who prevail, it’s the people who win wars.

    The British Army has in its ranks some of the finest soldiers the world over.

    But for too long, our Army has been asked to do more with less.

    And like most things in life, building up is actually harder than cutting down.

    But we are acting already to stem the losses that we’ve seen long term in recent years, and while reversing that long-term decline can’t be done overnight – that will take time – but I want the number of full-time soldiers to rise to at least 76,000 into the next parliament.

    And let me set out some of the elements of how we will do that.

    First, I really don’t recognise the claims that you often hear in the media and from the commentators that somehow the next generation don’t want to fight for their country.

    In the last decade, one million young people applied to join the military. They are the very lifeblood of the Army.

    Every day, young men and women stepping forward in search of the opportunity, the sense of purpose and pride, in search of something greater than they have in their lives at present.

    And yet of that million, more than 3 in 4 simply gave up in large part because of long delays in the process.

    They gave up before they were even recruited or rejected.

    So in response, we’ve set new targets, we’ve scrapped old policies and red tape and we’re starting to turn those numbers around.

    And my pledge to you is that the Army will have the pipeline of people it needs to defend our nation and our nation’s interests.

    And just as we’ll encourage more people to join, we’ll persuade more people to stay. And we’ll do that by renewing the nation’s contract with those who serve and the families who support them as they serve.

    Better pay, better housing, better conditions, better kit.

    The thing that really has troubled me most in the last month was the Continuous Attitude Survey that found that only 1 in 4 service personnel believe that they’re valued by society.

    That has plummeted over the last 12 years. The best way to prove to those people, to our personnel that the nation cares is not just what we say but it’s what we do.

    And that’s why it was important to me that last year we were able to award our service personnel the biggest pay increase for over 20 years. It was important to me that we could follow it up this year with another above inflation pay award.

    Homes with mould, damp and leaks are a betrayal of their service and we’re starting to put that right.

    We’ve bought back now 36,000 military family homes from a private funds into public control. We’ve pledged an extra £1.5 billion to put into military family homes in this Parliament as part of £7 billion investment that will go into military accommodation in the next few years.

    We’re introducing a new Consumer Charter – the basics that any of us would expect from any home that we occupy, any home that we rent – we’re doing that for our forces families.

    We’re extending Wraparound Childcare to those deployed overseas just to help make family life a little easier.

    We’ve legislated in Parliament for a new independent voice – the Armed Forces Commissioner that will help improve service life and I’m happy to say that from last week applications for that post are now open.

    Me, the ministerial team, General Roly, we all share a determination to make life better for members of our armed forces and the families that support them.

    And in doing so, we will – for the first time in a generation – grow the British Army.

    Warfighting and the welfare of our forces are not in conflict or competition. They go hand in hand.

    We cannot have our soldiers worried about a broken boiler or how they’ll make ends meet if we want the Army’s organising principle to be – as General Roly said – “warfighting at scale”.

    And in a more dangerous world, this is a shift we simply have to make.

    Before I go further, I want to note that at least 15 people were killed and more than 100 injured last night in Kyiv, a grim reminder that whatever else is happening in the world, Putin’s war still rages on eastern flank of Europe.

    Ukrainians are continuing to fight with huge courage – civilians and military alike and I just say to you that the UK and the UK Government’s commitment to those Ukrainians remains as steadfast as it has been from the start and we will stand with the Ukrainian people for as long as it takes.

    We will stand with them and we will work with them and for the purposes of this conference we will also learn from them.

    Because the revolutionary technology in Ukraine – helped by the UK – has been the drone.

    So lethal in force, they’re now killing more people than artillery – the first time Offensive Support has been overtaken since World War One.

    So systemic to strategy and tactics as the invention of the machine gun or to the heavy armour specialists in the audience – the tank.

    So effective in targeting, that the Russian military has swapped armour for motorbikes to evade detection.

    And so maximum in impact that we saw a little over 100 drones destroy or damaged more than 50 of Putin’s strategic bombers in Operation Spider Web.

    This is why the SDR calls for that tenfold increase in the Army’s lethality. Credit must go to Roly for his foresight and his ambition in setting that out.

