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Below is the text of the press conference between David Cameron, the Prime Minister, and Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian President, on 13th March 2014.

Mahmoud Abbas (via interpreter)

Ladies and gentlemen, the Israeli occupation force have recently – have killed with cold blood, 3 Palestinians in the West Bank and 3 others in Gaza Strip and we did not hear any apology or condemnation by the Israeli government. Yesterday rockets were fired from Gaza, so Israel responded to that, we condemn the aggression and the military aggression with all its forms including the rockets.

We stressed once again to His Excellency, that we will continue efforts to achieve a peaceful political solution that achieves peace and stability in our region. That ends the Israeli occupation that has started in 1967. Until we establish the independent viable state Palestine, sovereign state of Palestine with East Jerusalem as its capital. A state that we want – Jerusalem, we want it, an open city where all the 3 monotheistic religions can come and pray within the 2 state solution, to realise that the state of Palestine, that lives or co exists besides the state of Israel in security and good neighbourhood.

And here we appreciate the efforts exerted by President Obama and Secretary of State Kerry to push forward the peace process, to achieve its objectives within the specified 9 months for negotiations, at the same time we cannot forget to appreciate the important role played by the international quartet, including Russia, the EU, the UN and also the friendly counties all over the world.

In particular, we mention the tremendous efforts by the EU, represented in its statements, decisions and measures – all of which stress the need to have a solution for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict according to the international references and stressing that settlement is illegal based on international law. This is the position that was stressed by the Arab League Council, at the level of foreign ministers at its session held on the 9th of this month that once again stressed its support for the Palestinian position and support for the peace process that is sponsored by the US Administration, provided that it will be on the basis of international [inaudible] resolutions and the Arab peace initiatives and not to accept the Jewish State.

Your Excellency, once again, we stress our commitment to consolidate or cooperation, mutual cooperation, and our appreciation for the United Kingdom, Queen, nation and government, for all the support you provide for our people, at all levels. And we are satisfied as we see this relation grow and consolidate in all areas. Thank you, Your Excellency for your visit, your precious visit to Palestine, and I welcome you again on this Holy Land, as a guest, a friend – a dear guest for Palestine, from a dear nation and dear country that we respect. Thank you.

David Cameron

Well thank you very much, Mr President. And I’m delighted to be here today, alongside you President Abbas, in your own country and on my first visit to Palestine as Prime Minister. We have had good discussions today and I want to focus on 3 issues. First the peace process and the leadership that both you and Prime Minister Netanyahu show by entering these negotiations. As I said in the Knesset I believe you are a partner for peace. I know that achieving lasting peace means difficult decisions and real determination to keep going. Britain has faced its own experiences on this front and we will do everything we can to help you.

Our position is clear and has not changed; we want to see a 2 state solution. A sovereign, viable and independent Palestinian state, based on 1967 borders, with mutually agreed land swaps, alongside a secure Israel. And Jerusalem, a sacred city to 3 great world religions, must be the shared capital for both sides, with Gaza a fundamental part of the Palestinian state. We must not let those who seek to undermine the process, by firing rockets from Gaza, succeed.

I unreservedly condemn yesterday’s attacks and I know that you, Mr President, have repeatedly rejected violence, and I heard again what you said today. I know that you understand that Palestinian statehood will not be achieved through violence; that in the end this 2 state solution, can only come about from the 2 sides talking to each other.

Over the last 2 days I have been encouraged from my discussions with both yourself, Mr President, and Prime Minister Netanyahu, that the will is there, so I urge both sides to seize this window of opportunity. Second, we’ve discussed the opportunities that peace can bring. Britain wants to help Palestine to build strong institutions and a strong economy, so today we have agreed further support to help almost 100 Palestinian businesses to become more competitive; £6 million to help restore farming land in Area C.

This will benefit nearly 1,000 farming communities and increase production which the World Bank estimates could boost the Palestinian economy by $700 million. And finally we will fund HALO to clear 3 West Bank minefields, which will hand back land to rural Palestinian communities, freeing them up for economic growth. I am also delighted that the British Council will be reopening their English language centre in East Jerusalem after more than a decade. We want to see more institutions reopen in Jerusalem and the protection of Palestinian, life, culture and heritage in this unique city.

And let’s not forget that all of this will benefit Israelis next door, where a vibrant economy will find new partners. Third and last, Mr President, I know that the path to this future vision will not be an easy one, the final difficult steps towards peace will be hard, but the prize could be great. A Palestine without checkpoints; where you can travel freely in your own country and beyond, where you can visit your friends and family wherever they may be, and the West Bank and Gaza are together again. A world in which you have your dignity and your freedom at last and security for the Palestinian people too. It won’t be easy but this is a vision that we stand absolutely committed to helping you to realise. Thank you.

Question (via interpreter)

Your Excellency, after this meeting you are on your way to the United States of America to meet President Obama. We know that there are a lot of pressures to extend negotiations to the end of the year; are there any specific issues that you will ask the US Administration? Maybe to accept extending the negotiations?

Your Excellency, Prime Minister Cameron, yesterday at your speech in the Knesset, you said you support Israel to be a national homeland for the Jews. Don’t you think this position might harm the peace negotiations? Thank you.

Mahmoud Abbas (via interpreter)

We are on our way, yes, to visit the United States of America within the framework of our pursuit for the political solution that the United States of America is trying to do. Until this moment, we did not receive – maybe for –this will be in the near future. We didn’t receive the framework that we were promised to read and see, and based on what we read then we will have our position. We have agreed for 9 months for negotiations and we have a great hope that we achieve something tangible within this period of time. That’s why we did not discuss at all the issue of extending the negotiations, and it was not proposed either.

David Cameron

Thank you. In terms of describing Israel as the national homeland for the Jewish people; I said that because to me that is what Israel is, and that it is what it will be. Jews were persecuted around the world, 6 million were murdered in the Holocaust, and so the decision was taken that Israel should be homeland for the Jewish people; and that’s what it is. I also said, though, yesterday that the status of Israel and the description of Israel should be something for Palestine and Israelis to negotiate together and we shouldn’t interpose ourselves into those negotiations.

And I also said in that speech to the Knesset that it was important that Israel continued to be a country that gave rights to those who are of a different religion, to Christians, to Muslims, to Israeli Arabs. And that’s an important point too.

Question

Mr President, could I ask you the – in the Knesset the British Prime Minister said he opposed all boycotts of Israel. Do you agree with him?

And secondly, Prime Minister, in 2010, you said you opposed – you said that you regarded Gaza as a prison camp. Has anything happened since then to make you change your mind?

Finally, John Kerry yesterday said he had never seen such large levels of mistrust between the Israelis and the Palestinians as at present. Having seen both leaders in the past 24 hours, is that your assessment?

David Cameron

I think the question for you, Mr President was about boycotts. But the question for me on Gaza – I mean clearly the situation in Gaza is unacceptable. There are 1.7 million people living in Gaza. A huge number are reliant for their life on – on food aid. There is extremely high unemployment. There’s very low provision of healthcare and other things. It’s very important to get the economy, society moving in Gaza. And what we want to see is a Palestinian state that includes both the West Bank and Gaza and we need to work hard to achieve that.

As for the question about mistrust between Palestinian leadership and Israeli leadership, of course, what I’ve seen over the last 2 days is serious disagreements over vital issues that will have to be settled, if there ever is to be a successful 2-state solution, if there is to be a peace deal.

But what I’ve also seen is, I believe, 2 leaders who both want to be and can be partners for peace. I see that in Prime Minister Netanyahu and I see that in President Abbas. They both will have to take difficult and unpalatable and sometimes, unpopular decisions with their own constituencies in order to achieve that peace and to achieve that settlement.

But what I sense is that it is possible. I’m not saying it is definite or even that it is probable. But it is certainly possible. And what the international community should be doing and what countries like Britain should be doing is doing everything we can to encourage these leaders to be those partners for peace and doing everything we can to marshal aid and assistance and help and security from the rest of the world, to help point the size of the prize that will be there, if these leaders can make those steps forward and all the ways in which we can help.

And so I prefer to put it that way, in an optimistic way rather than simply referring to what we all know the disagreements and issues that remain between the 2 sides.

Mahmoud Abbas (via interpreter)

As for the Gaza Strip, we are fully aware that the State of Palestine includes the West Bank and Gaza strip, for sure. And this has to be there. That’s why we are trying to achieve reconciliation with Hamas, for them and for the national unity to be re-established for the Palestinian people. And that’s why we want to go for negotiations between us and Hamas, and this is what we continue repeating, and this is what we want to achieve, God willing.

As for the boycotters, we did not call – we never called for boycotting the State of Israel, because we deal with the State of Israel. As a matter of fact, we deal with the State of Israel so it’s not logical to say that we boycott the State of Israel. But, rather, we boycott and call for boycotting to what’s going on in the settlements, because settlement – all the world recognises that it is illegal, and so it its products should be boycotted. The Israeli products coming from the settlements need to be boycotted, and this is what happened in Europe, and this what we encourage. But boycotting Israel? No, we don’t call for this.

Question (via interpreter)

As for achieving the framework, is this the only way [inaudible] to achieve agreement?

How – how do you know – how do you deal with these concerns.

Question

[Inaudible] narrow these gaps and allow me to ask a question on Ukraine. Are you interesting in putting restrictions in Russian businessmen and Russian state’s banks, over Ukraine crisis? Thanks.

