Tag: Press Release

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 1 March 2024.

UK Statement for Interactive Dialogue with Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan.

Thank you, Mr Vice President,

Special Rapporteur,

Let me start by reaffirming the UK’s full support for your mandate.

The Taliban’s disregard for the human rights of women and girls is unparalleled in the world. Two and a half years on, women and girls still cannot work. They cannot move, speak, or live freely. Girls continue to be banned from attending school above grade 6, and women from university. Women and girls have been arrested for not complying with the Taliban’s strict dress codes, many of whom have been deprived of their liberty.

This widespread and institutionalised discrimination is further compounded by household poverty, food insecurity, and lack of access to basic services.

We also remain concerned by the increase in attacks against the Hazara community and we echo the call from UNAMA for investigations to take place.

The international community, including those of us here in Geneva, must stay committed to the people of Afghanistan. The United Kingdom continues to stand with the people of Afghanistan, particularly the women and girls and their families who are suffering because of the devastating situation of human rights and dire humanitarian situation in Afghanistan.

Special Rapporteur,

How can we best support you to continue to fulfil your mandate, particularly with respect to the situation of women and girls in Afghanistan?

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 1 March 2024.

Minister for the Americas, Caribbean and the Overseas Territories David Rutley gave a speech at an Arctic reception at the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office.

Excellencies, Ministers, ladies and gentlemen, as Minister for the Polar Regions it is a pleasure to welcome you.

One year ago, we launched Looking North – the UK’s Arctic Policy Framework. Many of you were here to celebrate that occasion with us – and indeed, it was drafted with your support and encouragement. We are joined by some new faces as well. And it is right that we should celebrate the progress that is now underway to implement it – and to look ahead to what comes next.

Some of you will recall the UK’s first Arctic Policy Framework – published in 2013. Back then, we made clear that ‘respect, cooperation, and appropriate leadership’ were the guiding principles of the UK’s approach in the region. And I can say that those principles still hold true today.

Yet we also need to recognise that the Arctic region itself has changed – not just physically, but geo-politically as well.

Alas, we now know that the Arctic is warming up to 4 times faster than the rest of our planet – though it is less often recognised that this troubling headline belies significant regional variation that is even more worrying, with parts of the Barents Sea warming at 5 to 7 times the global average. Little wonder that in much of the Arctic, the number of wildfires has more than tripled since 2018, as summers have become drier and hotter, affecting livelihoods and endangering lives.

And of course, alongside Putin’s increasing militarisation in the region, we have witnessed Russia’s ongoing retreat from constructive international collaboration in the Arctic, as indeed is the case right across the board.

The impacts of these shifts are felt most deeply in the region, but these are not local problems. Far from it – what happens in the Arctic affects the United Kingdom, as its nearest neighbour, including our weather, and the profound impact that is having on the natural environment, including the migratory patterns of globally-significant species.

And indeed, what happens in the Arctic ripples out across the rest of the globe as well. So, we can, and must, navigate these challenges together.

Through ‘Looking North’, we re-set the UK’s approach to the Arctic to ensure that we remain responsive to these changes, that we can continue to play an appropriate leadership role, and that we can continue to build on the strong partnerships and collaboration we already enjoy.

So, let us be clear. The security and prosperity of the Arctic relies on the regional security that is now at risk of being eroded. What we need is low tension and high cooperation.

And as melting sea ice will make it possible for a wider range of state and non-state actors to access the region, the UK is committed to making sure the Arctic remains peaceful – and that includes intensifying work through the Joint Expeditionary Force, the Northern Group, the Arctic Security Forces Roundtable – hosting a roundtable for the first time last year – as well as through NATO, and indeed, the UK has wholeheartedly supported the process of NATO accession for Finland and Sweden.

Following the successful transition of the Chairship of the Arctic Council from Russia to Norway last May, we welcome the resumption of Council activities at a working level, without resorting to business-as-usual.

And we appreciate the hard work that has gone in to making this progress, because we believe it is in the long-term interests of all to sustain the Council as the pre-eminent intergovernmental forum promoting cooperation in the Arctic, and we are committed to the Arctic Council, through our role as a State Observer.

