Tag: Liz Truss

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on Sanctions on Russia

    Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on Sanctions on Russia

    The statement made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, in the House of Commons on 28 February 2022.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I wish to update the House on our support for Ukraine in the face of Putin’s premeditated, pre-planned and barbaric invasion. Ukraine has suffered horrific attacks. Missiles and air strikes have torn through apartment blocks. Tanks have rolled into once peaceful cities. Innocent people, including children, have lost their lives.

    The situation is fluid, but as of today, Putin has not taken any major cities. The advance has been slowed by Ukraine’s fierce resistance. Putin’s invasion is not proceeding to plan. He expected to take cities quickly. He expected Ukraine to retreat. And he expected the West to be divided. Instead, his forces were met by the heroism of President Zelensky and the resolute determination of the Ukrainian people. He has been met by a united west, together with our friends around the world, and we have taken decisive action.

    Today, we have acted with the US, the EU, Japan and Canada to cut off Russia’s central bank from our markets. The rouble has fallen by more than 40% as a result. As much as $250 billion has been wiped off the Russian stock market and, today, its stock market is closed. The EU, Germany, Sweden and others are following our lead in providing defensive weapons to Ukraine, and Germany has frozen Nord Stream 2.

    Putin has been confounded by our collective response. That is why he is resorting to more and more extreme rhetoric. But, of course, the situation remains dire. The Government and people of Ukraine are facing a continued onslaught. The days ahead are likely to prove tougher still.

    The UK and our allies will have to undergo some economic hardship as a result of our sanctions, but our hardships are nothing compared to those endured by the people of Ukraine. Casualty numbers are rising, and more than 300,000 people have already been displaced. This is a struggle for Ukraine’s freedom and self-determination, but it is also a struggle for freedom and democracy everywhere and for the survival of a Europe whole and free. We feel a particular responsibility as the UK is a signatory to the 1994 Budapest memorandum, which provided Ukraine with security guarantees.

    This premeditated invasion, in violation of international law and multiple international commitments, cannot succeed. Putin must lose. We are doing everything that we can to stop him and to restore Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We will do this by backing Ukraine against unjustified aggression, by degrading the Russian economy and stopping it from funding Putin’s war machine, and by isolating Putin on the world stage.

    First, we are backing Ukraine with defensive weapons, humanitarian aid and economic support. The UK was the first European nation to send defensive weapons to the country, and those weapons are being used today to halt Russian tanks and defend Ukrainian towns and cities. Our latest consignment of defensive support left Brize Norton over the weekend. We are also leading on humanitarian support. Yesterday, my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister announced a further £40 million of humanitarian aid, which will provide Ukrainians with access to basic necessities and vital medical supplies. We call on Russia to enable humanitarian access and safe passage for civilians to flee the violence. The UK is also supporting Ukraine’s economy, including through £100 million of official development assistance and guarantees of up to $500 million in development bank loans.

    Secondly, we are cutting off funding for Putin’s war machine. We are coming together with the US, the G7 and the EU to take further decisive steps. We have been joined by Australia, Singapore, Switzerland and many more. There is a growing list of countries who are determined that this aggression cannot stand. We have agreed that many Russian banks will be removed from the SWIFT system, kicking them out of international finance. That is the first step towards a total SWIFT ban. Our collective action against Russia’s central bank will prevent it from deploying its international reserves to mitigate the impact of our sanctions.

    We are also launching a joint taskforce to hunt down the assets of oligarchs hit by our sanctions. The UK is proud to lead by example. We have already put in place the largest package of sanctions in our history. We have sanctioned Putin and Lavrov, Russia’s defence industry and a growing list of oligarchs. We have approved asset freezes on several Russian banks and we are banning Russian airlines and private jets from our airspace, but we are determined to go much, much further. We want a situation where they cannot access their funds, their trade cannot flow, their ships cannot dock and their planes cannot land.

    Today, I inform the House that I will be laying two new pieces of sanctions legislation. The first will introduce a set of new powers against Russia’s financial sector, including powers to prevent Russian banks from clearing payments in sterling. With over 50% of Russian trade denominated in dollars or sterling, our co-ordinated action with the United States will damage Russia’s ability to trade with the world, and as soon as this legislation comes into force, we will apply it to Sberbank—Russia’s largest bank.