Mahmoud Abbas (via interpreter)

As for the issue of framework agreement we did not suggest a framework, but the one who suggested it are the Americans. And we said when we see the framework, we can judge this, or have a position. But so far we cannot say this is wrong or right, or acceptable or not acceptable, depending on what we hear from the media or unofficial channels until we get that framework; then we’ll have a position on that based on what we feel that it is necessary for the framework to be in line – totally in line with the international legitimacy.

David Cameron

In answer to your question, can Britain and countries like Britain narrow the gap between the Palestinian leadership and the Israeli leadership, I think all we can do is encourage leaders to take difficult and tough decisions to find compromises so that both sides can achieve the outcome everyone wants to see, which is a 2-state solution.

There’s no outcome that’s possible where every Israeli will be satisfied and there’s no outcome that’s possible where every Palestinian will be satisfied. There has to be compromise. And compromise is difficult. Compromise will take bravery, and our aim is to encourage these leaders to be brave and make the compromises because the prize is so great at the end of the day.

On the issue of sanctions against Russia because of what has happened in Ukraine, Britain as part of the European Union has set out a very clear map of those things that we will do in any event because of what has already happened, those steps that we will take in terms of asset freezes and travel bans if the contact group and talks between Ukraine and Russia don’t get going. And those will be brought into place if that doesn’t happen.

And then thirdly, we’ve said if there is further Russian destabilisation of the Ukraine we would consider – and we’ve set it out very clearly – action across a range of economic areas. And I expect the European Union countries to stick to what they have agreed to, those important 3 steps, and Britain would support that.

Question

A domestic question, Prime Minister if you don’t mind. Polls – a poll this week shows that most people don’t trust the government when it comes to immigration. Isn’t it time to admit that you’re never going to hit your target of bringing it down to tens of thousands and that in fact, you’re so far from hitting it that when you have the opportunity to employ a British nanny, you don’t even bring the numbers down by one yourself?

David Cameron

On immigration, we have a very clear approach, which is to say that it has been too high and it needs to come down. And it has come down. It has come down across the course of this government by almost 20%.

If we look at the components of that immigration, we’ve actually brought immigration from outside the EU down by something like a third to its lowest level since 1998. And we’ve done that by taking a range of steps. We’ve put in place a cap on economic migration from outside the European Union because we should be training British young people to do more of the jobs that are available. We’ve closed down something like 700 bogus colleges in our country because people were abusing the student route into Britain and we’ve taken a range of steps to make sure that family reunion is family reunion rather than another way of breaking the rules.

As to my own arrangements, I think I’ve answered lots of questions about this over the years. I have an excellent woman, Gita Lama, who looks after my children, who is a British citizen. She came originally from Nepal. She carried out her exam to become a British citizen and she does a fantastic job. And she certainly fits the description of someone who works hard and wants to get on.

I can confirm as well that I didn’t give her any assistance in these exams you have to take to become a British citizen. She did once ask me – one of the questions in the exam is what is the role of the British cabinet. And I won’t – I won’t share with you the answer that I gave. But I’ll leave you to speculate in the way that you normally do. Mr President.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, to the House of Commons in London on 10th March 2014.

With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement on last week’s emergency European Council.

What has happened to Ukraine is completely indefensible. Its territorial integrity has been violated and the aspirations of its people to chart their own future are being frustrated.

This European Council sent a clear and united message to Russia that its actions are in flagrant breach of international law and will incur consequences. We agreed on a three-phase approach to stand up to this aggression and uphold international law: first, some immediate steps to respond to what Russia has done; secondly, urgent work on a set of measures that will follow if Russia refuses to enter dialogue with the Ukrainian Government; and thirdly, a set of further, far-reaching consequences should Russia take further steps to destabilise the situation in Ukraine.

Let me say a word on each of those steps. First, as a response to what Russia has already done, we agreed on some immediate steps. We have suspended preparations for the G8 in Sochi indefinitely. As I told the House last week, my view is that it would be completely wrong for a G8 summit to go ahead at all under current circumstances. We decided to stop work on a comprehensive new agreement on relations between Russia and the European Union, and we immediately suspended the talks that were under way on a more liberal visa regime in the Schengen area—the thing that Russian Ministers and business delegations have pushed for more than anything else.

Here in Britain, I have ordered an urgent review of all Government business with Russia. We have already announced that no Ministers or members of the royal family will visit the Sochi Paralympics. Many other planned ministerial-level contacts will be cancelled in current circumstances. All bilateral military co-operation is under review, with the presumption that we will suspend it, except for work carried out to fulfil international treaty obligations, such as European arms control inspections. I have ordered a review of licences for arms exports to Russia. It is hard to see how anything that could be used in Ukraine could be justified. As with other measures, it is best if possible to take these decisions in concert with our European allies.

There has been intense work to persuade Russia to come to the negotiating table with the Government of Ukraine and to discuss its stated concerns face to face. The idea of such a contact group, including other countries and organisations, was one I first proposed to the Polish Prime Minister back in January. The European Council agreed it was essential for such talks to start within the next few days and for them to deliver progress quickly. We also agreed that if Russia did not co-operate there would need to be further measures—the so-called second phase—which would need to start rapidly.

Therefore, at my instigation, the Council tasked the European Commission to begin work on additional measures which could be taken against Russia if these talks do not get going or do not start producing results. These will include asset freezes and travel bans. We are working closely with our American, European and other international partners to prepare a list of names, and these sanctions, plus the measures already agreed against Yanukovych and his circle, will be the focus of a meeting here in London tomorrow with key international partners.

There is an urgent need to de-escalate tension in Crimea. We are all clear that any referendum vote in Crimea this week will be illegal, illegitimate and will not be recognised by the international community. In addition, I have to say that any campaign would be completely impractical as well as illegal. There is no proper register or proper campaign, and the territory is covered with troops. It is completely impossible for a proper referendum campaign to be carried out. As I discussed with Chancellor Merkel last night in Hanover, Russia can choose the path of de-escalation by signalling it understands that the outcome cannot be acted on as legitimate. Chancellor Merkel and I were clear that any attempt by Russia to legitimise an illegal referendum would require us to respond by ratcheting up the pressure further.

Thirdly, and most significantly, we agreed that it was essential to stop Russia taking further unacceptable steps in Ukraine. The Council agreed that if further steps are taken by Russia to destabilise Ukraine, there will be additional and far-reaching consequences for the relationship between the Russian Federation on the one hand and the European Union and its member states on the other. The Council conclusions state that these consequences would “include a broad range of economic areas.”

Britain played a leading role in helping to reach this agreement, including through a meeting I convened with fellow leaders from France, Germany, Italy and Poland on the morning of the Council. Such sanctions would have consequences for many EU member states, including Britain, but as I argued at the meeting, the costs of not standing up to aggression are far greater. Britain’s own security and prosperity would be at risk if we allow a situation where countries can just flout international rules without incurring consequences.

Finally, we decided to send a political message of support to the Ukrainian Government and people. The interim Ukrainian President spoke at the European Council with great power and force. The Ukrainian people want the freedom to be able to choose their own future and strengthen their ties with Europe, and they want a future free from the awful corruption that they have endured for far too long.

At the request of the Ukrainian Prime Minister, we therefore agreed to bring forward the signing of the political part of the EU’s association agreement with Ukraine, and we agreed to help Ukraine tackle corruption. The EU has now frozen the assets of 18 people linked to the former regime, and Britain has deployed a team to Kiev from our National Crime Agency to help the new Ukrainian Government go after ill-gotten funds and return them to the Ukrainian people.

It is now vital that Ukraine proceeds towards free and fair elections that enable all Ukrainians, including Russian speakers and minorities, to choose their leaders freely, so Britain is now providing substantial and immediate technical assistance to Ukraine to support elections and assist with reforms on public finance management, debt management and energy pricing. Ukraine also needs support to stabilise and repair its economy. The EU agreed unilaterally to lower trade tariffs, and to work with the International Monetary Fund on a package of financial assistance to the Ukrainian Government.

As I agreed with President Obama during our call this weekend, there is still an opportunity for Russia to resolve this situation diplomatically. It should engage in direct talks with the Ukrainians, return Russian troops to their bases in Crimea, withdraw its support for this illegal and unconstitutional referendum in Crimea, and work with the rest of the international community to support free and fair elections in Ukraine in May. No one should be interested in a tug of war. Ukraine should be able to choose its own future and act as a bridge between Russia and Europe.

Britain’s own future depends on a world where countries obey the rules. In Europe, we have spent the past 70 years working to keep the peace, and we know from history that turning a blind eye when nations are trampled over stores up greater problems for the longer term. We must stand up to aggression, uphold international law and support the Ukrainian Government and the Ukrainian people, who want the freedom to choose their own future. That is right for Ukraine, right for Europe, right for Britain. I commend this statement to the House.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, to CeBIT in Hannover, Germany on 9th March 2014.

What can I say – music, violins, a robot thespian – this is how I spend all my Sunday nights.

It is a huge pleasure to be here and can I say to the Chancellor what an honour it is for the UK to co-host this event.

Germany is a country with a proud history in technology from the Fraunhofer institutes in your towns to the tech start-ups in Berlin and of course this world-leading conference we are opening here today.

As that advertisement we all grew up hearing said: “Vorsprung Durch Technik” and it is that spirit we are celebrating tonight.

Progress through technology. And what remarkable progress we see.