So, it is timely that my colleague the Minister for Science has recently announced new funding to support our Arctic engagement, on top of our investment of some £56 million in Arctic research funding over the past decade. That includes half a million pounds to support new opportunities for UK-based expertise to contribute to the work of the Arctic Council, new funding for an Arctic science partnership with Iceland, and a new £5 million Meteorology and Oceanography Capability Programme, bringing experts together from the UK, Canada, Norway, Sweden and Finland.

The Royal Research Ship Sir David Attenborough will make her inaugural Arctic science cruise to Greenland this summer. I have just had the immense privilege of joining her for a voyage to Antarctica and I could not have been more impressed by the dedication and professionalism of the teams on board and the capability she offers.

And, I am delighted that colleagues from British Antarctic Survey are here today – to show you more about the research they plan to undertake, and to give you a sneak-peak into the UK’s Arctic Research Station in Svalbard. And I am told they have even brought a responsibly-sourced chunk of Svalbard glacier to Whitehall as well for us to marvel at, so please do take a look.

We also know that changes in the Arctic open up the potential for new commercial pursuits – including opportunities to support the green transition. We are committed to working with others to ensure that these are managed safely, sustainably, and responsibly.

Last year, the UK took part last in the Conference of the Parties to the Central Arctic Ocean Fisheries Agreement for the first time, as an Observer – and we will seek membership as soon as possible, because we are absolutely committed to protecting our ocean, to using marine resources sustainably, and to making the most of the latest science to help us manage it accordingly. This approach is paramount to making sure that the 4 million people who call the Arctic home can feel the benefits – the indigenous peoples and local communities who have been guardians of this important region for generations.

So, as I hope you can see, our new Arctic Policy Framework has already catalysed a new wave of work and engagement.

To help co-ordinate that I am convening a new Ministerial Group on the Arctic – and I am delighted that two of my Ministerial colleagues are here tonight – Andrew Griffith MP, Minister for Science, and Baroness Neville-Rolfe, Minister of State at the Cabinet Office. We have appointed James Jansen to a new senior diplomatic role leading on Arctic issues – expanding our capacity to engage with our Arctic Partners. Thank you, James.

And this April, I will be engaging on Arctic issues directly as part of a visit to Canada and Alaska. Before that, in March, the UK will be hosting, in Edinburgh, Arctic Science Summit Week – bringing together scientists from around the world to discuss new, strengthened, and enduring collaboration on Arctic research.

And I hope this will also help the process of shaping our collective ambitions for the 5th International Polar Year of 2032/33 and beyond – because it is important that we take the long view, and invest now, to make sure we have the science and research we need to underpin the decisions we will take in the years ahead.

So lastly, I just want to thank you for all you are doing to help make this critical decade for the future of the Arctic really count.

It is up to all of us to keep at it – and we to looking forward to continuing to work with all of you to see this through, so we secure the resilient, sustainable, peaceful, and prosperous Arctic we all want to see – for generations to come.

Thank you.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 1 March 2024.

Foreign Secretary David Cameron gave a statement on the deaths of people in Gaza waiting for an aid convoy on 29 February 2024.

Foreign Secretary David Cameron said:

The deaths of people in Gaza waiting for an aid convoy yesterday were horrific. There must be an urgent investigation and accountability. This must not happen again.

We can’t separate what happened yesterday from the inadequate aid supplies. In February only half the number of trucks crossed into Gaza that did in January. This is simply unacceptable.

Israel has an obligation to ensure that significantly more humanitarian aid reaches the people of Gaza. We have identified a series of bottlenecks that need addressing: Israel must urgently open more crossings into Gaza; eliminate bureaucratic obstacles; enable aid operations in Gaza; and ensure there is a robust de-confliction mechanism in place to protect ordinary Palestinians, NGOs, medics and others providing aid.

This tragedy only serves to underscore the importance of securing an immediate humanitarian pause. A sustained pause in the fighting is the only way to get lifesaving aid in at the scale needed and free the hostages cruelly held by Hamas.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 1 March 2024.

They discussed concerted British efforts to hold the Russian regime to account for the politically motivated imprisonment of Mr Kara-Murza.

Foreign Secretary David Cameron said:

The politically motivated conviction of Vladimir Kara-Murza is deplorable. Imprisoned on false charges by the Russian regime, Mr Kara-Murza is being persecuted for his anti-war stance and defence of human rights.

It was an honour to meet Evgenia Kara-Murza and Elena Gordon, who have worked tirelessly to raise awareness of their husband’s and son’s case.

