Tag: Northern Ireland Office

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 1 February 2024.

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 30 January 2024.

The statement follows the news that the DUP has accepted the Government’s proposals on the operation of the Windsor Framework.

Statement from Northern Ireland Secretary, Chris Heaton-Harris, following a meeting of the DUP executive last night:

“This is a welcome and significant step.

“I am grateful to Sir Jeffrey Donaldson and colleagues for the constructive dialogue over the past months and to the other political parties in Northern Ireland for the patience they have shown during this time.

“I am pleased that the DUP have agreed to accept the package of measures that the UK Government has put forward and as a result they are ready to return to the Northern Ireland Assembly and nominate representatives to the Northern Ireland Executive.

“Sir Jeffrey Donaldson has said this is subject to the binding commitments between the Democratic Unionist Party and the UK Government – I can confirm that we will stick to this agreement.

“I now believe that all the conditions are in place for the Assembly to return, the parties entitled to form an Executive are meeting today to discuss these matters and I hope to be able to finalise this deal with the political parties as soon as possible.”

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 29 January 2024.

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has announced the appointment of a new Chair and independent members to the AWB.

The Secretary of State, the Rt Hon. Chris Heaton-Harris MP, has today announced  the appointment of Grace Nesbitt as the new Chairperson of the Agricultural  Wages Board and Gerard Laverty and Kevin McCabe as Independent Board Members. In the absence of Ministers in the Northern Ireland Executive, these appointments were made possible by the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2022.

The new Chair and Members will take up their positions on 29 January 2024.

Grace Nesbitt MBE

Grace Nesbitt, OBE, brings a wealth of experience in industrial relations and negotiations gained through her professional career in human resources, formerly in the Northern Ireland Civil Service. Grace is the Chair of the Board of Governance of the Jersey Audit Office and also an Independent Member of the Audit and Risk Committee in Antrim and Newtownabbey Council.

Gerard Laverty  

Gerard Laverty brings significant experience in the areas of human resources, negotiations and conflict resolution across his career as a Human Resources Manager at the North-Eastern Education and Library Board. Gerard is a former member of Independent Appeals Committees at the Labour Relations Agency and is a qualified workplace mediator.

Kevin McCabe  

Kevin McCabe has extensive experience in industrial relations and negotiations across his career in the public sector working for the Northern Ireland Public Sector Alliance. He is a former Fair Employment Commissioner and panel member of the Office of the Industrial Tribunals and Fair Employment Tribunals. Kevin currently serves as a Board Member of the Labour Relations Agency.

Details of body

The function of the AWB is principally to set rates of wages and related conditions for  agricultural workers. The work of independent members involves examining all of the  relevant factors in determining fair and reasonable settlement of the annual pay award.

Terms Of Appointment

• The Chair and Member roles require a commitment of up to 5 days per annum.
• The Chair and Member appointments to the AWB are for a three-year term.
• The Chairperson post is remunerated at £294 per meeting to include  preparation and attendance.
• The Member post is remunerated at £152 per meeting to include preparation and attendance.

Regulation

The procedure for these appointments is designed to adhere to the Code of Practice  issued by the Commissioner for Public Appointments for Northern Ireland. This means that the process will be based on merit after a fair, open and transparent process that involves independent scrutiny. A copy of the code can be found at: https://www.publicappointmentsni.org/

Political Activity

All appointments are made on merit and political activity plays no part in the selection  process. However, the Commissioner for Public Appointments for Northern Ireland  requires the political activity of appointees to be published. The appointees have not declared any political activity in the last 5 years.

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 19 January 2024.

The statement follows the expiry of the deadline for the Northern Ireland Assembly to elect a speaker.

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 17 January 2024.

The statement follows the failure to elect a speaker for the NI Assembly.

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 11 January 2024.

In an opinion piece, published in the Irish Independent and Belfast Telegraph, The Lord Caine challenges the Irish Government on legacy issues.

Just over nine years ago, on 23 December 2014, eleven weeks of political negotiations that included the UK and Irish Governments and the five main Northern Ireland parties concluded with what became known as the Stormont House Agreement. The Agreement was, we believed, a considerable achievement, covering a wide range of issues, including, of course, legacy. The finance provisions almost certainly averted the collapse of the Northern Ireland Executive.

