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Tag: Peter Aldous

  • Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on the Annual Fisheries Negotiations with EU and North Atlantic States

    Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on the Annual Fisheries Negotiations with EU and North Atlantic States

    The speech made by Peter Aldous, the Conservative MP for Waveney, in the House of Commons on 20 December 2022.

    I am most grateful to my right hon. Friend for that answer. I should point out that I chair a community interest company, REAF—Renaissance of the East Anglian Fisheries—which has the objective of regenerating the East Anglian fishing industry. Much of our fleet is inshore in nature, pursuing non-quota species, and thus the outcome of these negotiations is only of some relevance with regard to stocks such as sole. That said, the matter is of vital importance to the whole industry, as it provides the foundation stone on which it can be rebuilt all around the four nations of the UK.

    It used to be an annual tradition that the Minister would come to this Chamber to make a statement at the conclusion of the negotiations, and thus it is to be regretted that it has been necessary to submit this urgent question, particularly taking into account the enormous interest in fishing generated by Brexit and the role that the industry can play in levelling up coastal communities such as Lowestoft, which I represent.

    My right hon. Friend highlighted the fact that the total UK fishing opportunity secured across the three main negotiating forums totals £750 million, an increase of £34 million on the previous year. This 4.7% increase is considerably below the level of inflation, which is currently hitting fishing businesses particularly hard.

    I would be most grateful if my right hon. Friend could add to his statement by answering the following questions. Will he advise the House as to the preparatory work that is carried out to ensure that the UK achieves better outcomes from negotiations now that we participate as an independent coastal state and are not part of the EU? What monitoring work is carried out after each annual negotiation?

    The negotiations were due to complete by 10 December; I would be most grateful if my right hon. Friend could advise the House as to the reason why they did not. Have the issues that caused the delay been concluded satisfactorily from the UK’s perspective?

    To revive the fishing industry post Brexit, it is necessary to enhance trust and for the Government to work in partnership with the devolved nations, industry and conservation organisations. This is best achieved by increased transparency, so will my right hon. Friend publish the positions that the UK took in respect of the total allowable catch levels for each stock? Progress towards sustainable fishing requires accountability, and the Government would contribute to that by making that information available.

    Finally, as mentioned, East Anglian fishermen will accrue limited immediate benefit from the outcome of the negotiations, but from that outcome should flow the improved management of fisheries and increased access to fishing opportunities for local fishermen. With that in mind, will my right hon. Friend provide a progress report on the Government’s plans in that regard?

    Mark Spencer

    I pay tribute to my hon. Friend not only for tabling the urgent question but for the work he does to represent his constituency. It is a little disingenuous of him to say that he dragged me to the Chamber for the urgent question; the ink went on the agreement when it was signed this morning, just after 10.30 am—around quarter to 11—which was after the statement deadline, meaning that it was not possible for me to bring a statement to the House.

    Nevertheless, I am delighted to be here to celebrate what is a great deal. As my hon. Friend has identified, we are 30,000 tonnes better off now that we are outside the EU than we would have been had we remained a member state.

    My hon. Friend made reference to the 10 December deadline, which I think was a false deadline. We were of course always ambitious to try to conclude the negotiations, but as the Minister I was always clear that it is more important to get the right deal than to get a quick deal and that setting false deadlines does not always bring us to the right deal.

    My hon. Friend mentioned our negotiating position and asked whether we would lay it out in public. I am afraid to say to him directly that no is the answer. I am not prepared to share our negotiating position. I do not think that is how we get a good deal for the UK, which is what we have secured. If we set out in public where our red lines are before we enter the room, we tend to move quickly towards those red lines and fall back from that position.

  • Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on Business Rates and Levelling Up

    Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on Business Rates and Levelling Up

    The speech made by Peter Aldous, the Conservative MP for Waveney, in Westminster Hall, the House of Commons, on 13 December 2022.

    I beg to move,

    That this House has considered business rates and levelling up.

    It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mr Mundell. I am grateful to the Backbench Business Committee for granting this debate. It is extremely apt that the debate is taking place on the same day that the Levelling-up and Regeneration Bill returns to the House of Commons. If we can successfully reform business rates so that they are fair to businesses right across the country, that really will help to deliver meaningful levelling up.

    At present, with businesses having to contend with a level of inflation not seen for a generation, soaring utility bills and stubbornly high rents, business rates are a fixed cost from which occupiers cannot escape. They are an impediment to regional growth, and their impact needs to be significantly reduced, with the system being put on a long-term, easily understood footing. In that way, businesses will know where they stand and can then make long-term investment decisions.

    To be fair, all political parties have recognised the unfair and unjust nature of the current system and commitments have been made to both replacement and reform. From my perspective, I sense that the former—replacement—is the holy grail that is unachievable in the real world. To address the immediate threat that business rates pose to many businesses in different sectors and in different parts of the country, a wide variety of reliefs and exemptions have been introduced. Although welcome, they have made the system more complicated and difficult to comprehend.

    Currently, the Labour party is committed to abolishing business rates and replacing them with a system fit for the 21st century. As I have said, I sense that it will be impossible for it to keep that promise, because, despite the drawbacks that business rates possess, they have inherent advantages for the Treasury: they yield approximately £25 billion per annum, are relatively easy to collect and are difficult to avoid. It is impossible to find an alternative system of taxation that has those advantages, and I believe that it is important to get on with reforming the current system.

    Let me turn to the Government’s record. My right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer made significant and largely welcome announcements in his autumn statement, which I shall detail later. However, I am mindful that we made commitments in the 2019 Conservative manifesto that we are yet to properly and fully implement. Those include carrying out a fundamental review of the system and reducing business rates in the long term for retail businesses, as well as extending the discounts to grassroots music venues, small cinemas, and pubs. Yes, we have provided a wide variety of short-term reliefs, but we have not yet provided the permanent fix that is so urgently needed.

    It is appropriate to briefly describe business rates. They are a tax charged to most non-domestic properties, although there are some exceptions, such as small businesses with a rateable value of less than £12,000. They are calculated by multiplying the rateable value of the property by the uniform business rate multiplier. The rateable value is an assessment of the annual rent that the property would achieve if it were available to let on the open market at a specific, fixed valuation date. The UBR multiplier for 2022-23 is 51.2p in the pound, or 49.9p for small businesses.

