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  • HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : New National Asset register published [July 2001]

    HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : New National Asset register published [July 2001]

    The press release issued by HM Treasury on 19 July 2001.

    The Treasury today published an updated and improved National Asset Register (NAR), providing for the first time a comprehensive list and valuation of all assets owned by Government Departments and their executive agencies.

    The Government is breaking new ground with this updated NAR, by including valuations of all assets and detailing changes in asset holdings since 1997. The UK is a world leader in this area of public accountability. No other country publishes a list of everything it owns and what it is worth.

    The NAR is a key tool in the management of these public assets, and shows that during 1999-2000 alone £1.3 billion worth of surplus assets were disposed of, unlocking resources that can be used more productively elsewhere. The total value of the assets listed was £274 billion at the end of the 1999-2000.

    Welcoming publication of the NAR, Chief Secretary Andrew Smith said :

    “Government Departments are responsible on behalf of the public for significant assets. It is essential that these are managed as effectively as possible, to deliver value for money or to free up resources which can be better used elsewhere.

    The new NAR is central to this process. It is unparalleled. It is the most ambitious property inventory compiled in this country and the first such publication in the world. It is a clear, tangible benefit from the recent financial reforms of public finances, based on the introduction of resource accounting and budgeting principles.

    Resource accounting and budgeting measures, for the first time, the full costs of holding and using assets. Departments will have to meet these costs rather than being encouraged to overlook them as under previous arrangements, giving a clear incentive to dispose of costly non-productive assets. 

    This will focus the minds of public sector managers on getting the best value from the assets they are responsible for, and will make them more clearly accountable for their stewardship. The NAR shows the progress already made in improving asset management, and is a clear mark of our continuing commitment to better public finances.”

    Examples of Departmental disposals of surplus assets include:

    • FCO disposed of almost £50 million of surplus land and buildings since 1997, including properties across Europe, South America, Asia and the Middle East.
    • Highways Agency disposed of £162 million of surplus roads and land and buildings.
    • MAFF disposed of over £210 million of surplus assets in 1999-00 alone, including sale of Hurworth House for over £10 million.  MAFF expects sales income of £26 million in the next two years.
    • MOD disposed of £234 million of assets in 1999-00, including Duke of York headquarters (£47m), Stanbridge Communication Centre (£17.5m) and Deepcut Barracks (£10m).
    • LCD disposed of almost £6 million of assets in 1999-00, including Uxbridge County Court (£3.7 million).
  • HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : UK revises financial adivsory against Antigua and Barbuda [July 2001]

    HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : UK revises financial adivsory against Antigua and Barbuda [July 2001]

    The press release issued by the HM Treasury on 16 July 2001.

    HM Treasury today issued revised advice to financial institutions on their dealings with persons and businesses domiciled in Antigua and Barbuda, following the introduction of improved regulation there.

    Commenting on the announcement, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, Ruth Kelly, said

    “In recognition of regulatory improvements I have today revised the advice given to UK credit and financial institutions on their transactions and business relationships involving Antigua and Barbuda. We no longer believe that UK financial institutions need pay special attention to their dealings with persons or institutions domiciled in Antigua and Barbuda. From today UK financial institutions should apply normal due diligence procedures appropriate to transactions from jurisdictions that are not members of the Financial Action Task Force.

    No system is perfect, and there is still significant room for improvement in Antigua. The UK Government will therefore continue to provide technical assistance to help the Antiguans meet the highest international standards in fighting money laundering. If implemented properly, we believe that Antigua and Barbuda has the mechanisms in place to guard against criminals taking advantage of its off-shore and on-shore financial systems.

    The UK Government will continue to monitor the situation in Antigua, and will re-issue its original warnings if it believes that the new systems are not working properly.”

    Foreign Office Minister, Baroness Amos said

    “I welcome the decision to lift the advisory and congratulate Prime Minister Bird and the government of Antigua on the progress made in improving its legislative and regulatory regime in the international fight against money laundering.  We look forward to continued close co-operation with Antigua in this fight.”

    The revised guidance is being sent out through the Joint Money Laundering Steering Group, and is available on the British Banking Association website.

    NOTES FOR EDITORS

    1.The UK issued its original advisory to UK financial institutions in April 1999, following legislative changes to the anti-money laundering laws in Antigua and Barbuda that weakened the capacity of that jurisdiction to deal effectively with money laundering, and put the offshore sector there at risk from criminals. A copy is available from this website.

    2.  Since then the Government of Antigua and Barbuda has undone many of the more detrimental legislative changes. Further improvements are planned. The Government has also taken steps to ensure the independence of the off-shore financial services sector regulatory authorities, and has strengthened the capacity of the financial intelligence unit to handle suspected money laundering cases.

    3.These improvements were sufficient to ensure that Antigua and Barbuda was not listed by the FATF as a non-cooperative jurisdiction in the fight against money laundering. Details of this exercise are available on the FATF link below.

  • HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : Betting Tax to be Scrapped Early [July 2001]

    HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : Betting Tax to be Scrapped Early [July 2001]

    The press release issued by HM Treasury on 13 July 2001.

    The tax on punters will be abolished three months ahead of schedule on the first weekend in October, the Financial Secretary Paul Boateng announced today.

    Gordon Brown announced in his March Budget that by January 1, 2002, the current tax on betting stakes would be replaced with a tax on bookmakers’ gross profits, a radical reform which means Britain’s bookmakers will end the deductions they currently charge punters, and look to grow their domestic and international business from a UK base.

    Since the Budget announcement, rapid progress has been made both by the bookmakers in re-locating their off-shore operations to the UK and by Customs in preparing to switch to the new system. The Government has therefore decided to bring in the reforms to betting taxation a full three months early.

    The new system will now be introduced on Saturday, 6 October.

    Financial Secretary Paul Boateng said:

    “The old tax on punters has been in place almost unchanged since 1966. But we realised it was not going to work in the 21st century and would mean UK-based bookmakers losing out on the global betting market. Our reforms mean punters will get tax-free betting, bookmakers will see increased turnover, and both racing and Government revenues will share in the benefits.

    It’s a good deal all round. We’re therefore delighted to bring it in more than three months ahead of schedule. This demonstrates our ability to deliver real reforms with speed and efficiency – years ago, it would have been inconceivable to introduce these sorts of radical reforms, let alone push them through so quickly.”

    Today’s announcement received a huge welcome within the betting industry.

    John Brown, Chairman of William Hill, said:

    “The Government is to be congratulated on the speedy implementation of the Chancellor’s initiative. We will be ready on the day for every bet we take worldwide to come back the UK.”

    Bob Scott, Chief Executive of Coral Eurobet said:

    “This will be the biggest day in the history of betting. I would like to applaud the Government not only for having the vision to introduce this revolutionary tax but also for the speed with which they have acted. This represents a major investment by the Government in the betting industry, and one we will demonstrate has not been misplaced. For customers, bookmakers, the racing industry and the Government, this is a win-win-win-win situation.”

    Alan Ross, Managing Director of Ladbrokes, said:

    “Every betting customer should thank the Government and put the date of October 6th into their diary as this marks the beginning of a new era for the industry. The decision today is a real boost to the betting industry and means that the significant increases in turnover, employment and international reach promised by tax-free betting will happen even sooner than anticipated.”

    Tom Kelly, Director General of the Betting Office Licensees Association, said:

    “This announcement is excellent news for punters and the betting industry alike. We are looking forward to a new era of deduction-free betting and the British punter getting the best deal in the world.”

    Warwick Bartlett, Chairman of the British Betting Offices Association, said:

    “Today’s announcement means the British punter will be able to bet tax-free for the first time in 33 years. The onus is now on the betting industry to deliver and make the UK a centre for global gambling. We have already received enquiries from the US, Canada, Australia, Japan, the Netherlands and Sweden from bookmakers interested in coming to the UK as a result of the introduction of a gross profits tax.”

    The Gross Profits Tax

    In Budget 2001, the Government announced that – following extensive consultation and analysis – the current General Betting Duty of 6.75 per cent on total stakes would be replaced by 1 January 2002 with a 15 per cent tax on bookmakers’ gross profits, defined as the difference between the stakes laid with them and the winnings they pay out.

    This reformed tax structure makes it possible for bookmakers to absorb the tax and to end the 9 per cent ‘deduction’ that they currently charge punters. It therefore makes it possible for them to develop their domestic and international business from an onshore base, competing from a position of strength in the growing global market for telephone and internet betting.

    Since the Budget announcement, Customs have been working with the bookmakers to make the necessary systems changes needed to implement the reforms, and those UK-based bookmakers with off-shore operations have been relocating them to the UK. Thanks to the rapid progress made, it will be possible to introduce the system from Saturday, 6 October, 2001.

    Tax-free betting from October 6

    Among the sporting events taking place on the first weekend of tax-free betting are the Prix de l’Arc de Triomphe at Longchamp, one of Europe’s premier horse races, always the subject of racing and betting interest from around the world, and England’s final World Cup Group match at home to Greece.

    The international interest in these events reinforces one of the key objectives of the reforms, which is to enable UK-based bookmakers to target an increased share of the growing global market for telephone and Internet betting.

    Customs will continue working with the betting industry to make the changes required prior to implementation. They will also shortly be conducting a series of seminars for bookmakers to explain how the new system will work.

  • HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : Financial Services and Markets Act to come into force from midnight 30 November 2001 [July 2001]

    HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : Financial Services and Markets Act to come into force from midnight 30 November 2001 [July 2001]

    The press release issued by HM Treasury on 12 July 2001.

    Economic Secretary Ruth Kelly today announced that the Financial Services Authority (FSA) will become the statutory regulator under the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (FSMA) with effect from midnight 30 November 2001.

    Speaking at a business breakfast this morning with FSA Chairman Sir Howard Davies and key industry and consumer players Ruth Kelly said:

    “My predecessor made a commitment that N2 – the date for the commencement of the main provisions of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 – would be no later than the end of November 2001. I am delighted to honour that commitment today.

    “FSMA will, for the first time, unite a wide array of legislation and supervisory bodies under one statutory regulator. The FSA will be a single point of contact for firms. Alongside this will operate the Financial Ombudsman Service to deal with customer complaints. This will bring much needed clarity, certainty and transparency to the industry and consumers alike.”

    The Treasury will shortly be making the statutory instrument which allows firms? authority under old law to do financial services business to be “grandfathered” across into permissions to do equivalent business once FSMA commences. Ruth Kelly said:

    “FSA powers to consider applications from financial services firms to modify their grandfathered permissions; grant new permissions; and other matters including waivers from the new FSA rules, will commence on Monday 3 September.”

    Sir Howard Davies , welcoming these announcements, said:

    “N2 has been a long time coming.  But the advantage is that there has been time to prepare properly.  We will be ready to switch on the new regime at the end of November, thanks in large part to the invaluable co-operation and patience of firms, their trade associations and consumer groups.”

  • HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : Helping Enterprise in Disadvantaged Communities [July 2001]

    HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : Helping Enterprise in Disadvantaged Communities [July 2001]

    The press release issued by HM Treasury on 11 July 2001.

    Small businesses and other enterprises in disadvantaged communities will find it easier to attract funding from banks and individual investors following consultation on proposals to develop a Community Investment Tax Credit (CITC), Financial Secretary Paul Boateng said today.

    Commenting on the Government’s initial response to consultation on the CITC proposals announced in Budget 2001, Mr Boateng said :

    “Businesses developing in disadvantaged communities need to be able to draw on the widest possible range of suitable funding. The response to our consultation shows clear, widespread support for our proposals for a Community Investment Tax Credit as a means to encourage investment in these businesses. We are strongly minded to introduce CITC as planned to help them.

    We have listened carefully to the views of those involved and decided that it would be right to extend the benefit of our CITC proposals to help businesses to raise money from individuals and banks, and not restrict them to investment from corporate and equity investment sources.

    This will increase the options for the access to new capital vital to help reinvigorate some of our poorest communities.”

    The Budget CITC proposal aims to stimulate business activity in disadvantaged communities through a tax incentive to encourage private investment in both commercial and not-for-profit enterprises. It is proposed that qualifying investments, made through qualifying Community Development Financial Institutions (CDFIs), will attract tax credits worth 25%, spread evenly over five years. Today’s announcement in a speech by Mr Boateng to a CDFI conference in Birmingham, will extend the initial proposals by:

    – allowing individual investors to benefit from CITC.

    – allowing both debt and equity investments to attract CITC.

    These measures will encourage individuals to invest through either loans or taking shares in CDFIs rather than through equity alone, and enable CDFIs to raise loan capital for developing businesses in their areas from banks and other lenders as well as by issuing shares.

    Together they will give CDFIs greater flexibility in raising capital for enterprises in their communities.

  • HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : Julius Report Aims to Give Bank Consumers a Better Deal [July 2001]

    HISTORIC PRESS RELEASE : Julius Report Aims to Give Bank Consumers a Better Deal [July 2001]

    The press release issued by HM Treasury on 9 July 2001.

    Better consumer services in banking and other financial services are the focus of a Government commissioned report published today.

    Responding to the DeAnne Julius led review of banking services codes, Economic Secretary Ruth Kelly said:

    “The report contains a number of useful recommendations directed at significantly improving competition and increasing the levels of customer service in banking services.

    “We are therefore asking the bodies to whom the recommendations are directed to respond to these proposals.  We look forward to the industry responding positively to the challenges that have been set.”

    DeAnne Julius said:

    “While we found that there is much to commend about the current system of self-regulation through voluntary codes, we believe there are several areas where more should be done to help bank customers and sharpen competition.

    “Our Group developed its recommendations after an extensive consultation process.  We believe the recommendations would help the market for banking services work more effectively and thereby deliver greater consumer benefits.”

    The Banking Services Consumer Codes Review Group has set out twelve recommendations to improve the benefits to consumers from the industries’ voluntary codes of conduct.  The recommendations include:

    •  measures to make account switching easier
    •  improve information provided to customers
    •  strengthen the processes for drawing up codes
    •  more information on code compliance

    The Government is asking those to whom the recommendations are directed to respond to the report by 30 September.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Historic £1.4 billion devolution deal for North East [December 2022]

    PRESS RELEASE : Historic £1.4 billion devolution deal for North East [December 2022]

    The press release issued by the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities on 28 December 2022.

    • Levelling Up Secretary Michael Gove announces historic devolution deal for North East that will see a new elected mayor given fresh money and powers to level up region
    • £1.4 billion investment fund allows new Mayor of North East to level up Northumberland, Newcastle, North Tyneside, Gateshead, South Tyneside, Sunderland, and County Durham
    • North East is the sixth area to agree a devolution deal with government this year, delivering on Levelling Up White Paper devolution mission

    New money and powers over skills, transport and housing will be devolved to local leaders in the North East, the Levelling Up Secretary has announced today (Wednesday 28 December).

    If approved following a local consultation, people across Northumberland, Newcastle, North Tyneside, Gateshead, South Tyneside, Sunderland, and County Durham will also be given the power to directly elect a Mayor of the North East. This person can act as a local champion who can help attract investment to the area and act as a powerful local voice in discussions with central government and other bodies.

    The Government will guarantee the new North East Mayoral Combined Authority (MCA) more than £1.4 billion over the next 30 years which will enable the new Mayor and the councils to plan for the long term, with certainty, and unlock the benefits of devolution for 2 million people living in the area.

    The historic deal will also devolve the MCA control over the multi-million pound Adult Education budget so they can shape provision in a way that best suits the needs of local people; give control to the region of over half a billion pounds to upgrade public transport through a new City Region Sustainable Transport Settlement; and provide immediate support to build new affordable homes on brownfield sites. There will also a funding pot available to help place based regeneration across the region.

    The North East is the sixth area to agree a devolution deal this year and means that government has now made devolution agreements with areas representing over 7 million people since the Levelling Up White Paper was published in February. The new deal also reaffirms the government’s commitment in the White Paper to offer a devolution deal to any area that wants one by 2030.

    Levelling Up Secretary Michael Gove said:

    I’m proud to have agreed a historic new devolution deal with the North East that gives local leaders more power, more money, and an even greater say on how their areas are run.

    Devolution is all about letting leaders who live and breathe the region decide what is in their best interests, for their people and for their businesses.

    A new mayor will ensure local priorities in the North East are at the heart of decision-making, while our billion-pound funding boost will provide the financial certainty needed to level up the area right now and for years to come.

    Local leaders and mayors across the whole North East today welcomed the news in a joint statement:

    This is a significant step towards securing important decision-making powers and investment for our region. This would allow us to make decisions that reflect local needs and invest wisely into projects that will make a difference for all our residents, communities and local economy.

    There remains a process for all councils and combined authorities to consider the details and a public consultation before a final decision is made.

    We are pleased that we have successfully negotiated a proposed deal which is a step towards reaching our ambition for this region. This is an important milestone in our journey and we will now engage with stakeholders to move the deal to the next stage.

    The proposed deal sets out the government’s plans to devolve more power to the North East through:

    • Education and skills: The deal provides the region with powers to better improve local skills through full devolution of the Adult Education budget and a greater say over the Local Skills Improvement Plan, which brings together local businesses, colleges, and training providers to identify the skills needed to support local growth.
    • Housing and regeneration: The North East will receive £17.4 million to support and accelerate the building of new homes on brownfield land, as well as £20 million to level up and kick start regeneration, delivering new affordable homes and green economic growth across the region.
    • Transport: A new City Region Sustainable Transport Settlement with government will give the North East control of up to £563 million to help shape and improve local rail services across the region, as well as the ability to introduce bus franchising.
    • Local leadership: From 2024, the North East will have a directly elected mayor who can champion the area, help drive investment to the region, and can represent local people in conversations with national government.

    Building on existing collaboration across the region and with central government, the new North East MCA will replace the existing North of Tyne MCA and Mayor, as well as the non-mayoral North East Combined Authority. This will bring the region together and provide a more strategic economic geography, which encompasses the whole Tyne and Wear region, as well as Northumberland and Durham. These changes are subject to the statutory processes, including local consultation and Parliamentary approval. The deal is being published today to allow necessary governance steps to proceed and will be signed in in the early new year.

    If agreed, this will ensure the North East has more funding, power and flexibility to make important decisions based on what is best for people across all seven local authority areas.

    Lucy Winskell OBE, Chair North East Local Enterprise Partnership, said:

    This devolution deal is a hugely positive move for the region and marks a step change in our levelling up journey.  The region has come together and is committed to seeing the North East succeed.

    The development heralds new funding and decision-making powers that will unlock the creation of more and better jobs, allow us to seize new opportunities, address issues that are holding us back and critically, to compete where we have strengths on a national, sectoral and global stage, and most importantly to do this in partnership.

    As things progress, the North East LEP will come together with the new mayoral combined authority, allowing for a co-ordinated approach with one strong voice and a laser focus on delivery of everything this proud region and its diverse communities need to thrive.

    The North East deal follows landmark devolution agreements earlier this year with York and North Yorkshire, the East Midlands, Cornwall, Norfolk, and Suffolk. This means that the government has now agreed devolution deals with eight of the 11 areas that were prioritised for devolution in the Levelling Up White Paper.

    Further information

    It is anticipated that election for the new Mayor will take place in May 2024.

    The joint statement was provided by the following local leaders and mayors:

    • Cllr Tracey Dixon, Leader, South Tyneside Council
    • Jamie Driscoll, North of Tyne Mayor
    • Cllr Martin Gannon, Leader, Gateshead Council
    • Cllr Amanda Hopgood, Leader, Durham County Council
    • Cllr Nick Kemp, Leader, Newcastle City Council
    • Cllr Graeme Miller, Leader, Sunderland City Council
    • Norma Redfearn CBE, Elected Mayor, North Tyneside Council
    • Cllr Glen Sanderson, Leader, Northumberland County Council
  • General Election Manifestos : 1987 Conservative Party

    General Election Manifestos : 1987 Conservative Party

    The 1987 Conservative Party manifesto.

    The Next Moves Forward


    FOREWORD

    In the last eight years our country has changed – changed for the better.

    We have discovered a new strength and a new pride. We have fostered a new spirit of enterprise. We have risen to fresh challenges at home and abroad. Once again our economy is strong. Our industries are flourishing. Unemployment is falling.

    Founded on this new prosperity, we are building a better Health Service and providing more care for those in need. Living standards are higher than ever before. Our people have the protection of a stronger defence and more police.

    Britain has come right by her own efforts. We trusted in the character and talents of our people. The British instinct is for choice and independence. Given the opportunities provided by Conservative policies, many more families now enjoy the pride of ownership of homes, of shares and of pensions.

    Together we are building One Nation of free, prosperous and responsible families and people. A Conservative dream is at last becoming a reality.

    This Manifesto points the way forward.

    MARGARET THATCHER


    THE BRITISH REVIVAL

    This manifesto sets out our vision for the Britain of the 1990s and beyond, a future based on the aspirations of millions of individuals and their families their hopes, their needs, their security. For the first time in a generation this country looks forward to an era of real prosperity and fulfilment.

    A vast change separates the Britain of today from the Britain of the late 1970s. Is it really only such a short time ago that inflation rose to an annual rate of 27 per cent? That the leader of the Transport and General Workers’ Union was widely seen as the most powerful man in the land? That a minority Labour Government, staggering from crisis to crisis on borrowed money, was nonetheless maintained in power by the Liberal Party in return for the paper concession of a Lib-Lab pact? And that Labour’s much-vaunted pay pact with the unions collapsed in the industrial anarchy of the “winter of discontent”, n which the dead went unburied, rubbish piled up in the streets and the country was gripped by a creeping paralysis which Labour was powerless to cure?

    It seems in retrospect to be the history of another country. Yet these things happened and people had to accept them as an unavoidable part of everyday life.

    Reversing the Decline

    Remember the conventional wisdom of the day. The British people were “ungovernable”. We were in the grip of an incurable “British disease”. Britain was heading for “irreversible decline”.

    Well, the people were not ungovernable, the disease was not incurable, the decline has been reversed.

    • Britain today is in the seventh successive year of steady economic growth. We have moved from the bottom to the top of the growth league of major European countries.
    • In Britain today. inflation has reached its lowest levels for almost twenty years.
    • In Britain today, the number of strikes has dropped to the lowest levels for 50 years.
    • In Britain today. far from being in debt to the IMF, we have built up our net overseas assets to their highest level since the Second World War – higher than France, Germany and the United States, second only to Japan.
    • In Britain today. living standards are higher than ever before in our history.

    But these are bald statistics. What matters is the feel of the country – the new enthusiasm for enterprise, the new spirit that Britain can make it, that we can prosper with the best. Investment in British industry is rising strongly. Our services sector, employing almost two-thirds of our workforce, generates a vast surplus of foreign earnings. And our manufacturers are travelling the globe with a new confidence born of the knowledge that Britain is internationally competitive again.

    The World Stage

    This national revival is not confined to increased economic strength. Britain is also playing a major part on the international stage. From the White House through Europe to the Kremlin our voice is heard on arms control, on East-West issues, on human rights, on the Middle East and on African affairs.

    With the Conservative Government, Britain has played a strong and responsible role internationally. We have defended civilised values by fighting terrorism relentlessly. We have secured our national interests, as when we liberated the Falklands. We have been ready to settle long-standing issues like Hong Kong where we reached an agreement to safeguard the way of life of the people.

    Time and again we have shown that we possess the essential requirements of successful diplomacy: we stand firm on principles yet are ready to negotiate and prepared to take decisive action.

    Founded in Strength

    The ability to act internationally does not come without effort. It must be founded on a strong economy and a robust defence. This Government took the necessary steps to build up both. Success has followed.

    • Prudent financial policies have made Britain one of the world’s largest creditors. Today we are able to shape world efforts to sustain trade and promote international monetary co-operation.
    • We gave a lead in NATO and installed Cruise missiles. Today, as a result, the Soviet Union is at last prepared to negotiate to remove its own missiles targeted against us.
    • This Government is modernising our own independent deterrent. Today Britain retains an independent influence in arms control negotiations between the superpowers.

    By such steadfastness, we have not only rebuilt our economy and re-established our world reputation; we have also regained our national self-respect. But restoring a country’s greatness is not easy. The new Conservative policies met bitter resistance every step of the way.

    Remember:

    The year-long coal strike, with its violence and intimidation on a massive scale. It failed and mining productivity has since soared.

    The battle we had to fight to ensure that Britain paid no more than its fair share of the European Community Budget. We now get automatic rebates – this year, over £1.3 billion.

    The doubling of the oil price which confronted the new Government with a world-wide recession – and, more recently, an equally dramatic fall in the oil price which halved government oil revenues and in earlier times would have threatened a collapse of confidence in the pound. Both these oil “shocks” were successfully withstood by prudent policies which have produced a sustained growth of prosperity.

    And let us not forget the challenge of the Falklands War.

    How many of the alternative governments on offer would have stood firm, overcome, or even survived such difficulties? Does anyone suppose that the Labour Party would have resisted, let alone defeated, the violence and intimidation in the coal strike? Or that the Liberals or the Social Democrats would have fought so hard for our rebate from the European Community? Or that any of the Opposition parties would have persevered through all these difficulties to break the back of inflation and restore honest money?

    A Strong and Stable Government

    How has it been done? All these improvements in the wealth and standing of our country have only been possible because we have had a strong government with sound policies and a decisive majority in Parliament. A weak government with uncertain policies would not have known how to withstand the pressures upon it; a government without a good overall majority in Parliament would not have been allowed to do so; and a strong government with unsound policies would have been a positive force for disaster.

    In this election, only the Conservative Party is offering strong, decisive and united government.

    The Next Moves Forward

    The next Conservative Government will build on the achievements of the past eight years with a full programme of positive reform.

    We will continue:

    • to pursue policies of sound financial management, the conquest of inflation, the promotion of enterprise and the growth of employment;
    • to spread the ownership of homes, shares, pensions and savings ever more widely to give families greater financial independence;
    • to give people greater choice and responsibility over their own lives in important areas such as housing and education;
    • to improve the well-being of the people through better health care, and to safeguard the living standards of those who have to depend on the community;
    • to improve the quality of life by conserving the best of our heritage and our countryside, and by fostering provision for the arts and sport;
    • to exercise strong leadership where government needs to be strong in protecting the nation against potential aggression and the citizen against lawlessness.

    We intend to press on with the radical Conservative reform which we embarked upon in 1979, and which has already revived the spirit of our people and restored the reputation of our country.

    WIDER OWNERSHIP AND GREATER OPPORTUNITY

    Conservatives aim to extend as widely as possible the opportunity to own property and build up capital, to exercise real choice in education, and to develop economic independence and security.

    Our goal is a capital-owning democracy of people and families who exercise power over their own lives n the most direct way. They would take the important decisions – as tenants, home-owners, parents, employees, and trade unionists rather than having them taken for them.

    Of course, it is not possible to give people independence. That is something we must all achieve by our own efforts. But what this Conservative Government has done is to make it easier for people to acquire independence for themselves:

    • by introducing the right to buy council houses;
    • by returning nationalised industries to the people in ways that encourage the widest possible spread of ownership;
    • by making it easier to buy shares in British industry through employee share schemes and Personal Equity Plans.

    These opportunities – all too often introduced n the teeth of fierce resistance from the Opposition parties – have achieved spectacular results. There has been a surge of home- ownership, share-ownership and self-reliance.

    And because these first-time shareholders and home-owners are more independent, they develop a more independent outlook. They are no longer content that some of the most important decisions in their lives what school their children attend, for example, or whether or not to go on strike should be taken by officialdom or trade union bosses. People want to decide such things for themselves.

    In this way the scope of individual responsibility is widened, the family is strengthened, and voluntary bodies flourish. State power is checked and opportunities are spread throughout society. Ownership and independence cease to be the privileges of a few and become the birthright of all.

    In this way One Nation is finally reached not by a single people being conscripted into an organised socialist programme but by millions of people building their own lives in their own way.

    Better Housing for All

    HOME OWNERSHIP

    Nowhere has the spread of ownership been more significant than in housing. Buying their own home is the first step most people take towards building up capital to hand down to their children and grandchildren. It gives people a stake in society – something to conserve. It is the foundation stone of a capital-owning democracy.

    A home should be a source of pride and independence to the family living in it, regardless of whether it is owned or rented. We will ensure that every family in the land has the opportunity to make it so.

    Home-ownership has been the great success story of housing policy in the last eight years. One million council tenants have become home-owners and another one and a half million more families have become home-owners for the first time.

    Two out of every three homes are now owned by the people who live in them. This is a very high proportion, one of the largest in the world. We are determined to make it larger still.

    Some people are still deterred by the costs and complications of house purchase. That is why we must look for new ways to make house-buying simpler and easier. Our abolition of the conveyancing monopoly has already made it cheaper.

    We will keep the present system of mortgage tax relief.

    We will target improvement grants to where they are most needed – to the least well- off. To meet the special needs of old people, we will ensure that all local authorities have powers to give improvement grants, where necessary, for properties where elderly people move in with relatives. We will extend the 30 per cent housing association grant to help schemes for old people.

    A RIGHT TO RENT

    Most problems in housing now arise in the rented sector. Controls, although well-meant, have dramatically reduced the private rented accommodation to a mere 8 per cent of the housing market.

    This restricts housing choice and hinders the economy. People looking for work cannot easily move to a different area to do so. Those who find work may not be able to find rented accommodation nearby. Those who would prefer to rent rather than buy are forced to become reluctant owner-occupiers or to swell the queue for council houses. Some may even become temporarily homeless.

    And it is not only these people and their families who suffer from the shortage of homes for rent. The economy as a whole is damaged when workers cannot move to fill jobs because there are no homes to rent in the neighbourhood.

    This must be remedied. We have already taken some modest steps in this direction by making it easier to part-own and part-rent homes through shared ownership; by bringing in and widening the scheme for assured tenancies; by our system of shortholds; and by providing a new 30 per cent housing association grant to build hostels for young workers. We have also directly tackled the problem of homelessness through new grants to housing associations and other measures.

    More must now be done. The next Conservative Government, having already implemented the right to buy, will increase practical opportunities to rent.

    We must attract new private investment into rented housing – both from large institutions such as building societies and housing associations as well as from small private landlords. To do this we intend, in particular, to build on two initiatives we have already taken,

    First, to encourage more investment by institutions, we will extend the system of assured tenancies. This will permit new lettings in which rents and the period of lease will be freely agreed between tenants and landlords. The tenant will have security of tenure and will renegotiate the rent at the end of the lease, with provision for arbitration if necessary.

    Second, to encourage new lettings by smaller landlords, we will develop the system of shorthold. The rents of landlords will be limited to a reasonable rate of return, and the tenant’s security of tenure will be limited to the term of the lease, which would be not less than 6 months. This will bring back into use many of the 550,000 private dwellings which now stand empty because of controls, as well as making the provision of new rented housing a more attractive investment.

    And we will revise the housing benefit system to ensure that it prevents landlords from increasing rents to unreasonable levels at the taxpayer’s expense.

    All existing private and housing association tenants will continue to have their present protection in respect of rents and security of tenure.

    We will strengthen the law against harassment and unlawful eviction.

    RIGHTS FOR COUNCIL TENANTS

    Many council estates built in the sixties and seventies are badly designed, vulnerable to crime and vandalism and in bad repair. In many areas, rent arrears are high. In all, over 110,000 council dwellings stand empty. Yet it is often difficult for tenants to move. If they are ever to enjoy the prospect of independence, municipal monopoly must be replaced by choice in renting.

    We will give groups of tenants the right to form tenant co-operatives, owning and running their management and budget for themselves. They will also have the right to ask other institutions to take over their housing. Tenants who wish to remain with the local authority will be able to do so.

    We will give each council house tenant individually the right to transfer the ownership of his or her house to a housing association or other independent, approved landlord.

    In some areas more may be necessary. The success of Estate Action and Housing Action Areas shows how a carefully targeted approach can transform an area of poor housing and give people there new hope. Our Urban Development Corporations have been successful in restoring derelict industrial areas. We believe that a similar approach could be adopted for housing in some places. We will take powers to create Housing Action Trusts initially as a pilot scheme to take over such housing, renovate it, and pass it on to different tenures and ownerships including housing associations, tenant co-operatives, owner-occupiers or approved private landlords.

    We will reform the structure of local authority housing accounts so that public funds are directed at the problems of repair and renovation; maintenance and management are improved; resources are directed to the areas where the problems are greatest; rent arrears are reduced; and fewer houses are left empty.

    Housing is the biggest single investment that most people make – whether in money or in time, skill and effort. In the last eight years, as a result of our policies, we have seen a dramatic increase in home-ownership. In the next five years, we will complement that with policies designed to improve the supply and condition of the rented housing stock.