The conditions in the Omsk penal colony are threatening Mr Kara-Murza’s life and his health is deteriorating. He must be released on humanitarian grounds for urgent medical treatment.

Through diplomatic interventions at the highest levels, financial sanctions targeted at those behind his poisoning and imprisonment, and by raising his case on the international stage, we are sending a clear message that the UK will not stand for this abhorrent treatment of one of our citizens.

Russia’s depraved treatment of political prisoners must end.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 29 February 2024.

Conference on Disarmament: High-level Segment. Statement by the United Kingdom, as delivered by Lord (Tariq) Ahmad of Wimbledon at the United Nations on 28 February 2024.

Mr President,

It would be fair to say that we live in what can only be termed extremely troubled, uncertain and indeed vulnerable times for many. When we look around the world today, international norms are being eroded, and the global security environment is deteriorating and these challenges, to put it quite bluntly and in a straightforward way, are too great for any single State to manage alone. They can only be addressed through effective cooperation between international partners.

This Conference has made historic contributions to arms control and non-proliferation efforts, but notwithstanding what has been achieved, we must be absolutely clear-eyed about both the challenges this particular Conference faces – and indeed we all face – and in doing so, the only way forward is to work together to resolve them.

The United Kingdom appreciates the efforts of the Indian and Indonesian Presidencies to seek agreement on a Programme of Work, but it is regrettable that once again, consensus seems to be elusive. From our perspective, it is also regrettable that the Russian delegation chose to block 15 EU and NATO States from participating as observers, purely on political grounds. If we are truly going to address these issues, we need a collective effort.

It is clear that Russia has a growing disregard for its nuclear responsibilities. It has undermined the work of this Conference by suspending its obligations under the New START Treaty and de-ratifying the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. It has trampled international law and the UN Charter through its barbaric and continuing war and illegal invasion against Ukraine. We ourselves are a nuclear power, but an invasion marked by irresponsible nuclear rhetoric is not the way to behave. The horrific targeting of civilians and the cruel weaponisation of energy and food supplies, to put it simply, is wrong.

Elsewhere, Iran’s escalating nuclear and ballistic missile programmes are threatening international security and undermining global non-proliferation. Through its development and proliferation of ballistic missiles, Iran, and I can speak quite specifically as the United Kingdom’s Minister for the Middle East, is destabilising the Middle East, threatening maritime security and increasing the risk of miscalculation. Iran is also refusing to co-operate with the International Atomic Energy Agency’s investigations, preventing the Agency, that has been created for the purpose of looking at these particular issues, from assuring that Iran’s nuclear programme is exclusively peaceful. The United Kingdom remains committed to ensuring Iran never develops a nuclear weapon, and to using all available diplomatic levers and options to that end.

As we look more broadly elsewhere, North Korea’s advancement of its nuclear and ballistic missile programmes, in clear breach of UN Security Council Resolutions, is clearly another big concern. It is important when the UN Security Council has passed resolutions that these are adhered to. We therefore call upon North Korea to halt its illegal launches and refrain from conducting further nuclear tests. The United Kingdom is committed to securing peace on the Korean peninsula, and we are working closely with our partners to urge the North Korean regime to return to talks and take credible steps towards denuclearisation. Until then, we will continue to enforce sanctions against them.

Mr President,

We must ensure that our existing disarmament, arms control and non-proliferation instruments are meeting these challenges. We have to have organisations, systems and structures which are fit for purpose.

This will take a global effort which includes redoubling our commitment to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which remains the cornerstone of nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation and civil nuclear prosperity. The United Kingdom strongly advocates for all States that have not yet done so to sign and ratify the Treaty at the earliest opportunity. We remain firmly committed to fulfilling our obligations under all three pillars of the Treaty and will focus on taking the practical and necessary steps to prepare for eventual disarmament. This includes funding initiatives on irreversibility, verification and importantly, transparency. The United Kingdom is also working to reinforce the non-proliferation system by supporting the IAEA financially, diplomatically, and politically.

We believe that a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty would be a significant step towards a world without nuclear weapons. We call for such negotiations to commence immediately within this Conference. We reaffirm our existing unilateral negative security assurances regarding the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons against Non-Nuclear Weapon States parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. We also underscore our legally binding commitments to over 100 countries in the context of the nuclear weapon-free zones in Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, Central Asia and the Pacific Ocean.