    Before I came to this place I was a chartered surveyor. Although I did not specialise in business rates, I did from time to time carry out business rates appeals. Invariably, that happened in situations with a lack of rental evidence on which to base an assessment of a property’s rateable value. As a result, it was difficult to agree a value, and there was the risk of a rateable value being imposed, which was abstract from reality and took no account of the ability of the business to pay and thus continue to exist and operate profitably. The Valuation Office Agency—the VOA—needs to be more transparent, open and collegiate in its dealings with businesses. I shall touch on that later.

    As I have mentioned, the Chancellor made some significant announcements in his autumn statement, which included confirmation of a revaluation that will come into effect from April; the freezing of the uniform business rate multiplier; the reform of the transitional relief scheme; a supporting small business scheme; and a 75% retail, hospitality and leisure relief worth up to £110,000 per business. The revaluation is generally to be welcomed, although there are some notable exceptions, as it will on the whole bring down rates in economically depressed areas while raising rates in areas where rental values have risen.

    The announcement that the downwards phasing of the transitional relief scheme for England is to abolished is good news, with upwards phasing being funded by the Treasury. The problem with transitional relief was that meaningful and full reductions in business rates, which businesses particularly in the retail sector desperately needed, took far too long to filter through. The measures will provide much needed support to help businesses get through the next few months, and they provide the foundation stone on which to now carry out the promised fundamental review.

    Despite those measures, which in many respects can be likened to the application of yet more sticking plasters and, indeed, bandages, fundamental flaws remain to be addressed. Although the Government froze the UBR at 51p in the last two Budgets, it remains unsustainably high. In no other country in Europe do businesses pay half the rental value of premises in property taxes. Set at such a high level, business rates deter investment in retail, leisure and hospitality. It should be noted that the UBR was just 34p in the pound when it was first introduced in 1990.

    The extension of business rates relief for retail premises from 50% to 75% in 2023-24 is welcome, even though it will help only smaller retailers because it applies to the first £110,000 of business rates paid. The Office for Budget Responsibility envisages that that relief will be removed from 1 April 2024, which would leave retailers with a massive tax hike at that point—in effect, a cliff edge. A tapering scheme will therefore need to be applied to overcome that particular problem.

    In the recently published valuation list, which comes into effect next April, the valuation of retail premises fell by only 10% across the country in the six years from the last valuation date of April 2015. Without the Chancellor’s measures on downwards phasing to freeze the UBR, business rates would have had a massive levelling down impact on all retail, and on depressed regions in particular. That underlines the need for fundamental reform.

    I shall move on to briefly highlight some of the inequities of the current system that need to be addressed. Business rates are a tax paid by businesses before a sale or a transaction has even been made. It is in effect a tax on existence rather than a tax based on success or failure. It therefore follows that it needs to be kept low so that it can be paid by all businesses. A high UBR discourages not only occupation, but investment in new accommodation and the physical expansion of existing premises. Ratepayers who have invested in improving their premises are penalised, as they then face higher bills. The system adversely affects physical retailers whose properties on high streets have significantly higher rateable values than the warehouses that serve online retailers. Similar challenges were faced by the hospitality sector.

    While in theory, with the current UBR, business rates should represent 51% of the rental value of a property and hence one third of the cost of occupancy, retail has been struggling, and some landlords have agreed much lower rents to enable their tenants to stay in business. Rents are increasingly being linked to turnover, and are thus disconnected from the rental values that are used by the VOA to determine business rates bills. Therefore, many retail outlets will be paying business rates bills in excess of their actual rent, even after the revaluation takes effect. In the new list, rateable values for retail have gone down by 10% on average. That is surprisingly little, given that many shops were closed and paying no rent at all at the valuation date of 1 April 2021, when we were in the midst of a covid lockdown.

    The valuation process that allocates properties their rateable value is not transparent, with the VOA not sharing the evidence that it uses to substantiate the basis of valuations. The only way for occupiers to assess that evidence is by challenging the valuation through the “check, challenge, appeal” process, which is lengthy and costly. There is therefore much concern that many challenges to the valuation process will be submitted over the coming months. The worry is that the VOA uses flimsy evidence when conducting property valuations. Those businesses that engage with the VOA through the appeals process, or by providing evidence leading up to the valuation, have more accurate valuations, while those that have not seen any reductions have not engaged with the VOA.

    The VOA has outlawed 400,000 applications made by businesses in mitigation of rates bills on the basis of covid-19. Its view is that covid did not constitute what is known as a “material change in circumstances”, which can lead to a reassessment of a rateable value. That decision has been justified by the VOA on the basis of the allocation of the £1.5 billion covid relief fund, the distribution of which was devolved to local government. While some local authorities have been quick to distribute that relief, others have been slow. The lack of a uniform distribution mechanism has meant that receiving the relief payments is dependent on where the occupant is based, and a postcode lottery has, in effect, been created.

    In the autumn statement, the Chancellor froze the UBR at 51p for one year only—that is, for 2023-24. As mentioned previously, the OBR’s figures indicate that the UBR will be index-linked thereafter. That means that as matters stand at present, business rates for retail premises will rise from April 2024. The Government have extended their 75% rate discount for shops paying up to £110,000 in rates until 2024. Likewise, unless the Government extend the relief, occupiers will again face a cliff edge when the scheme expires.

    The Government will soon be bringing forward a non-domestic rating Bill. It is important that the contents of that Bill are fully debated, and that the opportunity is taken to ensure that it is a vehicle for delivering the fundamental reform of business rates that was promised in 2019. The Bill will include provisions such as the duty to notify of any change to a property; changes to the frequency of revaluation; and the removal of the need for transitional relief to be fiscally neutral. Alongside the duty to notify, there should also come a corresponding duty on the part of the VOA to share with occupiers the evidence it uses to assess rateable values.

    Due to the complexity of the business rates system and the burden on ratepayers, occupiers quite understandably often seek advice from rating experts on how best to approach the whole process. Unlike with other professions, rating advisers do not need a licence to practice, resulting in some operators giving bad advice and cheating people out of their money. We need to find a way to outlaw such conduct.

    Currently, property owners do not have to pay business rates on empty buildings for three months. After that period ends, most businesses have to pay business rates in full, although there are some exceptions. The outcome of the 2020-21 review was that the Government committed to an empty property relief consultation in 2022, but that has yet to take place. It is important that the relief is extended—it is probably best to extend it to 12 months—because rates will then be paid exclusively by revenue-generating businesses.