    A Capital-Owning Democracy

    SHARE OWNERSHIP

    Home-ownership leads naturally to other forms of financial provision for the future – notably to pensions and share-ownership. Half of the working population are in occupational pension schemes, but in 1979 only seven per cent of the population held shares.

    People were deterred by the sheer unfamiliarity of owning shares. Young people were reluctant to save for a retirement which seemed far away. And most tax incentives encouraged saving through institutions rather than directly.

    With a Conservative Government, all that has been changing. We were determined to make share-ownership available to the whole nation. Just as with cars, television sets, washing machines and foreign holidays, it would no longer be a privilege of the few; it would become the expectation of the many. We achieved this historic transformation in three ways:

    First, we introduced major tax incentives for employee share-ownership. Seven out of the last eight budgets have included measures to encourage people to purchase shares in the company in which they work.

    Second, starting this year, we brought in Personal Equity Plans, which enable people to invest in British industry entirely free of tax.

    Third, we embarked on a major programme of privatisation, insisting that small investors and employees of the privatised companies should have a fair chance to join in the buying.

    The results have been dramatic, and the direct consequence of government policy. Share ownership has trebled. Almost one in five of the adult population now own shares directly. And the figure will continue to rise. Of this total, the majority are first-time shareholders and most of them own shares in either privatised companies or the TSB group. One-and-a-half million people hold shares in the companies where they work.

    After eight years of Conservative Government, Britain is now at the forefront of a world wide revolution in extending ownership. One in every five British adults now owns shares compared to one in ten Frenchmen and one in twenty Japanese. Only the Americans, where a quarter of the people are shareholders, remain ahead – and the gap is narrowing.

    This is the first stage of a profound and progressive social transformation – popular capitalism. Owning a direct stake in industry not only enhances personal independence; it also gives a heightened sense of involvement and pride in British business. More realistic attitudes to profit and investment take root. And the foundations of British economic achievement are further strengthened.

    We will press on with the encouragement of popular capitalism.

    In the next Parliament:

    • We will continue to extend share-ownership as we have done with home-ownership.
    • We will reintroduce our proposed tax incentives for profit-related pay.
    • We will privatise more state industries in ways that increase share-ownership, both for the employees and for the public at large.

    Raising Standards in Education

    Parents want schools to provide their children with the knowledge, training and character that will fit them for today’s world. They want them to be taught basic educational skills, They want schools that will encourage moral values: honesty, hard work and responsibility. And they should have the right to choose those schools which do these things for their children.

    RAISING STANDARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

    How can all this best be done? Resources obviously matter. This Government has provided more resources for pupils than ever before.

    With the Conservatives:

    • Spending per primary pupil has risen by 17 per cent after allowing for inflation and per secondary pupil by 20 per cent under our Government.
    • There are more teachers in proportion to pupils than ever before.
    • British schools are world leaders in the use of computers in the classroom.

    But money alone is not enough. Increased resources have not produced uniformly higher standards. Parents and employers are rightly concerned that not enough children master the basic skills, that some of what is taught seems irrelevant to a good education and that standards of personal discipline and aspirations are too low. In certain cases education is used for political indoctrination and sexual propaganda. The time has now come for school reform.

    FOUR MAJOR REFORMS

    First, we will establish a National Core Curriculum.

    It is vital to ensure that all pupils between the ages of 5 to 16 study a basic range of subjects – including maths, English and science. In each of these basic subjects syllabuses will be published and attainment levels set so that the progress of pupils can be assessed at around ages 7, 11 and 14, and in preparation for the GCSE at 16. Parents, teachers and pupils will then know how well each child is doing. We will consult widely among those concerned n establishing the curriculum.

    Second, within five years governing bodies and head teachers of all secondary schools and many primary schools will be given control over their own budgets.

    They know best the needs of their school. With this independence they will manage their resources and decide their priorities, covering the cost of books, equipment, maintenance and staff. Several pilot schemes for financial devolution to schools have already proved their worth, such as those in Cambridgeshire and Solihull.

    Third, we will increase parental choice.

    The most consistent pressure for high standard in schools comes from parents. They have a powerful incentive to ensure that their children receive a good education. We have already done much through the 1980 and 1986 Education Acts so that parents can make their voice heard. But parents still need better opportunities to send their children to the school of their choice. That would be the best guarantee of higher standards. To achieve this:

    We will ensure that Local Education Authorities (LEAs) set school budgets in line with the number of pupils who will be attending each school.

    Schools will be required to enrol children up to the school’s physical capacity instead of artificially restricting pupil numbers, as can happen today. Popular schools, which have earned parental support by offering good education, will then be able to expand beyond present pupil numbers.

    These steps will compel schools to respond to the views of parents. But there must also be variety of educational provision so that parents can better compare one school with another.

    We will therefore support the co-existence of a variety of schools – comprehensive, grammar, secondary modern, voluntary controlled and aided, independent, sixth form and tertiary colleges as well as the reasonable rights of schools to retain their sixth forms, all of which will give parents greater choice and lead to higher standards.

    We will establish a pilot network of City Technology Colleges. Already two have been announced and support for more has been pledged by industrial sponsors.

    We will expand the Assisted Places Scheme to 35,000. This highly successful scheme has enabled 25,000 talented children from less-well-off backgrounds to gain places at the 230 independent schools currently in the scheme.

    We will continue to defend the right to independent education as part of a free society. It is under threat from all the other parties.

    Fourth, we will allow state schools to opt out of LEA control.

    If, in a particular school, parents and governing bodies wish to become independent of the LEA, they will be given the choice to do so. Those schools which opt out of LEA control will receive a full grant direct from the Department of Education and Science. They would become independent charitable trusts.

    In the area covered by the Inner London Education Authority, where entire borough councils wish to become independent of the LEA, they will be able to submit proposals to the Secretary of State requesting permission to take over the provision of education within their boundaries.

    VILLAGE SCHOOLS

    We recognise the important contribution made by small rural primary schools to education and to the community life of our villages. We will ensure, therefore, that the future of these schools is judged by wider factors than merely the number of pupils attending them.

    PRE-SCHOOL EDUCATION

    Eighty per cent of all three- and four-year-olds in this country attend nursery classes, reception classes or playgroups. Formal nursery education is not necessarily the most appropriate experience for children. Diversity of provision is desirable. LEAs should look to support the voluntary sector alongside their own provision.

    A BETTER CAREER FOR TEACHERS

    We recognise the importance of teachers and wish to enhance their professional status. The Government has provided a record amount of money to increase their pay by an average 16.4 per cent this year 25 per cent over 18 months. Our new pay award will encourage able young people to enter the career of teaching and reward the many good teachers already in the profession.

    The Burnham negotiating machinery finally broke down and has been temporarily replaced by an Interim Advisory Committee. The Government wants an effective and permanent machinery for settling teachers’ pay, in which the interests of all parties will be recognised.

    The Government will produce a Green Paper setting out the various alternatives and will enter into wide consultations with a view to establishing a new and effective machinery.

    Higher and Further Education

    The British system of higher education is among the best in the world. It ranges from universities to further education colleges providing skills and qualifications. We recognise the value of research and scholarship for their own sake. At the same time we must meet the nation’s demand for highly qualified manpower to compete in international markets.

    Building on our achievements since 1979 – 157,000 more full-time and part-time students we want to expand higher education opportunities still further. By 1990, we plan to increase student numbers by a further 50,000, and to raise the proportion of 18-year-olds in higher education.

    We will replace the University Grants Committee with an independent statutory body on the lines recommended by the Croham Committee. The new body will be called the Universities Funding Council (UFC) and will have broadly equal numbers of academic and non-academic members with a chairman who has substantial experience outside the academic world. The primary responsibility of the UFC will be the allocation of funds to individual universities under new contractual arrangements.

    Polytechnics are today strong, successful and mature institutions. They are complementary to the universities. Their present structure, under local authorities, is inappropriate for an expanding national role.

    As part of our policy to delegate power and responsibility, we will legislate to convert the polytechnics and other mainly higher education colleges in England to free-standing corporate bodies under boards of governors.

    We will set up a new Polytechnics and Colleges Funding Council independent of central Government, in place of local authority control.

    As part of our aim to widen access to higher education we have begun a review of student support which is the most generous in the western world. We need to modernise this system which has not changed for 25 years. The purpose of the review is to improve the overall prospects of students so that more are encouraged to enter higher education. No final conclusions have been reached, but we believe that top-up loans to supplement grants are one way, among others, of bringing in new finance to help students and relieve pressure on their parents.

    We will take care to ensure that the best aspects of the present system are retained in any new proposals which we bring forward.

    Trade Unions

    It is not only in relation to government, however, that people’s right to choice and independence must be safeguarded and extended. Great social institutions can sometimes become too powerful and cease to represent their members, denying them any control over the decisions taken in their name and even forcing them to act against their own interests. That was the case with trade unions before 1979.

    Since then, Conservative reforms have redressed the balance between the individual and his union, preventing coercion of the majority by activists and militants. These highly successful and popular measures have encouraged democracy within the unions, restrained the abuses of secondary action and picketing, reversed the growth of closed shops, restored the rights of redress against unions acting unlawfully and removed the immunity of unions that call a strike without a fair ballot.

    The result has been a transformation of shopfloor relations, allowing management and workforce to co-operate to improve working practices and introduce new technology to mutual gain. In the next Parliament we will protect the rights of individual trade union members.

    We will introduce legislation to:

    • empower individual members to stop their unions calling them out on strike without first holding a secret ballot of members;
    • protect individual members from disciplinary action if they refuse to join a strike they disagree with;
    • ensure that all members of trade union governing bodies are elected by secret ballot at least once every five years;
    • make independently supervised postal ballots compulsory for such elections;
    • limit further the abuse of the closed shop by providing protection against unfair dismissal for all non-union employees, and removing any legal immunity from industrial action to establish or enforce a closed shop;
    • provide new safeguards on the use of union funds;
    • establish a new trade union commissioner with the power to help individual trade unionists to enforce their fundamental rights.

    BUILDING PROSPERITY AND EMPLOYMENT

    Since this Government took office in 1979, we have restored honest money and established a stable economic framework in which business can flourish. We have been careful not to spend money before we earned it. We have brought the nation back to living within its means. We have massively rebuilt our international assets. We have refused to be drawn into an auction of pledges for higher spending that the country simply could not afford. We have balanced the books. We have paid our way.

    The results have been dramatic.

    • Despite the coal strike and the collapse of the oil price, Britain has moved from being bottom to the top of the growth league of major European countries.
    • Inflation has reached its lowest levels for almost 20 years.
    • The basic rate of income tax has been cut from 33p to 27p, four taxes have been abolished, and almost a million and a half people have been taken out of income tax altogether.
    • Over a million extra jobs have been created since 1983 more than in the rest of the European Community put together.
    • Unemployment, a problem throughout Europe, is now firmly on a downward trend – with youth unemployment in this country below the European average.
    • We have rebuilt our net overseas assets to some £110 billion from a mere £12 billion when we first took office. This will provide substantial foreign earnings in the years ahead and a cushion, should oil revenues fall.

    While the Opposition parties cling to the failed policies of the past, our strategy has become widely accepted abroad. Socialist Spain as well as Christian Democratic Germany, Social Democratic Sweden as well as France, Labour New Zealand and Conservative Canada, all accept that governments must reduce their borrowing, curb state spending, reduce taxation, privatise state firms and do away with unnecessary controls. What we began in 1979 is today common international practice.

    Stable Prices

    Our greatest economic challenge on entering office was to defeat inflation. Rampant inflation under the Labour Government, when money lost a quarter of its value in a single year, had reduced our economy to “the sick man of Europe”.

    Nothing erodes a country’s competitive edge faster than inflation. Nothing so undermines personal thrift and independence as to see the value of a lifetime’s savings eaten away in retirement through spiralling prices. And nothing threatens the social fabric of a nation more than the conflicts and divisiveness which inflation creates.

    Our success in the battle against inflation has been the key to Britain’s economic revival. It required firm control of public expenditure, a substantial reduction in government borrowing, curbing the growth of money in circulation, maintaining financial discipline, stimulating competition and moderating trade union power.

    The Opposition parties opposed nearly every aspect of this strategy. If even some of their policies were implemented today, higher borrowing and higher spending would once again unleash inflation.

    There is no better yardstick of a party’s fitness to govern that its attitude to inflation. Nothing is so politically immoral as a party that ignores that yardstick.

    The Conservative Government will continue to put the conquest of inflation as our first objective. We will not be content until we have stable prices, with inflation eradicated altogether.

    Lower Taxes

    We are the only Party that believes in lower taxation.

    As the Party determined to achieve growing prosperity we recognise that it is people who create wealth, not governments. Lower taxation coupled with lower inflation makes everyone better off. It encourages people to work harder, to be inventive and to take risks. It promotes a climate of enterprise and initiative.

    Lower tax on earnings enables people to build up savings to give them financial security in later life.

    Lower taxation, by increasing take-home pay without adding to industry’s costs, improves competitiveness and helps with jobs. And tax relief for charitable donations encourages more people to give and to give more generously.

    There is a strong moral case for reducing taxation. High taxes deprive people of their independence and make their choices for them. The desire to do better for one’s family is one of the strongest motives in human nature. As a party committed to the family and opposed to the over-powerful State, we want people to keep more of what they earn, and to have more freedom of choice about what they do for themselves, their families and for others less fortunate.

    Governments should trust people to spend their own money sensibly and decently; high taxation prevents them doing so.

    That is why we have:

    • cut the basic rate of tax from 33p to 27p in the £, and increased the personal allowances (the starting point for paying tax) by 22 per cent more than inflation.
      If Labour’s tax regime were still in force, the family man on average earnings would today be paying more than £500 per year in extra income tax: a headmaster married to a nurse would be paying more than £1,300 extra;
    • reduced sharply the absurd top rates of tax inherited from Labour which were causing so many of our most talented people to work abroad;
    • increased greatly the tax relief for charitable donations. Giving to charities has doubled since we first took office;
    • abolished four taxes completely: the national insurance surcharge – the tax which Labour put on jobs – the investment income surcharge, the development land tax and the lifetime gifts tax;
    • reformed and simplified corporation tax, and cut its rate to the lowest of any major industrial country;
    • cut the small business corporation tax rate by more than a third, and extended it to many more small businesses;
    • reformed and reduced capital taxes as well as slashing stamp duty.

    In every case where taxes have been reformed and reduced there has been an increase in the amount of tax collected.

    Labour totally fail to understand the benefits this brings to everyone. Today they openly threaten to raise taxation. To fulfil their plans, they would have to raise taxes substantially. Indeed, all the Opposition parties Labour, Liberals and SDP – would raise taxation. We believe that it is precisely the wrong thing to do.

    It will be our aim to do the opposite.

    In the next Parliament:

    • We aim to reduce the burden of taxation.
    • In particular, we will cut income tax still further and reduce the basic rate to 25p in the £ as soon as we prudently can.
    • We will continue the process of tax reform.

    Spending We Can Afford

    Over the past eight years we have managed the nation’s finances with care. Even allowing for inflation, this has enabled us to spend substantially more on the Health Service (up by 31 per cent), defence (up by 23 per cent), roads (up by 17 per cent), education per pupil (up by 18 per cent), the police and the battle against crime (up by 47 per cent), the disabled and long-term sick (up by 72 per cent), and government training schemes (up by 120 per cent).

    How have we been able to do this without running into the financial crises which Labour’s spending policies invariably set off?

    First, we have been prudent with the nation’s money. We have slashed public borrowing and sought savings in government expenditure wherever they could sensibly be found.

    Second, we are engaged in steadily reducing the share of the nation’s income taken by the State. This means that more will be left for families and for business to invest – the only safe route to higher growth in the economy.

    Third, we have constantly improved the efficiency of the public services, ensuring that we get more value for every pound spent.

    For the next Parliament:

    • Our aim is to ensure that public expenditure takes a steadily smaller share of our national income.
    • Within that objective, we will continue to spend more on our priorities. We have set out our plans for further increased spending in these areas over the next three years.

    CREATING NEW JOBS

    High unemployment is one of the most intractable problems facing all Western industrialised countries.

    We understand the anxiety and stress which unemployment can cause. For almost a year unemployment in the United Kingdom has fallen faster than among any of our major competitors in Europe, and faster than at any time since 1973. It is falling because of the growth and enterprise we have achieved, assisted by the employment and training programmes we have developed.

    Since we were last re-elected in 1983, the number of jobs has risen by over 1 million more than in the rest of the European Community put together. This Government has established the conditions in which business can prosper and create new jobs. This has not just been achieved through the revitalisation of traditional industries. We have encouraged growth in those crucial areas of new enterprise which provide the foundation for the jobs of the future – self-employment, small firms, the creation of new enterprise, the expanding service sector – particularly tourism and leisure – and new technology.

    Self-employment is the seedcorn of the new enterprises of tomorrow. Without sufficient people to start new businesses, the future of our whole economy is in jeopardy. Today we have the highest number of self-employed for over 60 years. One worker in ten is now his own boss – or her own boss, since a quarter of the self-employed are women. Indeed, the eighties have seen almost three-quarters of a million people become self-employed. More and more of our young people today seek self-employment as a worthwhile career. It is particularly encouraging that almost half the growth in self-employment since 1983 has been in the northern part of our country.

    Small firms, along with all businesses, have benefited from our management of the economy. Since this Government took office, the number of registered businesses has shown a net increase of more than 500 a week – and the number has increased in every region of the country.

    Helping Unemployed People into Jobs

    As well as creating a climate in which business could employ more people, we have developed programmes to help those out of work.

    The Youth Training Scheme (YTS) caters for school-leavers aged 16 and 1 7 who wish to participate in training and work experience. Every trainee is given the opportunity of working towards a recognised qualification.

    The new Job Training Scheme (JTS), which started in April this year, will offer a chance to any person over 18 who has been unemployed for six months or more, who wants to work and train with an employer for a recognised qualification. This year it will help nearly a quarter of a million people.

    Under our Community Programme, each year over 300,000 people who have been out of work for some time gain valuable experience working on community projects. They have a reference to show potential employers.

    We will improve the Community Programme to make it full-time and better able to help those with families. We shall pay those working on the programme an allowance giving a premium over and above their social security payments.

    Under the Enterprise Allowance Scheme, 230,000 unemployed people have started to work for themselves. Many of them have now become employers themselves.

    JobClubs were first opened in 1985 to help the unemployed help themselves back into jobs. Over 1,000 have been established. At present two-thirds of those leaving JobClubs go into employment.

    The JobClubs programme has been a great success. We aim to expand it.

    Our economic success means that we can now do more to help those out of work.

    Although youth unemployment has declined in the last year it still remains a problem. Far too many of our youngsters leave school with an education that has failed to prepare them for the world of work. At the same time, by maintaining high starting wages comparable to those of fully trained craftsmen, trade unions have kept many of them out of work.

    In 1983 we introduced the first Youth Training Scheme. It is now a national two-year programme aimed at giving young people qualifications for work.

    THE FIRST GUARANTEE

    We will now guarantee a place on the Youth Training Scheme to every school-leaver under 18 who is not going directly into a job.

    As a result, none of these school-leavers need be unemployed. They can remain at school, move to college, get a job, or receive a guaranteed training. YTS will serve as a bridge between school and work.

    We will take steps to ensure that those under 18 who deliberately choose to remain unemployed are not eligible for benefit. We will of course continue to protect other young people, such as those who suffer from disabilities.

    THE SECOND GUARANTEE

    There are still too many young people without the right qualifications for employment in today’s world.

    Within a year we aim to guarantee a place, either on the Job Training Scheme or on the Enterprise Allowance Scheme or in a JobClub, for everyone aged between 18 and 25 years who has been unemployed for between six and twelve months.

    THE THIRD GUARANTEE

    In addition to these major programmes we have taken one further important step.

    Restart is a programme we have set up for interviewing and counselling the long-term unemployed to help them into a job or training. Everyone who has been unemployed for more than one year has already been given an interview.

    We will guarantee to provide the Restart service in the future at six-monthly intervals, to all those who have been unemployed for more than six months.

    Over the next five years we will aim, through the Restart interviews, to offer everyone who is under 50, and who has been unemployed for more than two years, a place in the Job Training Scheme or in the new Community Programme, in a JobClub or in the Enterprise Allowance Scheme.

    REGIONAL ASSISTANCE

    Money spent on earlier programmes attracting firms to regions has sometimes created very few jobs. Our new system of regional assistance, introduced in 1984, ensures that aid is directly targeted towards the creation of new jobs. New activities in the service sector from which so many of the new jobs come have also been made eligible for assistance. Under the new policy, offers of assistance have already been made which should secure almost 300,000 jobs. We will continue to ensure that assistance is directed where it is most needed.

    The Employment and Training Services

    We will take further steps to provide a comprehensive service to the unemployed. We will consult the Manpower Services Commission about transferring JobCentres to the Department of Employment so that they can work more closely with Unemployment Benefit Offices.

    The Manpower Services Commission would then become primarily a training agency. It is employers who are best equipped to assess their training needs.

    We will increase employer representation on the Commission and its advisory bodies.

    More jobs are being created by business and industry. Nothing would destroy whole industries more effectively than a return to the overmanning and restrictive practices of the 1970s. Our policies form a practical and realistic approach to help people back into work. We will build on prosperity to create more employment.

    A FRAMEWORK FOR BUSINESS AND INDUSTRY

    British business is in a healthier state than it has been for a generation. Output has been rising steadily for six years. Productivity has increased at a rate second only to Japan. Company profitability is at its highest for over twenty years. Industry has a confidence in the future that would have been unthinkable seven years ago.

    Moreover, setting new records has not been confined to the private sector. Since 1983 productivity in the coal industry has risen by over 50 per cent. British Steel has more than doubled its productivity since 1979 and made a profit last year for the first time in over ten years. British Rail will cost the taxpayer 25 per cent less in subsidy this year than n 1983 and without any major route closures.

    The Conservative Government has created a framework in which once again enterprise can flourish – by cutting red tape, by denationalising state-owned companies, by removing unnecessary restrictions, by abolishing exchange control, by enabling the City of London to become the foremost financial centre in the world, by keeping down prices through extending competition, and by ensuring access to open trade so that British exporters and consumers can both benefit.

    Privatisation

    Over a third of the companies and industries which used to be owned by the State have been returned to free enterprise. Productivity and profitability have soared in the newly privatised companies.

    • In 1980 Jaguar made 14,000 cars a year, losing well over £3,000 on each Car sold. Now the company is hard put to keep up with overseas demand and last year sold over 40,00 cars, making a pre-tax profit of over £120m.
    • Since the National Freight Consortium was sold to management and staff in 1982, pre-tax profits have increased sevenfold.
    • British Aerospace, Cable & Wireless, Amersham International and Associated British Ports have all strikingly increased their profits.

    It is no mystery why privatisation has succeeded. The overwhelming majority of employees have become shareholders in the newly privatised companies. They want their companies to succeed. Their companies have been released from the detailed controls of Whitehall and given more freedom to manage their own affairs. And they have been exposed to the full commercial disciplines of the customer. Even former monopolies now face increased competition.

    We will continue the successful programme of privatisation.

    In particular, after the privatisation of the British Airports Authority we will return to the public the Water Authorities, leaving certain functions to a new National Rivers Authority.

    Following the success of gas privatisation, with the benefits it brought to employees and millions of consumers, we will bring forward proposals for privatising the electricity industry subject to proper regulation.

    Competition

    Competition forces the economy to respond to the needs of the consumer. It promotes efficiency, holds down costs, drives companies to innovate and ensures that customers get the best possible value for money.

    Accordingly, this Government has:

    • deregulated long-distance coach services creating over 700 new services with improved quality and lower fares;
    • removed the monopoly on conveyancing of houses in England and Wales;
    • removed the opticians’ monopoly, making it easier and cheaper to buy spectacles;
    • relaxed advertising controls on accountants, solicitors, stockbrokers and vets, and permitted greater fee competition for architects and surveyors;
    • increased competition on air routes within the UK and between certain European countries, which has resulted in cheaper fares, a more responsive service and greater choice of carriers for the passenger;
    • deregulated telecommunications, so that customers can now choose between suppliers when buying telephones and private exchanges, and business can choose between two alternative telecommunications networks;
    • suspended the Post Office monopoly of time-sensitive and valuable mail, stimulating a dramatic increase in the number of private courier companies.

    We will continue this approach.

    But competition must be supplemented by legal protection for consumers. Those who make their living from their ideas and creations also require protection against theft.

    We will introduce further measures to impose tighter controls on pyramid selling.

    We will introduce measures to reform the law on copyright, design and performance protection.

    The City

    The City of London is the world’s leading market place in foreign exchange, international bank lending and international insurance, It is a major source of funds for British companies. The financial services sector as a whole accounts for nearly 6 per cent of our national income, generates a net £7 billion per year to our balance of payments, and employs over one million people.

    Like other sections of British industry, however, the City was held back by restrictive practices until they were swept away in last year’s “big bang”. This has brought nearer the day when shares can be bought and sold over the counter in every high street. We have also given building societies greater freedom to make a wider range of financial services available to the average family.

    At the same time, the Conservative Government has introduced a legal framework to protect investors and consumers:

    • The Companies Acts of 1980 and 1981 strengthened the powers of investigators and increased the courts’ power to disqualify directors for misconduct in the City as elsewhere.
    • The Insolvency Act of 1985 made it easier to disqualify directors who had been guilty of unlawful trading.
    • And now the Financial Services Act of 1986 provides the first comprehensive system of investor protection we have had in this country. It also contains stringent new powers to investigate insider dealing which was first made a criminal offence by the Conservative Government in 1980.

    The Conservative Party is the party of law and order. That applies just as much to City fraud as to street crime.

    Parliament has just approved our proposals for establishing a Serious Fraud Office to improve the work of investigating and prosecuting the worst cases of fraud and for streamlining court procedure. After the election we will reintroduce our proposals to reform the outdated rules on evidence, as recommended by the Roskill Committee.

    Trade

    Britain exports 30 per cent of all that it produces. If this country is to remain a key trading nation, industry must remain competitive. That is one reason why the Conservative Government attaches great value to maintaining an open multinational trading system. Another is that increased trade is a major way of encouraging growth and prosperity in the Third World. There is little point in demanding more aid for these countries and then refusing them the opportunity to trade.

    We will continue to fight for free and fair trade in international negotiations and resist the growth of protectionism.

    We will press for international rules of fair trading to be extended to international investment, trade in services and the protection of intellectual property such as patents, trademarks and copyright.

    We will continue to exert pressure on countries such as Japan to open up their markets and provide the same freedom to trade for our exporters as they expect us to provide for theirs.

    As well as creating the commercial and legal framework in which industry can flourish, the Government must also ensure that the practical services on which industry and the citizen rely – transport, energy, research and development, and an efficient civil service – are provided to a high standard.

    Efficient Transport

    The Conservative Government is proud of a record that has:

    • modernised the transport system by investing over £10 billion in the nation’s motorways, roads, airports, seaports and railways;
    • since 1979 completed over 680 miles of motorway and trunk roads and 67 bypasses;
    • secured greater efficiency by privatising British Airways, the National Freight Corporation, Sealink and Associated British Ports;
    • increased competition by deregulating long-distance coach services and abolishing local bus licensing.

    These measures have laid the foundations of an efficient and more flexible transport system. We will develop it further along these lines. We are now returning the nationalised bus companies to the private sector in many cases to management buy-outs. We are also privatising the former British Airports Authority the world’s leading international airports group.

    We are committed to a major capital investment programme through:

    • new investment to build an extra 450 miles of motorway and trunk roads to 1989/90;
    • British Rail’s plans to invest £500m a year over the next 3 years;
    • private sector financing, construction and operation of the Dartford Bridge and the Channel tunnel.

    Energy

    Britain is the only major Western industrial country that is a net exporter of energy. This owes much to North Sea oil so successfully developed by free enterprise. But it is an advantage that will not last indefinitely.

    Coal will continue to meet much of the steadily rising demand for electricity. Renewable sources of energy can make some contribution to the nation’s energy needs, which is why government-sponsored research has been increased. Nevertheless, to reject, as our opponents do, the contribution of nuclear energy to supplying reliable, low-cost electricity, and to depend on coal alone, would be short-sighted and irresponsible.

    The world’s resources of fossil fuels will come under increasing strain during the 21st century; so may the global environment if the build-up of carbon dioxide the so-called “greenhouse effect” significantly raises temperatures and changes climates.

    After the most careful and painstaking independent assessment of the safety case for a new pressurised water reactor at Sizewell, therefore, the Government has decided to proceed with the next phase of our nuclear programme. It is vital that we continue to give the highest priority to safety. Our nuclear industry has a record of safety and technical excellence second to none.

    We intend to go on playing a leading role in the task of developing abundant, low-cost supplies of nuclear electricity, and managing the associated waste products.

    Science and R & D

    Government support for research and development amounts to more than £4½ billion per year. It is larger as a share of our national income than that of the United States, Japan or Germany. A country of our size cannot afford to do everything. These resources need to be better targeted. The task of government is to support basic research and to contribute where business cannot realistically be expected to carry all the risks.

    We will ensure that government spending is firmly directed towards areas of high national priority, by extending the role of the Advisory Council on Applied Research and Development, drawing on the full range of advice from the academic community and from business.

    The Civil Service

    We have long had in this country a professional and dedicated public service which is the envy of the world. We are now building on those traditional qualities which can too easily be taken for granted with new strengths and skills: a greater readiness to adapt efficiently to change, including technological change, to manage the public service more effectively, and to see that the taxpayer gets value for money. The size of the Civil Service at under 600,000 people today is the smallest since the war. This is already saving the taxpayer £1 billion a year.

    We will press on with long-term management reforms in order to improve public services and reduce their cost.

    AGRICULTURE AND THE RURAL ECONOMY

    Farming

    Britain’s farmers serve the nation well. They produce 80 per cent of the food we grow compared with 60 per cent only 10 years ago. They have made us into the world’s sixth largest exporter of cereals when we had been a net importer for decades before. They look after 80 per cent of the British countryside. And consumer food prices have risen less than the cost of living, unlike the Labour years.

    But farmers world-wide are under pressure because of rising surpluses and the huge costs of disposing of them. It is just as much in the farmers’ interest as in the consumers’ and taxpayers’ that this over-production be stopped and a radical overhaul of the Common Agricultural Policy achieved. Farmers need a more sustainable environment in which to plan ahead.

    We will continue:

    • to play a leading part in European Community negotiations to reform the CAP;
    • to strive for even-handed and fair treatment between Member States and between the different regions of the UK;
    • to work for an early devaluation of the Green Pound, especially in relation to beef; to uphold the interests of the efficient family farm;
    • to reduce costs and tackle surpluses, by bringing supply and demand in the Community
    • into better balance by a combination of measures including price restraint;
    • to reduce the role for intervention, At home we will continue:
    • to promote competitiveness and innovation in British farming and horticulture;
    • to give particular assistance to farmers in the Less Favoured Areas, recently extended, where farming is difficult;
    • to encourage better marketing of agricultural and horticultural products and to ensure that the consumer has as much information about the contents of food as is necessary to make sensible choices.

    We will not introduce rating on agricultural land and will oppose two-tier pricing in the CAP, which would greatly disadvantage our farmers and benefit their competitors.

    The Rural Economy

    Farming is, and will remain, the major industry in the countryside and food production will continue to be the farmer’s basic purpose. The higher production resulting from greater efficiency and modern techniques initially means more land coming out of agriculture. A new balance of policies has to be struck, with less support for expanding production of commodities already in over-supply and more support for diversifying into other activities.

    We have recognised the new needs of the countryside and rural economies in two ways. First, we now place more emphasis on support for the environment and the beauty of the countryside; we now give grants to plant hedgerows, not dig them up. Second, we encourage alternative uses of land and more diverse job opportunities to maintain thriving communities in the rural economy.

    We will therefore:

    • emphasise environmental protection and promotion of non-farming rural businesses in the planning system;
    • continue to support the Development Commission in developing rural enterprises;
    • extend the Environmentally Sensitive Areas scheme which makes conservation a more integral part of farming;
    • introduce new schemes to assist diversification of new enterprises on farms;
    • introduce a new Farm Woodland Scheme to assist alternative land use.

    The UK Fishing Industry

    Our fishing industry supplies two-thirds of the fish we eat. It is an important source of jobs and income in many areas.

    The Government’s success in further improving the Common Fisheries Policy has meant that international policing has been made more effective; and increasingly stringent conservation measures have secured the future for our fleets.

    We will introduce legislation to ensure that UK quotas are reserved for UK fishermen. We are pledged to measures to enable our fishermen to take full advantage of all their opportunities and to improve and modernise their boats.