Today we can put in our pockets a computer more powerful than any computer in the world 20 years ago.

Just a decade ago – Skype was a typo, a tweet was something you heard from a bird, a cloud was something you saw in the sky – not somewhere you stored your data.

Companies that are starting in people’s garages and bedrooms one year are going stratospheric the next.

This is a world on fast forward a world of permanent technological revolution and in this world, countries like the UK and Germany will only succeed if we have a relentless drive for new ideas and innovations.

That’s why I am here today. And I have come here with a mission and a message.

Mission: Promoting UK tech

My mission here at CeBIT is to promote the extraordinary tech sector we have in the UK.

4 years ago, we put in place a long-term economic plan to turn our country around – and innovation is right at the heart of that plan.

Here is just a taste of what we’ve done.

We got the London Stock Exchange to make it easier for fast-growing firms to list.

We kept spending on science, despite the downturn.

We introduced huge tax breaks on early stage investment, tax breaks on video games, a Patent Box so if you invent in the UK you only pay 10 per cent tax on those profits.

Government IT has been revolutionised too.

When we came to office, government was spending about £16 billion per year – that is 1 per cent of GDP on its IT, overwhelmingly to large suppliers. So we stripped out the waste and opened up our IT contracts to small firms.

The G Cloud, from where we now procure services, is one of the world’s most innovative tender systems in the world.

Above all, we have rolled out the red carpet to the world’s ideas people. Special visas for entrepreneurs, visas for Tech City, allowing universities to expand by 30,000 students next year and no restrictions at all the year after.

We’re not stopping there. We’re putting coding on the curriculum in our schools for the first time putting £200 million into equipment for science teaching at our universities. And all this is working.

Come over to Shoreditch in east London and you can see it – Tech City is teeming with start-ups and new ideas.

It started less than three and a half years ago with 200 digital companies in that area of east London now there are 1,300.

Come over to Cambridge or Edinburgh or Oxford and you find clusters of tech companies who are changing the way we live now. I had some of them on the plane over with me this afternoon.

Touch Bionics – inventors of the world’s most advanced bionic hand.

Raspberry Pi – the phenomenon which has sold over 2.5 million units and counting.

Imagination – who provide the video and graphics for iPhones.

This is the UK tech scene today. Dynamic. Relentlessly ambitious. Leading the way.

It is our ambition to make the UK the most digital nation in the G8 and it is my mission to show the world that we’re getting there.

Message: we want to work with you

But I come here today with a message too, for our German friends:

We want to take these strengths and combine them.

We want to work with you to pool ideas, share data, innovate, to lead on the next big ideas.

And I’ll tell you three areas where I see us collaborating more closely.

First, 5G.

With 4G, an 800 megabyte movie takes around 40 seconds to download; with 5G that would be cut to one second.

This is a prize that researchers all over the world are going for and so I am delighted to announce a new collaboration, between the University of Dresden, King’s College University in London and the University of Surrey.

Three world-leading universities working on 5G hand in hand – that is something to be truly excited about.

Second, for our two countries to remain competitive, the European single market must keep pace with developments in the digital economy.

So Germany and the UK have agreed to work together to improve the telecoms single market.

We welcome the long-term ambition of the European Commission, but want to take steps that deliver benefits to businesses and consumers quickly, including the complete elimination of mobile roaming charges.

The third area I think we can work more closely on is the Internet of Things.

These are developments that could allow literally billions of everyday objects to talk to each other over the internet – using low-cost, low-power chips.

And this has enormous potential to change our lives.

Electricity meters that talk to the grid to get you the best deals.

Health monitors that keep an eye on your heart rate.

Water pipes that warn of a fall in pressure.

And yes, even a fridge that can order you milk when it notices you are getting low.

I see the Internet of Things as a huge transformative development a way of boosting productivity of keeping us healthier making transport more efficient reducing energy needs, tackling climate change.

We are on the brink of a new industrial revolution and I want us – the UK and Germany – to lead it.

Let me tell you how seriously we’re taking the Internet of Things in the UK.

We’re getting the infrastructure in place, with our regulator, Ofcom, taking a flexible approach to the use of Spectrum.

Indeed as our Spectrum Strategy will set out tomorrow, we aim to double the economic benefits of spectrum to UK companies and consumers from roughly £50 billion today, to £100 billion in 2025.

We’ll do this by allowing new applications to come online, new kinds of mobile technologies to be used, more data usage to be enjoyed and greater broadcasting services to be made available.

Beyond that we need the ideas to turn the Internet of Things from a slogan to a fact. So I have personally tasked the government’s Chief Scientific Adviser to explore what more we must do in this area.

We’re making available £73 million of funding to put the boosters under research. And I can announce today that we are launching a new European Internet of Things grant fund – valued at up to £1 million for companies that are grabbing these new opportunities.

But you know – the biggest thing the UK has to offer is our amazing companies. Like ARM the company whose chips are in 90 per cent of smart phones around the world. Or Neul who are here with us tonight – a brilliant new start-up in the same space. And the expertise we bring – in chip design, in software and services that is matched by the German expertise in producing industrial components. So this is a real and rare opportunity for us.

Take British ingenuity in software, services and design add German excellence in engineering and industrial manufacturing and together we can lead in this new revolution.

So to conclude today, let me extend those two invitations:

One: come to the UK and see for yourself what a fantastic environment we have for tech companies.

Two: let us join forces.

Let us in this generation make progress through technology – and let’s do it together.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 6th March 2014.

This meeting of European leaders takes place at a dangerous moment.

The territorial integrity of an independent nation has been violated.

The sovereignty of one of the EU’s neighbours has been blatantly swept aside.

The aspirations of the Ukrainian people – to live in a country free from corruption and free to chart its own future – are being crushed.

And Russia has acted in flagrant breach of international law.

This matters to people in Britain because we depend on a world where countries obey the rules.

It matters because this is happening in our own neighbourhood – on the European continent where in the last 70 years we have worked so hard to keep the peace.

And it matters because we know from our history that turning a blind eye when nations are trampled over and their independence trashed stores up far greater problems in the long run.

So we must stand up to aggression, uphold international law and support people who want a free, European future.

We need to de-escalate the situation. We must be clear with the Russians about their actions. And we must back the Ukrainian people.

Each part of this matters.

So first, we must find a way to defuse the situation and to restore stability in Ukraine.

Some progress was made yesterday in Paris to get the Russians and Ukrainians around the table together.

But today’s vote of the Crimean Parliament to join Russia and the decision to bring forward an unconstitutional referendum to 10 days time are serious steps in the wrong direction.

The Ukrainian government has been clear that such a referendum would be illegal.

And today European leaders have backed their position.

Illegal actions committed by Russia cannot pass without a response.

And I made very clear today that it cannot be business as usual with Russia.

So, we have agreed in respect of what has happened already:

– to suspend negotiations on a more liberal visa regime for Russians

– to stop work on a comprehensive new agreement on relations between Russia and the EU

– and to pull out of all preparations for the G8 summit in Sochi in June

And if Russia does not rapidly engage in direct talks with the Ukrainian government to find a solution to this crisis, we have been clear that we will go further.

We have today tasked the European Commission to start work on additional measures, including travel bans and asset freezes.

Of course the situation in Ukraine remains highly precarious – the slightest miscalculation could see it spiral out of control.

And we have issued a very clear warning to President Putin that he must not destabilise the situation further.

If Russia does not change course, the statement issued today now makes clear that there will be severe and far reaching consequences in areas such an energy, trade, and financial relations.

We are determined to support the new Ukrainian government and to stand by the Ukrainian people.

What they want is what people everywhere want – a strong economy, the rule of law, the right to choose their leaders and to hold them to account.

In other words, a job, a voice and hope for a better future.

The new Ukrainian government faces massive challenges.

They will need to carry out far-reaching reform needed to stabilise and repair their economy.

And as they do this, we are prepared to offer a powerful package of finance, trade and technical assistance.

They will also need to tackle corruption.

The EU has now frozen the assets of 18 individuals linked to the former regime. And Britain is ready to help the new Ukrainian government go after ill-gotten funds and to return them to the people.

Today, we have deployed to Kiev a team from the National Crime Agency, supported by the Met and CPS to help with these efforts.

At the same time, the new government must show that it is standing up for and representing all Ukrainians – whatever their ethnic background.

It will be particularly important that the May elections are free and fair and enable all Ukrainians, including Russian speakers, to choose their leaders freely.

We are facing the most serious crisis in Europe this century.

Getting agreement from the elected leaders of 28 European nations is never easy.

Britain has played an important part bringing countries together, setting out new measures that need to be taken and insisting on clear values: standing up to aggression and backing the rule of law.

But we have sent a clear and united message to Russia that its actions are completely unacceptable and will incur consequences.

We have given our backing to Prime Minister Yatsenyuk at this challenging time for him and his country.

And we have stood up for the Ukrainian people and their entirely legitimate hope for a better future for them and their children.

And we will continue to do so in the days and weeks ahead.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 4th March 2014.

We have a long-term economic plan to secure this country’s future: cut the deficit, cut taxes, create more jobs, cap welfare, reduce immigration and deliver the best schools and skills for young people.

That’s our plan. And it’s working. You see that in the growth figures.

In the 1.3 million new jobs, the 25 million people who will pay less income tax, the 400,000 more businesses and in the new apprenticeships being announced today.