Let me pay tribute here, Mr President, to your country’s leadership on the Protocol to the South-East Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone Treaty. I know the drive that your Foreign Minister has shown in her advocacy for important causes across that region. Let me reassure you that the UK remains committed to signing and ratifying this at the earliest possible opportunity.

The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty is another fundamental instrument that contributes to international security and disarmament. Therefore, the United Kingdom encourages all relevant States – including Russia – to declare and maintain moratoria on explosive nuclear testing. We also call on the remaining Annex 2 states to sign and ratify this essential Treaty.

Mr President,

We must also focus our efforts on preventing an arms race in outer space, where misunderstandings could easily trigger conflicts. We must also ensure that emerging technologies are used for good, not for ill. What we need is fresh thinking and new approaches. This is why the United Kingdom brought forward the Responsible Space Behaviours initiative. We call on all States to engage in this initiative, so we can reduce the growing threat. First and foremost, States should comply with the Outer Space Treaty, including the obligation not to place nuclear weapons in orbit around the Earth.

The same goes for Artificial Intelligence – we must ensure this is developed and used safely and responsibly. That is why the United Kingdom convened the first ever meeting of the UN Security Council on the opportunities and risks of AI, and hosted the AI Safety Summit, which agreed the Bletchley Declaration.

Next year marks the 50th anniversary of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention. The United Kingdom is committed to helping to strengthen the Convention, to mitigate the risks posed by new and emerging biological threats and keep us all safe for the next 50 years.

I will end by reflecting on our objectives when it comes to chemical weapons. The United Kingdom welcomes last year’s confirmation by the OPCW that all declared chemical weapons stockpiles have finally been destroyed. This is a real milestone, and evidence of what States can achieve when they work together. But despite this step forward, deep concerns remain over the possible use of riot control agents by Russia in Ukraine, and Bashar al-Assad’s willingness to use chemical weapons against civilians in Syria. This is not a mere threat; it has happened, and it is something the OPCW themselves have stood up. We therefore welcome the Decision adopted at the 28th CWC Conference of States Parties to reduce the threat of further chemical attacks by the Syrian regime and will work to implement this. We judge them by the simple fact that the first responsibility of any government is the security and welfare of its own citizens. Yet Syria under Assad turned that crucial first priority and responsibility of any government against their own citizens.

Let me also make it absolutely clear that any use of chemical weapons by Russia in Ukraine would, of course, attract severe consequences. We need to ensure that we really put chemical weapons not just back in the box but put them into the realms of history.

Mr President,

This is a time of great challenge and great intensity but also a time of great need for our collective diplomacy. But it is through strong and sustained multilateral cooperation that we may hope to make progress towards sustainable peace.

Let me assure you of the United Kingdom’s good offices and those of many others here today who are working to preserve that noble objective at a time when the international order and multilateral system is under threat.

Whose responsibility is it? I put it to all of you. It is our collective responsibility to defend the UN, to defend multilateral institutions, to defend the diplomacy that is required now to resolve the conflicts that we face and ensure that the challenges that I have outlined here can be averted. We owe that to those who have fought for these multilateral systems, who have created those conventions, who have invested in these treaties, and we owe it to the generations that follow us.

We remain firmly committed to this Conference, to this objective, to the multilateral family; like any family we will have differences, but if our collective effort is towards sustainable peace, let us act.

The United Kingdom and many others here today are working to preserve and strengthen the open international order that is so vital for all our futures. As I have said, this needs to be a collective effort.

Thank you.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 29 February 2024.

UK and 44 other countries invoke the Moscow Mechanism in respect of civilian detainees.

Madam Chair,

I am delivering this statement on behalf of the following 45 participating States: Albania, Andorra, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Canada, Georgia, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Moldova, Monaco, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Norway, San Marino, Serbia, Switzerland, Türkiye, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and the European Union Member States.

Today, our delegations will send the following letter to ODIHR Director Matteo Mecacci, invoking the Moscow Mechanism, with the support of Ukraine, as we continue to have concerns regarding violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law following Russia’s full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, particularly with regard to the arbitrary detention of Ukrainian civilians by the Russian Federation.

Director Mecacci,

On February 24, 2022, the Russian Federation, with the support of Belarus, launched a full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine. This expanded invasion took place against the backdrop of Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine that has, since 2014, violated Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, extending to its territorial waters.