    Animal Welfare

    The Conservatives have a proud record over the years of promoting animal welfare. Most of the legislation was either initiated by Conservative governments or introduced as Private Members’ measures by Conservative MPs when the Conservatives were in office.

    Since 1979 we have:

    • set up the Farm Animal Welfare Council which advises the Government on the welfare of farm animals. We will continue to care for them with the advice and guidance of the Farm Animal Welfare Council;
    • honoured our commitment to replace the 1876 legislation with the Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 – the most effective in Europe. It imposes tight new controls on the use of animals for experiments. The number of experiments has declined in each of the last nine years, and we expect that decline to continue.

    BETTER HEALTH, BETTER CARE

    Achievements in Health

    The health of the British people is steadily improving. Quite simply, we live longer. Life expectancy has increased and infant mortality has declined.

    Over the last eight years the Government has spent more on the Health Service than any previous government, Labour or Conservative. In 1979, the outgoing Labour Government planned to spend less than £8 billion on the nation’s health. This year, the Conservative Government will spend nearly £21 billion. After allowing for inflation, that is an increase of almost a third. This extra money has been spent wisely and well. The Health Service today is treating more patients than ever before in its history.

    Money is important, but the success of the NHS depends still more on the dedication of the people working in it. There are over 75,000 more doctors, dentists and nurses than in 1978. These extra staff have enabled the NHS to treat 6 million more patient cases – in-patients, day cases, out-patients than when we took office. Sometimes they work in very difficult conditions. That is why the Government has reduced nurses’ basic hours from 40 to 37 1/2 hours per week and increased their pay by 30 per cent after allowing for inflation.

    We will continue to improve the Health Service.

    Future Tasks for the Health Service

    Our policies rest on six principles:

    First, we will give greater emphasis to the prevention of avoidable illness and the promotion of good health to make the NHS more truly a health service and not merely a sickness service.

    Much progress has been made in the past eight years.

    • The improvement of the maternity services has helped to reduce by a third the death rate among babies in the weeks around birth.
    • The expansion of vaccination and immunisation has prevented illness and death among children.
    • Screening for cervical cancer has been improved and death rates from the disease have fallen by almost 10 per cent in the past decade.
    • We have already embarked on a major campaign to tackle the problem of coronary heart disease.
    • To fight AIDS, the Government has undertaken the biggest health education campaign ever seen in this country one much admired abroad and is fully supporting the Medical Research Council in a special programme of research towards treatments and vaccines.

    These are welcome advances.

    In the next Parliament, we will build on this work by:

    • completing the network of computerised ‘call and recall’ systems for cervical cancer screening. and extending them to younger women;
    • developing a national programme for breast cancer screening;
    • backing the newly established and powerful Health Education Authority.

    Second, we will continue to show our support for the million people working in the NHS, of whom half are nurses.

    Nurses wanted the assurance that, without recourse to strike action, they would receive fair treatment over pay. That is why we set up the independent Nurses’ Pay Review Body. After the latest award, we will have increased nurses’ pay by 30 per cent since 1979, after allowing for inflation. That compares to the severe reduction of more than 20 per cent, which they suffered under the last Labour Government.

    Nurses also want a training and career structure which reinforces their professionalism, rewards experience, and offers opportunities for managerial responsibility without being removed to a distant desk. We share those views, and will seek to further them. We are particularly keen to attract experienced nurses back into the profession, and to encourage others to take up nursing as a new career.

    Hospital doctors and consultants, too, are a vital part of the Health Service. We have already increased the number of consultant posts and we will continue to work for improvements in the medical career structure.

    The NHS could not function without ancillary services. Some of these cleaning, catering, and laundry have been put out to competitive tender to enable health authorities to select the best and most effective way of providing these services. Savings are now approaching £100 million a year and they have gone directly and immediately into better patient care.

    We have undertaken consultation on the improvement of primary care. Our aim is to develop the strength and flexibility of the services provided by GPs, dentists, pharmacists, opticians and nurses who work in the community.

    There are particular problems affecting health care in inner cities. Doctors and nurses there take on a particularly tough and difficult job. We shall continue to look for new ways of helping them and improving health care, especially primary care in the inner cities.

    Our third principle is to modernise the whole framework of the health service its hospitals, its clinics, its equipment.

    In the face of economic collapse, the last Labour Government cut the hospital building programme by a third. This Government has embarked on the biggest building programme ever. It will cost £3 billion. In seven years we have already carried through over 200 major building projects from start to finish.

    We will complete some 125 further major new building schemes in the next three years, and get many more under way.

    New hospitals, too, are being built in areas lacking the provision they need. Old and inefficient Victorian buildings are being replaced with purpose-built modern hospitals. Much modern medicine and surgery is better carried out in the new larger hospitals, equipped with new medical technology. Wherever possible, however, small old hospitals have found a new role as community hospitals staffed by local GPs.

    Fourth, elderly, disabled, mentally ill and mentally handicapped people, should be cared for within the community whenever this is right for them.

    In the past some people who should have been cared for in other ways have remained in hospitals, sometimes for years. That is changing. The number of children in long-stay hospitals for the mentally handicapped has fallen by almost three-quarters. The number of adults in long-stay mental handicap and mental illness hospitals has fallen by around 11 000.

    This changing pattern has already brought a better life to many thousands of people. It has the potential to do so for many thousands more. But we need to examine carefully various alternatives to discover what is now best for patients. We have set in hand the first ever full-scale review of community care.

    We will develop our policies in the light of its findings.

    Our fifth principle is to strengthen management.

    The NHS is a large and complex organisation. It needs good management. It is not a business, but it must be run in a business-like way.

    The reduction of waste and inefficiency has released hundreds of millions of pounds for better patient care. The sale of property which the NHS no longer needs – for example, because of new hospital developments is currently raising £200 million a year for better health care.

    We will continue to ensure that the Health Service is as efficient as possible.

    But good management is not just a matter of efficiency. We value enterprise in the public service just as much as in the private sector. We will continue to encourage district and regional managers to devise new ways of providing better patient care.

    Finally, the ultimate purpose of the Health Service is to serve the patient: that principle is at the heart of the Government’s policy.

    The time some patients have to wait for treatment is the most widespread concern in the NHS. The Government has given priority to reducing waiting lists and times. We have set up a special £50 million two-year programme. This year it will give treatment to over 100,000 people who are waiting for operations. We have set targets for more hip operations for old people, and more bone marrow transplants for children.

    Putting patients first was the theme of our consultative document on primary care. We want the patient to have more information about services available from family doctors so that they can make a more informed choice.

    Social Security – a Fair Deal for Those in Need

    We are spending about £46 billion this year on social security benefits over £800 a year for every man, woman and child in the country. Expenditure on pensions and other benefits has risen by £13 billion on top of inflation, since we came into office. Most of this, an extra £9 billion, has gone to provide better standards of help and support to more elderly people, families with children, disabled people and those suffering long-term illness. The other £4 billion has gone to help the unemployed. But we have done more than provide extra resources massive as the increase has been.

    For the first time for 40 years the Government has undertaken an overall review of the social security system. The review showed a social security system which was too complex and which too often did not provide help for those most in need. The 1986 Social Security Act tackled these problems and reformed the position so that the system is simpler to understand and to run. It will be fairer in the way it directs help to those who need it most. And it will be a system in which people can look forward to independence and security in retirement.

    Our policies for social security have four main aims.

    First, to ensure that those in retirement have a secure standard of living through state provision and their own pensions and savings.

    This Government has honoured its pledges to the pensioner and more than maintained the buying power of the state pension. Total spending on state pensions and benefits for elderly people has risen by 29 per cent after allowing for inflation.

    We will continue to maintain the value of the state retirement pension.

    But retired people value their independence. They do not want to rely on the State alone for their income nor, increasingly, are they doing so. We share Beveridge’s original goal of a good basic pension from the State, together with a second income from occupational and personal pensions and savings.

    Pensioners have benefited from our success against inflation. Almost three-quarters of all pensioners have savings. Their income from these has grown by over 7 per cent on average every year since 1979. Income from savings fell by 3.2 per cent every year under the last Labour Government, eaten away by inflation.

    Occupational pensions, pensioners’ savings, social security benefits and the state retirement pension have all increased. The total increase in income for the average pensioner is more than double that achieved during the last Labour Government.

    We are now offering new opportunities for people to obtain additional pensions from their jobs or their own savings. We have already improved the treatment of those now retiring early and of the pension rights of people changing jobs.

    We wish to encourage the 10 million employees who do not yet have their own occupational pension scheme to have a pension of their own. Every employee should have the right to take out a personal pension, fully portable from job to job. That is why we are extending favourable tax treatment from employers’ schemes to personal pensions.

    As a result of these reforms, millions more people will have the opportunity to take out additional pensions of their own.

    In the next Parliament:

    We will reintroduce measures to give substantial tax incentives to personal pensions, and to enable members of occupational schemes to make additional voluntary contributions to a pension plan that is completely separate from their employers’ schemes. These measures will further increase choice for millions of employees.

    Second, to bring more help to low income families.

    Child benefit will continue to be paid as now, and direct to the mother. Families on income support which replaces supplementary benefit will benefit from the new family premium. In addition, we will introduce the new family credit which will benefit twice as many low income families in work as family income supplement. The new system will also help tackle both the unemployment and the poverty traps.

    Third, to improve the framework of benefits for disabled people.

    Spending on benefits for disabled people and those suffering long-term sickness has been increased by 72 per cent after inflation to £6 billion. The amount spent on mobility allowances has been doubled, invalid care allowance extended, the new severe disablement allowance introduced and the invalidity trap abolished. The introduction of the new disablement premiums will bring an extra £50 million per year to disabled people.

    We are carrying out a major new survey of the needs of disabled people. This will be completed next year.

    Fourth, to reform the tangled web of income-related benefits which has grown up piecemeal over forty years.

    For the first time all the income-related benefits will be calculated in the same way. Where people are working, the amount of benefit they get will depend on their pay after tax and national insurance contributions. Thus people will not be made worse off by taking a job and will not lose money when their gross pay rises.

    The new rules, which come into effect in April next year, will be easier for claimants to understand and staff to run. In addition, our programme of computerisation – the biggest programme ever in this country will help staff to deliver benefits to all who are entitled to them quickly, accurately and courteously.

    Success in social policy depends on growth in national prosperity. Labour’s economic failure led to damaging cuts in health care and benefits. Our increasing economic strength means that resources for care have grown and are growing – with programmes better managed, better adapted to changing demands, and better directed to those most in need.

    FREEDOM, LAW AND RESPONSIBILITY

    Conservatives have always believed that a fundamental purpose of government is to protect the security of the citizen under the rule of law. There can be no half-heartedness, no opting out, in the fight against crime and violence: all of us, not just the Government or the police, share a responsibility to make safer our streets and homes.

    The Fight Against Crime

    We do not underrate the challenge. Crime has been rising steadily over the years; not just in Britain but in most other countries, too. The origins of crime lie deep in society: in families where parents do not support or control their children; in schools where discipline is poor; and in the wider world where violence is glamorised and traditional values are under attack.

    Government alone cannot tackle such deep-rooted problems easily or quickly. But Government must give a lead: by backing, not attacking the police; by providing a tough legal framework for sentencing; by building the prisons in which to place those who pose a threat to society – and by keeping out of prison those who do not; and by encouraging local communities to prevent crime and to help the police detect it. All this we have done; and we will intensify these efforts.

    • The manpower available to the police has been increased by 16,500 since 1979.
    • We have given the police more powers to avert public disorder.
    • We have encouraged tougher sentences for violent criminals. The maximum penalties for trafficking in hard drugs and for attempted rape have been raised to life imprisonment. The courts have been empowered to strip drug traffickers of their profits.
    • We have brought forward a number of reforms to help tackle child abuse and make it more likely that offenders will be successfully prosecuted.
    • We have embarked on the biggest prison building and modernisation programme this century and increased staff numbers by almost a fifth.

    Care for the Innocent

    At the same time we have extended protection for innocent people and for the victims of crime.

    • We have strengthened the safeguards against any abuse of police power by setting up an independent police Complaints Authority, providing for the tape-recording of police interviews and setting down clear rules on the proper treatment of the individual citizen.
    • We have given special priority to helping the victims of crime. Police treatment of rape victims has been made more sensitive. More criminals now pay compensation to their victims. We are providing more money to help local Victim Support Schemes.
    • We have launched a determined drive to improve the administration of justice by providing for time limits by which the cases of those held in custody must be heard. 58 more Circuit Judges have been appointed and 43 court building projects have been completed.

    Better Justice

    The challenge before us remains great; but much has been done. The great majority of those who commit serious crimes of violence are brought to book. There are more police, better equipped to fight crime. Those who commit serious crimes can now expect much tougher punishment.

    Early in the new Parliament the Criminal Justice Bill will have to be reintroduced. It will:

    • enable child victims of physical and sexual abuse to give evidence by a live video link n order to reduce the anguish which they would otherwise face;
    • raise to life imprisonment the penalty for carrying firearms while committing a crime;
    • tackle, by providing for reference to the Court of Appeal, the problem of lenient sentences which undermine public confidence in the criminal justice system;
    • give victims of crime a statutory right to compensation under the Criminal Injuries Compensation Scheme;
    • build on our previous measures stripping drug traffickers of the proceeds of their crimes and extend the same approach to other serious crimes.

    We have already signed an extradition treaty with the United States which will make it more difficult for terrorists to escape British justice: now we will reform our own law on extradition so as to make still more effective the international war against crime.

    Building on Strength

    We will continue to put a high priority on the fight against crime, so that the citizen can feel safe on the street or in his home.

    We will:

    • increase the number of police further to ensure a stronger police presence on our streets, to combat crime and to protect the public;
    • strengthen the law dealing with the sale and possession of offensive weapons;
    • maintain the operational independence of the police and resist pressure from the Opposition parties to politicise the police by letting local authorities decide policing priorities;
    • continue our present prison building programme and achieve more professional and efficient working practices in the prison service;
    • institute a thorough review of the workings of the parole system.

    Our approach in all these cases is strongly supported by the general public. We will go further in drawing on that support by promoting crime prevention. Already more than 29,000 Neighbourhood Watch Schemes have sprung up since the last Election. We are committed to the success of this popular anti-crime movement.

    We will build on the support of the public by establishing a national organisation to promote the best practices in local crime prevention initiatives.

    We will seek ways to strengthen the special constabulary.

    Tackling Drug Abuse

    We have taken the battle against drugs into every corner of the globe where production or trafficking flourishes. We have more than doubled the number of customs specialist drug investigators. We have strengthened the effectiveness of the police in the fight against drug abuse. Traffickers can now be sentenced to life imprisonment. They also stand to lose all the wealth generated by their evil trade under the most far-reaching asset seizure provisions anywhere in the world.

    We have funded about 200 new drug treatment facilities. Our prevention campaign, targeted on youngsters at risk, is encouraging a strong resistance to hard drugs amongst teenagers.

    The battle against drugs can and must be won. Already there are some signs that the heroin problem may have passed its peak. The cocaine explosion has never happened. It need never happen.

    We will continue to make the defeat of the drug trade a key priority.

    Immigration and Race Relations

    Immigration for settlement is now at its lowest level since control of Commonwealth immigration first began in 1962. Firm but fair immigration controls are essential for harmonious and improving community relations.

    We will tighten the existing law to ensure that the control over settlement becomes even more effective.

    We now require visas for visitors from the Indian sub-continent, Nigeria and Ghana, both to protect genuine travellers and to guard against bogus visitors seeking to settle here illegally. We are tackling the problem of those who fraudulently pose as refugees and who seek to exploit Britain’s long tradition of giving refuse to the victims of persecution.

    We want to see members of the ethnic minorities assuming positions of leadership alongside their fellow citizens and accepting their full share of responsibility. Racial discrimination is an injustice and can have no place in a tolerant and civilised society. We are particularly concerned about racial attacks. They require effective and sympathetic attention from the police and we have ensured that increasingly they receive it.

    Progress towards better community relations must be on a basis of equality. Reverse discrimination is itself an injustice and if it were to be introduced it would undermine the achievement and example of those who had risen on their merits.

    Immigrant communities have already shown that it is possible to play an active and influential role in the mainstream of British life without losing one’s distinctive cultural traditions. We also want to see all ethnic minorities participating fully in British culture. They will suffer permanent disadvantage if they remain in linguistic and cultural ghettos.

    Reforming the Law

    Since the last election the Government has made a number of important reforms of family law. These cover the law of maintenance and distribution of property following divorce, measures to prevent the abduction of children and the law of illegitimacy.

    Particular laws which are not enforced or which are full of obvious anomalies risk bringing the law itself into disrepute. Changing tastes also require the reform of outdated laws which govern personal habits and behaviour: such reform should where possible be on the basis of a wide consensus.

    The present laws on Sunday trading and licensing contain innumerable anomalies. They are frequently flouted.

    We will therefore look for an acceptable way forward to bring sense and consistency to the law on Sunday trading.

    And we will liberalise the laws on liquor licensing hours so as to increase consumer choice, but we will also keep a sensible limit on late-night opening.

    We have already extended absent voting rights to new categories of electors. In particular we have enfranchised British citizens who have lived abroad for less than 5 years.

    We propose to extend this eligibility.

    Northern Ireland

    The British people have shown their commitment to the people of Northern Ireland in the common fight against terrorism, and in helping improve the economic and social situation in the Province. We resolutely support the security forces in their outstanding service to the whole community.

    We are determined that terrorism will not succeed; that the vital principles of democracy will be upheld; and that the people of Northern Ireland themselves should determine their constitutional position.

    We will maintain, against Socialist opposition, for as long as is necessary the special powers which the police need throughout the UK to prevent terrorism and bring terrorists to justice.

    There will be no change in the present status of Northern Ireland as part of the United Kingdom unless the people of Northern Ireland so wish it.

    That is at the heart of the Anglo-Irish Agreement which was signed with the Republic of Ireland in 1985. The Agreement offers reassurance to both sides of the community that their identities and interests will be respected, and that any change in the status of Northern Ireland would only come about with the consent of a majority of the people of the Province. It commits both governments to work together in the fight against terrorism.

    We will continue to work within the Province for a devolved government in which both communities can have confidence and will feel able to participate.

    LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND INNER CITIES

    The Conservative view of local government is that local people should look after the interests of the local community which they were elected to serve, maintaining and improving essential services at a price people can afford. That is an honourable tradition of public service, still upheld by councillors in most local authorities.

    But the abuses of left-wing Labour councils have shocked the nation. The Labour Party leadership pretends that this is a problem in only a few London boroughs. The truth is that the far Left control town halls in many of our cities.

    The extremists have gained power in these areas partly because too few ratepayers have an interest in voting for responsible councillors pursuing sensible policies. Many people benefit from local services yet make little or no contribution towards them: this throws too heavy a burden on too few shoulders.

    There is much else wrong with the present system of domestic rates. They seem unfair and arbitrary. And companies are left with little protection against huge rate rises levied by councils controlled by Labour, Liberals and Social Democrats, which drive them out of business and destroy jobs.

    We have acted to protect ratepayers’ interests in a number of ways. The wasteful and unnecessary tier of the GLC and metropolitan counties has been eliminated – to the substantial benefit of ratepayers. Our rate-capping legislation so bitterly opposed by the Labour, SDP and Liberal parties in Parliament has protected ratepayers from huge rate increases. This year alone, twenty councils will be rate-capped nineteen of them Labour and one controlled by the Liberals and the SDP saving ratepayers several hundred million pounds.

    We will now tackle the roots of the problem. We will reform local government finance to strengthen local democracy and accountability.

    Local electors must be able to decide the level of service they want and how much they are prepared to pay for it.

    We will legislate in the first Session of the new Parliament to abolish the unfair domestic rating system and replace rates with a fairer Community Charge.

    This will be a fixed rate charge for local services paid by those over the age of 18, except the mentally ill and elderly people living in homes and hospitals. The less-well-off and students will not have to pay the full charge but everyone will be aware of the costs as well as the benefits of local services. This should encourage people to take a greater interest in the policies of their local council and in getting value for money. Business ratepayers will pay a Unified Business Rate at a standard rate pegged to inflation.

    We will require local authorities to put out to tender a range of services, including refuse collection, the cleaning of streets and buildings, vehicle maintenance, catering and ground maintenance.

    Ratepayers expect councils to provide their services as efficiently as possible. Yet some local authorities steadfastly oppose private sector companies tendering for services even though they could provide them more cheaply and effectively. The independent Audit Commission has estimated that some £500 million a year could be saved if all councils followed the practices of the best sums which could be used to lower rates or improve services.

    The Widdicombe Report into the conduct of local authority business painted a disturbing picture of the breakdown of democratic processes in a number of councils. We will take action to strengthen democratic processes in local authorities.

    Inner Cities

    The regeneration of the inner cities must be tackled. The growth in our national prosperity in recent years has been founded on a rebirth of enterprise. But in many of our inner cities the conditions for enterprise and pride of ownership have been systematically extinguished by Socialist councils. For the sake of those living in our inner cities we must remove the barriers against private investment, jobs and prosperity which such councils have erected.

    We are setting up five new Urban Development Corporations which will have the powers, resources and management structure to reclaim and redevelop great tracts of derelict land: these new Corporations will follow the model successfully applied in London Docklands and on Merseyside.

    Our Unified Business Rate will ensure that companies and jobs are not driven out of inner city areas by the high rates of profligate councils.

    We have roughly doubled the resources to reclaim derelict land. We will improve procedures to accelerate the process of bringing vacant and under-used public sector land back into productive use.

    We will build on the experience of Urban Development Corporations by creating new mini-UDCs. These will operate on a smaller scale in areas where there is clear economic potential but where the local authorities are failing to tackle the problem.

    Our Urban Programme provides a range of grants to help industry and local councils undertake projects that will improve the environment and encourage new investment.

    We are helping to lead local action through our five City Action Teams, sixteen Inner City Task Forces and the Inner City Partnerships. All of them draw on government assistance and work with local business and local people to promote enterprise, employment and training.

    Great cities are built on the enterprise and vitality of the individuals who live there. Our aim is to create a climate which encourages and harnesses that energy in the interests of all.

    A BETTER SOCIETY

    Planning and the Environment

    Conservatives are by instinct conservationists – committed to preserve all that is best of our country’s past. We are determined to maintain our national heritage of countryside and architecture. Since taking office we have:

    • more than doubled the area of specially protected Green Belt: we will continue to defend it against unsuitable development;
    • established new arrangements, backed with public funds, to make farming more sensitive to wildlife and to conservation;
    • completed the work of listing pre-war buildings which receive legal protection and extended such protection to the best post-war buildings;
    • established a new, powerful Pollution Inspectorate;
    • passed new laws on the control of pesticides and implemented new controls on the pollution of water;
    • put in hand plans for cleaning up Britain’s beaches, costing over £300 million over the next four years;
    • more than doubled spending after allowing for inflation on countryside and nature conservation since 1979;
    • set in hand the establishment of the new Norfolk Broads Authority – a major environmental initiative;
    • established a huge programme, costing over £4,000 million, to clean up the environment of the Mersey Basin by the early years of the next century.

    We are determined to maintain the Green Belt. We will protect the countryside for its own sake and conserve its wildlife, while allowing for those small scale and well planned developments which are needed to provide jobs and keep country areas thriving.

    Wherever possible we want to encourage large-scale developments to take place on unused and neglected land in our towns and cities rather than in the countryside. We want to improve on our performance in 1986 when nearly half of all new development took place on reused land.

    A Practical Agenda

    Only the Conservatives have a serious costed agenda for further environmental action for another five years of Government. We will:

    • continue our £600 million programme of modifying power stations, to combat acid rain;
    • adopt improved standards, in concert with Europe, for reducing pollution from cars. We have already reduced tax on lead-free petrol and will encourage its wider use;
    • introduce new laws on air pollution and dangerous wastes;
    • double the funding for Environmentally Sensitive Areas;
    • introduce new laws giving extra protection to the landscape of our National Parks;
    • encourage more small woodlands in lowland areas through new grants;
    • legislate to safeguard common land on the basis of the Common Land Forum, and continue to protect public access to the countryside through footpaths;
    • support scientifically justified, international action to protect the atmosphere and the sea from damage from pollutants;
    • establish a National Rivers Authority to take over responsibilities for ensuring strict safeguards against the pollution of rivers and water courses and to pursue sound conservation policies. The water supply and sewage functions of the water authorities will be transferred to the private sector;
    • set up safe facilities for disposing of radioactive waste from power stations, hospitals and other sources: we have asked UK NIREX to come forward with proposals for deep disposal.

    The Arts

    Our international reputation in the arts has never been higher. Tourists flock to this country to enjoy the highest standards of theatre, music, artistic excellence and our museums. Art centres have nearly doubled in number since 1979. Attendances at theatres, concerts, cinemas and historic houses have all risen significantly.

    Under the Conservatives, spending on the arts has risen by 15 per cent since 1979 after allowing for inflation. Over the same period, the Arts Council grant has risen from £61 million to nearly £139 million. And schemes like the Business Sponsorship Incentive Scheme have pushed the value of such sponsorship from £72 million to £25 million over the last decade.

    In future years:

    • We will maintain government support for the arts and continue to encourage private support.
    • We will make it a major objective to ensure that excellence in the arts is available in all parts of the country.
    • We will continue to safeguard our heritage, particularly through the National Heritage Memorial Fund, created by this Government in 1980 to assist the preservation, maintenance and acquisition of items of outstanding merit which might otherwise be lost to the nation.
    • We will encourage our great national museums and galleries to make the national treasures which they house more widely accessible.

    Sport

    We have increased funding for the Sports Council from £15 million in 1978/79 to £37 million in 1987/88.

    We will continue to work with the Council and, through our funding of the Sports Council National Centres, we will encourage the pursuit of excellence in our sports.

    We want to encourage competitive sports through schools and clubs and we strongly oppose any attempts to ban competitive sports in schools.

    We will continue to encourage schools and colleges to open their facilities for community use wherever possible to co-operate with other owners to achieve public access to sport premises.

    Football hooliganism has tarnished the good name of British sportsmanship. We have acted to control the sale of alcohol at sports grounds. We have enhanced police powers to stop and search at football grounds and we have encouraged tougher sentencing of hooligans.

    Broadcasting

    Our objectives for broadcasting are to provide consumers with a wider range of programmes, to encourage independent producers, and to preserve the high standards which we have traditionally enjoyed in British broadcasting.

    Vital decisions will need to be made in the next Parliament. We have already published proposals for a less regulated and more diverse radio system. We shall follow a policy of more competition, variety and innovation in our domestic networks and encourage the export of British programmes to international audiences and markets. The development of the broadcasting industry will be allowed to occur, wherever possible, commercially.

    We will therefore introduce a major new Broadcasting Bill in the new Parliament. It will enable the broadcasters to take full advantage of the opportunities presented by technological advances and to broaden the choice of viewing and listening.

    The broadcasters owe it to the lively talent in the independent sector to take more programmes from them.

    We will ensure that at least 25 per cent of programmes broadcast on both ITV and BBC will be supplied by independent producers as soon as possible.

    The responsibility for enforcing broadcasting standards must rest with the broadcasting authorities. The present Broadcasting Complaints Commission has a relatively narrow remit. But there is deep public concern over the display of sex and violence on television. We will therefore bring forward proposals for stronger and more effective arrangements to reflect that concern.

    We will remove the current exemption enjoyed by broadcasters under the Obscene Publications Act 1959.

    BRITAIN AND THE WORLD

    Britain is once again giving a lead in world affairs. We are forthright in support of freedom and justice. We stand up vigorously for Britain’s interests abroad. Our voice is heard with respect on the crucial issues of war and peace, of finance and trade.

    Defending the Nation

    The first duty of government is the defence of the realm and the preservation of peace. Nuclear weapons are vital to that task. In the 40 years since 1945, more than 10 million people have died in wars around the globe. But there has been peace in Europe.

    Conventional weapons did not succeed in deterring war. But nuclear weapons have prevented, not only nuclear war, but conventional war in Europe as well. A strong defence policy has proved to be the most effective peace policy.

    Labour’s policy is to give up Britain’s independent nuclear deterrent without asking anything in return. The Labour Party would require the United States to withdraw its nuclear weapons from our soil and to close down NATO nuclear bases in Britain. It would remove Britain altogether from the protection of the United States’ nuclear umbrella.

    That policy would abandon the defence policy followed by every British government, Labour or Conservative, since the Second World War. It would expose us to nuclear blackmail from the vast Soviet armoury, to which we would have no reply. It would inflict damage, perhaps fatal damage, on the Atlantic Alliance on which we and Western Europe depend for our security. It would strike at our relations with our most important ally, weakening the American commitment to Europe’s defences. It would, in short, be the biggest victory for the Soviet Union in 40 years.

    The defence policy of the Liberals and Social Democrats is muddled and confused. They would cancel Trident and they have no clear idea of what to put in its place. Their suggested replacements are much more expensive than Trident, which costs only 3p in every £ of defence spending. None would be available in time. None would provide equal security.

    The Liberal and SDP defence policy would be one-sided disarmament by default or inadvertence. The only difference between it and Labour policy is a matter of timing. Labour would scrap Britain’s deterrent immediately upon entering office. The Liberals and Social Democrats would allow it to wither on the vine.

    Only the Conservative Party stands by the defence policy which every post-war government has seen to be necessary and which has kept the peace of Europe for more than a generation. We are not prepared to take risks with Britain’s security:

    • We will stand fully by our obligations to our European and American allies in NATO.
    • We will retain our independent nuclear deterrent and modernise it with Trident. Because of improvements in Soviet defences we need the greater capability of Trident to retain the necessary deterrence which Polaris gives. No amount of money spent on conventional defence would ever buy us the same degree of deterrence.
    • We will continue to increase the effectiveness of our conventional forces, to provide them with the most modern equipment and to obtain better value for money from the defence budget. We have already increased defence spending by more than 20 per cent in real terms since 1979 and restored the pay and conditions of our servicemen.

    But we also want to see a world in which there are fewer nuclear weapons. That is why Britain is at the forefront of arms control negotiations.

    We strive with our allies to achieve balanced and verifiable agreements for:

    • the elimination of medium-range nuclear missiles in Europe and preferably world-wide;
    • agreed constraints on shorter-range missiles;
    • a 50 per cent cut in strategic nuclear missiles;
    • and a world-wide ban on chemical weapons.

    Western strength and resolution are essential to achieve these aims. That is why the Conservative Government deployed Cruise missiles. All the Opposition parties – Labour, Liberals and SDP – voted against deployment in the House of Commons. Yet it was the deployment of Cruise and Pershing missiles which brought the Soviet Union back to the negotiating table. We can look forward to an agreement this year which will, for the first time, reduce the numbers of nuclear weapons.

    With the Conservatives Britain is also taking the lead in working towards greater trust and confidence between East and West, and to encourage changes in the East, where disillusion with totalitarian Socialism grows inexorably. The Prime Minister’s historic visit to Moscow was a major contribution to this. We shall welcome any move by the Soviet Union towards respect for basic human rights. But we must not lower our guard. Strong defence is still the surest foundation for building peace.

    Europe Grows in Strength

    This Government has taken Britain from the sidelines into the mainstream of Europe. But being good Europeans does not prevent us from standing up for British interests. The agreement we negotiated on the Community Budget has saved Britain £4,500 million since 1984.

    We will continue to work for strict controls on the Community Budget.

    Britain has led the way in establishing a genuine common market, with more trade and services moving freely across national boundaries.

    We will campaign for the opening of the market in financial and other services and the extension of cheaper air fares in Europe.

    We will also continue to work with our European partners to defend our own trading interests and press for freer trade among all nations.

    All of this will help safeguard existing jobs and create new ones.

    We will continue to play a responsible leading role in the development of the Community, while safeguarding our essential national interests.

    Firm Against Terrorism and Aggression

    Britain has stood at the forefront in the fight against international terrorism. No democracy has a better record than Britain in standing up to the terrorists, who threaten the most basic values of civilised life.

    We will seek the support of other democratic nations for the provisions of the European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism.

    We stood up to aggression in the Falklands and would do so again, if necessary. We want normal relations with Argentina. We have made numerous proposals to that end. But we stand by our pledges to the Islanders. We will not negotiate on the sovereignty of the Falklands.

    The Wider World

    When other countries are prepared to act in good faith, the Conservative Government has shown the will and the diplomatic skill to find solutions to age-old conflicts and misunderstandings. Our record of tackling long-standing problems in Hong Kong, Zimbabwe and Gibraltar demonstrates our determination to seek peaceful and imaginative settlements of difficult international disputes. We have played a prominent part in bringing Israel and the moderate Arab states closer to peace negotiations in the framework of an international conference.