    It is appropriate to highlight the particular challenges faced by the hospitality sector, which is a vital component part of many local economies all around the UK, including in the Waveney constituency that I represent. With a fair business rates system, the sector can play a key role in levelling up.

    Looking at the revaluation list in the Waveney area, businesses that have invested and that are vital engines of local economic growth are being heavily penalised for their ambition and success. By way of example, the rateable value for the Kessingland Beach holiday park is due to rise from £291,450 to £388,500; for the Harbour Inn in Lowestoft, it will rise from £23,500 to £45,000; and for the Commodore in Oulton Broad, it will rise from £67,500 to £79,000.

    The current system sees the hospitality sector overpay nationally by £2.4 billion a year relative to its turnover; in other words, it overpays by 300%. In the short term, the differential rates between large and small businesses should be removed and the eligibility rules for reliefs based on rateable value should be abolished. In the longer term, a significantly reduced UBR multiplier should be introduced.

    To address the variety of problems that I have outlined, root-and-branch reform is urgently required. Business rates would be fairer and better if the system was simplified, the tax base broadened by removing the myriad complicated reliefs, annual valuations proposed, a one-year antecedent valuation date set, and fast appeals and greater evidence-sharing between occupiers and the VOA introduced.

    Such reform could be achieved by making the following changes. First, the UBR could be reduced by 30%. By way of example, reducing the UBR from 51p to 34p, which was the rate in 1990, would reduce unsustainably high levels of business rates on retail and hospitality premises, and level the playing field for so many businesses. A lower UBR would also reduce the barriers to entry, expansion and innovation, thereby encouraging growth and broadening the tax base. In effect, this would plug the gaps in revenue that the Treasury might fear would result from a lower UBR.

    Secondly, the Government have correctly moved from five-yearly to three-yearly valuations. That represents a step in the right direction, but yearly valuations would be far more equitable. By implementing yearly valuations, business rates would accurately reflect the dynamic movements of the market and allow occupiers to benefit immediately from changes to rateable values. The increased incidence of events such as the covid pandemic and the war in Ukraine further emphasise the need for a system that is able quickly to react to rapidly changing economic conditions.

    Thirdly, we need to look at the abolition of the system of complicated reliefs. Instead of the fundamental review that was promised, the Government have continued to apply sticking plasters to the system to ensure its continued functioning. That has culminated in a system of complicated reliefs that can be difficult to navigate. The business rates system comprises 12 reliefs. Those would be rendered unnecessary with the lowering of the UBR, which would mean a business benefiting from paying lower rates immediately instead of negotiating and navigating the VOA system of reliefs.

    Fourthly, many of the problems I have detailed could be fixed by making the VOA more efficient. Its systems, which are predominantly paper based, are not fit for the 21st century. Digitisation would enable the VOA to make its collection systems more efficient and it could take a big step towards systems efficiencies such as annual valuations. The Government recently published a consultation to that effect, entitled the digitalising business consultation. However, unfortunately, it largely missed a point because instead of consulting on the measures that would reduce the administrative burdens on businesses and ratepayers, the Government are trying to increase those burdens by requiring more information so as more effectively to target reliefs.

    I sense that I have spoken for far too long, and you will be pleased to hear, Mr Mundell, that I am nearing my conclusion. High business rates hold back economic growth, are a barrier to levelling up and are an added burden that many businesses simply cannot afford at present. To be fair, the Government have listened, and they are aware of the problem. The response has been the introduction of short-term reliefs, which are welcome, but they complicate the system further in the longer term.

    We need to stop searching for that elusive holy grail and stop kicking the can down the road. Instead, we need to introduce pragmatic measures that can be delivered quickly, and we need to honour the commitment to a fundamental review. I therefore urge the Treasury to introduce those initiatives—in the spring Budget, I would suggest—and in the first instance I look forward to hearing the response from my hon. Friend the Minister.

  • Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on the Finance Bill

    Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on the Finance Bill

    The speech made by Peter Aldous, the Conservative MP for Waveney, in the House of Commons on 28 November 2022.

    For a moment, I thought that you had forgotten me, Mr Deputy Speaker, but that is greatly appreciated.

    The purpose of the Bill, as the Minister—my fellow Suffolk MP—said at the beginning, is to put on to the statute book many of the tax and spending decisions that the Chancellor announced in his autumn statement, with some others being deferred until the spring Finance Bill in 2023. The Chancellor was confronted with an incredibly difficult challenge on 17 November, so in many respects, he was between a rock and hard place. I genuinely believe that he struck the right balance and delivered the statement that the nation required in these very precarious times. He was right to protect the most vulnerable and to provide additional funding for health and social care and education, although on the latter, I think that he should also have included further education and colleges, which are so important in improving the UK’s productivity and providing the many, not the few, with the opportunity to participate in the proceeds of growth that we are so elusively seeking. That said, the Chancellor has appointed Sir Michael Barber to provide a skills reform programme, and he is to be commended for confirming support for Sizewell C, for providing Suffolk with a devolution deal, and for committing to a step change in the drive to improve the energy efficiency of our existing homes and businesses.

    I feel that my right hon. Friend had no alternative other than to introduce levies on oil and gas producers and electricity generators. I will focus much of the remainder of my speech on that issue. There is a need to avoid any unintended consequences in the way that the levies operate, which could deter inward investment, which is so important to ensuring our energy security, meeting our net zero targets that enable us to tackle climate change, and regenerating the economies of many coastal communities, such as the Lowestoft and Waveney constituency that I represent.

    Clauses 1 to 3 detail the changes proposed to the oil and gas profits levy: raising the rate of the levy to 35%; reducing the investment allowance from 80% to 29%, although it remains at 80% for investment on upstream decarbonisation; and extending the levy to 2028. That last provision appears somewhat random, because it takes no account of the fact that our current very high gas prices may have fallen by then. We should remember that, only a few years ago, gas prices were on the floor. I hope that, if we are in a different place before 2028, the Government will look at bringing forward the sunset clause.

    I note that HMRC’s assessment concludes that the

    “changes to the Energy Profits Levy are not expected to have a significant macroeconomic impact on the level of business investment”

    and that the impact on business will extend only

    “to around 200 companies operating in the UK or on the UK Continental Shelf.”