In 2022 and 2023, 45 OSCE Delegations, following bilateral consultations with Ukraine under the Vienna (Human Dimension) Mechanism, invoked Paragraph 8 of the Moscow (Human Dimension) Mechanism. As a result of these invocations, OSCE participating States received the reports of the independent missions of experts, which confirmed our shared concerns about the impact of the Russian Federation’s invasion and acts of war, its violations and abuses of human rights, and violations of international humanitarian law in Ukraine.

We remain particularly alarmed by the findings of the expert missions that some of the violations amount to war crimes and that some violations may amount to crimes against humanity.

As Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine enters its third year and Russia’s illegal occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol enters its eleventh year, we continue to witness human suffering on an appalling scale and shocking reports of violations of international humanitarian law and of international human rights law, many of which may amount to the most serious international crimes.

A number of credible sources, including the Moscow Mechanism expert missions, ODIHR, and the UN, as well as civil society organizations, have reported that the Russian Federation has arbitrarily detained large numbers of civilians in Ukraine. According to these sources, Ukrainian civilians have become victims of arbitrary detentions, abductions, kidnapping and other forms of arbitrary deprivation of liberty, including instances of enforced disappearances. Many remain detained or are considered missing, as their whereabouts are unknown.

The OSCE itself has faced the unacceptable detention of three OSCE Special Monitoring Mission officials who have been held in Russian captivity for almost 700 days, despite repeated calls for their release.

The initial detention of Ukrainian civilians occurs in the parts of Ukraine’s territory temporarily controlled or occupied by Russia, often in improvised and unofficial places of detention. The civilian detainees are then reportedly transferred to other locations within the occupied territory or deported to the Russian Federation or other places where they are held in detention facilities. In many cases civilian detainees are held incommunicado.

Those detained include representatives of Ukrainian local authorities, humanitarian volunteers, human rights defenders, other members of civil society, journalists, media actors, members of clergy, teachers, and ordinary citizens.

In most cases civilians are detained without being informed about the grounds for their detention and without information about their whereabouts being communicated. For this reason, the location and status of civilian detainees has proven difficult to ascertain, with information about their circumstances being vague or outright refused.

According to testimonies of victims and witnesses, Russia’s actions towards civilian detainees are marked by the profound disregard for human dignity, including the use of torture, sexual violence, and ill-treatment. Civilian detainees have not been granted access to a lawyer and the ICRC has been refused access to them. They have also described enduring deplorable detention conditions, including severely overcrowded cells, poor access to sanitation, and lack of medical attention.

We are deeply concerned about the severity and frequency of these violations and abuses. We are particularly alarmed by reports of cases of summary executions of civilians in Russian detention.

We recall that OSCE participating States have committed themselves to respect the right to liberty and to refrain from arbitrary arrest or detention.

We stress that the deprivation of liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law, if committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian population, may constitute a crime against humanity.

We also remind that the prohibition of torture is a peremptory norm of international law without territorial limitation, which applies at all times and in all places.

We further note that the 2020 Tirana OSCE Ministerial Decision on Prevention and Eradication of Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment reminds all participating States that, inter alia, prolonged incommunicado detention or detention in secret places can facilitate the perpetration of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and can in itself constitute a form of such treatment.

Gravely concerned by the continuing impacts of Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine, in particular on the civilian population, the delegations of Albania, Andorra, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Moldova, Monaco, Montenegro, Netherlands, North Macedonia, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Türkiye, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, following bilateral consultations with Ukraine under the Vienna Mechanism, invoke the Moscow (Human Dimension) Mechanism under Paragraph 8 of that document.

We request that ODIHR inquire of Ukraine whether it would invite a mission of experts to build upon previous findings and establish the facts and circumstances surrounding possible contraventions of relevant OSCE commitments, violations and abuses of human rights, and violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law, as well as possible cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity, associated with or resulting from the arbitrary deprivation of liberty of Ukrainian civilians by the Russian Federation; and to collect, consolidate, and analyse this information with a view to offer recommendations, as well as provide the information to relevant accountability mechanisms, as well as national, regional, or international courts or tribunals that have, or may in future have, jurisdiction.

We also invite ODIHR to provide any relevant information or documentation derived from any new expert mission to other appropriate accountability mechanisms, as well as national, regional, or international courts or tribunals that have, or may in future have, jurisdiction.

Thank you for your attention.