    We believe that the issues of Southern Africa, too, will be tackled best by dialogue, not violence. We want to see an end to apartheid in South Africa. But trade and economic sanctions would only serve to entrench apartheid, increase the risk of bloodshed and inflict severe hardship on black South Africans without bringing a settlement any nearer. Negotiations between the leaders of the South African people are the best way to resolve the problems of that unhappy country.

    Overseas Aid

    We have the sixth largest aid programme in the western world, and the third largest in Europe, spending about £1,300 million each year. Britain pioneered the reform of Europe’s food aid policy, to make it more rapid and effective. We have substantially increased our support for the disaster, famine and refugee relief activities of voluntary agencies, as well as for their long-term development work. We have led the way in giving help to the people of Ethiopia, ravaged by famine. Our “Aid and Trade Provision” funds have helped win good development contracts for British firms worth over £2 billion since 1979.

    We will maintain our substantial aid programme and direct it ever more effectively.

    We will bring more young people from Commonwealth and other countries to train and study in Britain.

    We ourselves have made positive and practical proposals for international action to help some of the poorest and most indebted countries of sub-Saharan Africa.

    Labour’s proposal of selective import controls would damage developing countries, open the door to protectionism and harm those poorest countries which most need our help. It would also be bad for Britain. The best contribution Britain can make to developing countries is to champion open trade and free enterprise abroad and to practise them at home.

    A Fateful Choice

    For decades there was basic agreement between political parties on defence and foreign policy. That agreement was firmly in the national interest. It has been torn up by our opponents.

    Labour’s policy would mean not a secure Britain, but a neutralist Britain. And eventually for there can be no trifling with Soviet power a frightened and fellow-travelling Britain.

    The Liberals and Social Democrats would take us more slowly down that same disastrous road.

    This election matters more for our safety and freedom than any election since the Second World War.

    CONCLUSION: THE WAY FORWARD

    The proposals outlined in this manifesto are the extension of policies which have already proved outstandingly successful.

    Today Britain is a stable and well-governed country which exercises great influence in the world.

    We seek the support of the British people to make this achievement truly secure, to build upon it and to extend its benefits to all.

    No previous government with eight years of office to its credit has ever presented the electorate with such a full programme of radical reform.

    No other party, presenting its manifesto proposals to the nation, has been able to support them with such a solid record of achievement.

    We commend them with confidence to the British people.

  • General Election Manifestos : 1983 SDP-Alliance

    General Election Manifestos : 1983 SDP-Alliance

    The 1983 SDP-Alliance party manifesto.

    PROGRAMME FOR GOVERNMENT

    The General Election on June 9th 1983 will be seen as a watershed in British politics. It may be recalled as the fateful day when depression became hopelessness and the slide of the post-war years accelerated into the depths of decline. Alternatively it may be remembered as the turning point when the people of this country, at the eleventh hour, decided to turn their backs on dogma and bitterness and chose a new road of partnership and progress.

    It is to offer real hope of a fresh start for Britain that the Alliance between our two parties has been created. What we have done is unique in the history of British parliamentary democracy. Two parties, one with a proud history, and one born only two years ago out of a frustration with the old system of politics, have come together to offer an alternative government pledged to bring the country together again.

    The Conservative and Labour parties between them have made an industrial wasteland Out of a country which was once the workshop of the world. Manufacturing output from Britain is back to the level of nearly 20 years ago. Unemployment is still rising and there are now generations of school-leavers who no longer even hope for work. Mrs Thatcher’s government stands idly by. hoping that the blind forces of the marketplace will restore the jobs and factories that its indifference has destroyed. The Labour Party’s response is massive further nationalisation, a centralised state socialist economy and rigid controls over enterprise. The choice which Tories and Socialists offer at this election is one between neglect and interference. Neither of them understands that it is only by working together in the companies and communities of Britain that we can overcome the economic problems which beset us.

    Meanwhile the very fabric of our common life together deteriorates. The record wave of violence and crime and increased personal stress are all signs of a society at war with itself. Rundown cities and declining rural services alike tell a story of a warped sense of priorities by successive governments. Our social services have become bureaucratic and remote from the people they are supposed to serve. Mrs Thatcher promised ‘to bring harmony where there is discord’. Instead her own example of confrontation has inflamed the bitterness so many people feel at what has happened to their own lives and local communities.

    Our Alliance wants to call a halt to confrontation politics. We believe we have set an example by working together as two separate parties within an alliance of principle. Our whole approach is based on co-operation: not just between our parties but between management and workers, between people of different races and above all between government and people. Because we are not the prisoners of ideology we shall listen to the people we represent and ensure that the good sense of the voters is allowed to illuminate the corridors of Westminster and Whitehall. The TUC and CBI, each paying the bills for the party it supports, have been too much listened to and ordinary people have been heard too little.

    We do not believe that all wisdom resides n one party, or even in the two parties of the Alliance. There are men and women of sense and goodwill n both the other parties. But they have opted Out and allowed the demands of the old party politics to make the House of Commons the most noisily partisan assembly in the Western World.

    Our concern is for the long-term, not just for tomorrow. We do not want to solve our immediate problems by piling up new crises for future generations. So when we plan for industrial recovery, we are not simply seeking growth for growth’s sake. We want an increase in the sort of economic activity which will provide real jobs, which will rebuild our decaying infrastructure, which will conserve energy, and which will re-use and recycle materials rather than wasting them. We want to invest in education and housing since our long-term future depends upon the skill and maturity of the next generation. The lavish promises and the class- war rhetoric of the Conservative and Labour manifestos have no place in our Programme for Government. We offer instead a sober assessment of the first steps back to economic health and social well-being. But the vision which unites us is of a nation of free people working together in harmony, respecting each other’s rights and freedom and sharing in each other’s success. To achieve these hopes, we must not only change failed policies. We must reform the institutions which produced them.

    When we advocate a fairer voting system we are therefore talking neither about a constitutional abstraction nor the self-interest of a new political force. Of course we want fairness for ourselves, but even more do we demand a change in the interests of the majority, whose wishes are increasingly distorted by the pull of the extremes. This is in the interests of the cohesion of the country, for it is wrong and dangerous that one big party should be a stranger to the areas of prosperity and the other an incomprehending alien in the areas of deprivation. It is also in the interests of a more stable political and economic direction, without which those who work in industry, public or private, or in the community services, will not have the framework within which to plan for the future.

    We believe that Britain needs the fresh start of the Alliance even more in 1983 than it did in the heady days of our birth in 1981. The Labour Party has not become more moderate. The extremists have been taken out of the shop window; they have not been removed from the shop. The policies of nationalisation, attacks on private enterprise, withdrawal from Europe, with its devastating effect upon our exports and investment prospects, and alienation of our international friends and allies, are all enthroned and inviolate. Jobs and national safety would be at risk.

    Mrs Thatcher offers no alternative of hope or of long-term stability. Some of her objectives were good. Britain needed a shake-up: lower inflation, more competitive industry and a prospect of industrial growth to catch back the ground we had lost over the years. But the Government has not succeeded. After a bad start it has got lower inflation, but the prospects even for the end of this year are not good. And the price paid has been appalling. British industry has seen record bankruptcies and liquidations. Unemployment has increased on twice the scale of the world recession.

    Prospects for the future are more important than arguing about the failures of the past. The last four years could be forgiven if we now had a springboard for the future. We do not. At best we have a prospect of bumping along the bottom. On present policies the 80’s will be a worse decade for unemployment than the 30’s. Nearly a half of those without a job in 1933 got one by 1937. By 1987, if we continue as we are, unemployment will be at least as bad as in 1983. As a reaction, if the old two-party system is allowed to continue, we shall then lurch into the most extreme left-wing Government we have ever known.

    The Alliance can rescue us from this. There is no need for hopelessness. By giving a moderate and well-directed stimulus to the economy, accompanied by a firm and fair incomes policy, we can change the trend and begin to get people back to work. Unlike the Labour Party. we would do it in a way which encouraged private business. We believe in enterprise and profit, and in sharing the fruits of these.

    Beyond that, further success will depend upon the international climate. That is not wholly ours to command. But it does not intimidate us. The world is looking for a lead. Concerted expansion, greater currency stability, a recognition of interdependence between poorer and richer countries are all possible and necessary. We need the vision and sense of enlightened self-interest which produced the Marshall Plan and pulled post-war Europe together.

    It is an opportunity for Britain. We yearn for a world role and are qualified by our history and experience to perform one.

    The Alliance is unashamedly internationalist. We cannot live in a bunker. We are for a British lead in Europe, for multilateral disarmament and for a new drive to increase our own prosperity by co-operating with others to reduce poverty and squalor throughout the world. We offer reconciliation at home and constructive leadership abroad. We are not ashamed to set our sights high.

    DAVID STEEL
    Leader of the Liberal Party

    ROY JENKINS
    Leader of the Social Democratic Party


    THE IMMEDIATE CRISIS: JOBS AND PRICES

    Our economic crisis demands tough immediate action. It also requires a Government with the courage to implement those strategic and structural reforms which alone can end the civil war between the two sides of industry.

    The immediate priority is to reduce unemployment. Why?

    To the Alliance unemployment is a scandal; robbing men and women of their careers, blighting the prospects for a quarter of all our young people, wasting our national resources, aborting our chances of industrial recovery, dividing our nation and fuelling hopelessness and crime.

    Much of the present unemployment is a direct result of the civil war in British industry, of restrictive practices and low investment. But in addition Conservative Government policies have caused unemployment to rise. An Alliance Government would cause unemployment to fall. How? Can it be done without releasing a fresh wave of inflation?

    We believe it can. We propose a carefully devised and costed jobs programme aimed at reducing unemployment by 1 million over two years. This programme will be supported by immediate measures to help those hardest hit by the slump – the disadvantaged, the pensioners, the poor.

    Ours is a programme of mind, heart and will, it is a programme that will work!

    The Programme has three points:

    • Fiscal and Financial Policies for Growth
    • Direct Action to provide jobs
    • An Incomes Strategy that will stick.

    Sustained Policies for Growth

    These will be based on carefully selected increases in public spending and reductions in taxation. Despite the impression Mrs Thatcher gives, the Conservative Government is borrowing £8 billion a year. It is costing us £17 billion to keep over 3 million people on the dole. In view of the depth of the slump, we think it right to increase public borrowing to around £11 billion and to use this money in two basic ways:

    • to reverse the reduction in public investment which over the last decade has been little short of catastrophic, through a selective programme of capital investment in the water and sewerage systems, electrification of railways, building and repairing roads, rebuilding and refurbishing hospitals, investing in housing, improving transport services and developing energy conservation schemes.
    • to concentrate the funds available for tax reductions in areas where tax cuts have a direct impact on prices such as the abolition of the National Insurance Surcharge (the ‘tax on jobs’) and in this way keep prices down as growth is stepped up. We will stop the nationalised industries being forced to raise prices for gas and electricity merely to increase Government revenue.

    Such action to rekindle growth without inflation, buttressed by a less restrictive monetary policy and management of the exchange rate to keep our exports competitive, will be pursued so as to reduce unemployment by 400,000 over our first two years.

    Direct Action to Provide Jobs

    The immediate action we propose is targeted on those among the unemployed in greatest need, the long-term unemployed and the young. It does not throw money wildly about, but has been carefully drawn up to achieve the biggest early fall in unemployment we can manage at the lowest practicable cost. Our main proposals are:

    • to provide jobs for the long-term unemployed in a programme of housing and environmental improvement – house renovation and insulation, land improvements; these jobs are real jobs crying out to be done. There will also be a major expansion of the Community Programme. We will back programmes of this kind with great determination to ensure that they generate at least 250,000 jobs over two years;
    • to extend the Youth Training Scheme so that it is available to all 16 and 17 year olds and give real help to those who want to stay on at school after 16 or go to college or take a training course. Our long term aim is to see all 16-19 year olds either as students with access to work experience, or as employed people with access to education and training. But the extension of training proposed here would alone reduce youth unemployment by 100,000;
    • to create more jobs in labour-intensive social services. There is a great need for extra support staff in the NHS and the personal social services. These services are highly labour-intensive and their greatest need for extra people is in regions of high unemployment. We propose the establishment of a special £500 million Fund for the health and social services in order to create an additional 100,000 jobs of this kind over two years;
    • to give a financial incentive to private firms to take on those longest out of work – To boost jobs in the private sector, we propose to pay a grant to companies for every extra job they provide and fill with someone unemployed for over six months. The scheme will be for employment pay, not unemployment pay. The Government loses about £100 per week (in unemployment benefit and lost tax revenues) for every person unemployed, so it is not extravagant to pay £80 a week for each additional job. According to the best estimates this incentive could increase employment by around 1 75,000 jobs within two years of its introduction.

    In sum, our immediate programme of direct action would reduce unemployment by well over 600,000 in two years. What is more, it will do so in a highly cost-effective way by switching the money which is now paid to people to do nothing, into payment for useful jobs instead, and it therefore will not involve irresponsible increases in public spending or borrowing.

    Taken together these proposals should reduce unemployment by 1 million by the end of our second year in government.

    An Incomes Strategy That will Stick

    We do not pretend that a lasting return to high levels of employment can be achieved painlessly, or without a reemergence of the inflationary pressures which record unemployment has temporarily damped down. We are convinced there is not hope of a lasting return to full employment unless we can develop ways of keeping prices down which do not involve keeping unemployment up. And unlike either of the two old parties, we are prepared to face up to this by pursuing a fair and effective pay and prices policy that will stick. It is Labour’s refusal to face up to the need to restrain incomes, at the dictates of its union paymasters, which above all makes Labour’s claim to have a solution to unemployment so utterly bogus, and it is Mrs Thatcher’s refusal to contemplate anything other than unemployment as an incomes policy which condemns the country to permanently high unemployment if she wins another term.

    In drawing up its counter-inflation programme, the Alliance has faced the question of pay and prices policy head on. Unlike other parties, the Alliance will seek a specific mandate from the electorate in support of an incomes policy. We shall campaign for a series of arrangements to keep price rises in check whilst unemployment comes down. Specifically we propose:

    • to establish a range for pay settlements. The Government will discuss with representatives of commerce and industry, trade unions and consumers, the prospects for the economy as a whole, and will establish the desirable range within which pay settlements should be negotiated given the outlook for unemployment. The Government will provide forecasts of the implications for unemployment, inflation and growth, of pay settlements at different levels, and the objective will be to arrive each year at an agreed norm or range for pay settlements. In the absence of agreement the government will announce its own view and tailor its policies accordingly, but every effort will be made to minimise disagreement and establish a common view.
    • a fair deal for pay in the public services. The agreed norm or range will provide the background to a fair and systematic approach to pay in the public services. A single, independent Assessment Board for public service pay will be set up to provide fair comparisons. Agreed arrangements for arbitration will be needed. As a result, public service sector pay will grow at broadly similar rates to that of comparable groups in the private sector.
    • new arrangements to discourage excessive pay settlements in the private sector- Pay settlements in the private sector will be negotiated with no direct interference in settlements made by small and medium sized businesses. We intend to set up a Pay and Prices Commission to monitor pay settlements in large companies, with powers to restrict price increases caused by wage settlements which exceed the agreed range. At the same time, we shall legislate to introduce a Counter Inflation Tax, giving the Government the power to impose the tax if it becomes necessary. The tax will be levied by the Inland Revenue on companies paying above the pay range. It will be open to successful companies where productivity increases have been high to pay above the agreed range if they do so through the distribution of shares which are not immediately marketable.
    • the nationalised industries will be subject to similar restraints, on excessive wage settlements; and will not be permitted to evade the consequences of excessive wage settlements and counter-inflation tax payments simply by raising prices.

    We would, if we were convinced it was necessary in the prevailing circumstances, be prepared to introduce a fully statutory incomes policy to cover the interim period whilst these new arrangements are being introduced.

    Previous incomes policies have been short term reactions to crisis. They have been reversals of earlier policies. They have had no mandate from the electorate. The Alliance presents its policy now because that is both honest and necessary. To work, a pay and prices framework must be understood and supported. The framework we propose can last. It is flexible. It will encourage growth and reward productivity and initiative. It offers the only way of regaining growth without refuelling inflation.

    STRATEGY FOR INDUSTRIAL SUCCESS

    The Alliance is alone in recognising that Britain’s industrial crisis cannot be solved by short term measures such as import controls or money supply targets. Our crisis goes deep. Its roots lie in the class divisions of our society, in the vested interests of the Tory and Labour parties, in the refusal of management and unions to widen democracy in industry, in the way profits and risks are shared.

    The policies offered by the two class-based parties will further divide the nation North v South, Management v Labour. Our greatest need is to build a sense of belonging to one community. We are all in it together. It is impossible for one side or the other in Britain to ‘win’. Conflict in industrial relations means that we all lose.

    But how do we reduce conflict? How do we end class war in industry? Not by intimidating the unions through unemployment. Not by nationalising, de-nationalising, re-nationalising. Not by pretending the problem doesn’t exist.

    The Alliance is committed to policies which will invest resources in the high-technology industries of the future. We are committed to a major new effort in education and training. We are pledged to trade union reform, to tough anti-monopoly measures. Above all we will act to share profits and responsibility in industry far wider than ever before.

    We need to do these things to ensure Britain’s economic success in a brutally competitive world. But the aim is not merely economic growth for its own sake. To live fulfilled and meaningful lives we each need challenge, reward and responsibility. In British industry far too many feel they have no stake in success, no role to play, nothing to contribute. It is that feeling which leads to bitterness, and conflict. The time has come to change these things – now, before it is too late.

    Partnership in Industry

    Britain has made little progress towards industrial democracy, yet several of our European partners have long traditions of participation and co-operation backed by legislation. They do not face the obstacles to progress with which our divisive industrial relations present us. To be fully effective, proposals for participation in industry need to be buttressed by action on two fronts: a major extension of profit sharing and worker share-ownership to give people a real stake where they work as well as the ability to participate in decision making, and reform of the trades unions to make them genuinely representative institutions.

    PARTICIPATION AT WORK

    We propose enabling legislation that will offer a flexible and sensible approach:

    • an Industrial Democracy Act to provide for the introduction of employee participation at all levels, incentives for employee share-ownership, employee rights to information, and an Industrial Democracy Agency (IDA) to advise on and monitor the introduction of these measures;
    • Employee Councils covering each place of work (subject to exemption for small units) for all companies employing over 1,000 people. Smaller companies would also be encouraged to introduce Employee Councils;
    • Top level representation will, for example, be through directors elected jointly by employees and shareholders, or a Representative Council with rights to codetermination on a range of issues;
    • No ‘single channel’ appointments by trade unions: every employee must have a vote and be able to exercise it secretly.

    PROFIT-SHARING AND EMPLOYEE SHARE-OWNERSHIP

    We propose:

    • through the Industrial Democracy Act to encourage companies to develop collective share ownership schemes based on profit sharing as an essential component of industrial democracy. We will also increase the exemption limit for Corporation Tax relief on Inland Revenue approved profit-sharing and share-ownership schemes to £3,000 per employee;
    • to give specific encouragement to co-operatives through increased funding for the Co operative Development Agency – to provide advice and financial support for those setting up co-operatives.

    GIVING THE UNIONS BACK TO THEIR MEMBERS

    Employee democracy in industry can only be extended if trade unions are made genuinely representative of their members since they are bound to have an important role in participation. It is for that reason, and not in any spirit of ‘union bashing’ that we propose further democratisation of the unions themselves. We want to see effective, representative and responsible trade unions playing their full part in industry, and in this we stand apart from the Conservative Party, which has no interest in participation, and which wants to reform the unions only in order to weaken them.

    We will legislate to provide for:

    • compulsory secret individual ballots, normally on a postal basis, for the election of the national executives of unions and, where appropriate, union general secretaries;
    • the right for a certain proportion – 10 per cent – of the relevant bargaining unit to require a ballot before an official strike can be called;
    • maximum encouragement of arbitration, as a fair and constructive means of settling disputes, including a legal requirement in essential public services that any dispute be taken to impartial arbitration operating on common principles for all public service groups, before industrial action shall commence;
    • measures to provide for a more efficient and more effective trade union movement:
    • tax exemption for union contributions to encourage a better level of funding, a Trade Union Development Fund to assist union mergers and rationalisation, statutory rights to recognition for unions that have won majority support from the relevant workforce; adequate facilities at the workplace and reasonable time off for union representatives to perform their duties; and increased support for education and training for shop stewards and representatives. We propose an Employees’ Charter clearly safeguarding trade union and workers’ rights.

    We favour a careful balance of collective and individual rights on existing closed shops, with action against the pre-entry closed shop matched by retention of legal provision for union membership agreements on condition the latter rests on substantial workforce support and that exemption from union membership is available on grounds of conscience.

    Government and Industry

    PRIORITY FOR INDUSTRY

    We cannot restore employment or achieve the standards we want in our social services unless we first reverse our industrial decline. So the rebuilding of our industry and commerce must be given priority in the formulation of government policies.

    GOVERNMENT AND PRIVATE INDUSTRY

    The role of an Alliance government in relation to private industry will be to provide selective assistance taking a number of forms:

    • an industrial credit scheme, to provide low-interest, long-term finance for projects directed at modernising industry;
    • a national innovation policy, to provide selective assistance for high-risk projects, particularly involving the development of new technologies and for research and development in potential growth industries (with a corresponding reduction in R and D spending on defence);
    • public purchasing policies to stimulate innovation, encourage the introduction of crucial technologies and aid small businesses;
    • Government assistance in export promotion, with increased efforts to reduce non-tariff barriers to trade;
    • we will establish a Cabinet Committee chaired by the Prime Minister at the centre of decision-taking on all policies with a bearing on the performance of industry.

    The Alliance will strengthen the Monopolies and Mergers Commission to ensure its ability to prevent monopoly and unhealthy concentrations of industrial and commercial power. The aim is to guarantee fair competition and to protect the interests of employees, consumers and shareholders.

    GOVERNMENT AND PUBLIC INDUSTRY

    We must get away from the incessant and damaging warfare over the ownership of industry and switch the emphasis to how well it performs. Thus we will retain the present position of British Aerospace but will not privatise British Telecom’s main network nor sell off British Airways. But we will make the nationalised industries successful and efficient as well as properly responsible to their consumers. Specifically, we propose that:

    • where nationalised industries are operating viably in competitive conditions, Government regulation and control should largely be removed. Their borrowing on the market should not be subject to external financing limits (EFLs), and they should effectively be run as independent enterprises;
    • where public industries are not subject to market forces – e.g. the public utilities – or where they are dependent on public finance – e.g. the railways – alternative means of exerting pressure to ensure operational efficiency are required, and we will set up an Efficiency Audit Commission to report regularly and publicly to a Select Committee of Parliament on the overall management and discharge of their responsibilities by the industries concerned;
    • we will seek to distance the Government from direct involvement in nationalised industries. They must be free to run their industries according to the criteria laid down for them, without political interference.

    NEW AND SMALL BUSINESSES

    To encourage the growth of new and small businesses, we will attack red tape and provide further financial and management assistance by:

    • extending the Loan Guarantee Scheme, in the first instance raising the maximum permitted loan to £1 50,000; and the Business Start-Up Scheme, raising the upper limit for investment to £75,000; and introducing Small Firm Investment Companies to provide financial and management help;
    • zero-rating building repairs and maintenance for VAT purposes and reducing commercial rates by 10 per cent;
    • making sure the Department of Industry co-ordinates and publicises schemes for small businesses and that government aid ceases to discriminate against small businesses;
    • tailoring national legislation such as the Health and Safety Regulations to the needs of small businesses and amending the statutory sick pay scheme to exclude small businesses.

    AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES

    Agriculture is an important industry and employer. To encourage its further development we will:

    • increase Government support for effective agricultural marketing at home and abroad and continue support for ‘Food from Britain’;
    • ensure that agriculture has access like other industries to the industrial credit scheme we propose;
    • encourage greater access to farming, especially by young entrants.

    We believe that the provision of alternative sources of employment is the key to many other problems of the rural areas. To this end, we will promote moves at local level to establish rural development agencies.

    The Alliance is determined to safeguard the future of our fishing industry which needs help to re-build after years of uncertainty and the drastic consequences for the deep-sea fleet of 200-mile limits in the waters they used to fish. We believe:

    • that in order to conserve stocks for the future, EEC inspection must be strengthened to ensure that conservation measures are fairly enforced on the fleets of all member states;
    • that better marketing and promotion, better vocational training, and reasonable credit terms would all help the future of the industry;
    • that government measures must take account of the special importance of our inshore industry to rural communities.

    ENERGY

    The first priority of the Alliance energy policy is the conservation and efficient use of energy. A programme of house insulation is part of our jobs plan and a programme to encourage increased energy efficiency in industry will lead to a substantial increase in employment and savings to the economy.

    For the foreseeable future, coal will continue to supply a large part of our major energy needs. To ensure the continued prosperity of the coal industry we will make substantial investments in the modernisation of techniques and capacity. This does not mean a dramatic schedule of pit closures. There will be some employment problems – where the oldest deep pits are coming to the end of their economic life. The Alliance plans for jobs and industry are designed to give particular help to areas like these where new employment is needed.

    The North Sea currently produces the oil and gas we need. But we want to make sure that there are enough reserves to keep up British oil and gas production. So we will encourage the exploration for and development of new reserves. We want to link Britain up by pipeline with the rest of the North Sea gas-fields so that, together with our European partners, we can make the best use of the gas that is there.

    We will invest as a matter of urgent priority in different types of energy and new technologies, especially the use of sources of energy like the sun, wind, waves and the heat below the earth’s surface and the development of combined heat and power systems. We are determined to maintain a British power plant industry.

    The power stations we have and are currently building will be enough for our needs for some considerable time to come. We see no evidence including anything yet submitted to the Enquiry to justify the building of Sizewell or other PWR generating stations. However research into nuclear waste disposal must be continued in order to cater for existing needs and we would develop Britain’s research programme and expertise in the field of nuclear power and the possibilities presented by fast-breeder technology and fusion.

    Education and Training

    The third basic condition for industrial success is a people with the skills and self- confidence that will be needed for the challenges of new technology. The education and training systems are not providing enough people with the skills necessary to make them employable and the country successful in competition with its rivals. We are falling further behind. Japan on present plans will be educating all its young people to the age of 18 by 1990. More than 90 per cent of the 16-19 age group in Germany gain recognised technical qualifications. And it is not just a matter of school-leavers. Our managers are less professionally qualified than our main competitors’. From the bottom to top we are underskilled, and this has to be put right if we are to prosper in future. To do this, to raise standards in education and training and to improve their effectiveness, is the object of proposals set out in the next Section.

    CREATING ONE COMMUNITY

    A fundamental purpose of the Alliance is to reduce the divisions which over the last two decades have been fragmenting our society, and restore our sense of being one community.

    The gap between rich and poor is as wide today as it was forty years ago when the Beveridge Report was written. There has been a big increase in poverty and urban squalor as a result of the present slump. The pressures of the recession have placed an increasing burden on women in particular. The trend towards two nations in health, education and the social services is accelerating as those who can pay increasingly opt for private provision.

    To combat these trends will require determined action across a wide front:

    • immediate help for those bearing the burden of unemployment;
    • a determined attack on poverty, aimed at releasing those locked in the poverty trap, by raising the living standards of the hardest-pressed families;
    • action to raise standards in education and the quality of health care provided by the NHS and remove the inadequacies in the state services which lie behind the trend to private provision;
    • increased investment in housing, drawing on wider sources of finance to build new communities of mixed ownership, together with urgent attention to the rehabilitation of existing council estates, the decentralisation of housing management and tenants’ rights;
    • giving serious priority to the environmental aspects of actions and policy changes at the earliest possible stage;
    • creating one nation will also require positive action to tilt the balance more in favour of disadvantaged and depressed minority groups and to focus assistance on inner city areas.

    This must be backed by firm action to strengthen the rule of law, with support for an effective police force commanding the confidence of the community in the fight against vandalism and crime.

    Immediate Help for Those in Need

    The burden of the slump is being borne quite disproportionately by those now in long- term unemployment and by the poor, especially poor families with children. We propose to take the following measures straight away:

    a) help for families with children by increasing Child Benefit by £1.50 per week; increasing the Child Allowance in Supplementary Benefit by £1.50 per week; increasing the extra child allowance of one-parent families;

    b) help for pensioners. We will up-rate the pension twice a year because the present system gives rise to serious injustices. We will make sure pensioners can earn money without losing pension; we will increase the death grant to £250 for those of lesser means; standing charges for gas, electricity and basic telephone services will be abolished;

    c) help for the unemployed and sick by increasing Unemployment Benefit, Sickness Benefit and sick pay by 5 per cent; giving long-term Supplementary Benefit to the long-term unemployed; changing the rules so people are not forced to spend their redundancy money before they can get Supplementary Benefit;

    d) help for the disabled by spending an extra £200 million a year to make a start on many reforms which will help disabled people. These will include the extension of the invalid care allowance and full rights under the non-contributory invalidity pension to married women and the abolition of the age limit on the mobility allowance;

    e) finance. The total cost of these proposals is approximately £1 ,750m. This will be financed by: raising the upper limit at which National Insurance contributions are paid to £31 5 per week; reversing the recent increases in the high rate tax bands; and by the first stage of phasing out the married man’s tax allowance. Therefore this programme does not require an increase in public borrowing.

    Attacking Poverty

    The Alliance proposes to carry through a major overhaul of the welfare system. The original grand design of the liberal reformer, William Beveridge, has been mutilated over the years. Instead of a basic benefit, which was to secure for the old, the sick and the unemployed, a tolerable minimum standard of living as of right, we have a complex network of benefits dependent on 44 different means tests. Many people are dependent on benefits which are woefully inadequate. Millions are in poverty because they fail to apply for benefits to which they are entitled. Others find that they are worse off if they earn more.

    Mass unemployment has made the scale of our problems greater than at any time since the war. We believe that we can offer a better, simpler structure of social security which would be the most important reform since Beveridge.

    In the long term, we plan a complete integration of the tax and benefit systems. We aim in the next Parliament to bring together all the major benefits – Family Income Supplement, housing benefits, free school meals, Supplementary Benefit, and to replace them with a simpler, single benefit, the size of which for each family will depend basically on the number of children and their housing costs.

    The levels of benefit we propose mean that:

    • a working family with two children, currently earning £100 per week, will be around £24 per week better off;
    • single parents with two children, currently helped by Supplementary Benefit, will be around £10 per week better off;
    • single pensioners only getting the state pension will be £5.50 per week better off, and pensioner couples in the same position £10 per week better off;
    • help will especially be concentrated on poor families with children since these are the real centres of hardship.

    The benefit will be used to supplement people’s income – whether from a job, unemployment or sickness benefit or a pension – and the amount people actually get will depend on their income. The benefit will be gradually withdrawn as incomes rise – but in a steady way so that as people earn more they do end up better off despite the reduction of benefit – and the overall effect will be a substantial boost to the incomes of those suffering most hardship.

    The additional spending which the new welfare system will involve will be paid for from three sources. First by the continued phasing Out of the married man’s extra tax allowance (over at least three years}. This is part of the removal of sex discrimination in taxation and will allow us to introduce the principle of separate taxation of earned income for all men and women. Second, by not fully indexing personal tax allowances, and third, by a relatively small increase in public borrowing – around £600-£700 million over the final programme.

    This attack on poverty is basic to the Alliance strategy for creating in Britain a more united and caring community. The Conservatives speak only of an efficient and competitive society. We seek a civilized community using the resources provided by a revived economy to guarantee to all the security and self-respect that are every citizen’s right.

    Education, Health and Housing

    Building a united, civilized community requires decent standards in education, health and housing for everyone. The Tories have imposed savage cuts in the social services and an Alliance Government would increase spending to restore and improve standards.

    But it will not be enough just to spend money. The social services are too centralised, too bureaucratic. They are often insensitive and unaccountable. We will aim to make the social services more democratic, attuned to the needs of the individual. In this way, also, they will become more efficient.

    EDUCATION AND TRAINING

    The principal need in education and training is to release the full potential of the individual. It is on the skills and energies of our people that our survival depends. An increasingly complex and technical society places great demands on the educational system and as falling school numbers continue to release resources these must not be withdrawn but invested to create better education opportunities.

    The needs of the under-fives have to be met by both education and the social services.