New, more rigorous, employer-led apprenticeships are being extended to 29 new occupations from law and high tech engineering to tourism and retail, giving thousands of young people the chance to develop new skills that will help secure their future.

And we’re on track to have 2 million people start apprenticeships over the course of this Parliament.

But I’ve not come here today to reel off statistics. I’m here to talk about what this plan is really all about, what it’s all for. Too often we’ve given the impression that we’re just about fixing problems rather than changing things for a purpose.

But that completely misunderstands what we’re trying to do. This is more than some turnaround team of accountants rescuing a failing business.

We want Britain to be a success in this modernised globalised world – we want to be a country that succeeds in what I call the global race.

But it’s not just what we are doing that matters: it’s why.

It’s all about values.

And the most important value right now – after a difficult time for our country – is giving people a sense of economic security and peace of mind.

Take our mission to cut the deficit. Of course, cutting the deficit matters for our economy.

Higher deficits mean more debt and higher mortgage rates with more people living in fear of losing their homes.

But there’s something even more fundamental here about our values.

If we don’t get to grips with the deficit now we are passing a greater and greater burden of debt to our children.

We are saying that more and more of their hard earned future income should be wasted on paying off the bill we leave them.

Do we really want to be the ones who responded to a crisis by putting off to tomorrow what we had to do today?

Can we really teach our children the importance of being responsible and at the same time shirk the most fundamental responsibility of all?

Some of our opponents seem to think we can.

They think we can carry on spending and borrowing more and more, whatever the consequences for our children.

But I say no: racking up more and more debts for our children is irresponsible.

It’s not fair. It’s not right. And I’m not prepared to do it.

Imagine looking your children in the eye and trying to explain why we crippled their future with our debt. I couldn’t do that. And I’m sure you couldn’t either.

We all want the same for our children: a secure future and a chance to make something of their lives. But they won’t get that future unless we cut the deficit now.

So that’s the first part of the plan.

What about the second: cutting taxes.

This isn’t about some ideological commitment to a smaller state. It’s actually about our values. We believe in helping people keep more of the money they earn.

It’s the right thing to do.

Let’s be clear: there is no such thing as government money. It’s your money – taxpayer money.

It’s not my money, not George Osborne’s money, not the government’s money – it’s your money.

Hard-working people’s money.

The money that belongs to people who get up in the morning, come rain or shine, and put in a shift on the factory floor or in the office.

And there’s no question who spends that money best – it’s you, the taxpayer, not government.

So it’s wrong for government to take a single penny more of your money than we absolutely need.

There’s a bit of an attitude problem here that really makes me angry.

Some people talk as if the sums of money the government spends are so big that it almost doesn’t matter about the odd pound or 2 here or there.

That’s totally irresponsible.

You wouldn’t take that approach to managing your money.

And neither should we in government.

That’s important at the best of times but it’s more important than ever when families are feeling the squeeze.

Because every bit of government waste we can cut, every efficiency we can achieve, is money we can give back to you.

A bit of extra cash that can help a Dad afford those trainers for his son or help a Mum celebrate her daughter’s birthday with a meal out.

Having more money in our pockets is what gives everyone that sense of financial security and peace of mind.

It’s what enables us to provide for our families and feel more confident about the future.

The same is true about the third part of the plan – our mission to create more jobs.

Take Demi Owoseje, whose small business restores old furniture.

She’s been helped by our Start Up Loans scheme to develop a customer friendly website and branch into new areas like a rental range with customers now including Jimmy Choo.

She’s started creating her first jobs so she’ll soon be helped by our Employment Allowance that will give her a £2,000 cashback on the jobs she creates.

And from next year, she won’t have to pay a penny in National Insurance on anyone she hires who is under 21.

But what really matters is not the help we’ve given Demi, but the help she’s giving others.

Our opponents said we would see a million jobs disappear.

But in fact, entrepreneurs like Demi, have helped to create 1.3 million more jobs today than there were in 2010.

We see the new job numbers every month when the figures come out.

But what matters far more than the numbers is the dignity people get from having a job.

There is nothing like the pride of the first time you get a pay cheque.

It gives you the chance of a more fulfilled life.

It gives you the opportunity to be more independent.

Most important of all, it gives you a sense of security and the peace of mind that you can support yourself and your family.

That is what I want from this plan, more than anything: sustainable and well-paid jobs.

We’re not going to get there by attacking business or putting their taxes up.

We need to be in the business of helping business – so they create the jobs that we all depend on.

And it’s working.

We are seeing a revival of manufacturing exports and a growth in small businesses.

More jobs created each month. And better paid jobs.

Last week the Low Pay Commission recommended the minimum wage should increase to £6.50.

That would be the first above inflation increase in 6 years.

And it something that’s only affordable because of the difficult decisions we have taken with our long-term economic plan.

Of course, the numbers matter but what matters even more is what it means for hard working people.

It means that as we recover from the great recession hard working people on the minimum wage – who have suffered during the tough times – can know they will share in the recovery.

So yes, I look forward to accepting this recommendation.

Restoring the value of the minimum wage is a vital part of how we secure a recovery for all with economic security for every working family in Britain.

Let me turn to those out of work.

The fourth part of our plan is about capping welfare and reducing immigration.

At the end of the so-called boom years, there were around 5 million people in our country of working age but on out-of-work benefits.

Almost a million and a half people had spent most of the last decade out of work and the number of households where no-one had ever worked had nearly doubled.

And this happened at the same time as the largest wave of migration in our country’s history.

Now I don’t care whether you are the leader of the Labour Party or the leader of the church, this kind of failure is just wrong.

It’s wrong to let our own people do nothing, with no purpose in their life, dependent on benefits.

It’s wrong that we open our doors and communities to such rapid levels of immigration they can’t manage.

And wrong that we ask British taxpayers to fund this situation with their hard-earned money.

As I’ve said before immigration and welfare are 2 sides of the same coin – and we’ve got to fix them both.

Let’s start with immigration.

Last week figures show what a big task we still face.

But things are starting to change.

In just 5 years between 2005 and 2010, for every British person who fell out of work, almost 2 foreign nationals gained employment.

But over the past year, almost 90 per cent of the increase in employment we’ve seen has been for UK nationals.

We’ve cut migration from outside the EU to its lowest levels since 1998.

We’re making it harder for migrants to come here and claim benefits or access public services within earning that entitlement first.

And the idea of allowing new countries to join the EU with immediate unfettered access to our labour markets is never going to happen again.

But it’s not just about controlling migration. The other side of the coin is welfare.

Again it’s back to a fundamental question of values.

Last week I went to a dinner in honour of D-Day Veterans.

One of the Veterans told me about how he came back from the war, went to the labour exchange and couldn’t find a job.

But then eventually he got offered a job at Ford in Dagenham.

It was hard work but he was proud to do it.

He said “I was able to work, they offered me a job and I had a responsibility to take it.”

There wasn’t an option to say: “no thanks, I’ll take the benefits instead.”

He looked me in the eye and said: “why can’t we go back to that?”

I agree with him.

I’ve always been clear that those who can’t work will always be supported.

But those who can work have a responsibility to do so and the welfare system should never take that responsibility away.

Why should some people work every hour God sends to try and make ends meet, only to see money taken out of their wages to support people who could work but who choose not to?

That’s why if people turn down job offers their benefits will be cut.

I want Britain to be a country where people are able to get on, stand on their own 2 feet and build a better life for themselves and their family.

I want a Britain where we reward those who work hard, play by the rules and do the right thing.

That’s what our long-term economic plan is all about.

Not just making the numbers add up – but doing what’s fair and what’s right.

You don’t create economic security with hand-outs. You do that with the dignity, independence and yes, the pay packet that comes with a job.

And that takes me to the final part of the plan.

Delivering the best schools and skills for young people.

Nothing I have spoken about today is more important for our future than this.

Education is the best inoculation against unemployment.

It’s what gives our children the skills they need to compete, get a job and secure their future and it’s what gives our country the platform from which to innovate, create new products and take on the world.

So an economic plan that doesn’t include delivering a first-class, world-class education system, is no economic plan at all.

Now some people look at what we’re doing in education, and think we are driven by some deep-seated ideology.

That’s total nonsense.

We are driven by our values.

Values like discipline – because we know no child can learn in chaos.

Rigour – because we know dumbing down cheats our children of their future.

Excellence for all – because we should be ambitious for every child, not just some.

And a focus on the fundamentals – because there isn’t a job in the world where you don’t need to read or add up properly.

But you know the most important value I bring to education?

It’s faith in our teachers.

Of course, we will never excuse failure and never shy away from difficult conversations about the quality of teaching in our country when it’s let children down.

But if you look at our academy or free schools programme, there is a single thread running through it:

Giving teachers the freedom to get on and teach, giving them control over how their schools are run and trusting them to get on with the job.

But it’s not just about what happens at school – it’s about what happens after school too.

I want all school leavers to have a rite of passage to further training or education.

And that’s why apprenticeships like those being announced today are so important.

Take Aiden Rogers who showed me round the Rolls Royce apprentice academy last year and who is here with us today.

Aiden told me he was studying for a degree while also earning – and learning – his trade.

He feels that being able to say “I started as an apprentice” is something that gives him “instant respect and credibility”.

And he describes how his apprenticeship has given him the confidence to communicate ideas and the opportunity to apply everything he has learned in a hands-on industrial setting.

As the winner of the EEF’s outstanding achievement award for a first year apprentice, Aiden is already aspiring to the day when he’s in a senior position. He’s getting the skills to give him every chance of that future.