    I will also be imposing a full asset freeze on three further banks: VEB, Russia’s national development bank; Sovcombank, the third largest privately owned financial institution in Russia; and Otkritie, one of Russia’s largest commercial banks. We will bring in a full asset freeze on all Russian banks in days, looking to co-ordinate with our allies. The same legislation will prevent the Russian state from raising debt here, and will isolate all Russian companies—more than 3 million businesses—from accessing UK capital markets. Global giants such as Gazprom will no longer be able to issue debt or equity in London.

    The second piece of legislation will ban exports to Russia across a range of critical sectors. This includes high-end technological equipment such as microelectronics and marine and navigation equipment. This will blunt Russia’s military-industrial capabilities and act as a drag on Russia’s economy for years to come. I appreciate the consequences of this step for British people and British businesses operating in Russia. The Department for International Trade and the Treasury will offer advice and guidance to affected UK businesses. My consular staff will continue to support British nationals in Russia, as well as those in Ukraine.

    We will keep ratcheting up our response. More legislation will follow in the coming weeks, sanctioning Russian-occupied territories in the Donbas, extending more sanctions to Belarus, and limiting Russian deposits in UK banks. We will continue working through our hit list of oligarchs, focusing on their houses, their yachts, and every aspect of their lives. In addition, we will introduce the economic crime Bill tomorrow; my right hon. Friend the Business Secretary will set out more in the next statement in the House. This is all about flushing out the oligarchs’ dirty money from the United Kingdom. We will continue to work with our G7 allies to cut off the Russian economy and cut the free world’s dependence on Russian gas, depriving Putin of his key source of revenue.

    Finally, we are leading the diplomatic effort to ensure that there is a chorus of condemnation against President Putin. In the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, a key part of the European security architecture, 45 countries condemned Russia by name. At the UN Security Council on Friday, more than 80 UN members voted for, or co-sponsored, a resolution condemning Russia’s aggression. Russia stood alone in opposing it. Putin is isolated. No one is willing to back his war of choice. In recent days, I have spoken to my counterparts in more than 20 countries around the world. Yesterday, I met G7 Foreign Ministers. We were joined by Ukraine’s brave Foreign Minister, my friend Dmytro Kuleba. Everyone is clear that Putin must lose, and we will carry on increasing the pressure until he does.

    We have all seen Ukraine’s determination to fight. Putin’s war could end up lasting for months and years, so I say to our Ukrainian friends, “We are with you. In Britain, and around the world, we’re prepared to suffer economic sacrifices to support you. However long it takes, we will not rest until Ukraine’s sovereignty is restored.”

    I commend this statement to the House.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement Joint Committee

    Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement Joint Committee

    The statement made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, in the House of Commons on 22 February 2022.

    The Withdrawal Agreement Joint Committee met yesterday in Brussels. I co-chaired the meeting alongside European Commission Vice-President, Maroš Šefčovič. A joint statement was agreed and published on gov.uk.

    The Committee received an update on the work of the Withdrawal Agreement Specialised Committees since the last meeting on 9 June. They also discussed citizens’ rights and progress on negotiations to find practical solutions to the problems with the Northern Ireland protocol.

    On citizens’ rights, both parties noted the continued constructive collaboration to ensure that the rights of our respective nationals are protected. The UK urged the EU to ensure consistent support for all UK nationals living in the EU, with a focus on three areas of concern: first, UK nationals in member states having difficulties accessing their rights because of requests for permits which are not required; secondly, member states requesting information of UK nationals which is not required under the withdrawal agreement in order to secure their status; and thirdly, a lack of safeguards and clarity on appeals where residence is not granted. The EU raised its concerns with aspects of the UK’s EU settlement scheme, focused on the legal base for guarantee of rights and the need for those with pre-settled status to apply for settled status at the point of qualification. The UK made clear there is no legal uncertainty for EU citizens in the UK.

    In relation to the Northern Ireland protocol, both parties emphasised that they shared an overriding commitment to protect the Belfast/Good Friday agreement in all its dimensions. The UK outlined the problems the protocol posed for trade within the UK internal market and Northern Ireland’s integral place in the United Kingdom, which was putting at risk the delicate balance essential to that agreement and political stability in Northern Ireland. This underlined the increased urgency of finding solutions. Both sides reiterated the importance of further engagement, including with the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive, and wider Northern Ireland civic society and business.