    • We will ensure that at least one year of pre-school educational experience is available for all children under five;
    • We will act to raise standards in the primary and secondary schools in three ways:
      • i) by involving parents, teachers and local people more in the running of schools – these are the people who really care about standards;
      • ii) by ensuring that children study a broader range of subjects than they do now right through to eighteen, putting more stress on maths, science and technical subjects as well as practical skills to make them better equipped for life in today’s world. It is especially important to ensure that these opportunities are equally available to girls as well as boys;
      • iii) by improving the in-service training of primary teachers and of others with specialist skills e.g. in maths.
    • we will develop a broader bridge between school and work including more part-time schooling, and more work experience and better technical education for all pupils;
    • we will undertake a major re-organisation of education and training for the 16-19s, so that school leavers are not faced with the dole but can opt for either education and training or employment or a combination of the two. Present arrangements are disjointed. Britain is well behind its competitors, resources have been devoted to ad hoc schemes not necessarily leading to employment, and many young people are unable to acquire skills and qualifications. So we propose:
      • i) a single Ministry of Education and Training combining the youth training functions of the MSC and the responsibilities of the Education Departments,
      • ii) full-time vocational courses offering sustained and properly planned periods of work experience, and the replacement of the time-served apprenticeship with training to set national standards,
      • iii) greater access to work experience for all 16-19 year old students and a right to further education and training for those of this age-group in work,
      • iv) expansion of the YTS to enable all 17 year olds not covered by the above to participate in a Government training scheme,
      • v) a new system of educational maintenance allowances to ensure that help is available to those who stay on at school, those who opt for further education and those who opt for further training.
    • we will increase access to Higher and Further Education. We shall also review the structure of higher education to see that people who are keen to work in industry are provided with the right range of skills at this level. This may mean for example students typically taking a wider range of courses before moving on to a job or more specialist education;
    • we will actively support Adult and Continuing Education. Initial education alone cannot prepare people adequately for life. It must be made easier for them as part of their normal development to acquire new skills and to re4rain as technology advances.
    • we will ensure further public support for the voluntary and statutory sectors of the youth service.

    Improvement in training facilities provided by the State will be accompanied by fiscal and other incentives to companies to increase their training efforts.

    HEALTH AND SOCIAL SERVICES

    The Alliance is wholly committed to sustaining and strengthening the NHS. The Health Service must be funded to ensure that extra help goes to those most in need and that sufficient resources are available to meet the needs of our ageing population. The Alliance is committed to the steady increase in the real level of funding for the health and personal social services required to maintain standards in the face of demographic changes such as the increasing numbers of old people.

    In addition, the Alliance will set up a special Fund with £500 million each year to pay for new schemes and ideas submitted by area health authorities, local authorities and other voluntary organisations to help the poorest areas and the neediest people. The funding of this scheme will count as part of the Alliance’s immediate employment programme, and employment as well as other criteria will govern the choice of projects by the fund. The areas of greatest need in the health and social services are also high unemployment areas, so that such a special fund is an ideal use of available money.

    Within the health programme, action will be taken to make better use of the health budget by:

    • increased emphasis on primary care, health education and preventive medicine;
    • emphasising community care, not as a cheap option but because of the improved quality of care this brings;
    • re-allocating funds between areas and between users to increase equality of access to services for people in need whatever their means or wherever they happen to live. Particular attention will be given to the traditionally under-funded services such as those for the elderly, the chronically disabled and the mentally handicapped;
    • encouraging local experiments and plans to improve services;
    • reducing the drugs bill by extending the practice of generic prescribing, saving over one hundred million pounds.

    The quality of care will also be improved by our policies in three related areas. First, the continuing commitment of all NHS staff is vital if the health service is to deliver the best care it can. This means NHS staff must be properly and fairly treated. We gave our commitment in Section II to determine pay in the public services by a new system based on fair comparison with other groups and a fair arbitration procedure which will also apply to NHS staff. Second, we will pay far more attention to prevention of accidents, illness and stress, making sure that health and safety legislation is properly applied and reducing environmental risks, for example by removing lead in petrol. Third, we will work for much closer co-operation between public and private services, to maximise the amount and coverage of health care available to the community as a whole. As with private schools, we have no wish to ban private health services, but nor will we subsidise them.

    In the personal social services, the Alliance is determined to make the welfare state less bureaucratic and more responsive to people’s needs, charting a more imaginative way forward by creating community-orientated services, incorporating a much greater degree of voluntary effort, and making much better use of the dedication and enthusiasm of professional staff, working with and through voluntary groups. We favour caring for people in the community for example, helping the elderly to live among family friends and neighbours. We will support and sustain the family, in particular by helping those, especially women, who carry the burden of this care. We will encourage the development of supportive care in the community for children through a wide range of facilities including pre-school play schemes and nursery centres, and will support training for child-minders. Imaginative grants can produce value for money and high community involvement.

    HOUSING

    Housing standards have fallen under the Tory Government, and fewer houses have been built. Council tenants have been able to buy their own houses but face almost impossible financial difficulties if trying to move out of council estates into private housing.

    Alliance housing policy has three basic aims: to restore the housing stock where this is needed, to provide wider genuine choice for consumers and to allocate available funds with greater fairness.

    This will mean increased investment. Bntain’s building industry has been one of the worst hit by the recession. 1 in 8 of the unemployed are in construction. Higher investment here will not only help the tenant, the home buyer and the home-owner: it will help the whole country by creating jobs and boosting the economy.

    Investment

    There is an urgent need for increased investment in housing. The Housing Programme has suffered more than any other under this government, falling in cash terms from £4,514m in 1979-80 to £2,792m now which represents a fall of almost two-thirds in real terms. The all-party Environment Select Committee predicts a shortage of nearly half a million houses by 1985. And not enough is being spent even to maintain the standard of existing houses. More than 2 million houses are now ‘unfit for habitation’ or ‘in serious disrepair’, and the figure is rising.

    We propose:

    • a steady expansion of local Council and housing association building programmes, particularly for the single and the elderly, local council programmes to be in low density, human scale developments;
    • vigorous programmes of repair, improvement and rehabilitation of existing Council estates;
    • scrapping VAT on repairs;
    • maximum use of improvement grants to the private sector with particular help for elderly owner-occupiers who face difficulties in maintaining their houses;
    • attracting institutional investment in a new type of non-profit making rented housing to be managed by housing associations;
    • encouraging partnership schemes between local councils and private builders to provide houses to rent; and low cost house ownership opportunities on the same estates.

    The last two proposals will involve new non-public money in housing, and cut down the public expenditure costs of increasing housing investment.

    Widening choice in housing

    We propose:

    • changing council allocation and transfer procedures to give tenants far more choice about where they live;
    • encouraging shared purchase and other schemes which bring owner occupation within the reach of lower income families;
    • providing new sources of rented housing to compete with local councils;
    • breaking up the large monolithic council housing departments into Neighbourhood Housing Trusts run jointly by tenants and Council representatives;
    • decentralising the management of the remaining Council housing to local offices responsible to local boards composed of Councillors and tenants;
    • introducing a new Tenants Charter to define standards of repairs, maintenance and amenities to which tenants are entitled;
    • giving tenants the right to call in an outside contractor from an approved list when they are dissatisfied with the Council’s performance on repairs and sending the bill to the Council;
    • establishing a single national scheme to help tenants wanting to move from one area to another.

    The Right to Buy should be retained. After the introduction of proportional representation and hence greater accountability. Councils could be given more discretion to decide their housing policy. However, there should be a right of appeal in which Councils would justify to the Local Government Ombudsman any proposed restriction on the individual’s right to buy such as in areas of housing need or in certain rural areas where cheap rented housing is necessary to keep an adequate proportion of young people in the community.

    Major extension of the capital home loan scheme At present this scheme to help first time buyers is a paltry thing adding at most £110 capital for £1,000 saved by the buyer. The Alliance wants to give far more substantial aid to those determined to buy their own homes but without the means to do so under present arrangements.

    We will extend the scheme so that anyone saving £1,000 over 2 years will receive an extra £1,000 at the end of that period. Rents paid over more than five years by Council tenants will count as equivalent to £1,000 savings and will also qualify for the additional £1,000.10 years rent will entitle the tenant to £1,500 and 15 years to £2,000. We will seek to devise similar arrangements for private tenants.

    Of course the present limits on the maximum value of properties which can qualify for such assistance will be maintained. The scheme is to help those who cannot otherwise become home-owners, not to benefit those with adequate resources. This will be strictly enforced.

    This measure is imaginative and bold. It opens up new prospects and hope for many who are determined to save and work for a better way of life.

    Greater fairness Housing subsidies must be distributed more according to need. Council tenants have been particularly hard hit by the government’s policy of deliberately forcing up rents far faster than the rate of inflation. Central government subsidies to local authority housing fell from £1,274m in 1980/81 to £370m in 1983/84 with the result that in most parts of the country. housing accounts are now moving into surplus. The Alliance says this process must stop. Council rents should be fixed so that housing accounts balance. Any surplus should be reinvested in improved management and maintenance, and not used to subsidise the general rates.

    For owner-occupiers, the Alliance’s long-term policy is to reform mortgage tax relief so that it relates to individual income rather than the size of the loan. In the meantime, tax relief will be limited to the standard rate of income tax. The Alliance also intends to encourage ‘low start’ mortgages and other schemes to bring home-ownership within the reach of more people.

    The Environment

    There can be no healthy economy without a healthy environment. For far too long we have been wasting irreplaceable resources and amenities, both natural and man-made on which our community’s prosperity and well-being depend. In all public decision-making the environmental aspects of changes should be assessed and taken into account from the beginning.

    POLLUTION

    We endorse the ‘Polluter Pays’ principle – that those responsible for pollution should pay for the resultant environmental damage. Existing pollution control legislation must be enforced and extended as recommended by the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution.

    LIMITING WASTE

    We will encourage the manufacture of products to last longer than at present and the manufacture of those goods which cannot be re-used from materials which can be re-cycled. We will provide financial incentives for authorities with responsibility for waste disposal to construct new plants to re-cycle waste material.

    Transport

    Without an effective public transport system the environment will suffer serious damage and energy resources will be wasted. We believe that new investment should be linked with modernised operating practices to ensure a future for our railways, and we therefore reject the negative philosophy of the Serpell Report. Careful planning and co-ordination is required to meet the different public transport needs of both the cities and the countryside.

    Land Use

    We need a fundamental change in the way in which we plan our cities, towns and villages to develop greater participation by those directly affected, to protect, create and develop living communities.

    Farming and Conservation

    We will give increased responsibility to local bodies representative of farming and environmental interests which would be based on the present Farming and Wildlife Advisory Groups, in the award of agricultural grants and subsidies, and which would seek to reconcile different interests in the use of land.

    Animal Welfare

    Cruelty to animals and unnecessary suffering by animals demean our society and the Alliance would, as a matter of priority, establish an advisory Standing Commission on Animal Welfare. This would keep under constant and rigorous examination all issues of animal welfare including experimentation on live animals, the treatment of farm animals, the transportation of animals and the regulations covering the use of animals for entertainment. A caring community must care for animals as well as for human beings.

    TRANSFORMING THE POLITICAL SYSTEM

    Electoral Reform

    The introduction of Proportional Representation is the linchpin of our entire programme of radical reform. Alone of the political parties the Liberal Party and the SDP recognise that our economic crisis is rooted in our political system. As class based parties, Labour and Conservative represent and intensify our divisions. The ‘first-past-the-post’ voting system ensures the under-representation of all those who reject class as the basis of politics. Electoral reform is thus a pre-condition of healing Britain’s divisions and creating a sense of community. It is also a change we must make if we are, in the full sense of the word, to be a democracy.

    The national interest demands electoral reform. The Alliance will not hesitate to use its strength in the next Parliament to ensure the introduction of a system which will strengthen the power of the voters.

    A system based on proportional representation will provide a stable political framework in two ways. First, in order to form a government, political parties combining together will need to command the support of about half the voters. The policies such a government will pursue can only be less dogmatic and extreme than those likely to be followed under our present system where governments can be elected with the support of no more than one quarter of the electorate. Secondly, the political parties will have to aim much more for the centre ground and will be much more reluctant to adopt the divisive policies we see at present.

    Specifically we propose to:

    • replace the existing electoral system with a system of Community Proportional Representation. It will be based on multi-member constituencies which correspond to natural communities. It will use a system of preferential voting under which people list candidates in the order of their choice. The outcome will be that the share of seats gained by the parties in Parliament will reflect their support among the voters.

    Thus natural communities like cities (e.g. Hull, Plymouth, Leeds, Edinburgh), and counties (e.g. Somerset, Northumberland) will be single multi-member constituencies of different size, represented by different numbers of MPs. Preferential voting by single transferable vote (STV) will enable the voter to distinguish between candidates of a particular party and thus to affect the character of that Party in Parliament. A single Party will not be able to gain a parliamentary majority unless it secures nearly 50 per cent of the votes. There will be a spread of representation in every part of the country and we will see the end of the increasing political polarisation between North and South.

    Electoral reform is no academic matter. While this is our preferred system it is not the only acceptable system of fairer voting. It is necessary to strengthen and restore faith in our democratic process, under which the relationship between seats and votes is becoming entirely arbitrary. A switch to proportional representation will transform the character of our politics, producing a more constructive political dialogue, and it will change the nature of the policies pursued by successive governments. As the fundamental reform required for continuity of policy – crucial if we are gradually and steadily to overcome our basic economic problems – it is no less than the precondition for economic recovery and future prosperity.

    Decentralising Government

    In addition to electoral reform, the Alliance is committed to two further constitutional reforms: decentralisation to make government more accountable to the electorate, and basic legislation to protect fundamental human rights and freedoms.

    Our system of government is inefficient because it is over-centralised. Departments, Ministers and Parliament are hopelessly overloaded and Parliament cannot adequately control the executive; there is great reliance on non-elected quangos, particularly at regional level – such as Regional Health Authorities, and Regional Water Authorities which together with the regional ‘outposts’ of central government departments now constitute an undemocratic regional tier of government; local government is too dependent on and dominated by central government – which has eroded not only its independence but also its sense of responsibility – and the Tories have made the spending of individual local authorities subject to central control. The overall result is lack of efficiency and lack of accountability, and the concentration of political power in London leads to a concentration of economic power there too, accentuating the trend to two nations – a relatively prosperous South, and a relatively deprived North. We need to disperse power in order to help spread prosperity.

    In the light of these deficiencies in the structure of government, we propose:

    • to transfer substantial powers and responsibilities, currently exercised by the centre, to the nations and regions of Britain. The demand for devolution is clearly stronger in Scotland than in Wales or in some of the English regions, and we do not believe that devolution should be imposed on nations or regions which do not wish it. But there is a strong practical case, especially in terms of regional development, for relevant public expenditure to be allocated between and within regions in line with regional needs. We therefore propose:
      • a) immediate action to set up a Scottish Parliament with a full range of devolved powers, including powers to assist economic development and powers to tax, but not to run a Budget deficit;
      • b) to enact Scottish devolution in an Act which would also provide the framework for decentralisation to assemblies in Wales and the English regions as demand develops;
      • c) in the English regions to set up economic development agencies with substantial powers. To make these development agencies, and other nominated regional authorities which already exist, accountable in the first instance to regional committees of a reformed Second Chamber.
      • d) in Northern Ireland to encourage a non-sectarian approach to the problems of the province. We support the present Northern Ireland Assembly and will work towards a return to devolved power in place of direct rule from Westminster. We favour the early establishment of an Anglo-Irish consultative body at parliamentary level representing all parties at Westminster, Belfast and Dublin.
    • to revitalise local government, restoring its independence and its accountability to the local electorate by:
      • a) introducing proportional representation at local level to make local government representative of its electorate and responsive to currents of opinion in that electorate;
      • b) simplifying the structure of local government to make it more effective by abolishing one of the existing tiers of local government. This will be done by stages against the background of our proposals for the development of regional government. It would inevitably involve the eventual abolition of the Metropolitan Counties, and the GLC (but not ILEA) and would also allow for the restoration of powers to some of the former County boroughs;
      • c) paving the way to the abolition of domestic rates and reducing local government’s dependence on central grant, by introducing a local income tax. This change in the structure of local government finance will increase the independence of local government;
      • d) extending the right of local communities to have statutory Parish or Neighbourhood Councils.
    • to increase the accountability of Government to Parliament by reforming the operation and procedures of the House of Commons, to make its control of the executive more effective and to reform the powers and composition of the House of Lords, which must include a significant elected element representative of the nations and regions of Britain.

    This set of proposals amounts to an extensive decentralisation of power from the centre, both to the nations and regions and to local government, and to considerable strengthening of democratic accountability at all levels of government.

    Promoting Individual Rights

    Resting on our laurels as the oldest modern democracy, we have become smug and complacent with the result that the rights we have taken for granted are being increasingly threatened. The third major area of constitutional reform therefore includes a series of measures to buttress our now shaky structure of liberties and rights and guarantee them by law. Changes in the power of the State, the media and in technology require specific protection of rights by statute. Such action will be coupled with determined action to strengthen the rule of law, giving full backing to the police subject to a proper system of accountability.

    INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS

    The following are our proposals:

    • a new Bill of Rights. It is shaming that our citizens have so frequently had to go to the European Court to have basic rights enforced. We shall incorporate the rights and freedoms of the European Convention of Human Rights into English, Scottish and Northern Ireland law by means of a new Bill of Rights Act which will be paramount over all inconsistent statutes and common law.
    • we shall create a UK Commission of Human Rights to help people bring proceedings under the Bill of Rights to secure compliance with its provisions. This will incorporate the existing Equal Opportunities Commission and Commission for Racial Equality and will deal with discrimination on grounds of sex or race;
    • the Alliance believes that sex and race equality are fundamental to our society. they will be promoted by positive action in relation e.g. to public employment policies which will be monitored in central and local government. Anti-discrimination legislation will be actively enforced;
    • nationality and immigration: we believe the British Nationality Act 1981 to be offensive and discriminatory. We will revert to the simple concept that all those born in Britain are entitled to British Citizenship. There should be objective tests for citizenship and a right of appeal against refusal. Immigration controls will be applied without discrimination on grounds of sex, race or colour, and rules on dependents will be revised to promote family unity;
    • we shall legislate for public access to official information, including the right of individuals to have access to information on themselves, subject to a Code of Practice defining exceptions and limitations;
    • we support state financing of political parties. Trade Union members must have the right to ‘contract-in’ on the political levy and to determine their union’s party political affiliation by secret postal ballot. There should be equivalent action to regulate company donations to political parties.

    The Rule of Law

    We are dedicated to extending individual rights but rights also carry responsibilities. We need to restore our traditions of responsible citizenship. There is great concern about rising crime. The number of serious cases has this year risen above 3 million for the first time in our history. The rise in the crime rate has accompanied the rise in unemployment. As the Conservative Government has put more and more men and women out of work, the family has been undermined, whole communities have lost their self-respect and good and neighbourly values have been forgotten. Many citizens now live in terror of the vandal, the mugger and the thief. Old people in particular are cruelly exposed to violence and abuse. The causes of crime are complex but we all have an obligation to resist the dangerous slide to lawlessness that has brought fear to our streets. The Alliance believes that it is vital to support and reinforce the police in their efforts to prevent and detect crime.

    But policing can only be effective if it is responsive to and carries the support and confidence of local communities. We therefore propose:

    • to support community policing with local policemen on the beat and living locally, small local police stations and reforms to police recruitment and training policy;
    • support for local liaison committees which will involve local people in helping the police to do their job;
    • to enhance confidence in the police by introducing a conciliation service and an independent system for the investigation of serious complaints. We will establish a new police disciplinary offence of racially prejudiced behaviour and introduce lay visitors into police stations;
    • to improve police accountability outside London by strengthening the community element on Police Authorities and encouraging community representation at the level of police divisions. For the Metropolitan Police, we shall as an interim measure establish a Select Committee drawn from London MPs.

    Action to protect and promote individual and minority rights is an essential part of the Alliance’s determination to heal division and enhance Britain’s awareness of being one, inter dependent Community. Prejudice against racial and other minorities, discrimination against them and against women in job opportunities and in pay, all threaten the creation of this community. The Alliance is born of Liberal and Social Democratic values. In government it would be true to those values.

    The Alliance recognises that the expansion of television technology through cable, video cassettes and satellite offers great opportunities in the creation of a better informed society and provides new opportunities for the Arts.

    However these technologies also carry dangers to our society if they become vehicles for pornography and violence. This must not be allowed to happen, and the State must have particular regard to its responsibilities for the young.

    PEACE AND SECURITY

    Alliance policies in the field of foreign policy and defence are uncompromisingly internationalist. They are based on the view that Britain must play a full and leading role in the community of nations.

    The Alliance holds that Britain’s security as a country depends on the cohesion and effectiveness of the NATO alliance; that our political and economic interests require us to play our full part in the European Community, and that the poorest countries of the world can best be helped if the industrial nations pursue more expansionary economic policies in concert.

    The Alliance’s commitment to internationalism and its recognition of the inter dependence of nations clearly differentiates its approach from that of both the Labour and Tory parties. In a dangerous and complex world there is a temptation to withdraw into narrow and nationalistic attitudes. This is what both the class-based parties have done.

    Labour is now pledged to policies which would isolate and weaken Britain – import controls, unilateral withdrawal from the EEC, one-sided disarmament. If these policies were enacted our Allies would lose all confidence in us, the Western Alliance would be badly undermined and as an economically debilitated and less influential country we would be quite unable to launch the international initiatives now desperately needed to help the poor of the world through concerted economic expansion and aid.

    The Conservative Party specifically refuses to recognise the true inter-dependence of nations in its approach to both development and peace. It has failed utterly 10 respond to the challenge of the Brandt Report. Their refusal to countenance the inclusion of Britain’s nuclear systems in any disarmament negotiations displays their lack of real commitment to multilateral disarmament; their determination to spend vast sums on Trident betrays their lack of confidence in any commitment to our alliance with the United States.

    The Alliance sees little prospect for progress towards a more peaceful, prosperous and just world unless inter-dependence is accepted as the basis of international relations. This leads us to radically different policies from those advocated by the class based parties in three key areas:

    Defence and Disarmament

    The Alliance believes Britain must be properly defended and our forces equipped for that task. We pay tribute to the courage and determination of our armed forces in the Falklands and in Northern Ireland. Our defence policies reject both Labour’s one-sided disarmament and the Conservatives’ escalation of the nuclear arms race. The main points of our policies for defence are:

    • to adhere firmly to the principles of collective security. Britain cannot defend herself alone, and the NATO Alliance has made a decisive contribution to the maintenance of peace in Europe. Participation in NATO must be the cornerstone of the country’s defence policy, and in order to consolidate the NATO Alliance we reaffirm our commitment to the NATO target for strengthening conventional forces in Europe;
    • we accept the need for a nuclear component in the NATO deterrent whilst the USSR has nuclear weapons. NATO should however move away from its present excessive dependence on the early use of nuclear weapons. We therefore support raising the nuclear threshold in Europe and moving towards a ‘no first use’ policy by strengthening NATO’s conventional forces and establishing a 150km Battlefield Nuclear Weapon- Free Zone at the central front. An Alliance Government would regard such a zone as the basis for negotiations with the Russians on a wider verifiable nuclear weapon-free zone;
    • we strongly back multilateral disarmament and arms control efforts, in particular the Geneva negotiations for reduction in both sides strategic (START) and the intermediate range (INF) nuclear weapons. More specifically, the START and INF talks should be merged or at least closely linked so that trade-offs can be made across weapons systems: Trident should be cancelled to avoid a new and provocative contribution to the nuclear arms race and demonstrate our commitment to arms control; Polaris should be included in the merged START and INF talks as a further contribution to the prospects of multilateral disarmament.
    • the Geneva negotiations should be pursued to a successful conclusion. Before deciding whether or not to oppose the deployment of Cruise missiles in Britain, an Alliance Government will take account in particular, of the negotiating position of the Soviet Union and the United States; the attitude of our NATO partners in Europe; and whether arrangements for a double safety-catch system have been agreed;
    • if successful progress in nuclear weapons reductions has not been achieved in the negotiations at Geneva, an Alliance Government will explore the opportunities for a verifiable, mutual freeze on the production and deployment of all nuclear weapons;
    • we strongly support an agreement between East and West to ban the production and possession of chemical weapons and we would work for mutual and balanced force reductions in Europe and a comprehensive test ban to strengthen the Non-Proliferation Treaty;
    • on international security, we support the recommendations in the Palme Report, and wish to see the UN’s peace-keeping role strengthened, and increased powers given to the UN Secretary-General. An Alliance Government will press for a European initiative to register the sale of arms to third world countries, and will act to end sales of British arms to regimes which persistently and brutally violate human rights.

    This set of policies – stressing disarmament on both sides, a nuclear weapon-free zone in Europe, strengthened conventional forces for NATO and reduced NATO reliance on nuclear weapons, the cancellation of Trident and the inclusion of Polaris in disarmament negotiations – will reduce the danger of nuclear conflict and increase Britain’s security.

    Membership of the European Community

    The Alliance is wholly committed to continuing UK membership of the European Community. Membership has increased our political influence with our European neighbours and in the world beyond. Continued membership is also unequivocally to our economic advantage. The community is by far Britain’s largest trading partner, with over half of our exports going to community countries or countries with whom they have Free Trade Agreements. It also provides an influential framework for the discussion of the Irish problem between two member states, ourselves and the Irish Republic. Withdrawal, to which Labour is committed would have a highly destructive effect on exports and hence on jobs. We would also lose a great deal of foreign, particularly US investment which has come here because we are in the Community.

    The Alliance advocates further development of the Community and new common policies. At the same time however, there is a great deal wrong with the structure of existing policies, and we will take the lead in putting things right.

    First, we support political development of the Community through adoption of the common electoral system for the 1984 direct elections to the European Parliament; more majority voting in the Council of Ministers; and greater involvement of the European Parliament in the appointment of the Commission.

    Second, to correct the imbalance in existing activities, an Alliance Government will press for expansion of Community activity on regional and social policies, industrial innovation, energy conservation and the development of renewable sources of energy. To develop new policies we accept the need for an increase in community revenues on a more diversified and fairer basis. We will work for some reduction in the agriculture budget first by holding back intervention prices for agricultural products in surplus and if need be by setting a limit on the quantities of production eligible for intervention support.

    These are important policies which will help to solve the British budget problem, help solve some of Europe’s most chronic difficulties such as the imbalance of wealth and development between regions, and switch the balance of Community activities more directly in line with Britain’s needs.

    Third, we will take the lead in advocating the development of new policies where Europe has everything to gain from standing together. We must increasingly stand together in trade talks, following the pattern of the recent Multi-Fibre Arrangement talks and GATT talks in which the Commission spoke for the Community. We must increase political co-operation to reach consensus on foreign policy questions and be prepared to move into new areas such as a common procurement policy for defence. We need to develop a Community industrial policy to spend money on easing the pain for areas dependent on declining industries and also in encouraging new, high technology investment. And we need to develop and back initiatives at European level through the Social Fund aimed at reducing youth unemployment from 25 per cent to the level of general unemployment. There is great scope for launching joint economic policies and an Alliance government will take the lead in advocating them. Fourth, an Alliance government will make Britain a full member of the European Monetary System in order to iron out the wild fluctuations in the exchange rate which have done such damage to exports and jobs over the last few years.

    Helping the World’s Poor

    Conservative policy towards the poor countries of the world has been mean and short sighted, reducing the level of British aid and effectively excluding Third World students from our higher education system. The widespread pursuit of restrictive policies has plunged the world into the worst slump for 50 years, and the poor countries have suffered most. On the other hand, Labour’s restrictive trade policies would be extremely damaging to the developing world. There is no hope for them or for the rest of the world if protection leads on to waves of retaliation and countries destroy each other’s markets, sending the world economy spiralling further downwards.

    We want to do two things. First, to advocate joint policies, to be developed and implemented by the major industrial countries, to take the world out of slump. We advocate co-ordinated action:

    • a) joint expansionary measures following the example of the 1978 Bonn Economic Summit, so that the main countries expand together, so managing to avoid balance of payments difficulties and the inflationary consequences of collapsing currencies;
    • b) monetary stability. Co-operation between the three main currency blocs – the US, Japan and the EMS (including Britain) – to keep their currencies stable;
    • c) Additional finance for the developing world so that general expansion is not frustrated by credit constraints – increased resources for the IMF and World Bank, and fresh issues of international money (Special Drawing Rights).

    International policies of this kind could chart the way out of recession. In so doing they would help developing countries – and, indeed, the developed countries alike – than any foreseeable increases in levels of aid. However, Britain has a significant individual contribution to make to Third World development through its own aid programme. An Alliance government would:

    • increase the proportion of GNP spent on aid over 5 years to 0.7 per cent;
    • concentrate aid on the poorest countries and on the poorest people in those countries;
    • increase financial support for the work of voluntary agencies, stressing urgent projects;
    • promote more generous funding for overseas students, especially those from the poorest countries and the poorest students from other countries;
    • support the principles of the Brandt Report, and in particular the proposals for increased credit through the international institutions.

    The programme of reform set out in this document rivals in scope and imagination that of the liberal reforming government of 1906-11 or the Attlee administration of 1945-51. It is a formidable challenge to the nation to opt for a decisive change of course to put things right. There is no chance that either of the two old class parties will carry out any of the fundamental reforms – to the system of pay determination, or the structure of industrial relations, or the welfare state or the political system – advocated in this document, all of which are now desperately needed. The Alliance alone provides the opportunity to decide against the failures of the past and offers new hope for the renewal and rejuvenation of our country.

  • General Election Manifestos : 1983 Labour Party

    General Election Manifestos : 1983 Labour Party

    The 1983 Labour Party manifesto.

    Foreword

    Here you can read Labour’s plan to do the things crying out to be done in our country today.

    To get Britain back to work. To rebuild our shattered industries. To get rid of the ever-growing dole queues. To protect and enlarge our National Health Service and our other great social services. To help stop the nuclear arms race. Here you can see what Labour is determined to do, and how we shall set about it.

    But at once the objection is raised: Can we afford it? Where will the money come from? Are we not just making promises which cannot be fulfilled?

    You will find the detailed answers here. But let us emphasise a few of them at once.

    The first short, sharp answer is that what Britain cannot afford is the present policy of accepting mass unemployment.

    Mass unemployment on the scale Mrs. Thatcher and her government have been prepared to tolerate – worse than we have ever known before and worse than any other industrial country has experienced – imposes a crushing burden on the whole community.

    Of course it hits hardest the young denied work altogether, and their mothers and fathers thrown out of their jobs with little chance of getting another.

    But it also hits the whole country.

    Mass unemployment costs the country £15 billion, £16 billion, £17 billion a year, astronomic figures never conceived possible before, and they move higher still every month.

    Mass unemployment is the main reason why most families in Britain, all but the very rich, are paying more in taxes today than they did four years ago when the Conservatives promised to cut them for everybody.

    Mass unemployment is the main reason why we are wasting our precious North Sea oil riches. Since 1979 Mrs. Thatcher’s government has had the benefit of £20 billion in tax revenues from the North Sea. It has all been swallowed by the huge, mounting cost of mass unemployment. And the oil won’t last for ever, although, according to Mrs. Thatcher’s economics, the unemployment will.

    Our country, no civilised country, can afford the human waste, the industrial and economic waste, involved in these policies. We in the Labour Party reject them absolutely, and we describe in this Manifesto the real constructive alternative, and how we shall pay for it.

    See, first, our Emergency Programme of Action to be started immediately we are given the power. Most of these measures are designed to start the drive for expansion, and the cost of them has been added up. How fast can the country escape for the present stagnant rut?

    That is the real question.

    Just a week before Sir Geoffrey Howe, the Tory Chancellor, produced his last Budget to keep us in the rut, Peter Shore, Labour’s Shadow Chancellor, produced his budget for expansion.

    The costs he set out – an £11 billion expansion – would cover, as they were designed to cover, the items we have listed in the Emergency Programme, the promises we have tabulated.

    So little is it true that Labour has not counted the cost. No party in opposition has ever stated its intentions so clearly and comprehensively.

    Then what happens? What happens after the first expansion is launched? Here in these pages we describe the conditions for success, the pace we can move forward, how that will depend on the response we can secure from all sections of the community, on the partnership we have established with the trade unions. Without that continuing partnership to rebuild our country, all else will fail. True enough; but Labour is the only party which has worked for this partnership and pledges it for the future.

    And where will the money come from? Some of it will come from those oil revenues now pouring down the drain. Some of it will come from the billions we waste on the dole queues. Some of it will come from the billions now being allowed to be exported in investment abroad.

    Yes, and some of it will be borrowed, Mrs. Thatcher’s dirty word.

    But borrowing in that sense is what every intelligent government since the war in Britain has done – including even Conservative governments. Borrowing in that sense is what has been done by other governments in this world slump who have kept their unemployment much lower than ours – and their inflation rates low too.