I want all our young people to have the skills and the opportunity to aspire to a great future.

And that’s why delivering the best schools and skills are at the heart of our long-term economic plan.

So yes, we are sorting out the economy and getting the numbers to add up.

But we’re doing something much more than that.

We are doing what’s right for our country.

What’s right for our children.

What’s right for our future.

Because I want us to build a better Britain where we can look after future generations.

Where people can meet their obligations and provide for their families.

And where together we can secure a better, more independent future for all our people.

That is my fundamental mission in politics: to deliver economic security and peace of mind for every family in Britain.

And that is what our long-term economic plan is all about.

Below is the text of the statement made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 1st March 2014.

St David’s Day is a time to celebrate Wales’ rich and illustrious history, its beautiful language and its cultural heritage. Yet this year, we also look forward to a time where Wales will have the opportunity to showcase its credentials on a truly international stage.

In September, the NATO Summit will be hosted in south Wales, providing everyone – from business leaders to school children – with a unique opportunity to present the very best of Wales to a global audience.

I hope that everyone seizes this opportunity to show Wales as a great place to live, to visit and to do business in. I’m pleased to be flying the Welsh flag over Downing Street today and I wish everyone a very happy St David’s Day – Dydd Gŵyl Dewi Hapus i bawb.

Below is the text of the press conference between David Cameron, the Prime Minister, and Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, at Downing Street on 27th February 2014.

Prime Minister

Good afternoon and welcome. I’m delighted to welcome Angela back to Downing Street today; we’ve just had some very good discussions over lunch. We are 2 centre-right leaders who share a determination to secure a better future for our peoples by building stronger, more competitive, more open and more flexible economies. And we want to work together to achieve this.

Our trading relationship is now one of the fastest growing in the world, and German companies now invest more in Britain than anywhere else in Europe. It is a win-win relationship; together German companies employ almost 400,000 people here in Britain, and there are 1,000 British companies currently employing over 200,000 people in Germany. One in 5 BMWs now has an engine made in the United Kingdom – I don’t know whether the one you did drive up in Downing Street did, but I hope so – and we once again become an exporter of high quality cars.

We also want to strengthen our cooperation in other areas, from research and science to high tech, and I’m delighted that in a couple of weeks we’ll be opening together one of the world’s largest digital trade fairs in Hanover.

Now, our discussions today have focused mainly on the European Union. We both agree that Europe faces an existential economic challenge, and it needs to change if it is to succeed in the modern world. The overriding task of the European Union today is to help secure the prosperity and the wellbeing of its citizens. That requires a more open, outward-looking, flexible and competitive European Union. We want to work together with our fellow leaders to deliver that change.

And we’ve already shown what is possible. Working together, we’ve cut the EU budget for the first time in its history, and we’ve got the European Commission to identify where they can cut EU red tape. Now we need to go further: we want to complete the single market so that our businesses can seize the potential of the world’s largest market to expand and create jobs; we want to do more trade deals with all the corners of the globe. It would be a massive prize to see a trade and investment partnership with the United States, and we’re both committed to putting our full weight and efforts behind this.

We want to make sure that the driving mission of the next European Commission is to help generate growth. And this amounts to a substantial agenda for reform and change. And as Angela has said, there are further changes that will be needed for the Eurozone; those are changes that Britain supports. And there are changes that we need for Britain, to protect our interests in the single market and to secure the support of the British people for our continued membership.

Now, I set out my vision for a reformed European Union in my speech at Bloomberg a year ago. Today, we’ve discussed further some of those ideas for reform; ideas like how to cut the excessive interference and meddling by European institutions in our national life. We also need to guarantee the interests of those in the single market, but not in the euro.

The discussions that Angela and I have had today are part of an on-going conversation which will continue in Hanover in a fortnight’s time, and in the weeks and the months to come. It’s a discussion that must, of course, involve our fellow leaders; in a Europe of 28 countries it is hardly surprising that the process of finding and reaching agreement requires time, patience and hard work. I want Britain to be a positive player in a reformed European Union, and I know that Angela wants a strong Britain in that reformed European Union.

Finally, we discussed the situation in Ukraine, a clear example of where it is right for the nations of the European Union to work closely together. We both support a united and democratic Ukraine, and we support the aspirations of the Ukrainian people to live in a truly democratic society under the rule of law, free from corruption and intimidation.

We are particularly concerned by the situation in Crimea. Every country should respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Ukraine. Russia has made that commitment and it’s important that Russia keeps its word. The world will be watching.

This is not a zero-sum game. If the people of Ukraine want closer ties with Europe – greater trade, greater contacts – then of course we welcome that, but it is not about forcing the Ukrainian people to choose between Russia and Europe. It is in all our interests to have a stable and prosperous Ukraine that has strong relations with its neighbours, and that is what we should all, including Russia, work to achieve.

It is important that I also say a few words about the situation in Northern Ireland. I’ve been clear that there was a dreadful mistake made by the PSNI in the John Downey case, and our thoughts should be with the families of those killed in Hyde Park in 1982. But it is important to set out the facts about what has happened. When we came to power in 2010, we inherited a process where letters were sent setting out the factual position on whether or not some individuals were wanted for questioning by the police.

This process continued under this government. There was never any amnesty or guarantee of immunity for anyone, and there isn’t now. But I agree with the First Minister of Northern Ireland, that after the terrible error in the Downey case, it is right to get to the bottom of what happened. The case has already been referred to the police ombudsman but, as the First Minister has said, we should have a full, independent examination of the whole operation of this scheme.

So I can announce today that we will appoint an independent judge, to produce a full public account of the operation of this administrative scheme, to determine whether any other letters were sent in error. The judge will have full access to government files and to government officials. This needs to happen quickly, so this review will report by the end of May, and we’ll publish the report.

It’s right that we take swift action. But let us also remember that Northern Ireland has made great strides forward as a result of the peace process. It’s vital that we deal properly with the events of the past, but make sure this never undermines our determination to build a shared and prosperous future for the next generation so that we never again return to the horrors of the past.

Thank you. Angela.

Angela Merkel (via interpreter)

Thank you very much, David, for your very gracious hospitality that you’ve offered to me and the members of my delegation here in Downing Street, Number 10. Let me say that it was a very great honour to address both houses of parliament.

I set out my ideas about the German-British partnership very clearly in my remarks to Parliament, and obviously we had the opportunity of a lunch to further deepen certain issues. How do we envisage Europe for the next few years to come? And there is a lot of common ground here.

You may well imagine that we did not get into technicalities here; we talked about the overriding goals, and those goals are: growth – we need growth; we need more jobs. That presupposes that those countries that are in the Eurozone do their homework; that this monetary union is stabilised by them in such a way that we turn this into a resilient architecture, one that does not immediately sit – one that wards off future crisis for the euro because that is what we all need for stable, growing economies. Stable, growing economies generate jobs, and this is too what we need.

I’m very much looking forward to CeBit – the United Kingdom is our partner country in CeBit this year. We will be able then to show that our countries indeed lend a contribution to competitiveness, to our economies being fit for purpose in the global economy, and this is why I’m very much looking forward to your visit, David, in 2 weeks’ time.

If the EU is to emerge stronger out of the crisis than it went in, it needs to do its homework, and the exact dimension of that homework is something that we need to design over the next few weeks. We talked about the March council and the agenda; climate and energy will loom large on that agenda. There is a lot of common ground here too between Britain and Germany.

And we also talked about the international agenda here, in particular about Ukraine. The Ukrainian parliament today, with a large majority, voted Arseniy Yatsenyuk to be the new Prime Minister. I have great respect as regards the task the new Prime Minister will take over, and we wish him not only the necessary strength for his task – I think I can say for both of us that we shall do everything we can in order to support this government that has a tremendously difficult economic situation. Without reforms that economic situation cannot be solved.

We are also pinning our hopes on cooperation with the IMF, and we hope that Russia will also support the cooperation with the IMF, where we are, after all, members.

The issue of territorial integrity of Ukraine is of central importance to us. In my talks with the Russian President, however, I would like to say that I have seen that Russia is of the same view as we are on this matter. And this territorial integrity needs to be preserved; the Ukrainian government needs to resume its work, and all of Ukraine must see itself reflected in the work of this government.

We know that there is a very large Russian majority in Ukraine, and they too need to find themselves reflected in this government – in the work of this government. This will be of tremendous importance for the good and future of Ukraine.

Thank you yet again. It was beyond our ordinary, sort of, meetings; a very special event for me. And thank you very much for the support, David, you gave to me.

Question

Chancellor, can I just ask you first: you’re well aware by now of the kind of things, in terms of reform, the Prime Minister needs to keep his back benchers happy. Can you just tell us frankly whether you think there’s any chance of those kind of reforms being achievable? And in your speech you mentioned the question of freedom of movement; you seemed to suggest that you thought mistakes had been made on that. What mistakes and what do you think could be done to correct them in the future?

Prime Minister, can I just add one thing? Sorry to – Prime Minister, can I just say one thing to you? Isn’t it time to admit that you’re not going to get what you want from the Chancellor?

Prime Minister

We had excellent discussions at lunchtime. Look, Angela and I both want to see change in Europe. We both believe that change is possible. And I believe that what I’m setting out, the sort of changes that Britain wants to see to build confidence in our membership of this organisation are possible and deliverable and doable [political content removed].