    The UK and EU also discussed activity in the Withdrawal Agreement Specialised Committees since the previous Withdrawal Agreement Joint Committee on 9 June 2021, and agreed to adopt two technical decisions:

    Decision No. [1]/2022 amending the agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community—principally covering data sharing linked to social security co-ordination.

    Decision No. [2]/2022 amending decision No. 7/2020 establishing a list of 25 persons who are willing and able to serve as members of an arbitration panel under the agreement—to reflect a change on the EU side.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Comments on Russian Cyber Attack on Ukraine

    Liz Truss – 2022 Comments on Russian Cyber Attack on Ukraine

    The comments made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 18 February 2022.

    The UK Government judges that the Russian Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU) were involved in this week’s distributed denial of service attacks against the financial sector in Ukraine.

    The attack showed a continued disregard for Ukrainian sovereignty. This activity is yet another example of Russia’s aggressive acts against Ukraine.

    This disruptive behaviour is unacceptable – Russia must stop this activity and respect Ukrainian sovereignty. We are steadfast in our support for Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Comments on Second OSCE Meeting Missed by Russia

    Liz Truss – 2022 Comments on Second OSCE Meeting Missed by Russia

    The comments made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 18 February 2022.

    Despite Russia’s claims to seek dialogue, all the evidence shows the opposite. This is the second OSCE meeting that Russia has boycotted. If Russia was serious about de-escalation, it would withdraw its troops and show up to these meetings. Instead we see contempt for the OSCE commitments to which it freely signed up.

    Russia has the opportunity to de-escalate, withdraw its troops, and engage in meaningful dialogue. It must do so.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on Russia Not Attending OSCE Meeting

    Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on Russia Not Attending OSCE Meeting

    The statement made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 16 February 2022.

    Russia is patently failing to live up to the international commitments it has made around transparency.

    If the Kremlin is serious about a diplomatic resolution, then it needs to show up to diplomatic meetings and commit to meaningful talks. Russia’s refusal to engage with the OSCE process demonstrates its contempt for the commitments it freely signed up to.

    It is Russia that is the aggressor here. The troops stationed on the border are clear threat to Ukraine. The UK and our allies urge the Kremlin to withdraw its troops and enter discussions based on the proposals put forward by NATO to improve transparency and reduce risk.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Comments on Afghanistan Humanitarian Crisis Conference

    Liz Truss – 2022 Comments on Afghanistan Humanitarian Crisis Conference

    The comments made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 15 February 2022.

    The conference is a critical moment for the international community to step up support in an effort to stop the growing humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. The scale of need is unparalleled, and consequences of inaction will be devastating.

    The UK is determined to lead the global effort. We will bring international allies together to raise vital aid to deliver food, shelter and health services, protect women and girls and support stability in the region.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Article about Threat from Russia

    Liz Truss – 2022 Article about Threat from Russia

    The article written by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 29 January 2022 for the Daily Telegraph and republished by the Government.

    Moscow’s campaign against Ukraine and fellow democracies is undermining the very foundation of European security. And so, it is vital we face down the clear and present threat posed by Russia.

    The Prime Minister will spearhead diplomatic efforts by talking to President Putin and travelling to the region in the coming days. Tomorrow, the UK will join talks at the UN Security Council to apply pressure on Russia to pursue the path of diplomacy. I will be flying out to Moscow within the next fortnight.

    The stakes are high. Over 100,000 troops are now massed on Ukraine’s border. Russia has attacked Ukraine before, illegally annexing Crimea in 2014 and bringing war to the Donbas region, so the danger is real.

    This malign activity goes beyond the borders of Ukraine. Russia is using its influence to fan the flames of discord in the Western Balkans. Russian forces are continuing to arrive in Belarus for a so-called “joint exercise” close to NATO’s borders. In recent days, Russia has intensified its brinkmanship by planning naval exercises off the Irish coast and increasing its naval presence in the Baltic Sea, prompting Sweden to send troops to reinforce one of its islands.

    That is why we are reinforcing our diplomatic efforts with deterrence. We are offering NATO additional fast jets, warships and military specialists. We are doubling troop numbers to Estonia and have the HMS Prince of Wales on standby to move should tensions rise further. We are NATO’s biggest spender in Europe on defence and prepared to deploy our forces in line with that.