    Of course the slump can be beaten, if we have the will and the right policies. The European governments which have survived it best have been mostly socialist governments rejecting Thatcherite nostrums. And the whole wider experience of the Western world since 1945 proves what can be done when governments set before them full employment as a target. Is it truly realistic and practical to cast all that knowledge aside?

    It is just not true that mass unemployment must be accepted.

    Rather, if nothing can be done about unemployment, nothing truly enduring can be done about anything else. Allow it to persist and it will corrode the rest of our society. It will make more deeply endemic than ever the injustices, the bitter hardships, which afflict so many of our people.

    So let’s put a stop to defeatism, and put a stop too to all those sermons about Victorian values. The labour movement – the Labour Party and the trade unions acting together – came into being, as one of our poets, Idris Davies, said, to end “the long Victorian night”. It was a fight to introduce civilised standards into the world of ruthless, devil-take-the-hindmost individualism.

    Particularly after our 1945 victory, when Labour had a majority, we set to work creating a real community in which the strong would come to the aid of the weak, in which the profit test would have to make way for the human test.

    It was the Labour Party which created – to take just one example – the National Health Service, in the teeth of bitter Tory opposition. Labour will come to the rescue of that service and make it worthy of those who founded it, those who serve it, and the patients who need it most of all. It is a commonsense example of democratic socialism in action.

    Of course, we know that the full work of rebuilding will not be easy. Of course we know that, thanks to world conditions and the Conservative years of destruction and decay, our task is made much harder.

    But the programme of socialist reconstruction outlined in these pages, can be carried through if a Labour government commands the support of the other great democratic institutions in the land – in particular the local authorities and the trade unions.

    Labour is the only party which desires and can secure the working partnership between the government and the trade unions essential to national recovery.

    Above all, the new Labour government will play a much more ambitious part in helping to guide the nation towards peace, and, as an essential part of the process, in establishing a sensible defence policy for our country.

    One bunch of smears and scares with which Tory propagandists have already disfigured this election campaign suggests that the Labour Party proposes to throw away our defences, to abandon our alliances.

    It is just not true. And it should not be forgotten that one of the last acts of Mrs. Thatcher’s government was to stop the debate in the House of Commons when these slanders could have been nailed.

    What we do propose to do is to get rid of the nuclear boomerangs which offer no genuine protection to our people but, first and foremost, to help stop the nuclear arms race which is the most dangerous threat to us all.

    One of the most wretched features of the present government’s record has been the low interest they have devoted to the work of securing international disarmament. No British initiative of any significance in this field has been taken.

    Instead, the programme for establishing American-controlled Cruise missiles on our soil has been accepted without question, and the Trident programme for the expansion of the British-controlled nuclear forces has been accepted without reference to the possibilities of disarmament.

    Indeed, the logic of the case for the nuclear deterrent, presented by British Conservative Ministers, is that all peace-loving countries should equip themselves with the same protection. It is a logic which would intensify the race and destroy the universe.

    The first task of a new Labour government will be to restore a sense of sanity in dealing with these supreme questions. We offer a combined programme of action by this country and of action in association with other countries.

    We are the only party that offers such a programme to meet the scale of the challenge. We are the only party that offers a non-nuclear defence policy.

    But we are not alone in our plans and our aspirations. Multitudes of people in many other lands, on both sides of the Atlantic, in Asia and Africa and Europe too, are ready to join us in the campaign for a nuclear freeze, for fresh exertions to stop the proliferation of these weapons, to stop the whole monstrous nuclear race to destruction.

    Michael Foot

    In this campaign document we set out Labour’s alternative to mass unemployment. We explain how a Labour government will help to stop the nuclear arms race. We provide a radical programme of action, for a full, five-year parliament, to save British industry and rebuild the welfare state.

    The years of Tory failure

    When the Tories took office in May 1979, unemployment was falling and the economy growing. Living standards had gone up by a sixth in two years, and North Sea oil held out the prospect of economic growth, high levels of employment and better social services.
    All this was thrown away by the Tories. Nearly three and a quarter million men and women are now out of work, even on the official count. Plant after plant forced to close. Manufacturing production down by a fifth. Investment cut by a third. Our domestic markets captured by imports of manufactured goods.

    After four years of Mrs. Thatcher, Britain is a poorer country. We have fared far worse than any other major industrial country. The unprecedented advantage of North Sea oil and gas – worth, in tax revenues alone, 8p in the pound on income tax – has been squandered, with nothing whatsoever to show for it.

    What have all these sacrifices achieved? Our economy today is weaker, not stronger, than in 1979. There is no prospect of real economic growth. Indeed, the Tories no longer dare to predict when unemployment will begin to fall. True enough, inflation, after being forced to record levels by the Tories, has been brought down. But look at the cost in jobs, in poorer housing, in living standards, and in lost opportunities for our youth. And now inflation is set to increase again, with interest rates and mortgage rates likely to rise too.

    The legacy of four Tory years goes beyond unemployment and industrial decline; beyond the damage done to our social services; beyond even the dangerous commitment to new nuclear weapons. It is expressed in the deep sense of bitterness, distrust and despair now felt among so many sections of the community. Our task will be to heal these wounds and rekindle among the British people a new sense of unity and common purpose.

    Emergency programme of action

    Within days of taking office, Labour will begin to implement an emergency programme of action, to bring about a complete change of direction for Britain. Our priority will be to create jobs and give a new urgency to the struggle for peace. In many cases we will be able to act immediately. In others, which involve legislation, they will take longer to bring into effect. But in all cases we shall act swiftly and with determination.

    This is what we plan to do. We will:

    Launch a massive programme for expansion. We will:

    Provide a major increase in public investment, including transport, housing and energy conservation.

    Begin a huge programme of construction, so that we can start to build our way out of the slump.

    Halt the destruction of our social services and begin to rebuild them, by providing a substantial increase in resources.

    Increase investment in industry, especially in new technology – with public enterprise taking the lead. And we will steer new industry and jobs to the regions and the inner cities.

    Ensure that the pound is competitive; and hold back prices through action on VAT, rents, rates and fares.

    Introduce a crash programme of employment and training, with new job subsidies and allowances.

    Begin to rebuild British industry, working within a new framework for planning and industrial democracy. We will:

    Agree a new national economic assessment, setting out the prospects for growth in the economy.

    Prepare a five-year national plan, in consultation with unions and employers. Back up these steps with a new National Investment Bank, new industrial powers, and a new Department for Economic and Industrial Planning.

    Repeal Tory legislation on industrial relations and make provision for introducing industrial democracy.

    Begin the return to public ownership of those public industries sold off by the Tories.

    Start to create a fairer Britain, with decent social services for all. We will:

    Raise child benefits by £2 a week, and give special help to one-parent families and families with disabled dependants.

    Uprate the pension in November 1983 by the full amount needed to protect against inflation; and increase pensions by £1.45 a week for a single person and £2.25 for a married couple.

    Provide more resources for the health service with an increase of at least 3 per cent a year in real terms.

    Improve the personal social services, such as meals on wheels and home helps, with an increase of at least 4 per cent a year in real terms.

    Spend more on education, including on essential books and equipment; end the assisted places scheme; and stop selection in secondary schools.

    Begin to develop comprehensive care for the under-fives.

    Begin to develop a strategy to eliminate low pay.

    Introduce positive action programmes to promote women’s rights and opportunities, and appoint a cabinet minister to promote equality between the sexes. We will:

    Strengthen the Equal Pay Act and the Sex Discrimination Act.

    Improve child care and other social services.

    Take steps to end discrimination in education and training.

    Reverse Tory cuts in maternity rights.

    Increase the maternity grant.

    Encourage and assist local authorities to begin a massive programme of house-building and improvement, through an immediate 50 per cent increase in their housing investment programmes. Priority will go to the urgent repair and replacement of run-down estates. We will freeze all rents for the first full year.

    Begin a major programme to stop the waste of energy. We will stop Sizewell and abandon the Tory PWR programme; and open urgent discussions, with the unions and management in the coal industry, on a new Plan for Coal.

    Give more help to public transport, with funds to improve services, keep down fares, and increase investment – especially in rail electrification and better freight facilities. Councils will be given new powers to support local services.

    Act to improve the environment and deal with pollution – including a ban on lead in petrol. An urgent start will be made on improving our inner cities, including action on derelict land and buildings.

    Introduce a positive action programme for the ethnic minorities. We will also introduce citizenship and immigration laws which do not discriminate against either women or black and Asian Britons.

    Give a new priority to open government at local and national levels, and give local communities greater freedom to manage their own affairs.

    We will also introduce an early Bill to abolish the legislative powers of the House of Lords.

    In international policy, we shall take new initiatives to promote peace and development. We will:

    Cancel the Trident programme, refuse to deploy Cruise missiles and begin discussions for the removal of nuclear bases from Britain, which is to be completed within the lifetime of the Labour government.

    Ban arms sales to repressive regimes.

    Increase aid to developing countries towards the UN target of 0.7 per cent.

    Re-establish a separate Ministry of Overseas Development.

    Take action to protect the status of refugees in Britain.

    We will also open immediate negotiations with our EEC partners, and introduce the necessary legislation, to prepare for Britain’s withdrawal from the EEC, to be completed well within the lifetime of the Labour government.

    A five-year programme

    Labour’s emergency programme of action will get Britain on the road to recovery. But on its own it will not be enough to establish a fairer, more prosperous, more caring Britain.

    The programme we set out in the pages which follow is, therefore, for a full, five-year term of office. Clearly, we cannot do everything at once. The economy has been dangerously weakened by the Tories, and Britain is considerably poorer than when we were last in government. The world recession could hamper our plans for economic revival.

    Moreover, our proposals add up to a considerable increase in public spending. Our programme is thus heavily dependent upon the achievement of our basic objectives: namely, a large and sustained increase in the nation’s output and income and a matching decline in the numbers out of work. It is this that will make the resources available for higher public spending programmes and cut the enormous cost of unemployment. Even so, some of our commitments will be phased in over a number of years. At each stage, clearly, we shall have to choose carefully our priorities.

    Ending mass unemployment

    The present hideous level of unemployment is not an accident. It is the direct result of the policies of this government. The Tories have cut public investment and services, and increased taxes, taking spending power out of the economy and destroying jobs in both public and private sectors alike. They have forced up interest rates and kept the pound too high – a combination that has crippled British industry, and helped lose us markets at home and abroad.

    Our approach is different. We will expand the economy, by providing a strong and measured increase in spending. Spending money creates jobs. Money spent on railway electrification means jobs, not only in construction, but also in the industries that supply the equipment – as well as faster and better trains. If we increase pensions and child benefits, it means more spending power for the elderly and for parents, more bought in shops, more orders for goods, and more jobs in the factories. More spending means that the economy will begin to expand: and growth will provide the new wealth for higher wages and better living standards, the right climate for industry to invest, and more resources for the public services.

    Our central aim will be to reduce unemployment to below a million within five years of taking office. We recognise the enormous scale of this task. When we set this as our target, unemployment was 2.8 million, according to the official figures. On this basis it is now at least 3.2 million. Our target will thus be all the more difficult to achieve. It remains, however, the central objective of our economic policy.

    To achieve it we will need five years of economic growth, with a Labour government carrying through all of the industrial, financial and economic policies outlined here. But we will also work with other governments – especially socialist governments – to bring about a co-ordinated expansion of our economies.

    Economic expansion will make it possible to end the waste of mass unemployment. But it will also reduce the human costs of unemployment – the poverty, the broken homes, the increase in illness and suicides. And it will provide the resources we need to increase social spending, as we must, at least in line with the growth of the economy.

    How will we pay for it?

    Given our commitment to increase public spending, it is right that people should ask: how will we pay for it?

    It would be wrong to finance the initial boost to spending by increasing taxation. Only if ours was a fully employed economy would this be the right way of doing it. But our economy today is chronically under-employed. We have people out of work, idle plant, and unused savings. To finance expansion by increasing taxation in these circumstances would be wrong. For the increased spending in one part of the economy would be cancelled out by decreased expenditure elsewhere. Of course, once the economy gets much nearer to full employment, some taxes will have to be increased, both to shift the tax balance towards those who can best afford to pay, and to help finance our social programme.

    Like any other expanding industrial enterprise, we shall borrow to finance our programme of investment. This is better than borrowing, as the Tories are doing, in order to pay for the dole queue or to provide finance for the Argentine government to buy arms.

    There is no shortage of savings in the country available for borrowing today. Indeed, vast amounts of British money – more than the government’s total borrowing requirement last year – are flowing into overseas investment. For with our present slump, there is not the demand for investment here.

    But the scale of borrowing will not be nearly as great as the increase in spending. Spending generates new income and new savings. As the economy recovers we shall be able to spend less on keeping people unemployed. And when people get jobs they will also pay income tax and spend more on goods which are taxed. Last year benefit payments, and tax revenues foregone – because of unemployment – cost the nation some £17,000 million. There are also important savings to be made by cancelling the present government 5 massive expenditure programmes on Trident and on PWR nuclear reactors.

    Working together

    At the heart of our programme is Labour’s new partnership with the trade unions. Our policies have been worked out with them. The Tories take pride in rejecting any chance of constructive co-operation with the trade unions. But it is the nation that has paid the price – the economy in ruins, and industrial relations a battlefield. We believe that there is a better way: to harness the goodwill and co-operation of working people and to work together to create a better life for all.

    Our starting point in government will be to discuss and agree with the trade unions a national economic assessment, as described in our joint statement with the TUC, Partners in Rebuilding Britain. This will set out the likely growth in the national output and how it could be shared.

    It will cover the allocation of resources, and the distribution of income between profits, earnings from employment, rents, social benefits and other incomes. It will also take into account our policies on the redistribution of income and wealth, not least through the reform of taxation.

    It will take a view on what changes in costs and prices would be compatible with our economic and social objectives, and help to ensure that our plan for expansion is not undermined by inflation. We will not, however, return to the old policies of government-imposed wage restraint. The assessment will thus play a crucial part in our national plan.

    The assessment will also play an important role in Labour’s plans for the redistribution of wealth and power in our society. For, as we emphasise in Labour’s Programme, our aim is nothing less than to bring about ‘a fundamental and irreversible shift in the balance of power and wealth in favour of working people and their families’.

    An offensive against low pay

    The next Labour government will launch an offensive against low pay as part of our strategy for equality. The problem of low pay remains acute both in relative and absolute terms. If low pay at present is defined as less than two-thirds of average male manual earnings, there were 3 million full-time low-paid workers in 1982, of whom over 2 million were women workers. Adding to these figures young workers, part-time workers and homeworkers produces a total in the region of almost 6 million – a great majority of whom are women.

    We will work together with the unions to tackle low pay and extend the concept of fair wages and arbitration. We will strengthen the Equal Pay Act. We strongly emphasise the principles of fairness and proper comparability, and will ensure machinery is available for the trade unions to establish these principles. We will also discuss with the TUC the possibility of introducing a minimum wage.

    Industrial democracy

    Industrial democracy is vital to the success of the national plan. We believe that working people must have clear and definite rights to a say in running their firms – and to an influence in economic planning. We will give new statutory rights to workers – through their trade unions – on information, consultation and representation within their companies. These are described in our joint statement with the TUC, Economic Planning and Industrial Democracy. But we will work out with the unions concerned what this means for the individual industries and firms.

    We will repeal the divisive Tory ’employment’ laws and provide new statutory support for collective bargaining. We will also give proper employment protection to women and to homeworkers, part-time workers and temporary workers.

    The Tories’ cut-backs in the work of the Health and Safety Commission will be reversed. Labour will actively support the commission and the role of joint safety committees in the work place.

    Safeguards for expansion

    Increased spending will not be enough to ensure sustained economic growth. Spending will not create jobs if it is soaked up by imports. We must not allow firms to use a return to growth as an excuse to put up prices. It will, in addition, be essential to co-ordinate expansion so proper investment is made for the future.

    First, we will see that our financial and monetary policies support expansion. We will make sure that public borrowing is financed, through the financial institutions and national savings, without disruptive or damaging changes in interest rates.

    Second, exchange controls – maintained by successive British governments since 1939; and so foolishly scrapped by the Tories in 1979 – will be re-introduced. This will help to counter currency speculation and to make available – to industry and government in Britain – the large capital resources that are now flowing overseas.

    Third, we must ensure that our trade and balance of payments contribute to our expansion. This means maintaining the pound at a realistic and competitive rate. Tory monetary policies have kept interest rates far too high, pushing the pound beyond its competitive value. An overpriced pound taxes exports and subsidises imports. Our balance of trade, other than North Sea oil, has been seriously damaged as a result. A competitive exchange rate will assist British exports abroad and make British goods more competitive at home.

    A policy for imports

    But we must also plan ahead so that, as the economy expands, we keep our exports and imports in balance. We must therefore be ready to act on imports directly: first, in order to safeguard key industries that have been seriously put at risk by Tory policy; and second, so as to check the growth of imports should they threaten to outstrip our exports and thus our plan for expansion. We will:

    Use agreed development plans, which we shall negotiate with the large companies that dominate our economy, so as to influence their purchasing and development policies. Our aim will be to prevent excessive import penetration and promote our own exports.

    Use public purchasing policy to help support our strategy.

    Introduce back-up import controls, using tariffs and quotas, if these prove necessary, to achieve our objective of trade balance – upon which sustained expansion depends.

    Our purpose in trade policy is not to reduce trade but to make possible an orderly expansion of imports, paid for by our growing export trade. We will thus be able to replace the present policies of deflation, which restrict world trade, by policies of expansion, which increase world trade. We will also encourage international action for expansion and increased world trade.

    Within the framework of an orderly expansion of trade, we will also seek to give real preferences to imports from developing countries, particularly from the poorest countries, except where this will create acute problems for particular industries in this country.

    Prices – controlling inflation

    The Tories have used mass unemployment to control inflation. We completely reject this approach. We believe it is madness to keep people out of work deliberately. Our priority will be to expand the economy and create jobs. But we are also determined to prevent soaring prices.

    Expansion will in itself help cut the costs of production and therefore hold back prices. But we will use other measures to help restrain inflation. We will:

    Use direct measures of price restraint, such as cutting VAT, and subsidies on basic products, to cut into inflation as and when necessary.

    Stop using public sector charges, such as gas prices – up by 116 per cent since 1979 – as a back-door way of raising taxes, as the Tories have done.

    Buy our food where it is cheaper, on world markets, following Britain’s withdrawal from the EEC.

    Give powers to a new Price Commission to investigate companies, monitor price increases and order price freezes and reductions. These controls will be closely linked to our industrial planning, through agreed development plans with the leading, price-setting firms.

    Take full account of these measures in the national economic assessment, to be agreed each year with the trade unions. The assessment will also take account of the impact of cost increases on the future rate of inflation.

    Value for money

    The Tories say that ‘competition’ ensures that shoppers get a fair deal. The customers know better. Stronger legal safeguards are essential to protect customers – not least from shoddy goods. And shoppers must know their rights and be able to enforce them. We will undertake an urgent and comprehensive review of consumer law and reform it. We will also bring in new safeguards on advertising. We will:

    Establish a major public service facility – a Product Research Unit – to test products and manufacturers’ claims about them, and to publicise the results widely.

    Set up consumer advice centres in all main shopping centres, with mobile units for rural areas.

    Provide simple court procedures for small claims, stronger trade codes of practice placed on to a statutory basis, and adequate penalties for trading offences.

    See that all public enterprises give a high priority to dealing with consumer complaints and needs – and back them with stronger consumer councils.

    Introduce a code of advertising practice, on a statutory basis, to be administered by the office of Fair Trading; and provide powers to order advertisements to be substantiated, withdrawn, or corrected with equal prominence.

    Rebuilding our industry

    The Tories have been a disaster for British industry. Plants and companies have closed, skilled workers have been laid off, markets at home and abroad have been lost to our competitors. Industry has not invested enough, and it has failed to develop and exploit the new technologies as successfully as other industrial countries.

    We must rebuild our industrial strength – and we can do so under a Labour Government working together with unions and managers, to plan Britain’s industrial development. Our aim is not just to save companies and factories from closing down. We intend to create new companies and new science-based industries – using new public enterprise to lead the way, and supported by the development of industrial democracy.

    In our joint statement with the TUC, Economic Planning and Industrial Democracy, and in Labour’s Programme 1982, we show how it can be done. We will:

    Develop a new five-year national plan to coordinate expansion and public spending with plans for individual industries and regions. We will create a powerful new Department of Economic and Industrial Planning.

    Involve the trade unions and management in planning at every level with a new, tripartite National Planning Council.

    Link planning at all levels firmly to a radical extension of industrial democracy. New statutory rights will enable workers to draw up plans for their own enterprises and sectors of industry, which we will seek to incorporate into our strategy.

    Make our planning flexible, so that it is able to respond quickly to changing circumstances and take full account of changing needs and preferences. We are opposed to any kind of rigid planning from the centre. But we will seek to develop a firm sense of strategic direction.

    Negotiate agreed development plans with all leading companies – national and multinational, public and private – so that such companies play a constructive role in supporting the national plan and our plans for individual regions and sectors.

    Support these agreed development plans with new industrial powers, including discretionary price controls, financial support and access to credit; and take powers to invest in individual companies, to purchase them outright or to assume temporary control.

    Monitor closely the activities of multinational companies, through a Foreign Investment Unit. All UK-based multinationals will have to operate within clearly laid-down guidelines.

    Develop regional development plans, with plans also being drawn up at local level by local authorities. Regional development agencies will be established, extending our present commitment to a Northern Development Agency to other English regions in need of them. These agencies will have similar powers and resources to those in Scotland and Wales. We will also consider using new regional job subsidies.

    Strengthen the NEB, the Scottish and Welsh Development Agencies, and the Industrial Development Board in Northern Ireland. We will give them, and the new development agencies, adequate resources for investment and acquisition.

    Public and co-operative enterprise

    We will use public and co-operative enterprise to support our planning and as a major source of technical innovation. We will:

    Encourage and help existing public enterprises to expand and diversify. They will be given far more freedom to raise funds on capital markets.

    Return to public ownership the public assets and rights hived off by the Tories, with compensation of no more than that received when the assets were denationalised. We will establish a significant public stake in electronics, pharmaceuticals, health equipment and building materials; and also in other important sectors, as required in the national interest.

    Give generous encouragement and help to worker co-operatives and local enterprise boards. We will establish a Co-operative Investment Bank. The development agencies and local authorities will be empowered to support and to help establish co operatives and local enterprise boards. We will give new rights to workers to convert their firms into co-operatives.

    Labour will also support key industries in the public sector. We will:

    Prevent the further decline of both public and private sectors of the steel industry so that the industry can, through planned investment, meet the rising demand from economic expansion. We will retain the five major BSC plants and see that a larger share of the home market is met from UK production. A major public presence will also be established in the steel stock-holding industry.

    Develop our aerospace industries. We will ensure that proper levels of research, development and investment take place, and that the industries have the capacity and skills needed to compete as equals in the world market. The British Aerospace Corporation will be re-established as a major public enterprise.

    Support the shipbuilding industry, which is vital for a maritime nation such as Britain, with interests in merchant shipping, the Navy, offshore oil and gas resources and fishing. Labour will establish a maritime strategy embracing both shipbuilding and shipping interests. We will re establish the British Shipbuilding Corporation as a public sector company with a new financial basis and adequate resources for investment.

    Telecommunications

    A national cable system will make possible a wide range of new telecommunications services, greater variety in the provision of television, and a major stimulus to British technology and industry. But it must be under firm public control. A publicly-owned British Telecommunications will thus be given the sole responsibility to create a national, broadband network (including Mercury, the new privately-owned telecommunications system for business), which integrates telecommunications and broadcasting.

    Science and technology

    Science and technology are essential to Britain’s economic and social regeneration. The Tories have undermined research and development in the science-based research industries of the future. Cuts in higher education threaten our fundamental research. Industry devotes less to research and development than any other of our major industrial competitors. Defence accounts for over 80 per cent of government research funds in industry.

    The fall in output, together with the lack of planning and retraining, has meant that new technology has brought major job losses in some sectors. Only Labour can plan new technology to meet our commitment to full employment. We will:

    Guarantee adequate funding for higher education, the research councils and government research establishments.

    Use the National Investment Bank to channel funds from the financial institutions into long-term investment in new technology.

    Work together with trade unions to plan an expansion of new technology, in particular using it to aid a product-based recovery of the economy. New technology agreements, for proper safeguards and retraining for the work-force, will be extended.

    Strengthen the links between research by higher education and industry to help greater industrial innovation.

    Increase technological literacy in schools and give boys and girls equal opportunities to study science and technology.

    Promote the supply of engineers and technicians, including women, to meet the needs of industry and the community.

    Ensure that research and development are directed towards society’s needs, with a reduction in the present high proportion of defence research.

    Promote the development and use of new information and communication services to support a wider democracy.

    Finance for industry

    It is essential that industry has the finance it needs to support our plans for increased investment. Our proposals are set out in full in our Conference statement, The Financial Institutions. We will:

    Establish a National Investment Bank to put new resources from private institutions and from the government – including North Sea oil revenues – on a large scale into our industrial priorities. The bank will attract and channel savings, by agreement, in a way that guarantees these savings and improves the quality of investment in the UK.

    Exercise, through the Bank of England, much closer direct control over bank lending. Agreed development plans will be concluded with the banks and other financial institutions.

    Create a public bank operating through post offices, by merging the National Girobank, National Savings Bank and the Paymaster General’s Office.

    Set up a Securities Commission to regulate the institutions and markets of the City, including Lloyds, within a clear statutory framework.

    Introduce a new Pension Schemes Act to strengthen members’ rights in occupational pension schemes, clarify the role of trustees, and give members a right to equal representation, through their trade unions, on controlling bodies of the schemes.

    Set up a tripartite investment monitoring agency to advise trustees and encourage improvements in investment practices and strategies.

    We expect the major clearing banks to co operate with us fully on these reforms, in the national interest. However, should they fail to do so, we shall stand ready to take one or more of them into public ownership. This will not in any way affect the integrity of customers’ deposits.

    Employment and training

    The long-term unemployed – the men and women who have suffered most from the Tory onslaught – will benefit directly from economic expansion and our policies on regional development. But special measures are also needed. By the end of our first five years, our aim is that no-one will be out of work for more than a year without receiving an offer of a job or training place.

    We will act quickly to save jobs and stop the further destruction of industry. We will expand the schemes for compensating firms that avoid redundancy and provide temporary jobs for the long-term unemployed. We will widen the Job Release Scheme and offer employment subsidies to firms, linked to agreements with them to preserve and create jobs. We will also provide major increases in youth and adult training, with special provision for women, ethnic minorities and the disabled; and integrate a reformed Youth Training Scheme into our scheme for a two-year student-traineeship.

    Industry has been badly hit by the collapse of training under the Tories. Expansion must not be held back by shortages of skilled labour; and people without work must have the skills needed to take up the available jobs. We will:

    Introduce a new statutory framework, linking adult training with initial training. This will also place a statutory duty on employers to carry out training and establish joint workplace training committees. Adequate funds will be provided jointly by industry and government.

    Give the Manpower Services Commission the authority and resources it needs to do the job. The commission will develop its regional and local structures, advise companies on their plans for manpower, and get advance notice of redundancies.

    Ensure that the MSC develops a national job centre network and reverses the cutbacks in occupational guidance and help for disadvantaged job seekers. We will take urgent steps to abolish private employment agencies.

    Working time in Britain, over the life time of individual workers, is among the highest in industrial countries. We will work through collective bargaining to reduce working time; and this will include more flexible working arrangements, more time off for study, longer holidays, earlier voluntary retirement with adequate pensions – with progress towards our aim of a common pension age of 60 – and a 35 hour week.

    Equal rights at work

    Labour’s aim is to create equal rights at work for women and to overcome the effects of past discrimination. We will:

    Expand Positive Action Programmes to eliminate discrimination, change employment practices and introduce special training schemes to equip women to enter non-traditional areas of work.

    Carry out these programmes throughout the public sector, ensure that public-sector contracts include a commitment to positive action, and press employers and unions to negotiate these programmes through joint equal opportunities committees at the workplace. These proposals will be backed, if necessary, by a statutory duty on employers.

    Strengthen the Sex Discrimination and Equal Pay Acts to make them more effective. We will shift the burden of proof from the complainant to the alleged discriminator, incorporate the concept of indirect discrimination and introduce the principle of equal pay for work of equal value.

    End the distinction between part-time and full-time workers in terms of rights, hourly pay-rates and conditions, and extend greater employment protection to homeworkers and women on maternity leave.

    We also aim to create equality of opportunity and treatment for black workers, and similar positive action programmes will be carried through on their behalf.

    Energy

    Energy is vital to our future as an industrial nation. We will plan its supply and demand more carefully and save more of the energy we use. As outlined in Labour’s Programme 1982, we will:

    Ensure that everyone can afford adequate heat and light at home.

    Give priority to the coal industry and the use of coal as a fuel. We will seek to re-establish the tripartite machinery set up under Labour and prepare a new Plan for Coal. We will also replace old plant with coal-fired stations.

    Assist major towns and cities to set up combined heat and power schemes.

    Begin a massive conservation programme, led by insulation for council housing, and giving incentives to industry on agreed plans to save energy. The programme will be managed by a new Energy Conservation Agency.

    Greatly increase spending on the development of renewable sources.

    Stop Sizewell and scrap the Tory PWR programme. The need for a continuing nuclear programme based on the British AGR will be reassessed when we come to office.

    Re-establish the Energy Commission to advise on the preparation and annual review of a comprehensive energy plan.

    Transfer the whole of the National Nuclear Corporation to the public sector.

    Energy costs now represent a major part of family budgets. We will aim to reduce these costs, both by conservation and by introducing new fuel allowances.

    We will bring Britoil back into public ownership and combine it with BNOC to create a powerful national oil corporation with full powers to engage in all aspects of oil-related activities. We will restore to the new corporation a minimum 50 per cent stake in all fields discovered since 1975; and, in line with our objective to bring North Sea oil into public ownership and control, the public sector will have the dominant role in all future oil and gas exploration and development in the North Sea. We reaffirm our commitment to achieving full public control and ownership of British Petroleum, in order to make it an effective agent of a nationally directed oil policy.

    Food, fishing and agriculture

    Britain needs a food and agriculture policy much more in line with our needs – and this is one of the prime reasons for leaving the EEC. Instead of the inflated prices of the EEC’s Common Agricultural Policy, we will support our agriculture through deficiency payments – coupled, where necessary, with limited intervention buying and direct income support.

    As we describe in Labour’s Programme 1982, we will conduct an ‘annual assessment’ of the industry, after consultation with all those concerned. This will set the level of support given to the industry. Labour will also negotiate long-term supply agreements with agricultural producing nations; establish commodity agencies and support marketing co-operatives; and, where helpful, extend marketing boards to other sectors.

    Together with the trade unions we will work to close the gap between agricultural and industrial earnings, and replace the Agricultural Wages Board with a statutory joint industrial council. We will also act to improve farm safety, provide statutory support for workers’ safety representatives, and end pay discrimination against women workers.

    We will give a new deal to the fishing industry. We will draw up a National Fisheries Plan so as to take full advantage of our withdrawal from the EEC. We will also provide public investment for the industry and improved conditions of employment – including safety conditions – and introduce a licensing system for registered fishing vessels and fishermen.

    We will end the de-rating of agricultural land. We will also defend the agricultural environment by giving a new priority to the effect on the environment of our agricultural policies. We will make all agricultural aid subject to environmental criteria and extend development controls to agriculture.

    We shall take tougher measures to control the use of pesticides and herbicides. We shall establish a body with statutory powers to supervise their use, and in particular we shall ban the use of 245-T. We shall strengthen controls on the use of additives in feedstuffs, and in food, and ensure better labelling. Our aim is to make it easier for new entrants, such as young farmers, to come into the industry and obtain a tenancy. We will do this with the help of a new Rural Land Authority, which will administer rural land already publicly-owned and begin to extend public ownership to tenanted land.

    For the forestry industry, we intend to reconstitute the Forestry Commission, as described in Labour’s Programme 1982, so that it operates as an expanding public enterprise. The commission would cease to act as a spokesman for the private sector; and it will be expected to extend its activities to include the processing side of the industry. We will also seek to increase tree plantings.

    A better deal for women

    Labour’s objective is to achieve equality between women and men. Over half the population are women; yet in our society, paid employment is seen as important while domestic skills – involving caring for children – do not enjoy their proper status. Women should have a genuine choice between staying at home to look after the family or going to work. Men and women should be able to share the rights and responsibilities of paid employment and domestic activities, so that job segregation within and outside the home is broken down.

    Tory attacks on women’s rights and opportunities have more than doubled the numbers of unemployed women and destroyed services which women in particular depend upon. Labour will do more than reverse these policies. We will:

    Expand current positive action programmes as well as introduce wide-ranging new schemes in order to encourage women to train and apply for new job opportunities, particularly in the area of new technology.