On the specific issue about free movement, I’ve set out several times how I think this is being abused in terms of benefit tourism. You know, that needs to change; that’s one of the things I want to see change. And it’s something I’ve discussed with Angela; I also discussed with Mark Rutte in Holland, with Fredrik Reinfeldt in Sweden and many others. So I have great confidence the sorts of changes that we’re talking about are achievable and will be achieved over the coming – over the coming years. But – Angela, sorry, I jumped in there.

Angela Merkel (via interpreter)

Yes, well, when, a few months ago, we were discussing MFR from 2014 to 2020 – the European budget that is – even I did not quite know whether we would be able to get this through, because the obstacles seemed insurmountable. And that showed – the fact that we were able to surmount them – where there’s a will there’s a way. And I firmly believe that what we’re discussing here is feasible, is doable. I think it’s most important to first define political goals; it’s what David Cameron does, it’s what I do.

Freedom of movement: I am a great champion of freedom of movement. I said this today. But if we were to see – and let me be very careful in my choice of words because there is a suit pending before the European Court of Justice, there will be a public hearing on this – if we were to see that freedom of movement has, as a consequence, that each and every one who’s seeking a job in Europe has the possibility to come to Germany, and will receive an equal amount of social benefits as someone who, for a long time, has been unemployed in Germany after 30 to 40 years of work, gets a certain level, obviously, of social benefits, then that would not be the interpretation of freedom of movement that I would have.

So, that’s what we need to say: is immigration into social security possible? Is it there? No country in Europe will be able to withstand such an onslaught because we have very different social security systems; we can only have virtually the same level of social security if we try to generate growth and jobs, but not by having immigration into social systems. That is just as much of a headache for us in Germany as it is for the British people.

Now, we have to look at it. Can we change our German laws to address this? Or do we need more of a specification as what we mean by freedom of movement. But if we say we want freedom of movement for jobs but no immigration into the social security systems in Europe then I think we need to come to a definition. And this is how we ought to proceed.

And then, obviously, what Britain suggests is, obviously, also has something to do with the fact that we are members of the euro area; that Britain isn’t, and doesn’t want to become, a member of the euro area. If that is acceptable, one can find solutions for the different requests. If you look, for example, at the fact that we have a majority of the EU members as members in the euro area then we have totally different majorities, as we did with banking union, for example. We have to look very closely at how to deal with those countries that don’t have a say because they’re not members.

You must not actually have them at a systematic disadvantage. All of these issues need to be addressed openly and candidly. I believe in this. It’s not a piece of cake. It’s going to be a lot of work. But we’ve already worked quite hard on other issues. If one wants Britain to remain in the European Union – which is what I want – if one at the same time wants a competitive union that generates growth, one can find common solutions.

Question (via interpreter)

Would it be important for you that Conservative members of the European Parliament were not in the same group as, for example, groups of Alternative für Deutschland? That they are not in the same…?

Prime Minister

The Conservative Party are members of the ECR group in the European Parliament; a very successful group. I’m very proud of the creation of the group, and they’ll remain members of that group. In terms of the parties that are going to join that, we have a sister party in Germany, the CDU/CSU. We’re not looking for a new sister party. So I don’t anticipate that situation arising at all. But as I said to Angela, if she wants to join our group, she’s always welcome.

Question

But you will not commit – the question was a different one. You will not commit your candidates –

Prime Minister

My candidates will always be members of the ECR, and we’re not looking for new German sister parties in that group.

Angela Merkel (via interpreter)

Quite frankly, we haven’t even started the election campaign, let alone have it behind us. I’m fighting for the CDU/CSU – for the CDU. I’m very pleased to hear David say – labelling us a sister party. We see the same for the Conservative Party here, and want our group to be strong, and a way that David helps me, I think is support.

Question

Prime Minister, could I just ask you one on Northern Ireland? Some people might want to know whether you think the process itself of handing out these letters – not what happened at the Old Bailey, but the process itself was a dreadful mistake or a necessary compromise for the peace process.

And Chancellor Merkel, could I ask you, is it true you think of David Cameron as a naughty nephew who you’d like to help? And the biggest bit of help he might want is a categorical assurance that there will be a fundamental treaty ready for him to put to the British people by 2017; is that a realistic timetable? Can you give that assurance?

Prime Minister

Let me take the question on Northern Ireland. Look, the mistake – and it was a dreadful mistake – was for Mr Downey to be sent a letter being told he was not wanted for particular crimes when he still was. That was a dreadful mistake and that’s what I said in the House of Commons. But I think it’s such a dreadful mistake that we need to make absolutely sure that other letters weren’t sent in error, and that’s why there’s going to be not just the ombudsman inquiry but also the more general inquiry that I’ve announced and that Peter Robinson, I believe, will welcome. I think that’s important.

In terms of the process – look, very difficult decisions were taken around the time of the Good Friday Agreement and around the time of the peace process, and as an incoming Prime Minister I don’t want to unpick or call into question all those difficult decisions that were made. I want to be a Prime Minister that helps deliver devolved institutions in Northern Ireland, continued peace and progress in Northern Ireland. But I want to be absolutely clear to people that these letters were not, and should be not, any form of amnesty and that’s what the – and that’s why this report is so important.

Angela Merkel (via interpreter)

Allow me, if I may, to point out how our cooperation actually works. We sit in a European Council 28 heads of government, and there’s unanimity as regards our voting. So a result will only be there if all of the 28 say yes. That means that we each stand up for our own interests. I do it, David does it and, incidentally, the 26 others too. That’s something we have to live with.

Then the task is always weighing the pros and cons of a compromise that, by nature, we have to enter into. We, as representatives of our country – can we responsibly say the pros far outweigh the cons? And then I will accept it, David will accept it, Francois Hollande will accept it and all the others too.

A lot of hot potatoes have been solved in this way, by us, and dealt with by us as – so our cooperation is part and parcel of the overall European cooperation. For me it’s a matter of course that David stands up for the UK’s interest, and for him it is a matter of course that I stand up for Germany’s interest, and the good thing is we’ve always found a solution in the end.

Question (via interpreter)

Today you were almost received like the queen of Europe; such a red carpet treatment is very rare for other European leaders. Were you surprised and how do you deal with the expectations that are linked to this, which the British [inaudible] into that?

Angela Merkel (via interpreter)

I was received in a country that already has a queen and can justly be proud of having a queen. I am very much looking forward, incidentally, to having tea with the Queen. I actually used a royal blue blazer in order to offset that against the red carpet.

Prime Minister

Thank you very much for coming and thank you, Angela.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 11th February 2014.

Thank you. Good afternoon and welcome. Britain is facing one of its wettest winters in 2 and a half centuries and some of the worst flooding in decades. In the past week, more than 800 properties have been affected.

As we stand right now, there are still currently 16 severe flood warnings, meaning there is danger to life; 133 flood warnings, which means that more flooding is expected and that immediate action is required; and a further 225 flood alerts.

There is absolutely no sign of this threat abating and with further rain and strong winds forecast throughout the week, things may well get worse before they get better.

I’ve just got back from visiting some of the worst-affected areas in the South West and in the Thames Valley. I’ve seen our hardworking emergency services and Environment Agency staff working around the clock to help families and communities. Some of these staff have been on an emergency footing since the East Coast tidal surge in early December, the effects of which I saw for myself when I visited Norfolk before Christmas.

And on behalf of the whole country, I want to thank our emergency services, all the Environment Agency staff, all the local authority workers and the many volunteers for what they’re doing in these most difficult and relentless circumstances.

We’ve taken action across the board; when pumps were needed on the Somerset Levels, we sent pumps from the strategic reserve. When it was clear that additional manpower was needed, we deployed the military, assisting efforts at places like Stanmore Bank in Somerset and shoring up flood defences in Dorset. When it was clear that local resources would be stretched, we changed the rules so that local authorities could claim back 100% of the flood costs from central government.

But more needs to be done, and my message to the country today is this: money is no object in this relief effort. Whatever money is needed for it will be spent. We will take whatever steps are necessary.

So let me explain what that means in the days and weeks ahead. First, I will continue to lead the national response by chairing meetings of the government’s emergency committee, COBR. I’m cancelling my visit to the Middle East next week; I’m sending my apologies today to Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas. But nothing is more important than dealing with these floods.

Second, I’ve seen for myself that the gold and silver command system that we have is working well, where one individual takes charge to make sure that the police, fire brigade and other agencies like local authorities, work together as one unit. But it is clear that the military can play a further role. By the end of the day we will have deployed 1,600 servicemen and women and there are thousands more now available.

I’ve asked Major General Patrick Saunders to coordinate the military effort. They will be working with our gold and silver commands to provide assistance and assurance to members of the public including by reinforcing sandbags and flood defences, getting medical assistance to the sick and infirm, and checking on and helping any other vulnerable people.

I urge everyone in those affected areas to keep listening to the warnings and to keep working with the emergency services, the military and everyone who’s working to keep people safe.

Third, let me turn to fixing some of the specifics. In the South West, people are understandably very concerned about their transport connections. Network Rail is working 18 hours a day to fix the train line at Dawlish. We announced earlier this week, support including financial support for more flights from Newquay to Gatwick and we’re discussing with the train operators how to make sure that we get a replacement bus service as good as possible over the days ahead.