    The United Kingdom is proud to be stepping up to take the lead in defence of freedom and democracy through credible deterrence and diplomacy. Even at the height of the Cold War, we were able to agree on the principles of a more secure Europe. Over more than four decades, we made huge advances towards a freer and safer world through agreements ranging from the 1975 Helsinki Final Act to the 1995 Dayton Agreement and the 2014 Minsk Protocol.

    Yet Russia is jeopardising this hard-won progress with its reckless behaviour and unjustified aggression. It could not be more important for Russia to engage diplomatically rather than on the battlefield. That is why we have said many times, alongside our allies in NATO and through the G7 Presidency, that any further Russian invasion of Ukraine would be a massive strategic mistake with severe costs, including an unprecedented package of coordinated sanctions with our partners.

    Our quarrel is not with the Russian people, but the policies pursued by their leaders. They repress freedom and democracy, seeking to silence courageous organisations like Andrei Sakharov’s ‘Memorial’, which has fought for decades for human rights. And now they risk landing ordinary Russians in an intractable quagmire to rival the Soviet-Afghan war and Chechnya.

    There is a way out of this situation. It lies in respecting our past achievements and sticking to our longstanding commitments to respect each other’s borders. That can only start with Russia de-escalating, ending its aggressive campaign and engaging in meaningful talks. We are serious about improving security for all. In the last week, the US and NATO have presented substantive proposals on areas for discussion that would increase transparency and reduce risk. Together, we are urging Russia to sit down for proper negotiations, based on the key principles of freedom, democracy and the rule of law. The alternative can only end in tragedy: with an incursion leading inevitably to huge suffering and severe economic consequences through sanctions.

    The ball is in Russia’s court. I will continue to make the case with our allies and directly to Moscow for a diplomatic solution. But I am also ready to take the necessary steps to spell out the consequences of continued belligerence.

    Ukraine has the right to determine its own future. However, President Putin made clear in his manifesto last summer – “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians” – that he believed “the true sovereignty of Ukraine is possible only in partnership with Russia”. We cannot turn a blind eye to any attempt to impose that partnership by force.

    What happens in Europe matters for the world. Over 30 years ago, we joined our partners in Moscow, where we agreed that fundamental freedoms like human rights are “matters of direct and legitimate concern to all”. That same principle drives us today to stand steadfast with Ukraine in support of its future as a free democracy.

    At this critical time, we are joining forces with our allies to show that there can never be rewards for aggression. By standing up for our ideas and ideals, we will together ensure the world is a freer, richer and safer place.

     

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on Russian Involvement in Ukrainian Politics

    Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on Russian Involvement in Ukrainian Politics

    The statement made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 22 January 2022.

    The information being released today shines a light on the extent of Russian activity designed to subvert Ukraine, and is an insight into Kremlin thinking.

    Russia must de-escalate, end its campaigns of aggression and disinformation, and pursue a path of diplomacy. As the UK and our partners have said repeatedly, any Russian military incursion into Ukraine would be a massive strategic mistake with severe costs.

    A press release added:

    We have information that indicates the Russian Government is looking to install a pro-Russian leader in Kyiv as it considers whether to invade and occupy Ukraine. The former Ukrainian MP Yevhen Murayev is being considered as a potential candidate.

    We have information that the Russian intelligence services maintain links with numerous former Ukrainian politicians including:

    Serhiy Arbuzov, First Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine from 2012-2014, and acting Prime Minister in 2014

    Andriy Kluyev, First Deputy Prime Minister from 2010-2012 and Chief of Staff to former Ukrainian President Yanukovich

    Vladimir Sivkovich, former Deputy Head of the Ukrainian National Security and Defence Council (RNBO)

    Mykola Azarov, Prime Minister of Ukraine from 2010-2014

    Some of these have contact with Russian intelligence officers currently involved in the planning for an attack on Ukraine.

    The UK’s position on Ukraine is also clear. We unequivocally support its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders, including Crimea. Ukraine is an independent, sovereign country.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Speech at the Lowy Institute

    Liz Truss – 2022 Speech at the Lowy Institute

    The speech made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 21 January 2022.

    I’d like to begin by acknowledging the Traditional Owners of this land – the Gadigal people – and by paying my respects to Elders past and present.