    Provide equal pay for work of equal value by amending the Equal Pay Act; and take action, together with the trade unions, against low pay.

    Strengthen the Sex Discrimination Act to include direct and indirect discrimination on the grounds of family status, and shift the burden of proof from the complainant to the alleged discriminator.

    Strengthen and expand the role of the Equal Opportunities Commission.

    Restore and extend women’s employment rights to include part-time and home workers.

    Reverse the Tory attack on employment, social services and maternity rights.

    Improve the level of financial support to families with children and disabled dependants. The household duties test will be abolished. Extra help will be given to one-parent families.

    Establish an integrated system of child care with priority for children in the most deprived areas. Our aim will be to introduce, as soon as possible, a statutory duty on local authorities to provide nursery education for all pre-school children whose parents wish it.

    Take steps to end discrimination in education and training, as set out in Labour’s Programme 1982.

    Provide the resources to make a major improvement in the personal social services for the care of elderly, sick and disabled people.

    Within the NHS, improve community services, extend preventive measures including screening, and develop child health services.

    Increase the maternity grant to at least £100.

    Provide fair treatment for widows.

    Increase the death grant to at least £200.

    Work to establish equal treatment in tax and social security.

    End VAT on sanitary protection.

    Appoint a cabinet minister to promote equality between the sexes.

    Review the whole question of divorce and maintenance.

    Establish a fairer system of family law, and introduce Family Courts.

    Give more support for victims of rape; and provide an urgent review of police and court procedures in cases of rape and violence against women.

    Improve ante-natal and maternity services, and respect the wishes of women in childbirth.

    Support the provision of family crisis centres and more refuges for battered women.

    While continuing to defend and respect the absolute right of individual conscience, we will improve NHS facilities for family planning and abortion, including counselling and day-care; and we will remove barriers to the implementation of the existing right of choice for women in the termination of a pregnancy.

    Fair shares

    Our plan for expansion must be supported by measures to create a fairer Britain. We shall reform taxation so that the rich pay their full share and the tax burden on the lower paid is reduced. By progressively increasing the real value of the personal allowance, we will help the lower paid and those on average earnings. We intend also to bring down the starting point of the highest rates of tax, and to remove the present ceiling on earnings-related National Insurance contributions.

    In Labour’s Programme 1982, we explain how we will reduce tax avoidance. This will include action on family trusts and investment income. We also intend to limit the open-ended availability to higher-rate tax payers of various tax reliefs. A determined attack will be mounted on illegal tax evasion.

    We shall also reform indirect taxation. We will extend zero-rating under VAT, with different rates for essentials and non-essentials.

    Capital taxes will be used to reduce the huge inequalities in inherited wealth. We shall reverse most of the Tories’ concessions on capital transfer tax and introduce a new annual tax on net personal wealth, along the lines set out in Labour’s Programme 1982. This will ensure that the richest 100,000 of the population make a fair and proper contribution to tax revenue.

    Helping families

    Labour will give families a better deal. Our first priority will be to help families with children in order to support them in the task of parenthood. The Tories refuse to accept the wide variety in the type and size of families. Their policies restrict choice for members of families – in particular they reduce the freedom of men and women to choose whether to work or to stay at home and look after their families. At the same time, Tory policy has trapped more and more families in poverty through a combination of means-tested benefits and a tax system which bites hardest on the lowest paid.

    We aim to recast the tax and benefit system, so as to redistribute resources to families with children. Our priority is child benefit. We will increase it by £2.00 a week, make it index-linked, and subsequently improve it in real terms, as resources allow. In the longer term, we shall aim to raise child benefit to the level of child support given to those on long-term benefits. We shall also restore the rights to weekly payment of child benefit; increase the maternity grant to £100; and give extra help to one-parent families.

    We shall continue to help family budgets throughout the parliament:

    By increasing personal tax allowances – thus taking the poorest families out of the tax net;

    By making further increases in child benefit;

    By extending and improving the Invalid Care Allowance for those who care for disabled people.

    To help pay for these improvements we shall, over the lifetime of the parliament, phase out the married man’s additional tax allowance for those under the age of retirement. Married couples with dependants will clearly benefit considerably from these changes – whilst the overall change for those without dependants, given the increases in personal allowance, will be small in any one year. However, we recognise that the loss of the allowance could cause financial difficulty for those couples where one of the spouses is not in work. We shall therefore consider how best to give support to these married couples where there are no dependants. Our aim is to end sex discrimination in taxation.

    We favour the principle of separate taxation and are examining how best to implement this.

    A new deal for pensioners

    We believe that elderly people, both today’s pensioners as well as those who will benefit in future from Labour’s pension scheme, should share as of right in our future prosperity. We shall:

    Uprate the pension in November 1983 by the full amount necessary to protect its real value against the rise in inflation to that date.

    Increase pensions, as soon as practicable, by £1.45 for a single person and £2.25 for a married couple. This is the amount pensioners have lost through the Tories breaking the link between pensions and earnings.

    Link pensions and average earnings, when these are rising faster than prices, and extend this to all benefits.

    Make progress towards our aim of a common pension age of 60.

    Double the Christmas bonus to £20.

    Phase out the TV licence for pensioners, during the lifetime of the Labour government.

    Give women the additional tax allowance for the elderly – the age allowance – at 60 instead of 65.

    Increase the Death Grant to £200 and extend it to cover all deaths.

    Introduce a Pension Schemes Act that will more adequately protect occupational pensions from the effects of inflation than they are at present; protect the position of early leavers; and extend to members of schemes, rights to participation and to greater information.

    Introduce, in areas where more favourable concessionary travel on local transport does not exist, a nationwide, off-peak, half-fares scheme for pensioners.

    Reform the harsh supplementary benefit rules introduced by the Tories.

    Reduce energy costs, for pensioners, both through support for conservation and by introducing new fuel allowances.

    Help for the unemployed

    Working people are entitled to a decent income when they lose their job through circumstances beyond their control. An improved earnings-related supplement will once again be paid during the first months of unemployment. We shall end the discrimination whereby the unemployed are not entitled to the long-term rate of supplementary benefit after a year. We shall also consider how best to improve unemployment benefit for the longer-term unemployed so that large-scale supplementation is not required.

    Help for people with disabilities

    The last Labour government established, for the first time, the basis for eliminating poverty among disabled people. We intend to build on this. We will:

    Introduce a £10 a week blindness allowance, as a first step towards the introduction of a new cash benefit for disabled people, which will vary according to the degree of disability.

    Bring up the non-contributory invalidity pension to the level of the flat-rate contributory invalidity benefit, and restore the 5 per cent cut in invalidity benefit.

    Help the many disabled people who are capable of working part-time or for limited periods, but discouraged by present benefit regulations. We shall amend these to take account of their needs.

    Abolish the household duties test for housewives’ non-contributory invalidity pension and extend invalid care allowance to all those women presently excluded.

    Continue to pay mobility allowance to existing recipients as they reach the age of 75.

    Ensure the full implementation of the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act.

    For those who require long-term care – elderly, mentally handicapped, mentally ill and disabled people – develop services within both the health service and the local authority services, based on support for them and their families within the community.

    Make proper provision for the 20 per cent of children requiring various forms of special education. We will promote and provide the resources for the integration within mainstream schooling of those children whose needs are best met by ordinary schools.

    Labour will also aim to overcome discrimination against the disabled at work. We will reverse the Tory cuts, which have caused unnecessary suffering for people with disabilities. We shall increase the number of disablement resettlement officers; extend capital grants to adapt employer’s premises; strengthen existing schemes – especially rehabilitation – to help disabled people back to work; and introduce new legislation, including quotas, to secure employment opportunities and job protection for disabled people.

    A fairer benefit system

    The new supplementary benefit scheme introduced by the Tories is harsh and unfair. We shall reform it. The families of those involved in industrial disputes will be entitled to full benefits – less any strike pay actually paid. We shall return to a sliding scale for assessing capital and the surrender value of insurance policies will be excluded. The anomaly which prevents some widows from claiming long-term supplementary benefit will be removed. We shall give extra help to families with children.

    We shall improve staffing levels and physical conditions in social security offices so as to provide a more humane and responsive service for claimants. Many people fail to claim benefit to which they are entitled. We shall aim to increase take-up by improvements in publicity and the provision of advice.

    All the social security changes made by the Tories, including the new sick pay and housing benefit schemes, will be reviewed. If they do not treat working people and their families fairly, we will replace them.

    Forty years have elapsed since the Beveridge Report which led to the setting up of the National Insurance scheme by the post war Labour government. We shall conduct a thorough review of the scheme in the light of today’s circumstances.

    The right to health care

    The creation of the National Health Service is one of the greatest achievements of the Labour Party. It now faces a double threat from the Tories: a lack of resources for decent health care; and the active encouragement of private practice. Labour will act to defend the basic principles of the service. We will ensure that it is free at the point of use and funded out of taxation, and that priority depends on medical need not ability to pay.

    To meet rising costs due to improved medical technology and the age composition of the population, and to allow for a general expansion of our under-funded health services, we shall increase health service expenditure by 3 per cent per annum in real terms. We will also seek a fairer distribution of these resources at both regional and district level. Since the election, prescription charges have increased from 20p to £1.40 per item. Labour will phase out health charges. We shall also ensure that NHS staff receive a fair reward for their work and dedication; and we will discuss with the TUC new arrangements for pay determination and the resolution of disputes.

    Our overriding aim will be to reduce inequalities in standards of health care for all who need it. We will:

    Give greater emphasis to prevention, both within the health and personal social services. We will come forward with proposals to help prevent accidents and disease, including action on advertising.

    Give priority to improving our primary health care services, especially in the inner cities.

    Continue to improve the ante-natal and maternity services and develop our child health services; and we will respect the wishes of women in child birth.

    Introduce an independent complaints system in both hospital and family practitioner services.

    Recognise the importance of community health councils and ensure that they have the power and facilities to represent fully the consumer point of view.

    Abolish the special charges for overseas visitors, and end passport checks.

    Take a major public stake in the pharmaceutical industry – and ensure that the drugs available are safe, effective and economic.

    The present expansion in private medicine is a serious threat to our priorities in health care. We will not allow the development of a two-tier health service, where the rich can jump the queue. We shall remove private practice from the NHS and take into the NHS those parts of the profit-making private sector which can be put to good use. We shall also stop public subsidies to the private sector and prevent it expanding further. We will give proper recognition to those consultants who make a full-time commitment to the NHS; and we will provide incentives to those choosing to work in under-doctored areas and specialities.

    While continuing to defend and respect the absolute right of individual conscience, we will improve NHS facilities for family planning and abortion, including counselling and day-care; and we will remove barriers to the implementation of the existing right of choice for women in the termination of a pregnancy.

    Personal social services

    Personal social services – such as childcare, home helps, meals on wheels and residential and day care for the elderly and handicapped, are a vital part of our welfare state. And it is those who are most vulnerable in our society who depend most upon them.

    The Tory cuts in the social services have hit women hardest. They have meant lost jobs for many women and a loss of support for the elderly and disabled, thus forcing women to stay at home as unpaid carers. A major improvement in personal social services will be necessary, not only to raise the standard of living of those who depend upon them, but also to give women an equal right to work. Labour will reverse the Tory cuts, improve and expand services so that they can complement the much better community health services we shall provide. This will involve increasing spending by at least 4 per cent a year in real terms. We will:

    Increase joint finance and extend it to cover other agencies.

    Require social services departments to plan and develop services for children jointly with education and health authorities.

    Strengthen the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act so that it provides a Charter of Rights for disabled people everywhere.

    Require local authorities to develop preventive services for children at risk.

    Give greater attention to the needs of ethnic minorities.

    Encourage the growth of local, independent advice and advocacy services.

    Education for the future

    If individuals are to achieve their full creative potential, and our society is to advance, we must substantially improve educational provision and opportunity. The Tories’ cuts have shown that they have no commitment to a free and fair education system. The fact is, however, that economic and social progress will depend on our success in making use of the abilities of the whole of our population.

    For the under-fives, our goal is to achieve comprehensive provision, with priorities for children in the most deprived areas. We will unify education and care services for the under-fives, both nationally and locally. Our aim will be to introduce a statutory duty on local authorities to provide nursery education, as soon as possible, for all pre-school children whose parents wish it.

    Schools in the community

    Primary education is fundamental to all educational and social development, as any parent knows. We will restore funds to local education authorities to reduce class sizes; and improve learning materials and facilities in primary schools so that our children receive the best possible start in their schooling.

    Secondary education is a period during which all young people must prepare themselves as the workers and citizens of the future. We shall encourage a higher standard of achievement among all pupils in the variety of academic and other activities which are essential parts of fully comprehensive education. We will:

    Repeal the Education Act 1979 and prohibit all forms of academic selection, such as the eleven plus, as a condition of admission to secondary schools.

    Require local education authorities to maintain a broad, balanced and comprehensive curriculum, providing genuinely equal opportunities for boys and girls, and for the ethnic minorities to meet the needs of our multi-cultural society.

    Establish a common system of assessment for all 16 year olds which will encourage effort and accurately record achievement at school.

    Throughout the whole of schooling, we will:

    Determine a supply of appropriately qualified teachers to reduce class sizes. No class size should be over 30. The quality and frequency of teacher in-service training must be improved so that teachers receive no less than one school term of training in every five years of service.

    Discuss with the local authorities ways of developing a reformed system for funding education. Whilst safeguarding local democracy in education, this must secure and maintain improved national standards of provision in essential areas.

    Abolish corporal punishment; and help local authorities and schools to develop other methods, already successfully practised in many schools, for dealing with bad behaviour.

    Positively encourage parental understanding and participation in the education of their children by increasing parental representation on school governing bodies and increasing the links between home and school.

    Re-establish the school meals and milk services, cut back by the Tories. This will help to offset the inequalities, for example in nutrition, highlighted by the Black Report.

    Private schools are a major obstacle to a free and fair education system, able to serve the needs of the whole community. We will abolish the Assisted Places Scheme and local authority place buying; and we will phase out, as quickly as possible, boarding allowances paid to government personnel for their children to attend private schools, whilst ensuring secure accommodation for children needing residential education.

    We shall also withdraw charitable status from private schools and all their other public subsidies and tax privileges. We will also charge VAT on the fees paid to such schools; phase out fee charging; and integrate private schools within the local authority sector where necessary.

    Special schools for handicapped pupils will retain all current support and tax advantages.

    Post 16 education

    For 16 and 17 year olds, we will introduce a two years’ student-traineeship within a third or ‘tertiary’, stage of education, as described in the section on young people. A ‘tertiary awards council’ will be established to develop and validate a proper system of educational assessment for the whole of the age group. Our aim is to replace the rigid ‘A’ level system with a broader programme of study within the student-traineeship, thus preventing over specialisation and promoting flexibility and breadth in learning.

    Our policy for education after eighteen is expansion with change. We will reverse the Tory cuts and restore the right for all qualified young people seeking higher education to secure places. We will also substantially expand opportunities for adults in both further and higher education.

    We reject the Tory proposals for student loans; and we will ensure students are given adequate financial support. We will also provide proper financial support for those on non-advanced, part-time advanced, and Open University courses.

    Adult education

    We are determined to give priority to adults who have been denied educational opportunity on leaving school. We will:

    Give statutory backing to paid educational leave for workers.

    Phase in a new, adult educational entitlement that will provide one year of education, backed by financial support for adults who have never received education after eighteen.

    Require educational institutions to be more flexible in their admissions procedures and methods of study.

    Establish a proper legal basis for adult education; and create a development council to promote adult and continuing education.

    Establish machinery to plan and co ordinate all post 18-education together and ensure that the bodies funding universities, and planning local authority further, higher and continuing education, are more accountable and representative.

    A new deal for young people

    Labour will end the scourge of youth unemployment and prepare young people to take up the jobs that we will create. We will also encourage all young people in employment to join a trade union. Our radical new scheme for young people will establish a new, two year student-traineeship for all 16 and 17 year olds. It will bring together, for the first time, the first years of apprenticeships, other training schemes for young workers and the young unemployed and courses in full-time education in schools and colleges. We will:

    Give to young people who are at work the right to be released to college or school, on full pay. Employers will be given a statutory duty to provide opportunities for their young employees to receive systematic education and training and to release student-trainees at their request. Premiums will be paid to them to recruit young people and provide them with such opportunities.

    Abolish the so-called Young Workers’ Scheme, set up by the Tories to reduce youth wages. Labour rejects completely the Tory argument that young people have priced themselves out of jobs.

    Offer all young people without work a place on new youth training schemes, with proper education and training opportunities – which can best be guaranteed by active monitoring by the trade unions; and give them an allowance of at least £30 per week – the level of which will be agreed annually with the TUC – with trade unions being free to negotiate better terms.

    Provide student-trainees, in full-time education, with an educational maintenance allowance of £25 a week, at 1983 prices, covering 52 weeks in a year.

    Labour will establish new rights and provide more resources for youth. We will:

    Expand and improve the youth service so that it meets the social, cultural and recreational needs of young people – especially the unemployed, young women, the ethnic minorities and the young disabled.

    Established a ‘youth initiatives fund’ to give greater recognition and support to organisations which represent young people’s interest.

    Encourage local authorities to support representative local youth councils as one of the means of enabling young people to influence public affairs as young adults.

    Expand funding and staffing for the provision of social studies and education for citizenship in youth clubs and schools with the aim of informing young people of their civil, political and trade union rights and responsibilities as citizens. Accredited trade union representatives should be involved with secondary school students in the context of such education, with full facilities for such representatives at all career days.

    Homes for everyone

    Britain faces a major housing crisis. The Tories have slashed public spending on housing by half and house building is at its lowest since the 1920’s. Houses are falling into disrepair faster than they can be repaired, while homelessness and waiting lists continue to grow. Labour will reverse this decline. Our aim is a decent home for all with real freedom of choice between renting and owning, on terms people can afford.

    Labour governments have done more than any others to assist owner occupiers; and we will extend this by giving special assistance to first-time buyers and council tenants.

    Labour will immediately increase by half the total housing investment programmes for local authorities. This will be a first step in increasing resources for council housing repairs and improvements and for new public sector house building. We will also give a new priority to getting empty council owned housing back into use. We will overhaul and extend the renovation grant and area improvement programme to tackle properly the decay of our older houses. New and better housing and environmental standards will be developed and greater provision will be made for hitherto neglected groups, such as single people.

    Council housing

    The Tories have forced council rents to more than double. The number of council homes for rent is falling because of the rundown of new building and enforced sales. Thousands have to cope with leaking roofs and damp, inadequate heating, broken down lifts, noise, lack of security, increasing disrepair and neglect.

    Labour will give council tenants a new deal. In addition to a freeze on rents for a full year, and the restoration of subsidies, Labour will:

    fund a national action programme to repair and improve or replace run-down estates, especially the system-built developments in which so many defects have been revealed.

    Strengthen tenants’ rights on security, repairs and improvements, access to files, exchanges, transfers, moves between local authority areas, and rehousing rights on breakdown of relationship;

    Encourage more responsive and decentralised housing management and maintenance, and promote tenant participation and democracy, including housing co-operatives;

    End all residential and other qualifications, which unfairly exclude people from council housing in the area where they live, extend the ‘priority’ groups under the Housing (Homeless Persons) Act and strengthen the rights of homeless people;

    End enforced council house sales, empower public landlords to repurchase homes sold under the Tories on first resale and provide that future voluntary agreed sales will be at market value.

    Home ownership

    Labour believes in real home ownership at prices people can afford. Under the Tories the mortgage rate reached its highest ever level at 15 per cent and is still at 10 per cent. They have done little to help low income groups become owners.

    We support financial assistance for owner-occupation and will maintain mortgage tax relief for existing house purchasers at the current rate.

    The unfairness of mortgage tax relief above the basic rate, which gives most benefit to the highest incomes, will be phased out. We will also examine the possibility of a new and substantial form of financial help for first time buyers, with special consideration for council and new town tenants, aimed at easing the heavy initial burdens of house purchase.

    Labour will act to help home-owners. We will:

    Simplify and reduce the cost of house purchase, ending the solicitors’ conveyancing monopoly, and require full disclosure of mortgage lending terms and practices;

    Make it easier for lower income groups to borrow funds on secure terms by greatly expanding council mortgage lending and providing the funds needed. This will be financed primarily by on-lending from the building societies, at least 10 per cent of whose funds should be made available in this way;

    Allow and encourage councils to provide a unified house-purchase service, including estate agency, surveying, conveyancing and mortgage lending;

    End the leasehold system for houses, strengthen the rights of leaseholders of flats and increase protection to mobile home residents.

    Privately rented housing

    The worst housing conditions are in privately rented housing. The Tories have loosened the controls on rents and security of tenure and pushed up rents. If they get the chance, they would abolish all controls.

    Labour will ensure that tenants are fully protected. We will:

    Actively encourage the transfer of all property owned by absentee private landlords to the public or owner-occupied sectors, with local authorities setting the pace. This will not apply to owner-occupiers letting all or part of their home.

    Repeal the Tories’ shorthold scheme and close other loopholes in security of tenure; and strengthen tenants’ rights on deposits and harassment.

    Strengthen councils’ powers to enforce repairs and improvements and the standards of management, particularly in multi-occupied properties; and launch a programme of action against property held empty without justification.

    Bring forward measures to strengthen tied tenants’ rights and improve their access to secure housing when they leave their job.

    Bring service charges for private tenants and leaseholders within the fair rents scheme.

    Help for all tenants

    Tenants in both the public and private sectors are plagued with difficulties caused by all-too frequent failure of landlords to carry out repairs satisfactorily and speedily. Tenants recognise that major structural repairs, for example to blocks of flats or maisonettes, can only be dealt with by large-scale improvement projects. But they rightly see no reason why routine repairs should be neglected. Labour will launch a new initiative aimed at tackling this troublesome problem.

    We will introduce a right to repair for all tenants – council, new town, housing associations and private landlord. This will give tenants the right to force landlords, including councils, to get routine repairs done, with landlords footing the cost. Where there are council direct labour organisations, these will be responsible for doing this work. Major structural work will not be included, but the Labour government will assist councils to carry out such work through much larger capital investment allocations and reinstatement of an adequate housing subsidy system.

    We also intend to reform the system of housing benefits for low income groups. A new Housing Tribunal will be established to replace the present confusing jumble of courts, tribunals and committees, as an accessible means of resolving landlord-tenant disputes.

    Construction

    The Tory recession has seriously damaged the construction industry. Company after company has gone bankrupt. Nearly 400,000 construction workers are on the dole. Labour’s plan for expansion will help the industry back to its feet. But we will also introduce changes to the industry, as described in Labour’s Programme, 1982 – not least to help stabilise the industry’s workload. We will also provide greater job security for employees; and we will work out, with the agreement of the trade unions, a system of decasualisation.

    We also believe that a major new role should be played in the industry by public and co-operative enterprise – to provide a new source of enterprise, initiative and innovation. We will establish a new, publicly-owned company, as a major pace-making public enterprise, for large and medium-sized construction projects. In addition, to help protect the public interest, we will extend public ownership into the building materials industry, in which a small number of large companies now enjoy near monopoly conditions.

    We will also give generous and active support to the development of workers’ co operatives, especially at the jobbing’ end of the industry. We will reverse Tory policies towards local authority direct labour organisations. We will give them more scope by allowing them to compete for other work in their locality, while ensuring that they are efficiently run as municipal enterprises. We will oppose the contracting out of government services to privately-owned companies.

    Planning for people

    The way we plan the use of our land affects every one of us. It determines where we build our housing, the kind of shopping centres which are available, and where new jobs and factories are sited. We are determined to strengthen local planning and ensure greater participation by ordinary people over the decisions which affect their lives.

    The Tories have always put the interests of property developers before the needs of local people. Labour will change this. We will ensure that local authorities are able to decide on the positive use of land in their areas instead of having to respond to the initiatives of developers. And we shall take explicit powers to link land-use planning firmly with the economic and social planning of local authorities.

    A key issue in planning at local level is the ownership and use of land. We are determined to stop land speculation and make sensible and comprehensive planning possible. We will establish new land authorities, similar to the successful Land Authority of Wales, with the powers and funds needed to acquire development land – at its current use value – so that local plans can be fulfilled. Our proposals do not apply to owner-occupiers, whose homes and gardens will be safeguarded.

    We intend also to widen democratic participation in the planning system by:

    Codifying and extending public rights of consultation, and of appeal against planning decisions;

    Improving access to public planning inquiries and broadening their terms of reference;

    Ensuring that, before the inquiry stage of certain major development proposals, the environmental effects are subject to detailed analysis and the report is published;

    Creating a new fund to help objectors at major public inquiries, with an independent board to decide who should be helped and by how much.

    The inner cities

    The decay, squalor and level of unemployment in our inner cities are a national disgrace. Labour is determined to reverse their decline. We will provide more resources, more investment and more jobs. We will act to ensure, through the policies set out in this campaign document, that people living in the inner cities have access to decent homes, health and education – and that there is proper accountability for the police.

    In addition to providing a major increase of funds for the Urban Programme, we will:

    Use agreed development plans, negotiated at national level with major firms – public and private – to locate investment and jobs in the inner cities.

    Use regional development agencies to prepare sites, encourage municipal and co-operative enterprise, and help improve transport and other facilities.

    Get local authorities to prepare local economic and social plans. We will also support the development of well-financed local enterprise boards in areas which need them – and enable local authorities to conclude agreed development plans with small and medium-sized local firms.

    The environment

    Labour believes that the countryside should be preserved and enhanced as a source of recreation for town and country dwellers alike and as a habitat for wild creatures and plants. Everyone has a right to a decent living and working environment.

    We intend to monitor closely – and publicly – the nation’s progress in improving the environment. We shall therefore present to parliament each year a major report on the ‘State of the Environment’. We will also safeguard our heritage by:

    Supporting rights of access to common land. We will stop landed interests from preventing access for anglers;

    Strengthening the planning laws to ensure that the countryside is protected from damaging development;

    Strengthening the legislation which protects endangered species;

    Providing increased resources so that the Nature Conservancy Council and Countryside Commission can function effectively;

    Enacting a new Wildlife and Countryside Act and providing proper protection for sites of special scientific interests.

    We will also act to curb pollution. We will:

    Proceed with the implementation of the 1974 Control of Pollution Act.

    Undertake a comprehensive review of the effectiveness of the present machinery and powers on pollution control.

    Eliminate lead in petrol by setting a date after which all new cars will be required to use only lead-free petrol. The interests of motorists will be safeguarded.

    Restore those environmental agencies abolished by the Tories with a responsibility for monitoring air and noise pollution.

    Develop a programme for eliminating toxic substances from our living and working environments.

    We will reform the water industry by repealing the Tories’ Water Act and restoring democratic accountability in the industry. We will re-establish a national authority charged with responsibility for the strategic planning and use of all water resources. The canal system will be brought under a new national authority, so that it can be developed and maintained as an essential water resource. We will also consider how best to provide help, for those on low incomes, with paying their water rates.

    Rural areas

    Tory policies have seriously harmed the rural areas. Bus services have disappeared. Rail links are under threat. Jobs have been axed. Houses are not being built. Village halls and sub-post offices have been closed. Labour will act to improve the quality of life in the rural areas; and we have outlined our plans in Labour’s Programme 1982 and in our statement Out of Town, Out of Mind. We will give greater priority to rural problems. And ministers will be expected to bring about greater co-ordination in promoting our policies. We will:

    Ensure that the Development Commission, and its counterparts in Scotland and Wales, become actively involved in implementing our policies for rural regeneration.

    Take measures to increase employment by encouraging the expansion of light industry and tourism in the rural areas, while safeguarding the rural nature of the countryside.

    Improve the rural public transport network by a major injection of public funds and a better use of existing resources.

    Wherever possible retain village schools and generally improve educational provision for all age groups; and introduce mobile health clinics and mobile ‘all purpose’ community services offices.

    Take extensive measures to expand the provision of all types of housing in the rural areas, which will also help to deal with the ‘Second Home’ problem.

    Transport

    Four years of Tory government has meant serious damage to Britain’s transport system. Profitable elements have been sold off. Important but unprofitable sections left in public hands are being starved of investment. The quality of public transport services has fallen disastrously.

    Another Tory government would mean even poorer services, higher fares and lower safety standards. Labour repudiates this whole approach. We believe that the improvement of public transport must be a major social priority, which can only be achieved by a sensibly integrated transport system. We describe our proposals in Labour’s Programme 1982.

    We will maintain and improve the rail network, invest in the electrification of the main lines and replace worn-out railway stock. We will encourage the use of the railways for freight traffic by extending grants for rail freight facilities and encouraging the development of trans-shipment depots.

    Heavy lorries will be made to bear their full share of road costs, including environment costs. We will cut to a minimum noise and pollution from goods vehicles and introduce national routeings and restrictions to take lorries away from people. Vehicle Excise Duty for private cars will be abolished and the revenue secured by a higher tax on petrol.

    Labour believes that, together with a properly enforced licensing system, a publicly-owned share of the road haulage industry is essential. It would clearly be sensible for the National Freight Company to form part of this sector; and we are examining how best to bring this about.

    We will ensure that local authorities are able to give proper support to public transport. In areas where more favourable concessionary travel on local transport does not exist, we shall bring in a nationwide, off-peak half-fares scheme for pensioners. A proper licensing system, to safeguard the network of bus services, will be reintroduced. We shall also ensure that a basic minimum level of service is provided throughout the country.

    In addition, we will:

    Encourage the development of effective traffic management schemes to alleviate the problems of traffic congestion.

    Improve facilities and safety standards for cyclists and increase financial incentives to local authorities to assist these improvements.

    Give a high priority to building by passes.

    Establish a national shipping organisation able to acquire and operate shipping services; and protect our shipping and jobs from unfair foreign competition.

    Invest in inland waterways, and encourage the greater use of them – and of coastal shipping – in the interests of taking freight off our roads.

    Establish a new National Ports Authority to take ports into public ownership and to develop a new overall strategy for these.

    Create a National Transport Authority to develop transport policy and good practice, secure integration and facilitate comprehensive planning.

    Law, order and justice

    Labour’s aim is to ensure that all sections of the community are safe on the street and at home, free from the fear that crime generates. We believe that the police should have the support of the community, have their rights safeguarded, and be fairly paid. But we also believe that it is as much in the interests of the police, as of their local communities, that they are properly accountable and fully subject to the law. We will ensure that, throughout the country, the police are encouraged to return to the beat and therefore closer to the communities they serve. That is the best way of preventing and detecting crime.

    We intend to protect the rights of individual suspects, while providing the police with sufficient powers to do their job effectively whilst not infringing the civil rights of individual suspects. We aim to create elected police authorities in all parts of the country, including London, with statutory responsibility for the determination of police policy within their areas. We will also:

    Launch a major initiative to help victims, including extending and simplifying the present Criminal Injuries Compensation Scheme.

    Give priority to crime prevention as part of our action programme for run down estates.

    Bring about better co-ordination in the technical, support and information services of the police.

    Replace the present police complaints procedure with an independent system accountable to local communities, with minority police representation.

    Create community police councils to provide an opportunity for open discussion between police and the community as to the quality and manner of police provision.

    Introduce strict limits on searches of people in the street, searches of premises, the use of the power of arrest, and on the time a prisoner can be held in custody before being charged.

    Protect the rights of those in police custody, by giving revised Judges Rules, which safeguard those under arrest or interrogation, the force of law and, in England and Wales, take the role of prosecutor away from the police by implementing a public prosecutor system, on the

    Procurator Fiscal model.

    Repeal the Police and Criminal Evidence Bill, because it infringes the rights and freedoms of individuals.

    Disband the London Special Patrol Groups and local SPGs, which have increasingly been deployed in aggressive public order roles.

    Access to legal services

    We will not allow people’s legal rights to go by default. Accessible level services are essential to protect human rights. As described in Labour’s Programme 1982, we will increase central government spending to set up new law centres and help existing ones, and to improve the legal aid scheme by widening its provisions. We will also introduce a system of appeals against the refusal of legal aid in criminal cases.

    We will speed the extension of duty solicitor schemes to all magistrate courts and police stations in England and Wales. We will also introduce measures to help citizens to secure their legal rights in the areas of tribunal and welfare rights law.

    We will co-ordinate the responsibility for advice and legal services so that ministerial responsibility is clearer and more direct. We will also establish a new Legal Services Commission to be responsible for the provision and financing of public legal services. Our aim is to ensure that the expertise and training of the legal profession should be geared far more than at present to those legal problems affecting ordinary people.