    He set the ambition. He set the vision. And I’m backing that as Defence Secretary with the funding to deliver it.

    So today I’m announcing and confirming that we from this year will be investing more than £100 million in new, initial funding to develop land drone swarms.

    Our Autonomous Collaborative Platforms will fly alongside the Apache attack helicopters and enhance the Army’s ability to strike, survive and win on the battlefield.

    You’ve seen the vision in the SDR, you’ve heard the plan from Roly earlier – this will be a game-changer. It will be applying the lessons from Ukraine in a world-leading way, it will be putting the UK at the leading edge of innovation in NATO.

    Alongside our ability to move forward with greater combat mass, we’re investing in AI and drones to strike further and faster through Project ASGARD.

    In well under a year, we’ve developed and procured these recce-strike systems that allow our soldiers to connect the sensor to the shooter in record beating time.

    These are systems already tested. These are systems that in part are already in Estonia. These are systems that we plan to deploy in 2027 as part of NATO’s Steadfast Defender Exercise.

    The lessons from ASGARD will inform our new integrated Digital Targeting Web as recommended in the SDR. The SDR has challenged us to develop this over the next two years. And so in order to meet that challenge, I’ve also made the commitment that we will back that by £1 billion of new investment.

    Finally, this isn’t just about the world-leading programmes that I’ve mentioned, but it’s also about embedding drones into our training, in our psyche and in our culture.

    And by doubling spending to £4 billion on uncrewed systems in this Parliament through the SDR and by establishing a new Drone Centre we’ll accelerate the use of uncrewed air systems across all of our services.

    The Army will train thousands of operators on First Person View, Surveillance and Dropper drones.

    This summer, the Army will begin the rollout of 3,000 strike drones followed by a further rollout of over 1,000 surveillance drones.

    And we will equip every Section with a drone.

    And together, this work marks a crucial shift in our deterrence. It sends a clear signal to anyone seeking to do us or our allies harm and sets the pathway to an Army that can indeed be ten times more lethal.

    Let me draw if I may to an end by saying that the British Army has always been a force feared by our adversaries and respected by allies.

    And in this new era of threat, we will be asking more of our soldiers. And it is only right our soldiers expect more of their government.

    In return, they’ll be members of an Army with better pay, with better housing, with better kit. They’ll be members of an Army greater in lethality, greater in size.

    An Army that makes Britain safer – secure at home and strong abroad.

  • John Healey – 2025 Speech on the D-Day 81 Anniversary

    John Healey – 2025 Speech on the D-Day 81 Anniversary

    The speech made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 6 June 2025.

    Bonjour tout le monde.

    81 years ago today, tyranny bowed when the courage of free men forced open the gates of liberation.

    Within hours, the people of Sainte-Mère-Église had control of their destiny again.

    Within three months, the Tricolor once again flew from the Eiffel Tower.

    Within a year the continent of Europe would once again know peace.

    It is a rare thing to have changed the course of history, but that is what the veterans of Normandy did.

    They fought for a future that they knew they may not live to see.

    And through their valour we inherited a free world.

    We are humbled to be in your company. We give eternal thanks for your sacrifice.

    And I’m also grateful to the Comité du Débarquement, as the stewards of our shared history. With every year that passes, your work becomes more important.

    And 81 years on, we return to Normandy to ask:

    What principle guided 150,000 souls across that body of water?

    What belief compelled the paratroopers of the 82nd and 101st to thunder through the skies above us?

    What force drove the ‘Ivy’ men to charge these dunes at Utah?

    …all to liberate people they had never known in a land they had never seen.

    And that is the power of unity, the power of friendship, the faith in democracy and freedom.

    And through the sacrifices made on these shores we learn the true strength of alliances.

    The strength of our war-fighters standing together as they continue to do on operations today – personnel from Manchester, from Marseilles, from Minnesota.

    The strength of our nations standing together in NATO to deter current conflicts and adversaries.

    The responsibility to safeguard D-Day’s legacy and freedom rests today with us.

    So, let us give everlasting honour to our Normandy veterans… for whom the Longest Day never ended.

    And let us find the strength to carry on in their names and to carry forward their cause.

    Thank you.