On the Somerset Levels, there have been more than 65 million cubic metres of floodwater. There is now around 3 million tonnes of water being pumped out every day; that’s the equivalent of 3 Wembley stadiums. And this capacity will be increased further by the new pumping strategy that I was hearing about today in Somerset that’s now being put in place. But again, like the train line at Dawlish, this is going to take time to fix. It’ll take time to get those levels down.

Clearly the most serious developing situation is in the Thames Valley. Military deployment began with a building of a 60 metre wall at Datchet and today we’ve deployed a hundred-strong company of the 1st Battalion Royal Regiment of Fusiliers on the ground in Wraysbury in a community support role. We’ll be discussing at COBR tonight what further steps we can take to help those affected communities.

Fourth, as the floodwaters recede, we will need to help people and businesses recover from this very difficult time. I’m setting up a new cabinet committee to oversee the recovery, and I’ll be chairing the first meeting on Thursday. We’ll be focussing on getting the insurance companies out there, so people can make their claims quickly, and the Association of British Insurers, the ABI, together with the CBI and other business organisations are meeting here in Downing Street as I speak to help us develop further measures to support businesses in affected areas.

And in the days ahead, as homeowners, businesses, farmers, think about how to piece their lives back together again, we’ll be announcing a number of new schemes to help. For homeowners, support in the form of grants to build better flood protection as they repair their properties. For businesses, a tax deferral scheme for businesses affected by the floods, to give them longer to pay their taxes, and again grants to help them improve their flood defences. And for farmers, we will be establishing new funding that will release up to £10 million to help them recover from the devastation to their livelihoods. We’ll be setting out more detail about all of these schemes in the days to come.

As I’ve said before, there are lessons to be learnt from this experience, and those lessons will be learnt, but right now my focus is on the operational response. Helping those people who need help and protecting those properties which need protecting. It will be a long haul, and it will require a stepped-up national effort with the whole country pulling together.

One of the most inspiring things I’ve seen over the past few days has been the incredible spirit of volunteers in our communities. People I met like Sheila Mayne, who worked at the rescue centre in Dawlish serving tea to displaced families night and day during the evacuation; Storm Wallace, who organised community clear-ups of Chesil Beach through Facebook; and Jackie Breakspear and Amanda Broughton-South, the joint landladies of the Cove House Inn in Chiswell, who helped pull their community through an extraordinary storm as waves lashed against their pub.

Amidst all of this, as is so often the case, in the toughest of times we are seeing the best of Britain. It will take time, but together we will deal with these floods, we’ll get our country back on its feet and we will build a more resilient country for the future. Thank you.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 7th February 2014 at the Lee Valley VeloPark.

I want to thank Glasgow Caledonian for co-hosting this event.

This is a fantastic, forward-looking university – and we are very grateful for your support today as we are to the Lee Valley VeloPark, for hosting us in this magnificent space.

Less than 2 years ago, this Velodrome was a cauldron of excitement.

Chris Hoy was ripping around at 40 miles per hour I was up there, I had a whole seat but believe me, I only used the edge.

3 more golds – an incredible night.

But for me, the best thing about the Olympics wasn’t the winning.

It was the red, the white, the blue.

It was the summer that patriotism came out of the shadows and into the sun.

Everyone cheering as one for Team GB.

And it’s Team GB I want to talk about today.

Our United Kingdom.

Last year, the date for the Scottish referendum was fixed.

The countdown was set.

And today, we have just over 7 months until that vote.

Centuries of history hang in the balance; a question mark hangs over the future of our United Kingdom.

If people vote yes in September, then Scotland will become an independent country.

There will be no going back.

As I have made clear, this is a decision that is squarely and solely for those in Scotland to make.

I passionately believe it is in their interests to stay in the UK.

That way Scotland has the space to take decisions, while still having the security that comes with being part of something bigger.

From Holyrood they can decide what happens in every hospital, school and police station in Scotland and in the UK, Scotland is part of a major global player.

These are the arguments we will keep on putting til September 18th.

It is their choice, their vote.

But my argument today is that while only 4 million people can vote in this referendum, all 63 million of us are profoundly affected.

There are 63 million of us who could wake up on September 19th in a different country, with a different future ahead of it.

That’s why this speech is addressed not so much to the people of Scotland, but to the people of England, Wales and Northern Ireland.

Within these countries there are a whole range of different views about this referendum.

There are those I’d call the ‘quiet patriots’: people who love the UK, love our flag and our history – but think there’s nothing much they can do to encourage Scotland to stay in the UK so they stay out of the debate.

There are the ‘shoulder shruggers’: people who are ambivalent about the outcome, who think this doesn’t matter much to anyone South of the border.

Their view is that if Scotland left the UK then yes, that would be sad, but we could just wave them a wistful goodbye and carry on as normal.

And then there are those – a few – who think we’d be better off if Scotland did leave the UK, that this marriage of nations has run its course and needs a divorce.

Today I want to take on all these views: the idea we’d be better off without Scotland, the idea that this makes no difference to the rest of the UK and the idea that however much we might care, we in England, Wales and Northern Ireland can have no voice in this debate because we don’t have a vote.

All the above are wrong.

We would be deeply diminished without Scotland.

This matters to all our futures.

And everyone in the UK can have a voice in this debate.

I want to make this case by putting forward what, to me, are the 4 compelling reasons why the United Kingdom is stronger with Scotland in it:

The first is our connections with each other.

Over 3 centuries we’ve lived together, worked together – and frankly we’ve got together getting married, having children, moving back and forwards across borders.

Such is the fusion of our bloodlines that my surname goes back to the West Highlands and by the way, I am as proud of my Scottish heritage as I am of my English heritage.

The name Cameron might mean ‘crooked nose’ but the clan motto is “Let us unite” – and that’s exactly what we in these islands have done.

Today 800,000 Scots live elsewhere in the UK and more than 400,000 people who were born in the rest of the UK now live in Scotland.

And there are millions of people who do business over the border every single day, like the farmers in Lincolnshire who grow some of the barley that’s used in Scotch whisky.

The United Kingdom is an intricate tapestry, millions of relationships woven tight over more than 3 centuries.

That’s why, for millions of people, there is no contradiction in being proud of your Scottishness, Englishness, Britishness – sometimes all at once.

Some say none of this would change with independence, that these connections would stay as strong as ever.

But the fact is: all these connections – whether business or personal – are eased and strengthened by the institutional framework of the UK.

When the Acts of Union were passed, the role of the state was limited to things like defence, taxes and property rights.

Since then the state has transformed beyond recognition and our institutions have grown together like the roots of great trees, fusing together under the foundations of our daily lives.

You don’t need a customs check when you travel over the border, you don’t have to get out your passport out at Carlisle, you don’t have to deal with totally different tax systems and regulations when you trade and you don’t have to trade in different currencies.

Our human connections – our friendships, relationships, business partnerships – they are underpinned because we are all in the same United Kingdom and that is reason number 1 we are stronger together.

The second is our prosperity.

Some people look at the United Kingdom only in terms of debit and credit columns, tax and spend and how that gets split between our 4 nations.

But that completely misses the bigger picture.

This is a world that has been through massive economic storms where economic competition is heating up as never before, where we have to work harder than ever just to make a living.

And in that world of uncertainty, we are quite simply stronger as a bigger entity – an open economy of 63 million people with the oldest and most successful single market in the world with one of the oldest and most successful currencies in the world.

This stability is hugely attractive for investors.

Last year we were the top destination for foreign direct investment in Europe.

That is a stamp of approval on our stability – and I would not want to jeopardise that.

But let me be clear.

The central part of my economic argument for the UK is not about what we’d lose if we pulled apart – but what we could gain in this world if we stay together.

This government has set out a long-term economic plan for Britain: getting behind enterprise, dealing with our debts, a plan to give the people of this country peace of mind and security for the future.

And this isn’t just a plan, it’s a vision.

The UK as the big European success story of this century moving from an island sinking under too much debt, too much borrowing and too much taxation to a country that’s dynamic, exporting, innovating, creating.

Scotland is right at the heart of that vision.

Why?

I could give you a list of the Scottish strengths – their historic universities like Edinburgh, Aberdeen, Glasgow and St. Andrews; great industries: from food processing to financial services, from ship-building to science.

But it’s not about Scotland’s strengths as some sort of bolt-on extra.

It’s about what we, the constituent parts of the UK, can achieve together.

The power of collaboration.

It’s there in our past when the Scottish enlightenment met the industrial revolution: intellectual endeavour and commercial might combining to shape global economic ideas.

And that power of collaboration is there today.

Together we’re stronger at getting out there and selling our products to the world.

Like Scotch whisky.

Whether I’m in India or China, there’s barely a meeting where I don’t bang the drum for whisky abroad.

Of course, the First Minister fights hard for those deals too but the clout we have as a United Kingdom gives us a much better chance of getting around the right tables, bashing down trade barriers, getting deals signed.

The result – Scotch whisky adds £135 to the UK’s balance of payments every single second.

And together we’re stronger to lead in the industries of the future.

Like green energy.

We have the wind and the waves of Scotland, decades of North Sea experience in Aberdeen and with the rest of the UK – a domestic energy market of tens of millions of people to drive and support these new industries.

2 years ago we set up the Green Investment Bank.

Based in Edinburgh, it’s invested across the UK, helping a Scottish distillery to fit sustainable biomass boilers, financing a new energy centre at Addenbrooke’s hospital in Cambridge.

This is what happens when we collaborate.

We’ve come through the great recession together.

Our deficit down by a third.