As Special Adviser to the then Secretary of State, I participated in all eleven weeks of those talks. I am, therefore, somewhat perplexed at the retrospective recasting of the legacy provisions of the Stormont House Agreement as having near universal support and constituting an “agreed” way forward to deal comprehensively with the past.

Even in December 2014, the legacy proposals did not have the backing of all parties – the Ulster Unionists rejected them outright, while the SDLP regarded them as a dilution of previous proposals. Recognising the difficulties of taking the proposals through Stormont, I recall the First and deputy First Ministers persuading the then Secretary of State to legislate at Westminster, even though the proposed new institutions were technically devolved.

Commitments to do so subsequently appeared in the Conservative manifesto at the 2015 General Election and in the Queen’s Speech that followed.  It cannot be stated strongly enough that there was no lack of commitment on the part of the UK Government to deliver on the Agreement. To that end, we also established a Stormont House Implementation Group, “the Shig”, to try and maintain a degree of consensus with the parties.

Ultimately, however, as we tried to convert the small number of paragraphs on legacy in Stormont House into detailed legislation, the fragile consensus we thought we had achieved began to evaporate. Martin McGuinness, on behalf of Sinn Féin, vetoed efforts by the then Secretary of State to include substantive commitments on legacy in the Fresh Start Agreement of November 2015.

Instead, the final text of that Agreement stated, “While progress has been made on most aspects of the legacy of the past, we have been unable to agree a way forward on some of the key issues.” This led the Victims and Survivors Forum to agree a rare statement expressing concern that victims of the Troubles who had “suffered the most” had now been “forgotten once again”.

A key concern of a number of victims’ groups in Northern Ireland focused on the role of the Irish Government under the Stormont House proposals. Unlike the UK Government, there were no commitments of any kind by the Irish Government to pursue criminal investigations into Troubles-related incidents within its own jurisdiction. This was despite the cross-border element of so many atrocities during the Troubles.

In fact, the only significant commitments made by the Irish Government, and which were the only parts of Stormont House that were the subject of an international agreement, were to establish jointly a body designed to encourage information recovery by enabling individuals to come forward secretly to reveal what they had done. Information recovery is, of course, at the centre of what will be delivered through our Legacy Act.

Despite these setbacks, the UK Government continued to seek to break the deadlock, particularly through the consultation we launched in 2018. While the consultation responses revealed some support for the broad architecture of Stormont House, on the details they raised more questions than answers. It also revealed concerns that people would never co-operate with an information recovery process while the threat of prosecution remained.

All of this led me, in October 2019, after I had left my role as a Special Adviser, to reflect publicly that the legacy proposals in Stormont House were close to requiring life support. In February 2020, the DUP said that the Agreement was not acceptable and needed revisiting. At different times after the Agreement, therefore, the two largest Northern Ireland parties expressed real concerns about the Stormont House mechanisms.

As a result, since early 2020, the UK Government has sought to put in place structures designed to provide more information to victims and survivors of the Troubles, against a background of the likelihood of successful prosecutions being vanishingly rare, and a realistic assessment of what can be delivered a quarter of a century after the Belfast Agreement and over fifty years since the Troubles began.

In many respects our proposals include, and build upon, Stormont House: an independent body capable of  conducting criminal investigations; the ability to refer cases to prosecutors where individuals do not co-operate or seek to mislead; full disclosure by the UK Government; effective information recovery; and measures to promote oral history and reconciliation.

I am the first to acknowledge that some parts of the Act are challenging, particularly the conditional immunity elements. As a result, however, of the many changes we made during its legislative passage, I am confident that it is capable of delivering more answers, to more people, more quickly than is possible under current structures – or those envisaged nine years ago. We do not expect this to be an entirely comfortable process for anyone.

I regret that, in our efforts over the last three years, we were unable to find more common ground with the Irish Government, not least as its own approach to troubles-related prosecutions has appeared to recognise the dilemmas we have had to confront.

Rather than focusing on legally challenging the UK’s Legacy Act in Strasbourg, perhaps it is time for the Irish Government to reflect on how it might now answer legitimate questions about its own role in dealing with legacy issues within its own jurisdiction.

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 29 December 2023.

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Chris Heaton-Harris wrote in the Belfast Telegraph about his hopes for a restored executive and what it could mean for Northern Ireland.

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 23 December 2023.

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, the Right Honourable Chris Heaton-Harris MP, has announced the appointment of a new Chair and members to the Parades Commission for Northern Ireland.