    Those findings are very different from those of Offshore Energies UK, which is the trade representative of many of the businesses affected and which provides the secretariat for the British offshore oil and gas all-party parliamentary group, which I chair. It states that

    “the tax changes would impact not just North Sea operators but the hundreds of other companies in their supply chains”,

    which are so important to coastal communities such as Lowestoft and which extend right across the UK. It notes that such businesses

    “provide specialised services such as marine engineering, deep sea diving or subsea communications”,

    which are not just important to the oil and gas sector, but vital to the emerging industries of offshore wind, carbon capture and storage, and hydrogen production.

    Offshore Energies UK points out that the industry—private business—

    “is participating in plans to invest £200 billion by 2030 across all energies, including the lower-carbon ones needed to drive the energy transition.”

    There is a real worry that disruption to the tax system could deter that vital investment. Although the Bill does not cover the electricity generator levy— I welcome the Minister’s commitment to engage with the industry before detailing the Government’s proposals— that levy’s provisions and implications should be considered alongside the energy oil and gas profits levy. That is because today’s renewables and oil and gas industries are inextricably interlinked and intertwined.

    There is a real worry in the renewables sector that the electricity generator levy may deter the investment needed to end our reliance on fossil fuels. The companies that will be affected are those to which we are looking for investments of billions to accelerate the renewable energy transition. It is only by attracting such private sector investment that the UK can successfully grow its capacity in renewable energy. To meet our 2030 and 2050 targets, we need to attract more private investment, not deter it.

    With that in mind, it is concerning that electricity generators are due to miss out on an investment allowance for new wind projects. If we are to be a global leader in offshore wind, including being a pioneer in floating offshore wind technology, there is a strong case for tax incentives to encourage new investment. That does not mean helping energy firms to avoid tax, but it does mean encouraging them to invest in the UK’s clean future for the benefit of the environment, of our future prosperity and of our energy security.

    There needs to be a windfall tax, but it must be introduced in a form that is predictable, transparent and fair so as not to undermine investor confidence. I fully recognise that the enormous cost of shielding people and businesses from the worst impacts of the gas crisis requires a windfall tax, but there is a concern that the current and updated proposals for the oil and gas levy and the emerging plans for the electricity generator levy may, or might, have the unintended consequence of deterring investment at a time when we urgently need it, with a negative impact on the key policies of energy security, combating climate change, and levelling up.

    It is good news that the Government have undertaken to carry out a long-term review of the tax treatment of UK oil and gas production. I also ask them to keep the oil and gas profits levy in place only while there is a windfall, rather than until 31 March 2028 if present conditions do not continue until then. There is much work to be done to create the stable, long-term fiscal environment required to maximise inward investment. Moving to net zero is a monumental challenge; the state of the public finances is such that we need more than ever to unlock private finance if we are to meet our targets.

    Government and business must work together to put in place the long-term, stable tax regime that will ensure that companies make a full but fair contribution. Until recently, Government and business were working well together and a clear industrial strategy was in place, culminating in the 2019 offshore wind sector deal and the 2021 North sea transition deal. There is an urgent need for the Government and the energy industry to renew their marriage vows. I urge my right hon. Friend the Chancellor and his very good team on the Front Bench to set about the task immediately.

  • Peter Aldous – 2014 Parliamentary Question to the Department for Work and Pensions

    Peter Aldous – 2014 Parliamentary Question to the Department for Work and Pensions

    The below Parliamentary question was asked by Peter Aldous on 2014-03-25.

    To ask the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, what recent discussions his Department has had (a) with Post Office Ltd and (b) other payment services providers on offering a wider range of payment outlets at which Post Office Card Account customers can access pensions and benefits.

    Steve Webb

    The Post Office Card Account can be accessed at any one of around 11,500 branches across the post office network.

    No discussions have taken place with Post Office Ltd or other payment services providers about offering a wider range of payment outlets and there are currently no plans to extend the number of outlets at which Post Office Card Account customers can access pensions and benefits.

  • Peter Aldous – 2014 Parliamentary Question to the Department of Health

    Peter Aldous – 2014 Parliamentary Question to the Department of Health

    The below Parliamentary question was asked by Peter Aldous on 2014-06-04.

    To ask the Secretary of State for Health, how often the Prescribed Specialised Services Advisory Group meets per year; and if he will request that it will consider new specialised service applications for Alpha-1 Antitrypsin Deficiency at its next meeting.

    Norman Lamb

    The Prescribed Specialised Services Advisory Group (PSSAG) is a Department expert committee which was set up to provide regular advice to Ministers on which services are specialised and should be prescribed in regulations for national commissioning by the NHS Commissioning Board (NHS England). The Group met most recently in May 2014 and may meet up to four times a year.

    Evidence, supporting information and activity on those services currently prescribed in legislation for direct commissioning by NHS England and any new services identified as potentially specialised, are made available to PSSAG from a range of sources, which may include Clinical Reference Groups (CRGs), patient groups, clinicians, commissioners and members of the public. The proposals the group considers are in large part generated by NHS England through its CRGs. The PSSAG makes recommendations to Ministers who, before deciding whether to make regulations, consult with NHS England, as required by section 3B of the National Health Service Act 2006.

    NHS England advises that where it becomes the responsible commissioner for a service, it considers the funding priority of the service through its clinical priorities advisory group and manages a process for selecting providers. Any highly specialised services that become the commissioning responsibility of NHS England will be discussed at its Rare Disease Advisory Group.

    The commissioning of services for people with alpha 1-antitrypsin deficiency is a matter for individual clinical commissioning groups. We understand the Alpha 1 Alliance is working with NHS England and the Specialised Respiratory Clinical Reference Group to develop a proposal on alpha 1-antitrypsin deficiency for a future PSSAG meeting.

  • Peter Aldous – 2014 Parliamentary Question to the Department of Health

    Peter Aldous – 2014 Parliamentary Question to the Department of Health

    The below Parliamentary question was asked by Peter Aldous on 2014-06-04.

    To ask the Secretary of State for Health, what steps NHS England takes to consider (a) all new specialised service applications and (b) new treatments for Alpha-1 Antitrypsin Deficiency; and whether such steps are subject to review by his Department.

    Norman Lamb

    The Prescribed Specialised Services Advisory Group (PSSAG) is a Department expert committee which was set up to provide regular advice to Ministers on which services are specialised and should be prescribed in regulations for national commissioning by the NHS Commissioning Board (NHS England). The Group met most recently in May 2014 and may meet up to four times a year.