Our economy growing.

Our exports to China doubled.

And I believe we stand a much, much better chance of building a more prosperous future together.

The third reason we’re stronger together is our place in the world.

Together, we get a seat at the UN Security Council, real clout in NATO and Europe, the prestige to host events like the G8.

Together we’ve got the finest armed forces on the planet.

I think of the fighter pilots originally operating from RAF Lossiemouth who flew sorties over Libya, the legendary Scottish titles now part of the Royal Regiment of Scotland, like the Black Watch and the Highlanders.

I think of the shipyards on the Forth and Clyde, where – alongside shipyards across the UK – they are building the Queen Elizabeth aircraft carrier launching this year to secure the seas and keep us safe.

Now to some, all this might sound like national vanity.

It’s the view that if the UK split up and our role in the world shrank, it wouldn’t matter so much.

But this is a country that earns its living through international ties with millions of our citizens living abroad.

When ships are ambushed on lawless seas – that hits our trade.

When the middle class in China is set to grow by millions a year – that presents huge opportunities for jobs back home in the UK.

This world shapes us – so our place in the world matters.

And make no mistake: we matter more as a United Kingdom – politically, militarily, diplomatically – and culturally too.

Our reach is about much more than military might – it’s about our music, film, TV, fashion.

The UK is the soft power super power.

You get teenagers in Tokyo and Sydney listening to Emeli Sandé.

People in Kazakhstan and Taiwan watching BBC exports like Sherlock written by a Scot a hundred years ago, played by an Englishman today – and created for TV by a Scotsman.

The World Service – transmitting to hundreds of millions.

Famously Aung San Suu Kyi has said it helped her through her long years of detention, saying: “Everywhere I have been, the BBC has been with me.”

And the BBC itself – founded by a Scotsman.

My wife is an ambassador for the British Fashion Council and she sees – and raves about – the international impact of our fashion, helped along massively by Scottish designers like Christopher Kane and Jonathan Saunders.

Sometimes, we can forget just how big our reputation is that the world over the letters “UK” stand for unique, brilliant, creative, eccentric, ingenious.

We come as a brand – a powerful brand.

Separating Scotland out of that brand would be like separating the waters of the River Tweed and the North Sea.

If we lost Scotland, if the UK changed, we would rip the rug from under our own reputation.

The plain fact is we matter more in the world together.

These are all compelling practical reasons for the UK to stick together.

But – pounds and pence and institutional questions; that’s not what it’s really about, for me.

It’s about the slave who escaped his master after the American Revolution because he was offered liberty and land by the British crown.

In gratitude, he re-named himself this: British Freedom.

It’s about Lord Lovat on the beach on D-Day, the bagpipes playing as his brigade landed ashore.

It’s about HMS Sheffield, HMS Glasgow, HMS Antrim, HMS Glamorgan grey ships ploughing through grey seas for 8,000 miles to the Falkland Islands – and for what?

For freedom.

Because this is a country that has never been cowed by bullies and dictators.

This is a country that stands for something.

And this, really, is why I’m standing here today:

Our shared values.

Freedom. Solidarity. Compassion.

Not just overseas, but at home.

In this country, we don’t walk on by when people are sick when people lose work when people get old.

When you talk about an Englishman, a Welshman, a Scotsman, a Northern Irishman it might sound like the beginning of a bad joke but here it’s how we started our NHS, our welfare system, our state pension system.

And these values aren’t trapped in the pages of a history book – they are alive.

When the people of Benghazi were crying out for help when a girl in Pakistan was shot for wanting an education when children around the world are desperate for food we don’t walk on by.

And let’s be clear.

Our values are not just a source of pride for us, they are a source of hope for the world.

In 1964, Nelson Mandela stood in the dock in the Pretoria Supreme Court.

He was making the case for his life, against apartheid – and in that speech he invoked the example of Britain:

He said: “I have great respect for British political institutions, and for the country’s system of justice. I regard the British Parliament as the most democratic institution in the world…”

Our Parliament, our laws, our way of life – so often, down the centuries, the UK has given people hope.

We’ve shown that democracy and prosperity can go hand in hand, that resolution is found not through the bullet, but the ballot box.

Our values are of value to the world.

In the darkest times in human history there has been, in the North Sea, a light that never goes out.

And if this family of nations broke up, something very powerful and precious would go out forever.

So there is a moral, economic, geopolitical, diplomatic and yes – let’s say it proudly – an emotional case for keeping the United Kingdom together.

But still, however strongly we feel – we are a reticent nation.

It can seem vulgar to fly the flag.

Some people have even advised me to stay out of this issue – and not to get too sentimental about the UK.

But frankly, I care far too much to stay out of it.

This is personal.

I have an old copy of Our Island Story, my favourite book as a child and I want to give it to my 3 children, and I want to be able to teach my youngest when she’s old enough to understand, that she is part of this great, world-beating story.

And I passionately hope that my children will be able to teach their children the same; that the stamp on their passport is a mark of pride that together, these islands really do stand for something more than the sum of our parts, they stand for bigger ideals, nobler causes, greater values. Our great United Kingdom: brave, brilliant, buccaneering, generous, tolerant, proud – this is our country.

And we built it together.

Brick by brick: Scotland, England, Wales, Northern Ireland. Brick by brick.

This is our home – and I could not bear to see that home torn apart.

I love this country.

I love the United Kingdom and all it stands for.

And I will fight with all I have to keep us together.

And so I want to be clear to everyone listening.

There can be no complacency about the result of this referendum.

The outcome is still up in the air and we have just 7 months to go.

7 months to do all we can to keep our United Kingdom as one.

7 months to save the most extraordinary country in history.

And we must do whatever it takes.

So to everyone in England, Wales and Northern Ireland – everyone, like me, who cares about the United Kingdom, I want to say this: you don’t have a vote, but you do have a voice.

Those voting are our friends, neighbours and family.

You do have an influence.

Get on the phone, get together, email, tweet, speak. Let the message ring out from Manchester to Motherwell, from Pembrokeshire to Perth, from Belfast to Bute, from us to the people of Scotland – let the message be this:

We want you to stay.

Think of what we’ve done together – what we can do together – what we stand for together.

Team GB.

The winning team in world history.

Let us stick together for a winning future too.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, at Chinese New Year Celebrations in Downing Street on 3rd February 2014.

Good evening. A very warm welcome to everyone here tonight. It’s wonderful to be able to have another Chinese New Year party here at Number 10 Downing Street, and you’re all extraordinarily welcome.

The purpose of tonight is to celebrate, and I think we have a number of good things to celebrate. We can celebrate the extraordinary success of modern China. I was so struck by this on the recent visit that I made and the very good meetings I had with the President and the Premier, the huge business delegation that I took. China is set once again to become the world’s largest economy, a position it has held for 18 of the last 20 centuries, so in many ways the order is being restored. And it’s worth remembering that in that extraordinary economic performance, more than 700 million people have been taken out of poverty; more people lifted out of poverty than in any other country at any other time in the world. So, there’s a huge amount to celebrate in this extraordinary success that is modern China.

But I also think there’s a lot to celebrate in terms of our relationship with China. We’ve seen great strides in terms of our economic relationship since this government came to office; I think we have doubled trade between Britain and China. And one of the things that is so striking, and that I believe is at the heart of the British-Chinese relationship, is the openness of the British economy to Chinese investment. It’s great, for instance, that we can say there’s no limit on the number of Chinese students who can come and study in Britain. They need to have a degree place, and a basic English language qualification, and we welcome those students.

But we also welcome the most extraordinary diverse range of Chinese investment into our economy, and not just in sectors that are easy to invest in, but also we welcome investment in infrastructure, investment in our nuclear industry, investment in our water industry. And I was very struck by what my new best friend Mr Wang of the Wanda Group said to me when he said that he thought that America was better to invest in than Europe, but the best of all was Britain. And I thought that was a great testament that he takes that view.

I hugely enjoyed the visit that I made, and I hope it brought Chinese and British relations to a new level. There were many highlights to the trip; obviously the meetings with the President and the Premier, the visit to Chengdu for the Chengdu hot pot, but in many ways, one of the highlights for me was that extraordinary banquet we held in Shanghai with 600 Chinese businesses, and we were talking about business and investment and all the things that we could do together.

And I thought it was important also to talk about the cultural relationship between Britain and China. And I’ll never forget the Director of the National Theatre talking about War Horse, and saying that War Horse was going to come to China and here was a small preview. And then Joey the horse came cantering into that extraordinary hall in Shanghai, and the gasp that went up from the audience about this incredibly impressive feat.

The third thing we must celebrate tonight is what Chinese people bring to our country here in Britain. We don’t have a huge Chinese diaspora in our country, but we have a diaspora that contributes hugely more than the numbers suggest, contributing massively in business, in the arts, in culture, of course, in one of my favourite things which is Chinese food. But it’s really worth noting that when you look across all the different people who live in the UK, the Chinese in Britain are some of the most hardworking, some of the most best educated, some of the most law abiding, some of the most solid citizens of our country. Chinese teenagers – almost 78% of them – get 5 good GCSEs, and I wish that was the case for every child in our country. That is a full 20 points ahead of the average. So, we really welcome what Chinese people bring to our country here in Britain and the amazing contribution that you make.

So, I hope you enjoy tonight, coming to Number 10 Downing Street, coming to celebrate Chinese New Year. ‘Xin Nian Kuai Le’ (Happy New Year).