The appointment of a new Chair, Evelyn Collins and of members, Derek Wilson, Billy Gamble,and Nicola Rountree will take effect on 1 January 2024. The new chair and members will join Joelle Black who will remain a member until her term of appointment ends on 31 March 2024.

A further two new members, Pauline Leeson and Rachel Quigley, will take up appointment with effect from 1 April 2024.

All appointments will be for three years.

Background

The Parades Commission for Northern Ireland was established in 1997 and took on its full powers in 1998 through the Public Processions (Northern Ireland) Act 1998. The Commission operates as a Non-Departmental Public Body sponsored by the Northern Ireland Office.

Under the terms of the Act, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland is responsible for making appointments to the Parades Commission. The appointments are made in accordance with paragraph 3 of Schedule 1 of the Act.

Further information on the Parades Commission for Northern Ireland can be found at: https://www.paradescommission.org/

Biography of Appointees

Professor Evelyn Collins CBE is the Chair of Board of Trustees of the Equal Rights Trust, Member of the National Statistician’s Inclusive Data Advisory Committee and UK Board of Trustees of the Abraham Initiatives. She formerly held the role of Chief Executive of the Equality Commission NI and the Equal Opportunities Commission NI. Evelyn is an Honorary Professor at the School of Law at Queens University.

Derek Wilson is currently serving as a Parades Commissioner and holds the position of Chair of the Northern Ireland Medical and Dental Training Agency and Non- Executive Board Member and Chair of the Resources and Performance Committee, Northern Ireland Housing (NIHE) and Vice Chair and Human Resources and Finance Committee member of Co-ownership Housing Association.

Billy Gamble is currently serving as a Parades Commissioner and formerly held the positions of Equality Commissioner, member of the International Fund for Ireland and Equality Director in the Executive Office.

Nicola Rountree is a self-employed Barrister specialising in criminal and family law. She is a member of the Continuing Professional Development Committee.

Pauline Leeson is currently Chief Executive of Children in NI and a former Commissioner for Racial Equality NI. Pauline is an Independent member of Lisburn and Castlereagh Policing & Community Safety Partnership, non-executive member of Southern Health & Social Care Trust and independent member of the NI Housing Executive.

Rachel Quigley is currently a Principal Public Prosecutor with the Public Prosecution Service of NI. Rachel is a Solicitor of the Court of Judicature in NI.

Terms of appointment

These positions are part-time for a period of three years.

The position of Chair attracts a fixed annual remuneration of £50,000 and the member position receives a fixed annual remuneration of £22,000.

These positions are not pensionable.

Political Activity

All appointments are made on merit and with regards to the statutory requirements. Political activity plays no part in the selection process. However, in accordance with the original Nolan recommendations, there is a requirement for appointees’ political activity in defined categories to be made public.

None of the appointees have declared any political activity in the past five years.

Regulation

The appointment process has been regulated by the Office of the Commissioner for Public Appointment (OCPA) and all stages of the process were overseen by an independent panel member.

Statutory Requirements

These appointments are made by the Secretary of State in accordance with the Public Processions (Northern Ireland) Act 1998.

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 20 December 2023.

Statement follows confirmation by the Irish Government that it intends to pursue an interstate case against the UK regarding the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act.

The UK Government profoundly regrets the decision taken by the Irish Government today to bring this unnecessary case against the UK.

The decision comes at a particularly sensitive time in Northern Ireland. It did not need to be taken now, given the issues are already before the UK courts.

The Independent Commission for Reconciliation & Information Recovery (ICRIR), led by Sir Declan Morgan KC, is continuing its work ahead of its full establishment next year. The UK Government urged the Irish Government, before considering action, to engage directly with the Commission to understand better its plans for the implementation of the legislation, particularly given that effective information recovery for many families will require cross-border cooperation. It is a matter of considerable regret that it has chosen not to do so.

Although the Irish government refers back to the Stormont House Agreement nine years ago, the reality is that there was no cross-party consensus or agreement to the practical implementation and out-workings of that agreement.

The Tánaiste has stated that the Irish Government is intent on pursuing a victim-led approach. They have been critical about our proposed approach on the grounds that it moves away from a focus on criminal prosecutions. We believe that the Irish Government’s stated position on dealing with legacy issues is inconsistent and hard to reconcile with its own record. At no time since 1998 has there been any concerted or sustained attempt on the part of the Irish state to pursue a criminal investigation and prosecution based approach to the past.