    Evidence, supporting information and activity on those services currently prescribed in legislation for direct commissioning by NHS England and any new services identified as potentially specialised, are made available to PSSAG from a range of sources, which may include Clinical Reference Groups (CRGs), patient groups, clinicians, commissioners and members of the public. The proposals the group considers are in large part generated by NHS England through its CRGs. The PSSAG makes recommendations to Ministers who, before deciding whether to make regulations, consult with NHS England, as required by section 3B of the National Health Service Act 2006.

    NHS England advises that where it becomes the responsible commissioner for a service, it considers the funding priority of the service through its clinical priorities advisory group and manages a process for selecting providers. Any highly specialised services that become the commissioning responsibility of NHS England will be discussed at its Rare Disease Advisory Group.

    The commissioning of services for people with alpha 1-antitrypsin deficiency is a matter for individual clinical commissioning groups. We understand the Alpha 1 Alliance is working with NHS England and the Specialised Respiratory Clinical Reference Group to develop a proposal on alpha 1-antitrypsin deficiency for a future PSSAG meeting.

  • Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on NHS Dentistry

    Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on NHS Dentistry

    The speech made by Peter Aldous, the Conservative MP for Waveney, in the House of Commons on 20 October 2022.

    I beg to move,

    That this House is concerned by the growing crisis in NHS dentistry; notes that nine out of ten dental practices in England do not accept new NHS patients; regrets the number of dentists moving away from NHS practice; welcomes the Government’s commitment to levelling up health outcomes and dental health across the country; calls on the Government to take urgent steps to improve retention of NHS dentists and dental accessibility for patients; and further calls on the Government to report to the House on its progress on the steps it has taken to address the NHS dentistry crisis in three months’ time.

    I thank the Backbench Business Committee for granting this debate, and the hon. Member for Bradford South (Judith Cummins) for her work in helping to secure it. I also highlight e-petition 564154, signed by 11,067 people, calling for an independent review of the NHS dental contract.

    Colleagues have been securing debates on the state of NHS dentistry for the past two years. This crisis has been brewing for a long time, and the situation can be likened to that of a house built on shallow and poor foundations that has come crashing down with the earthquake of covid. The King’s Fund describes NHS dentistry as being on “life support”, while the British Dental Association describes it as undergoing a “slow death”. In its monthly report for October, Healthwatch repeats that NHS dental care continues to be one of the main issues it hears about from the public, who across the country are clamouring for NHS dentistry that is both affordable and accessible.

    In Suffolk, there are 70 dental practices with NHS contracts, but not one is taking on new patients. Locally, there has been some welcome support in that, in Lowestoft, a local practice was granted additional units of dental activity that allowed it to see emergency patients until the end of September, and in July the Dental Design Studio was awarded a contract to deliver NHS dentistry for up to eight years. However, very quickly both practices were fully booked up and have had to turn away patients. There is a need for root and branch reform, and I shall briefly set out the issues that need to be included in a blueprint plan for NHS dentistry.

    Dr Andrew Murrison (South West Wiltshire) (Con)

    I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this debate. Would he agree with me that the fundamental problem with NHS dentistry at the moment is the 2006 contract and the units of dental activity? Does he share my disappointment at the statement made in the summer about how to resolve the situation based on the consultation launched last year, and furthermore, does he hope that UDAs will be expunged from all of this so that dentists can be properly rewarded for the job they do and thus return to the NHS?

    Peter Aldous

    I thank my right hon. Friend for that intervention, and I agree wholeheartedly with him on that point. I will come on to it as I set out what I believe needs to be done to improve the situation, but I think he and I are very much on the same page on that issue.

    First, I will address the issue of funding. There is a need to secure a long-term funding stream. In recent years, the NHS dental budget has not kept up with inflation and population growth. Since 2008, NHS dentistry has faced cuts with no parallel elsewhere in the NHS, and the British Dental Association states that it will take £880 million per annum to restore the service to 2010 levels. I acknowledge the budgetary challenges that the Chancellor faces, but the reform process is doomed from the start without an appropriate level of investment. There is a need for a protected budget, and any funding that is clawed back must be kept in dentistry.

    Secondly, a strategic approach should be adopted towards recruitment and retention, with a detailed workforce plan being put in place.

    Jeff Smith (Manchester, Withington) (Lab)

    I congratulate the hon. Member and my hon. Friend the Member for Bradford South (Judith Cummins) on securing this debate. There is a crisis in south Manchester and across the country in trying to access NHS dentists. There are highly trained dentists from abroad who can help. I have some constituents who were trained at the dental faculty of the University of Hong Kong, which is among the top three faculties in the world—it has an English curriculum—but they cannot get registered or access the licence exams. I understand that the Government have said they are going to simplify the registration process. Would he join me in urging the Government to act very quickly to make that happen?

    Peter Aldous

    I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention, which came at an appropriate time. Indeed, he may well have been reading my speech, because that was the next point I was coming to. In the short term, we need to be stepping up recruitment from abroad. Although the legislation tabled earlier this month to streamline the process of recognising overseas qualifications is welcome, that will not address the problem on its own, and I hope that when he responds to the debate, the Minister will address that issue. In the longer term, we must improve dentistry training ourselves and ensure that it is available throughout the country. In that regard, the proposals being worked up by the Universities of East Anglia and of Suffolk are to be welcomed.

    Thirdly, as my right hon. Friend the Member for South West Wiltshire (Dr Murrison) said, there is a need for a new NHS dental contract. It is welcome that discussions have started on revising the contract, but there is a worry that the Government are looking only at marginal changes, when ultimately a completely new contract is required. At present, the NHS contract is driving dentists away from doing NHS work. Its target-based approach is soul destroying for so many, and it needs to be replaced with an agreement that has prevention at its core.

    That leads me to the fourth and penultimate component of a new system of NHS dentistry: the public promotion of the importance of good oral health, and looking after our teeth from the cradle to the grave. Denplan proposes that the Government and NHS should lead a public education campaign to emphasise the importance of oral health. There should be provision in the aforementioned new contract for dentists to go into schools, as well as into care and nursing homes. When economic conditions allow, let us be imaginative and exempt children’s toothbrushes and toothpaste from VAT. That can embed good oral healthcare at an early stage of life. It is welcome that the Health and Care Act 2022 facilitates the roll-out of water fluoridation projects, and the Government should work proactively with water companies to ensure that is universal.