    The penal system

    No one concerned for human dignity and civil rights can find our prison system acceptable. We are determined to improve conditions. We do not accept that wives and children should be punished together with the prisoners. We will:

    Reduce the prison population by cutting many maximum sentence lengths for non-violent offenders. We will stop putting petty offenders into prison. We will expand non-custodial alternatives, and examine new penalties involving reparation and restitution to the victim. We will also introduce a maximum period of custody for those on remand, along the lines of the provisions in Scotland.

    Treat prisoners as human beings by providing reasonable conditions in our prisons. We will incorporate, in new, legally enforceable prison rules, minimum standards on such matters as cell space. And we will reduce unnecessary restrictions – for example on prisoners’ correspondence.

    Refurbish urban prisons.

    Hand over all specialist services in prisons, such as medical care, to the normal community agencies.

    Establish a genuinely independent complaints and disciplinary procedure to replace the current board of visitors system; and provide better aftercare for those leaving prison, to help them resettle in the community.

    Improve the training, working conditions and job opportunities of prison officers.

    Examine the additional problems faced by women prisoners, especially those with young children.

    Equal rights

    The next Labour government will lead a political offensive against racial disadvantage, discrimination and harassment; and we have set out our proposals in Labour’s Programme 1982. To encourage equality and reduce discrimination, we will greatly expand funding to ethnic minority projects. We will also encourage local authorities, in selecting projects under the Urban Programme, to provide for greater ethnic minority participation. We will also:

    Stimulate a wide range of positive action programmes to ensure that ethnic minorities receive a fair deal – in employment, education, housing and social services: and encourage the keeping of ethnic records, in order to assess the needs of ethnic minorities and take steps to meet them.

    Launch a major public education initiative aimed at eliminating prejudice.

    Strengthen the existing Race Relations Act – in particular, to enable us to deal more effectively with racialist literature, speeches and marches; and to remove the exception for seamen recruited abroad.

    Appoint a senior minister to lead the offensive against racial inequality.

    We are concerned that homosexuals are unfairly treated. We will take steps to ensure that they are not unfairly discriminated against – especially in employment and in the definition of privacy contained in the 1967 Act – along the lines set out in Labour’s Programme, 1982.
    Nationality and immigration

    Through their immigration and nationality laws, the Tories have divided families and caused immense suffering in the immigrant communities. We accept the need for immigration controls. But we will repeal the 1971 Immigration Act and the 1981 British Nationality Act and replace them with a citizenship law that does not discriminate against either women or black and Asian Britons.

    Under our Nationality Act, we will restore rights removed by the Tories, such as the right to automatic citizenship if born in Britain. The Act will enable other Commonwealth and foreign nationals to acquire citizenship if they qualify by objective tests, and provide a right of appeal against the refusal of an application for citizenship. We will also ensure that the cost of acquiring citizenship will no longer be an obstacle to those who wish to apply.

    Under our new Immigration Act we will liberalise the age limit criteria for children and the criteria for elderly parents and other relatives.

    We will simplify the procedures and commit the resources necessary for all applications to be processed promptly; and allow medical examinations, including x-rays, only for medical, not administrative purposes. The race and sex discrimination in the husbands and fiances’ rules will be ended: we will restore the entitlement to admission to join a woman settled here irrespective of her citizenship, birthplace or ancestry. We will also ensure that immigration officials fully respect the human rights of those seeking entry. We will also:

    Consult Commonwealth governments so as to resolve the question of the other British nationals from independent countries who possess no other citizenship.

    Provide a right of appeal for those who the Home Secretary proposes to deport or exclude on security grounds.

    Establish a more independent and balanced panel of adjudicators for immigration appeals.

    A wider democracy

    Labour will take action to enhance democratic rights and ensure greater openness and accountability in the institutions of government. We have set out our policies in Labour’s Programme, 1982. We shall:

    Introduce a Freedom of Information Bill, providing for a genuine system of open government and placing the onus on the authorities to justify withholding information.

    Bring in data protection legislation to prevent the abuse of confidential information held on personal files; and, subject to certain exceptions, allow individuals access to their personal records.

    Reform the administration of government and the civil service machine so that it meets modern needs and is properly accountable to elected representatives. We recognise the damage done to the morale and efficiency of the civil service by this government. We will work to repair this damage, together with the unions, and to give proper recognition to the importance of the work of the service.

    Take action to abolish the undemocratic House of Lords as quickly as possible and, as an interim measure, introduce a Bill in the first session of parliament to remove its legislative powers – with the exception of those which relate to the life of a parliament.

    Make improvements in the legislative process and procedures in the House of Commons.

    Reform the procedures for appointments to public bodies to ensure they are more open and genuinely representative of the community.

    Overhaul the outdated honours system.

    Give a new priority to making our public services more responsive to the needs and wishes of those who use them. Wherever possible we will decentralise services to make them as close as possible to those who use them. We will also provide more effective procedures for complaints – with clear rights for users – and ensure better training and status for those in contact with the public.

    Labour believes that state aid for political parties is now essential for the working of our parliamentary democracy. We will introduce such aid, along the lines set out in the Houghton Report, with the funds available adjusted to today’s prices and index linked.

    The security services

    There is now widespread concern about our security services. We intend that they should become properly accountable institutions – and that the civil rights of individuals are fully protected. We outline in Labour’s Programme, 1982 our proposals for a new Security Act, to define the powers and responsibilities of the services, including those concerned with the interception of communications. We will also extend parliamentary accountability – including over the accounts of the services – which will be assisted by a new select committee; prohibit, under the Security Act, unauthorised surveillance; and abolish ‘D’ notices.

    Local democracy

    Labour is determined to strengthen local democracy. We will shift radically the balance between central and local government and give local communities much more say about how their services are run.

    First, we will give local authorities freedom to implement comprehensive local plans, covering economic, social and environmental policies. We explain elsewhere in this document, and more fully in Labour’s Programme, 1982, our proposals to assist local authorities to create jobs, to establish local enterprise boards and engage in local economic planning. We will reverse Tory policies on the privatisation of local authority services.

    Second, we will expand the scope for local democracy. Instead of local councillors never being completely sure what is permitted and what is ultra vires, we shall give a power of general competence to all local authorities to carry out whatever activities are not expressly forbidden by statute. We shall also seek to define the relationship between central and local government – as part of our consideration of the universal application of realistic minimum standards – so that basic provision of key services is available in all parts of the country. We will also:

    Take action to encourage councils to make their services more responsive to the needs and wishes of their clients and of the local community.

    Extend workers’ rights and industrial democracy in local government, by enabling non-voting employee representatives to be co-opted on to committees, and encouraging the introduction of formal procedures for participation in decisions on the implementation of policy. We will also allow all but the most senior officers the right to become elected or co-opted members of the authority which employs them.

    Pay proper allowances, and provide adequate administrative support, to local councillors.

    We are examining how best to reform local government. We believe that services such as health, water and sewerage should become answerable to a much greater extent to elected members; and we aim to end, if we can, the present confusing division of services between two tiers of authority. Unitary district authorities, in England and Wales, could be responsible for all of the functions in this area that they could sensibly undertake. We will also ensure that the City of London is absorbed into a reformed democratic system of local government. For Scotland, any reform of local government will be a matter for our proposed Scottish Assembly.

    Local government finance

    Labour will reverse the Tory government’s attacks on local authority services. We shall provide finance, through the rate support grant, to allow local authority expenditure to grow in line with our plans for economic expansion; and the hard-pressed urban areas will benefit especially from an increased share of the resources available.

    Labour believes in active local democracy. We will therefore repeal the Tory legislation which allows the government to impose ceilings on local authority spending, and to impose penalties on local authorities whose spending exceeds those ceilings. We shall repeal the ban on supplementary rates. We will restore the right of local authorities to spend additional amounts from revenue on capital expenditure in excess of loan sanction limits. The rate support grant system will be recast to give fairer treatment to areas in greatest need and the maximum freedom of action for local authorities to control their own budgets.

    Labour will also enact legislation to abolish the penalty of personal surcharge on individual councillors. Instead councillors, like others in the community, will be liable at law for any unlawful or illegal acts. Public audit will be confined to that purpose and auditors will not be permitted to involve themselves in judgements on politics or policies.

    Devolution to Scotland

    Labour is determined to decentralise power in decision-making. In Scotland, the people have shown their support for devolution in a referendum and at successive general elections; and we have set out our proposals for devolution in a major statement, Scotland and Devolution. Labour will:

    Establish a directly elected Scottish Assembly, with an executive drawn from members of the assembly.

    Provide the Assembly with legislative and executive powers over a wide range of domestic policy, including matters such as health, education and social welfare.

    Ensure a major role for the Assembly in assisting in the regeneration of Scottish industry – including the preparation and implementation of a Plan for Scotland – within the context of our overall national plan.

    As well as receiving grants from central government, the Scottish Assembly will have tax-raising powers, thus ensuring that the level of services provided can be determined in Scotland.

    Northern Ireland

    Labour believes that Ireland should, by peaceful means and on the basis of consent, be united, and recognises that this will be achieved with the introduction of socialist policies. We respect and support, however, the right of the Northern Ireland people to remain within the UK, although this does not mean that Unionist leaders can have a veto on political development; and we accept that, to achieve agreement and consent between the two parts of Ireland, we must create greater unity within the Northern Ireland community.

    In our 1981 conference statement and in Labour’s Programme 1982, we set out in full Labour’s policy on Northern Ireland. We will aim to establish an agreed, devolved administration. In the meantime, we will continue with direct rule. We will also initiate early discussions between the British government, the Irish government, the Irish Labour Party, and the trade unions on both sides of the border, and political representatives of the people of Northern Ireland, on how best to proceed with our policy of unification by consent.

    Tory policies have been a disaster for the Northern Ireland economy. Unemployment has soared. The economy is in ruins. Housing and the social services are in desperate straits. Labour will give new hope to Northern Ireland. We will create jobs and provide investment. We will use all of the economic planning powers and institutions set out in this document – together with a massive injection of public resources – to rebuild the economy.

    We will also act on security and civil rights, along the lines set out in our 1981 statement. We will repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Payment of Debt Act and reform the system of Diplock courts. We will provide equal rights for women, including rights to abortion, and make progress towards an integrated comprehensive system of education.

    Leisure for living

    Labour believes that a comprehensive approach is needed, at national and local levels, to provide services and facilities for leisure.

    The arts

    A crucial part will be played in this by the arts. Labour’s aim is to make the arts, in their broadest sense, an accepted part of everyday life for the whole population. We will place special emphasis on their availability to the young, the handicapped and the retired. Substantial extra funds will be provided, with priority being given to the regions and to access for those on low incomes. Local authorities will have a statutory duty to provide adequate arts and entertainments facilities; and the arts will be zero-rated in respect of VAT.

    We will retain a Minister of the Arts, whose first task will be to undertake a major survey on the disparities in provision between regions and to produce proposals for action. The public bodies which support the arts will also be made more open and accountable, and include more representation from workers in the arts, local authorities and consumers. The Craft Council will be strengthened, and regional museums and galleries supported through a Museums and Galleries Council.

    For the film industry, we will establish a British Film Authority, responsible for the National Film Finance Corporation. This will ensure that revenue from a levy on ticket sales goes to British film-makers who produce British films. We will also ensure that the profits from British film-making and distribution are channelled back into British films – and that the present two-company monopoly of film distribution in Britain is ended. The new British Film Authority will be responsible for extending public ownership into film distribution.

    Sport and recreation

    Labour will accept responsibility for the provision of a broadly-based leisure service. We will:

    Encourage greater participation in sport and recreation.

    Give incentives to voluntary bodies to involve themselves more widely in the provision of sporting and community facilities.

    Encourage local authorities and other owners of facilities to make them much more available to public use.

    Set up an immediate enquiry into the financial basis of sport and recreation.

    Review the provision of national sporting facilities, so as to secure a fairer geographical distribution.

    Ensure that the sporting talent of the nation receives sufficient support to enable them to bring sporting success to Britain.

    We will also provide for the wider use of the countryside for recreational purposes, such as angling and other water-based sports. Angling will be given additional support, by ensuring wider access to rivers and lakes, financial assistance to provide a wider ownership of fishing waters, improvements in respect of conservation, and action to prevent pollution.

    The media

    Our aims in the media are to safeguard freedom of expression, encourage diversity and establish greater accountability. For all the media, we will introduce a statutory right of reply to ensure that individuals can set the record straight. We will introduce stronger measures to prevent any further concentration in the media.

    For the press, we will encourage diversity by:

    Setting up a launch fund to assist new publications.

    Ensuring that all major wholesalers accept any lawful publication, and arrange for its proper supply and display, subject to a handling charge.

    Preventing acquisition of further newspapers by large press chains.

    Protecting freedom of expression by prohibiting joint control of the press, commercial radio and television.

    Breaking up major concentrations of press ownership, by setting an upper limit for the number of major publications in the hands of a single proprietor or press group.

    Replacing the Press Council with a stronger, more representative body.

    In broadcasting, we Will aim to make both broadcasting itself, and the organisations responsible, more accountable and representative – and to provide greater public access. Our aim is to promote a more wide-ranging and genuine pluralism in the media, and we set out our proposals in Labour’s Programme 1982. We will also seek to introduce a genuinely independent adjudication of grievances and complaints.

    The licence fee will be phased out for pensioners, during the lifetime of the Labour government.

    The high standards of British public service broadcasting are threatened by Tory plans to introduce cable TV on free-market principles. We will regulate satellite and cable provision and foster the same principles of diversity and pluralism as conventional broadcasting authorities.

    To avoid wasteful duplication, we will entrust the provision of the national cable system to British Telecom.

    Animal protection

    The Labour Party was the first major political party to publish a policy statement, in 1978, on animal protection – Living Without Cruelty; and these policies are reaffirmed in Labour’s Programme 1982. We believe that all animals – whether in the wild, domesticated or farmed – should be properly treated.

    To achieve our aims we will transform the Farm Animal Welfare Council into a Standing Royal Commission on Animal Protection. We will also urgently review the 1876 Cruelty to Animals Act. A high priority will be given to research into alternatives to using live animals in experiments, and to restrictions on the use of live animals in experiments – with proper control and supervision in order to avoid pain.

    Hare coursing, fox hunting and all forms of hunting with dogs will be made illegal. This will not, however, affect shooting and fishing. The use of snares will also be made illegal.

    We will lay down clear conditions on freedom of movement for livestock; and we will ensure that our legislation meets, at least, the requirements of the European Convention for the Protection of Animals kept for Farming Purposes. We will also ban, over a phased period, all extreme livestock systems and introduce legislation to ensure that animals are slaughtered as near as possible to the point of production. We will ban the export of live food animals.

    Animals kept in zoos, circuses and safari parks will be included in our animals protection legislation. Health and safety at work legislation will be reviewed in order to better protect people employed on such premises.

    Britain and the Common Market

    Geography and history determine that Britain is part of Europe, and Labour wants to see Europe safe and prosperous. But the European Economic Community, which does not even include the whole of Western Europe, was never devised to suit us, and our experience as a member of it has made it more difficult for us to deal with our economic and industrial problems. It has sometimes weakened our ability to achieve the objectives of Labour’s international policy.

    The next Labour government, committed to radical, socialist policies for reviving the British economy, is bound to find continued membership a most serious obstacle to the fulfilment of those policies. In particular the rules of the Treaty of Rome are bound to conflict with our strategy for economic growth and full employment, our proposals on industrial policy and for increasing trade, and our need to restore exchange controls and to regulate direct overseas investment. Moreover, by preventing us from buying food from the best sources of world supply, they would run counter to our plans to control prices and inflation.

    For all these reasons, British withdrawal from the Community is the right policy for Britain – to be completed well within the lifetime of the parliament. That is our commitment. But we are also committed to bring about withdrawal in an amicable and orderly way, so that we do not prejudice employment or the prospect of increased political and economic co-operation with the whole of Europe.

    We emphasise that our decision to bring about withdrawal in no sense represents any weakening of our commitment to internationalism and international co operation. We are not ‘withdrawing from Europe’. We are seeking to extricate ourselves from the Treaty of Rome and other Community treaties which place political burdens on Britain. Indeed, we believe our withdrawal will allow us to pursue a more dynamic and positive international policy – one which recognises the true political and geographical spread of international problems and interests. We will also seek agreement with other European governments – both in the EEC and outside – on a common strategy for economic expansion.

    The process of withdrawal

    On taking office we will open preliminary negotiations with the other EEC member states to establish a timetable for withdrawal; and we will publish the results of these negotiations in a White Paper. In addition, as soon as possible after the House assembles, we will introduce a Repeal Bill: first, in order to amend the 1972 European Communities Act, ending the powers of the Community in the UK; and second, to provide the necessary powers to repeal the 1972 Act, when the negotiations on withdrawal are completed.

    Following the publication of the White Paper, we will begin the main negotiations on withdrawal. Later, when appropriate and in the same parliament, we will use our powers to repeal the 1972 Act and abrogate the Treaty of Accession – thus breaking all of our formal links with the Community. Britain will at this point withdraw from the Council of Ministers and from the European Parliament.

    There will need to be a period of transition, to ensure a minimum of disruption – and to phase in any new agreements we might make with the Community. This will enable us to make all the necessary changes in our domestic legislation. Until these changes in UK law have taken place, the status quo as regards particular items of EEC legislation will remain. And this period will, of course, extend beyond the date when we cease, formally, to be members.

    The international dimension

    The Labour Party is working to create a democratic socialist society in Britain, but we realise to achieve this we must enjoy the fullest international co-operation. There is a real interdependence between nations, and, if Britain under Labour is not to stand on the sidelines, we must co-operate to survive. Our foreign policy is a logical extension of our work at home.

    A deep crisis now afflicts the world economy. In the developed world, recession has meant lengthening dole queues and a falling standard of life; for the peoples of the Third World, recession has added to an already intolerable burden of poverty. Unlike the Tories, Labour believes that there is a way out of the crisis, and that we need not accept an international status quo so manifestly riddled with injustice, inefficiency and waste. Labour will pursue and win international support for policies designed to stimulate trade, investment, and growth; and we shall work inside the appropriate institutions to end the financial chaos which now threatens the stability of so many countries. There can be no sure prospect of peace in a world wracked by an enduring economic crisis. Labour’s policies will help bring that crisis to an end.

    Labour recognises the urgent need to restore détente and dialogue between the states and the peoples of the world. We will actively pursue dialogue with the Soviet Union and China, and will urge the American government to do so. We will work consistently for peace and disarmament, and devote all our efforts to pulling the world back from the nuclear abyss. Labour will dedicate some of the resources currently wasted on armaments to projects designed to promote both security and human development.

    An essential difference between the Labour and the Tory approach is that we have a foreign policy that will help liberate the peoples of the world from oppression, want and fear. We seek to find ways in which social and political progress can be achieved and to identify the role that Britain can play in this process.

    Our objectives cannot be pursued in isolation; we will work with the international agencies, friendly governments, and with socialist parties and genuine liberation movements in order to convert these objectives into concrete achievements.

    Disarmament – the international context

    The pursuit of peace, development and disarmament is central to our policy. We wish to strengthen the process of détente, which means the easing of political as well as military tension between East and West. A third world war would destroy civilisation, yet the danger of a nuclear holocaust grows alarmingly.

    Labour is determined that Britain should play its full part in the struggle for peace. Now in 1983, in what is a critical year for peace, we can begin to influence events by the way we present the imperative case for disarmament. In government we can carry that influence much further, by example and by common action with others. We must use unilateral steps taken by Britain to secure multilateral solutions on the international level. Unilateralism and multilateralism must go hand ill hand if either is to succeed. It is for this reason that we are against moves that would disrupt our existing alliances, but are resolved on measures to enable Britain to pursue a non-nuclear defence policy.

    To achieve our paramount aim – stopping the nuclear arms race itself, and the other arms races pursued beneath its shadow – we need stronger international institutions. First and foremost is a United Nations organisation with real and growing authority. Labour is determined to sustain and fortify the United Nations. All our recent experience re-emphasises how necessary it is to have an international Charter against aggression. It is a tragedy that the 1982 UN Special Session on Disarmament was allowed to disband in failure and disappointment. We shall work to recall a new session on a more ambitious and hopeful basis. We will support the commitments of the UN Special Sessions on Disarmament and the UN Committee on Disarmament.

    We shall seek to restore the Final Document on Disarmament, approved by the 1978 United Nations Special Session, as the long-term objective. But, of course, as the international tension sharpens, we must pursue other more immediate aims. Labour has always opposed Soviet deployment of SS20s. We want to see the Geneva talks on intermediate weapons succeed. Labour was arguing that they should begin long before President Reagan and Mrs. Thatcher came round to the idea. It is imperative that the SALT II agreement is ratified. We shall work for this. We strongly support the reduction of strategic weapons in the START talks. We will propose urgent action to make the Non-Proliferation Treaty effective and to keep it effective. The uncontrolled proliferation of nuclear weapons would enormously increase the danger to us all.

    Following the steps taken by the last Labour government in such fields as non proliferation and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction talks, Britain must again take a lead in disarmament negotiations.

    Defence policy

    The overriding task for Britain, as for the rest of the world, is to draw back from the nuclear abyss. Britain must act on her own account as well as seeking agreement with other countries on nuclear disarmament.

    One immediate step our government must take is to insist on implementing the recent United Nations call for a freeze on the production, deployment and testing of nuclear weapons, and for a comprehensive test ban. That the Tory government should have voted against these propositions in the United Nations is deplorable, and betrays our country’s capacity to play a leading role as an advocate of world disarmament. Labour’s proposals will help to restore that opportunity.

    Labour believes in effective defence through collective security but rejects the present emphasis on nuclear weapons. Britain and her allies should have sufficient military strength to discourage external aggression and to defend themselves should they be attacked. Labour’s commitment is to establish a non-nuclear defence policy for this country. This means the rejection of any fresh nuclear bases or weapons on British soil or in British waters, and the removal of all existing nuclear bases and weapons, thus enabling us to make a direct contribution to an eventually much wider nuclear-free zone in Europe. However, all this cannot be done at once, and the way we do it must be designed to assist in the task to which we are also committed – securing nuclear disarmament agreements with other countries and maintaining co operation with our allies.

    The most pressing objective must be to prevent the deployment here or elsewhere in Western Europe of Cruise or Pershing missiles. This deployment would mark a new and dangerous escalation in the nuclear arms race. It would make the achievement of effective disarmament agreements covering these and other weapons much more difficult in the future. We will therefore not permit the siting of Cruise missiles in this country and will remove any that are already in place.

    The next Labour government will cancel the Trident programme. Apart from the huge, persisting and distorting burden it would impose on our defence budget and our economy as a whole, it would not offer security but would rather help to intensify the arms race. We will propose that Britain’s Polaris force be included in the nuclear disarmament negotiations in which Britain must take part. We will, after consultation, carry through in the lifetime of the next parliament our non-nuclear defence policy.

    Labour believes in collective security. The next Labour government will maintain its support for NATO, as an instrument of détente no less than of defence. We wish to see NATO itself develop a non-nuclear strategy. We will work towards the establishment of a new security system in Europe based on mutual trust and confidence, and knowledge of the objectives and capabilities of all sides. The ultimate objective of a satisfactory relationship in Europe is the mutual and concurrent phasing out of both NATO and the Warsaw Pact.

    We oppose any attempt to expand the role of the alliance into other continents. We condemn the doctrine that nuclear war can be limited, and the notion that somehow the West must catch up with a supposed nuclear superiority in the East. We are opposed to the introduction into Europe of any new nuclear systems such as the neutron bomb. We oppose, too, the storage, research and production of chemical and biological weapons, and call for the withdrawal of all forward stocks of chemical weapons.

    Labour will reduce the proportion of the nation’s resources devoted to defence so that the burden we bear will be brought into line with that of the other major European NATO countries, without increasing the reliance on nuclear weapons. A Labour government will plan to ensure that savings in military expenditure do not lead to unemployment for those working in defence industries. We shall give material support and encouragement to plans for industrial conversion so that the valuable resources of the defence industries can be used for the production of useful goods.

    The emphasis of our defence priorities in the 1980s and 1990s must be to create military forces that are clearly equipped and deployed for defensive purposes, and tailored more to Britain’s geography and economic resources. This will mean maintaining adequate conventional forces, at present threatened by the extravagant expenditure on Trident.

    We are alarmed by the growth of the arms trade. Labour will limit Britain’s arms sales abroad and ban the supply of arms to repressive regimes such as South Africa, El Salvador, Chile, Argentina and Turkey. We will not supply arms to countries where the chances of international aggression or internal repression would be increased. Labour will ensure that all arms sales are under strict ministerial control, subject to parliamentary accountability.

    The Commonwealth and the developing world

    We shall continue to work for the peaceful and just settlement of disputes and the strengthening of international organisations, particularly the Commonwealth, as well as the United Nations. Labour has always attached a special significance to the Commonwealth – a unique forum of nations, cutting across ethnic, cultural and ideological barriers. We will strengthen Britain’s political and material commitment to the Commonwealth.

    The future prosperity of Britain, as well as that of other industrialised countries, is inextricably linked to the future of the developing world. At the moment some 30 per cent of Britain’s manufacturing exports are destined for Third World countries with which we enjoy a very healthy balance of trade. If their economies could be stimulated, the gain would be ours as well as theirs. Countless British jobs have already come about as a consequence of our trading relationship with the poorer countries. That relationship must be strengthened and expanded in the interests of working people both in Britain and overseas.

    The war that Labour will wage on poverty in Britain will be extended to the developing world. A primary objective of the next Labour government’s foreign policy will be to help revive the North-South dialogue. That some 800,000,000 people should be condemned to a life of absolute poverty in the Third World is an affront to any version of civilised values, as well as a constant threat to international peace and stability.

    Labour sets a high priority on attacking the causes of mass poverty. A Labour government will reach the UN sponsored aid target of 0.7 per cent of Gross National Product and work towards a further target of 1.0 per cent. We will also re-establish the principle that aid must be used in the interests of the poorest people in the poorest countries and, in our efforts to bring this about, we will fund as appropriate, both governments and independent organisations. Labour will set up once again a separate Ministry of Overseas Development with a cabinet minister.

    Labour will plan an expansion of trade with the developing world and will work to bring about changes in the international trading system that will be of benefit to poor countries, allowing them to receive stable prices for their commodity exports and to diversify their production. In trade agreements, Labour will insist upon workers’ rights and will bring in legislation to control the activities of British-based multinational companies operating overseas.

    Labour believes that, in order to enhance the prospects of the Third World economies, it will be vital to ensure that organisations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund receive adequate funding from the world community, and provide loans in a way that, taking into account the economic difficulties faced by each developing country, will improve the condition of their peoples.

    There is much Britain can do to lift people out of absolute poverty, and a Labour Britain will once again speak out in solidarity with the poor and the oppressed everywhere.

    We will ensure that provision for overseas students is based on a major expansion of the ODA programme for student sponsorship giving preference to entrants on grounds of origin, income level and availability of courses in Britain and elsewhere.

    The Law of the Sea

    Labour welcomes the recently concluded United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and fully supports the UNCLOS proposal for a new international regime covering every aspect of ocean use. Unlike either the Tory government or the Reagan administration, Labour will endorse the Law of the Sea, which we see as a crucial element in the North-South dialogue, and will ensure that Britain participates actively in the future progress of UNCLOS.

    Near and Middle East

    The Labour Party is committed to the promotion of peace, democracy and socialism in the Middle East, and to the principle of national self-determination. The Arab-Israeli conflict remains a major element in the continuing conflict and tension in the region, through not the only one. The core of the conflict is the struggle between the Israeli and Palestinian peoples for the realisation of national self-determination.

    We shall therefore:

    Support the right of all Israelis to live in peace and security in the state of Israel, within secure internationally recognised borders.

    Support the right of Palestinians to self determination, including the establishment of a Palestinian state.

    The suffering of the Lebanese people and their continued occupation by foreign forces demands our attention, and we shall work for the restoration of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Lebanon, and play a full part in its reconstruction.

    The Turkish dictatorship is of special concern to Britain, given Turkish membership of NATO and its status in Europe. We deplore the constitution imposed upon the Turkish people and will work for the restoration of freedom and democracy. Until this is achieved we shall oppose assistance to the Turkish junta.

    Labour is deeply concerned by the continuing violation of human rights throughout the Middle East. Labour will do what it can to help those struggling for freedom, democracy, civil and trade union rights.

    We support genuine guarantees for the independent, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus, and the pursuit of intercommunal discussions sponsored by the UN for as long as both communities are committed to those talks.

    Africa

    We are totally opposed to apartheid and will unequivocally support its opponents, giving financial and material assistance to the liberation movements in South Africa and SWAPO of Namibia. Labour will also work with our trade union colleagues to assist the non-racial trade unions in South Africa.

    We will carry through a systematic programme of economic disengagement from South Africa by supporting comprehensive mandatory sanctions at the UN and curtailing our economic relations with the regime. The details of our policy towards Southern Africa are set out in Labour’s Programme 1982.

    Latin America

    Latin America is a continent in crisis. The world recession and severe financial difficulties have added to the burden of already frail economies. Democracy is established in very few countries; torture and death are instruments of control in many areas.

    Central America is of particular concern. Treated for decades by the United States as its backyard, the countries of this region have almost without exception failed to establish a tradition of representative democracy. Millions of people have endured a lifetime of oppression and deprivation. In recent years, the pressure for social change to respond to basic needs has grown intense, but has met with the firm resistance of the wealthy and the powerful, invariably backed by Washington. This is true of El Salvador, Nicaragua and Guatemala. Labour rejects US policy in Central America. Regrettably, the Tory government has connected Britain with that policy by its slavish support for everything the Reagan administration says and does. This applies even in the case of Guatemala, which the US is re-arming, when it lays claim to Belize, to whose defence we are committed.

    Labour will do everything in its power to weaken Latin America’s repressive governments by, for example, withdrawing diplomatic representation, opposing multilateral loans, banning arms sales and drawing international attention to human rights violations. Our detailed policy is set out in Labour’s Programme 1982.

    Falkland Islands

    Mrs. Thatcher’s policy of Fortress Falklands is imposing an intolerable burden both on the British people and on the inhabitants of the Falklands themselves. The war, which wiser policies could have avoided, has already cost us £1,000 million. On top of that the Conservative government plans to spend £600 million a year for the indefinite future on garrisoning the islands – £1½ million per year for every Falklands family.

    With four British servicemen on the islands to every adult male Falklander, the traditional way of life of this rural community is being destroyed. Yet at the same time Mrs. Thatcher is allowing British firms to equip warships for the Argentine dictatorship and is lending money to General Bignone to spend on arms. A Labour government would not sell arms to any Argentine government which was hostile to Britain or denied civil rights and democratic freedoms to its own people. Labour believes that Britain must restore normal links between the Falklands and the Latin American mainland, and that the United Nations must be involved in finding a permanent settlement of the problem.

    Asia

    Emotional as well as political ties exist between Britain and many of the countries of Asia. It was the 1945 Labour government which gave independence to India and Pakistan.

    Labour is concerned about the suppression of human and civil rights in many of the countries of Asia, and we will support every extension of democracy in the region. A Labour government will end military involvement with those countries that have repressive regimes.

    The Labour Party is concerned that the Tory policy on overseas students’ fees has already affected the ability of students from Asia, as well as elsewhere, to undertake courses in Britain. Steps will be taken to improve the position, as laid out in a previous section.

    Labour believes in a closer understanding with China, and hopes that China can become more directly involved in international discussions on peace, disarmament and the world economy. We will hold talks with China with the aim of securing a peaceful and prosperous future for the people of Hong Kong.

    Japan is a major power in the world economy. We hope to persuade Japan to play a more active part in a concerted expansion of the economies of the industrial nations, and to remove the obstacles that her trade policies now create. We also hope that Japan will help to bridge the division between North and South by increasing her aid to the Third World.

    Human rights

    Labour gives the highest priority to the protection of human dignity, civil rights, democracy and freedom, which will be reflected in all that a Labour government does.

    We uphold the rights of all nations to self-determination. Accordingly, we condemn the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and US support for repressive regimes in Central America. We warn against all military interventions contrary to the UN Charter. We condemn violations of human rights wherever they occur, whether in Poland, Turkey or Nigeria, and whatever the complexion of the government concerned. Labour will further the cause of human rights in all international organisations. We will press for suspension from NATO of any dictatorship.

    We will protect the opponents of regimes from harassment by their government’s representatives in Britain. Our policy on refugees will be more compassionate than that of the Tory government. We will not deport individuals who would face arrest or death in their own countries.

    We will also take into account human rights considerations when giving aid. Official aid will not be given to governments that persistently violate civil and trade union rights. Help will instead be given to the victims of repression.