We note, in particular, the former Irish Justice Minister and Attorney General’s 2014 reference to an informal decision on behalf of the Irish Government to not investigate Troubles cases – something that he  restated publicly in 2021 in response to our proposals.

Indeed the Irish Government should urgently clarify the number of criminal prosecutions brought in Ireland since 1998 relating to Troubles cases.

It is also a matter of public record that successive UK and Irish Governments during the peace process worked closely together on a range of initiatives which have provided conditional immunity and early release from prison.

While this step is disappointing, it is one for which the UK Government was prepared. The UK Government remains confident that the Act provides a robust and effective framework to allow the ICRIR to discharge our legal obligations.

We will continue robustly to defend the legislation, including to ensure that the work of the ICRIR can continue without impediment while proceedings are ongoing. The overriding purpose of the Legacy Act is to enable more victims and survivors to obtain more information faster than can be achieved under current legacy mechanisms. We cannot afford further delay in the provision of effective legacy outcomes – both for families and wider society.

The bilateral relationship with Ireland is, and always will be, one we value deeply. Despite this misguided action, we will continue to work to minimise the consequences and protect the interests of the people and businesses that bind us together.

The press release issued by the Northern Ireland Office on 15 December 2023.

In an opinion piece, published in the Irish News, The Lord Caine reflects on the 30th anniversary of the Downing Street Declaration.

For much of this year, events have taken place to mark the 25th anniversary of the historic Belfast Agreement, and rightly so. Its importance can never be stressed strongly enough and it remains the bedrock of all that has been achieved in Northern Ireland over the past quarter of a century.

Yet, we should also never forget that the 1998 Agreement did not suddenly appear out of nowhere. It was the result of painstaking efforts, vision and courage over many years of discussions, and negotiations, as the great George Mitchell graciously pointed out at a conference I attended in Boston in September, and included many key moments.

One of these took place 30 years ago this very week when the Prime Minister John Major and Taoiseach Albert Reynolds, signed the Downing Street Declaration. In charting what became known as the peace process, I would contend that next to the 1998 Agreement itself no single event was more ground breaking or important.

It is worth recalling the background against which the Declaration was signed. Northern Ireland politics was in a state of paralysis. The Troubles still raged, with October 1993 seeing 27 people killed in Northern Ireland, including the Shankill bombing and the Greysteel massacre. It was the largest loss of life in a single month since 1976.

John Hume’s discussions with Gerry Adams, facilitated by Fr Alec Reid, had become public, to the dismay of most unionists. In late November, Eamonn Mallie broke the story that a so-called ‘back channel’ had existed for many years between the UK government and the republican movement.

Against this background, the prospect of an imminent political breakthrough seemed remote. Yet, undeterred, both Major and Reynolds persevered, determined to make progress. In so doing they were supported by the then Secretary of State Sir Patrick Mayhew and the Irish Foreign Minister Dick Spring, along with some brilliant officials on both sides.

I had a small part in all of this, as the special adviser to Sir Patrick, a man for whom I had the utmost respect. Yet, I can claim very little credit for the final result, having only been brought into the loop in the very late stages. My own role was in helping to frame the subsequent narrative around the Declaration, not least to try and reassure some sceptics within my own party and within Jim Molyneaux’s Ulster Unionists, though Molyneaux and some close to him made contributions to the text.

At its core, the 1993 Declaration sought to address the nationalist aspiration of self-determination for the people of Ireland as a whole, alongside the rock solid constitutional guarantee that there could be no change in the status of Northern Ireland as part of the United Kingdom without the consent of a majority of those who live here.

The Declaration achieved this in language that was replicated in the 1998 Agreement. This is now commonly referred to as the principle of consent, and is widely accepted by all mainstream political opinion in these islands. Ultimately, the Declaration was a powerful statement that Northern Ireland’s future would only ever be determined by democracy and never by violence.

I have little doubt that the Downing Street Declaration led directly to the IRA and loyalist ceasefires in August and September 1994 and was a key staging post on the road to 1998. Of course there was much hard pounding ahead, but the trajectory was set. For that, John Major and Albert Reynolds, and all those involved, deserve our recognition and gratitude for what they achieved on 15 December 1993.