    Finally, there is a need for clear transparency and full local accountability for overseeing and commissioning NHS dentistry services. I acknowledge the hard work and great effort of those working at NHS England, but we need to replace a system that is inaccessible, opaque, and confusing. The Health and Care Act provides us with the means of doing that, and it is welcome that from next April, many integrated care systems will be taking on responsibility for local NHS dentistry. That is the right approach, as good oral healthcare is essential for good general health and wellbeing, and inextricably linked to primary, mental and emergency care. It is vital that those involved in dentistry are represented on integrated care boards.

    Across the country there are a multitude of dental deserts. If we do nothing, if we apply the odd sticking plaster here and there, those will turn into one large Sahara. We owe it to those we represent to ensure that does not happen. That means that we need as a matter of urgency a blueprint plan for new NHS dentistry. That will not be delivered in one fell swoop, but we need clearly to lay down the route path and start taking meaningful strides down it. With that in mind, the motion calls on the Government to embark on that journey and report back on their progress in three months’ time.

  • Peter Aldous – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Peter Aldous – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by Peter Aldous, the Conservative MP for Waveney, in the House of Commons on 9 September 2022.

    I rise on behalf of the people of Waveney to pay tribute to Her Majesty the Queen.

    With the nation’s guiding light taken from us, there was last night for a moment, from my perspective, a sense of helplessness. What do we do? How are we going to get on without her? The answer is that we learn from the high standards of dignity, duty and humility to which she adhered throughout both her life and her 70-year reign. We shall always fall short of the summit that she reached, but if we get to her foothills, we will have succeeded. Great Britain and the Commonwealth have faced numerous challenges over the past 70 years, and the world has changed a great deal. She was our shield to any arrows of adversity, and despite the enormous responsibilities that she bore on our behalf, she never, never put a foot wrong.

    Her Majesty was a family person, and in some respects we were all part of her wider family. She enjoyed those aspects of life that we all enjoy—animals and pets, whether corgis, ponies and horses, or racing pigeons; family meals, whether that be barbecues, picnics or Christmas dinners.

    As we have heard, Her Majesty had a lifelong passion for horse racing. Back in coronation week in 1953, her horse Aureole ran second in the Derby, the nearest she ever got to securing that cherished prize. One might have expected a hint of disappointment, but there was none. She joined the rest of the nation in celebrating the victory of national icon Sir Gordon Richards in his 28th and final attempt to win the race for the first time. An aureole, Madam Deputy Speaker, is a radiant light around a head or body. Our aureole has been extinguished, but her legacy will endure forever.

    The Queen ascended the throne as we emerged from the ravages of the second world war. As she departs, we face more adversity and an uncertain and worrying immediate future. If we strive to conduct ourselves as she did, if we apply a mere modicum of her wisdom and sound judgment, then we will get through it. Your Majesty, on behalf of the people of Waveney, thank you for all that you have done for us. Our deepest condolences to all of your family. God save the King.

  • Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on Access to GP Services

    Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on Access to GP Services

    The speech made by Peter Aldous, the Conservative MP for Waveney, in the House of Commons on 21 June 2022.

    With regard to access to GP services, there is a significant challenge that must be met head-on. The solution must address patients’ ongoing concerns, involve long-term strategic workforce planning, and respect, not abuse, the GPs themselves.

    The issue that I wish to focus on is access to NHS dentistry, which after 18 months retains the unenviable and scandalous position of being No. 1 in my postbag. It is quite clear that the situation is replicated for colleagues across the House. Access to NHS dentistry is a problem that has been brewing for a long time. It can be likened to a house built on shallow and poor foundations, which—with the earthquake of covid—have led to the house falling down.

    The impact on people is profound: millions unable to find a dentist; thousands in agony, resorting to DIY tooth extraction; as yet untold numbers of undiagnosed mouth cancers; children suffering and having whole mouth replacements; and the poorest hit hardest. The solutions are fivefold: a secure, long-term funding stream; a strategic approach to recruitment and retention; replacement of the dysfunctional NHS dental contract; a prevention policy promoting personal oral healthcare from the cradle to the grave; and transparent and full accountability through the new emerging integrated care systems.

    To be fair to the Government, measures have been put in place to address the crisis. Locally in Lowestoft, funding has been provided for an established dentist to attend to emergencies. The practice has responded heroically and prevented the system from collapsing. A new long-term NHS contract has been awarded to Lowestoft-based Dental Design Studio. That is welcome, although given that it was not possible to commission similar contracts elsewhere in Suffolk and Norfolk, there is concern that demand for NHS dentistry across the region will continue to outstrip supply, and that the new service could have a large and unserviceable catchment area.

    The Government’s announcement in February of a £50 million dental “treatment blitz” was welcome, but there is concern that the take-up of that funding has been limited because dentists have been too overstretched to take on the extra work. In the long term, the fact that the feasibility of establishing a dental school in Norwich is being considered is also very much welcomed.

    Those initiatives are a step in the right direction, but the underlying causes of the dentistry crisis are yet to be tackled. In May, the Association of Dental Groups’ report highlighted the emergence of dental deserts across the country, where there is almost no chance of ever seeing an NHS dentist. There is a real risk of them merging to form an area of Saharan proportions. The British Dental Association is concerned that the negotiations to reform the NHS dental contract framework are yet to begin in earnest.

    I have mentioned the importance of prevention. Back in February, I attended an event in Lowestoft at which community dental services and Leading Lives—a Suffolk-based not-for-profit social enterprise—launched a toolkit to help improve the oral health of young people with learning difficulties. Leading on from that, Lowestoft Rising, which promotes collaboration between statutory authorities and the voluntary sector, got together with local councillors and supermarkets to buy toothbrushes and toothpaste for primary school students. The initiative is to be applauded, but the feedback that I have received is that so much more could have been done if the group had not had to pay 20% VAT; surely this is a Brexit dividend that is looking us right in the eye.

    As we have seen with the zero rating of women’s sanitary products, we now have more flexibility to vary our fiscal regime. If necessary, such a VAT exemption could apply to children’s dental products in much the same way as it does to children’s shoes. Children’s toothpaste and toothbrushes are distinct and different from those products used by adults. Such a strategy would embed good oral healthcare at an early age, and help to prevent the traumatic and expensive whole mouth replacements that hospitals increasingly have to carry out. Such a policy could form part of the new long-term plan for NHS dentistry that is so badly needed right across the country, and which I look forward to the Government rolling out at the earliest possible opportunity.

  • Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on the East Suffolk and Wherry Railway Lines

    Peter Aldous – 2022 Speech on the East Suffolk and Wherry Railway Lines

    The speech made by Peter Aldous, the Conservative MP for Waveney, in the House of Commons on 19 May 2022.

    Earlier this month, on 3 May, I helped unveil a timeline on Lowestoft station, the UK’s most easterly station, to mark the 175th anniversary of the railway arriving in the town. Lowestoft is the end destination for both the East Suffolk line and one of two for the Wherry line, the other being Great Yarmouth. Those routes serve the most easterly points in the UK, which are now hubs for sustainable energy, manufacturing, engineering, hospitality and hopefully a revitalised fishing industry.

    The timeline reveals a long and illustrious past. Looking to the future, if we make the right decisions and secure the right investment now, we can bring major benefits and job opportunities to communities all along the two lines in both East Suffolk and East Norfolk. The two railways pass through and are close to communities that Transport East assesses as being transport deserts, where there are few realistic alternatives to the private car.

    Passenger numbers on both lines have recovered well from covid, particularly for leisure-based travel. In April 2022, the numbers on both lines were up 19% on the equivalent period in 2019. In recent years, some significant improvements have been made to the services on both lines, but there is so much more that can be done and considerable scope for further enhancement. It should be borne in mind that the journey time from Lowestoft to Ipswich is now longer than when the service was first provided in 1859.

    In the past, the East Suffolk and Wherry lines have brought considerable benefits to the area, serving and supporting residents, facilitating trade and business and promoting tourism. The arrival of the railways was a catalyst for bringing prosperity to the area.

    Today, the railway can play the same role as it did 175 years ago in a number of ways. Enhanced services improve connectivity. That is particularly important in a coastal area, where roads are not good. There is a need to provide reliable, frequent and fast services that connect seamlessly with the rest of the rail network. That is important for those working in the energy sector, whether in the transitioning oil and gas sector, offshore wind or nuclear. That workforce requires regular and reliable transport to the area. Strong rail services are crucial to meeting net zero. There is also, increasingly, the opportunity to return freight to the railways from over-congested roads, with opportunities to do this on both lines, from the port of Lowestoft, and taking an enormous amount of materials to the proposed Sizewell C power station, to which there is a link to the East Suffolk line at Saxmundham.

    Stations must be attractive, functional and accessible so as to help draw more customers. Several on the two lines are in need of upgrade, such as Great Yarmouth. Stations and their surrounds can also be a focus for regeneration. This is particularly the case in Lowestoft, where the station occupies a unique location in the town centre and where the community rail partnership, the Lowestoft Central Project and the Railway Heritage Trust have carried out considerable improvements to the station in recent years, with more work proposed. There are also exciting plans in the town improvement plan, as part of the towns fund bid, to enhance the surrounding area and to make Station Square an attractive and desirable destination. Thinking laterally, the railways can be a source of innovation. Perhaps these two lines could be pilots for alternative-fuelled trains from local low-carbon sources, such as hydrogen or bioethanol.

    Nationally, there has been significant investment in the rail network in recent years. On Tuesday, Her Majesty the Queen opened the new Elizabeth line, construction of HS2 is well under way, lines closed following the Beeching report are due to be reopened, and a significant investment is being made in ticketing services. These proposals are welcome, but it is important that they complement and connect into the whole rail network. There is a concern that the East Suffolk line and the Wherry line—which are, respectively, east of Ipswich and east of Norwich—are left out on a limb and are not properly incorporated into the rest of the national rail network. They are not just branch lines like something out of “The Titfield Thunderbolt” but vital economic arteries serving growing communities.

    I shall provide a very brief summary of the two lines over the past 175 years. In 1844, Sir Samuel Morton Peto purchased Lowestoft harbour and announced plans to construct the railway from Reedham to Lowestoft. After gaining parliamentary approval, the Norfolk Railway obtained a lease to construct the line, and work commenced in 1846, with the Lowestoft to Norwich line opening to goods traffic on 3 May 1847. Following the arrival of the railway, Lowestoft grew rapidly, with the railway developing and operating the fish market, the harbour and the south pier, as well as a number of rail-related manufacturing supply networks, including the harbour engineering works, the sleeper depot, and a concrete products factory. In addition, in the south of the town there was a network of freight lines serving shipyards and factories. Morton Peto also developed much of Victorian Lowestoft, which became a fashionable resort that was likewise served by the railway. By the 1920s, Lowestoft was the busiest port owned and operated by the Great Eastern Railway.

    The gradual decline of the railway network in east Suffolk and east Norfolk probably started in 1963 with the publication of the Beeching report, which initially recommended closure of the East Suffolk line. However, in 1966 the line was reprieved from closure following a successful campaign led by the East Suffolk Travel Association, which is still going strong and of which I am a member. In 1970, despite local opposition, the direct line between Lowestoft and Yarmouth South Town was closed, and in 1973 the transportation of fish by rail from Lowestoft also came to an end. This was followed in 1984 by the ending of direct through services from Liverpool Street to Lowestoft. In 1992, despite local opposition, the concourse roof at Lowestoft station was removed—although there are now exciting plans to reinstate a lightweight version.

    The good news is that the decline in the latter part of the 20th century has been reversed in the first two decades of the 21st century. The Beccles loop was constructed on the East Suffolk line, enabling an hourly service to Ipswich to be reintroduced from late 2012. In the subsequent 10 years, passenger numbers have doubled. In 2013, a new bus interchange facility was built at Lowestoft station. Local community groups have come together to upgrade facilities at stations, including those previously mentioned at Lowestoft and Campsea Ashe, but also at Beccles, where there is a need for accessibility improvements, as there is now at Halesworth, too.

    The most notable improvement occurred in 2019, when Greater Anglia introduced a brand new fleet of trains across its network, thereby dispelling East Anglia’s unwanted reputation as an elephants’ graveyard, where old trains that other regions no longer wanted came to see out their final days in service. The new bimodal fleet is more comfortable and has more seats, good accessibility, with low floors and retractable steps, and full wi-fi. Further improvements have taken place since, including the £60 million investment in re-signalling the Wherry line and the reopening of the freight sidings at Lowestoft, from where since 2020 aggregates brought into the adjoining port have been transported to the midlands.

    Recently, Network Rail has announced plans to refurbish the historic swing bridges at Oulton Broad, Somerleyton and Reedham. As mentioned, EDF is working up plans with Network Rail for as much as possible of the material and aggregates required for the construction of Sizewell C, which is a nationally important strategic infrastructure project, to be brought in by rail.

    These upgrades are welcome and provide a good foundation on which to improve the two lines still further so that they can make an enduring contribution to the local economy. However, there is concern that with a focus on major projects elsewhere, the two lines could be overlooked. The fact that the 2016 franchise commitment to reintroduce a through service from Lowestoft to Liverpool Street has been dropped from the new contract that Greater Anglia signed with the Department for Transport last September has come as a major disappointment to many.

    So as not to lose momentum, I suggest that the following issues need to be addressed. First, while not actually on the two lines, the upgrading of Haughley junction on the Great Eastern line and the improvements at Ely junction will have a beneficial knock-on impact that will cascade right across East Anglia. They will not only increase capacity, but facilitate the transfer of freight from road to rail. These projects must be included in the forthcoming rail network enhancements pipeline, and I know that colleagues from across the three countries of Suffolk, Norfolk and Cambridgeshire will be repeating those requests to my hon. Friend the Minister in the coming days.

    Secondly, services on the East Suffolk and Wherry lines must properly connect into the national rail network. That means not only the aforementioned through service to Liverpool Street, which initially could be trialled on a weekend seasonal basis, but improved connections to the Queen Elizabeth line at Shenfield and Stratford, to Cambridge, to Stansted and ultimately linking into the East West Rail project from Cambridge to Oxford.

    Thirdly, the speed of the services must be reviewed. We now have faster trains, but they cannot go any quicker because of track constraints, such as single-line sections, level crossings and historical speed restrictions. The new trains are more powerful and can accelerate and decelerate quicker, and that should be reflected in the timetables, which should be reviewed. While it is important not to take any risks with safety, in the short term, Network Rail should be given more flexibility to make small-scale improvements under normal operator maintenance renewal works, rather than having to go through the rail network enhancements pipeline process, which is cumbersome and is better suited to major large-scale projects, not local, quick-win initiatives.

    In the longer term, journey times could be reduced further if level crossings were upgraded or closed and line speeds increased. Feasibility studies should be carried out to look into that issue in detail and come up with an agreed strategy for which we can then seek funding. The study should also consider the reliability of rail infrastructure. The Wherry line was closed in February due to flooding at Haddiscoe, and work should be carried out to mitigate that. There are also assets along both lines that are in need of renewal through Network Rail control period 7.

    Fourthly, it is necessary to improve the frequency of services along both lines. It is clear that more regular services stimulate greater use.

    The hourly service on the East Suffolk line, which has resulted from the construction of the Beccles loop, has proved incredibly popular.

    As part of the aforementioned studies, research should be carried out to ascertain what infrastructure improvements are necessary to enable half-hourly services to be introduced on both lines. That may involve the construction of further passing loops, which could also facilitate greater freight use, whether to Sizewell or from Lowestoft port, or possibly in due course from the sugar beet factory at Cantley. On the East Suffolk line, there is the possibility of further passing loops to the south to facilitate through services to Liverpool Street and to the north to enable the introduction of that half-hourly service.

    Fifthly, in the longer term, the siting of stations and whether all trains should stop at all stations should be reviewed. In the Lowestoft area, it might be appropriate to consider having one consolidated station at Oulton Broad to serve the significant amount of residential development proposed in the immediately surrounding area, and to consider a station at Carlton Colville, where there has been significant development in recent years and where the line runs close to Suffolk Wildlife Trust’s increasingly popular Carlton Marshes visitor centre. The opportunities for promoting tourism should be fully considered.

    Mr Richard Bacon (South Norfolk) (Con)

    I am grateful to my hon. Friend and parliamentary neighbour for giving way. I am very familiar with his area: indeed, when I drive in my constituency from Diss to Ditchingham, which is just east of Bungay in his constituency, I think I cross the Norfolk-Suffolk border four times. I should declare a further interest in that my grandfather lived in Lowestoft when I was a child. My great-grandfather took him to the coast, he took my father, my father took me and I take my sons.

    In addition to the extraordinary growth in leisure use of local rail services, which I experience myself—it is sometimes difficult to get a seat at the weekend—does my hon. Friend agree that the biggest impression that we should leave with the Minister today is on his point about the vital economic arteries that serve growing local communities? The capacity for East Anglia to grow and to make a growing contribution to the national economy, given our size and scope and the availability of land, will be enhanced only if we get the investment that we need. The dropping of the commitment for the Lowestoft to Liverpool Street service should be reversed, and we would like to see the Department put pressure on for that to happen. The upside potential of the region is extraordinary, if only we get the investment.

    Peter Aldous

    I agree entirely with my hon. Friend’s points. East Anglia has enormous potential to add to the national economy and investment in rail will facilitate that.

    Sixthly, we must think innovatively and out of the box. Although it is very early days, we could consider pilots for trains that are fuelled by local low-carbon fuels, such as hydrogen generated at Sizewell or bioethanol from sugar beet from Cantley.

    Finally, two pernickety points must be addressed. First, the local community are doing great work in restoring Lowestoft station and its surrounds, but that work will move forward significantly if the disused and dilapidated building at the rear of the station is made available to East Suffolk Council so that it can bring forward plans for bringing it back into use. I understand that Network Rail has agreed to that, but the matter has been dragging on for some time. Secondly, a few years ago, improvements were carried out on the Wherry line at Oulton Broad North to reduce the time that the level crossing barriers are down across Bridge Road and reduce the amount of traffic that builds up on either side of the crossing. The re-signalling of the line has led to the barriers being down for longer, which is increasing congestion. Network Rail is working to resolve the problem, but it has been going on for some time.

    In conclusion, I highlight the lead role that the East Suffolk and Wherry lines can play in levelling up across coastal East Anglia, so that our area is well placed to take advantage of the opportunities emerging in renewable energy, tourism, hospitality and a revived fishing industry. I urge the Minister to do all she can to get approval for the Haughley and Ely junction upgrades and to commission the feasibility studies into route and service upgrades along both the East Suffolk and Wherry lines.