    It’s great to be back in Sydney and at the Lowy Institute with my friend Marise Payne. As the UK sets out on its future as global Britain, we now have full use of our trade, our defence, our diplomacy, and our development policies, to be able to work with friends and partners across the world. And I see Australia as a real inspiration in that, in it with the work you do to promote free trade, freedom of speech, human rights, and rights for women and girls as a leading nation.

    And our close bonds now are more important than they’ve ever been. And we are doing more and more together. And it’s vital because of the growing threats we face.

    The Kremlin hasn’t learned the lessons of history. They dream of recreating the Soviet Union, or a kind of “Greater Russia” carving up territory based on ethnicity, and language.

    They claim they want stability, while they work to threaten and destabilise others.

    We know what lies down that path, and the terrible toll in lives lost and human suffering it brings.

    That’s why we urge President Putin to desist and step back from Ukraine before he makes a massive strategic mistake.

    Ukraine is a proud country with a long history. They have known invading forces before – from the Mongols to the Tatars. They suffered through the state-sponsored famine. Their resilience runs deep. If they have to, Ukrainians will fight to defend their country.

    Invasion will only lead to a quagmire, as we know from the Soviet-Afghan war or the conflict in Chechnya.

    Last week, at the NATO-Russia Council we sent a clear message to Moscow that any further incursion into Ukraine would bring massive consequences, including through coordinated sanctions hitting the financial sector, and individuals.

    This week, the United Kingdom announced a new package of training, support and defensive weapons for Ukraine to boost their defensive capabilities. And we’re working with our partners on high impact measures targeting the Russian financial sector, and individuals.

    We’re also strengthening our bilateral partnership following high-level talks in London in December – and we’re fostering new trilateral ties with Poland and Ukraine.

    We’re also pushing for alternatives in energy supply, so that nations are less reliant on Russia for their gas.

    We need everyone to step up. Together with our allies, we will continue to stand with Ukraine and urge Russia to de-escalate.

    What happens in Eastern Europe matters for the world.

    Threats to freedom, democracy and the rule of law are not just regional – they’re global. And that’s why we have to respond together.

    Iran’s nuclear programme has never been more advanced. China has been conducting military flights near Taiwan. And it is using its economic muscle to attempt to coerce democracies like Australia and Lithuania.

    Russia and China are working together more and more, as they strive to set the standards in technologies like artificial intelligence, assert their dominance over the Western Pacific through joint military exercises and in space through closer ties.

    The International Institute for Strategic Studies argues we are now seeing the “strongest, closest and best relationship” the two countries have had for 70 years.

    And we are seeing an alignment of authoritarian regimes across the world. It is no surprise that regimes like Belarus, North Korea or Myanmar find their closest allies in Moscow and Beijing.

    They don’t look to these nations as partners but as puppets. Moscow wants them to promote their propaganda and destabilise free democracies on their doorstep.

    At the same time, Beijing has forged a so-called “iron brotherhood” with Belarus. China is the biggest buyer of Iranian oil and Pyongyang’s largest trading partner.

    China and Russia have spotted an ideological vacuum and they’re rushing to fill it. They are emboldened in a way we haven’t seen since the Cold War.

    As freedom-loving democracies we must rise up to face down these threats. As well as NATO we are working with partners like Australia, India, Japan, Indonesia and Israel to build a global network of liberty.

    Aggressors are reneging on their commitments and obligations. They’re destabilising the rules-based international order and they’re chipping away at the values that underpin it. But they have nothing to offer in its place.

    The free world is different. We’re not defined by what we’re against but by what we’re for.

    We believe in freedom and democracy. We believe in individual liberty as the greatest transformative force on earth.

    When people have agency over their own lives, when they have freedom and opportunity, they achieve incredible things.

    As Prime Minister Scott Morrison said, “we know from the evidence of human history that democracies are the engine room of change.”

    We see this in the ideas and innovations that fuelled our fightback against COVID – from the University of Sydney’s Edward Holmes publishing the COVID genome… to Oxford’s Sarah Gilbert and her life-saving vaccine… to our shared efforts to distribute vaccines to those in need around the world.

    We want to work together to tackle the big problems we face. That does include working with countries like China and Russia where it’s necessary – on trade, tackling climate change, or bringing Iran to the negotiating table. But in doing so, we will stand up for what we believe in.

    In December, I welcomed G7 Foreign Ministers to Liverpool, together with Marise Payne and some of our other closest friends and allies.

    We expressed our concern about China’s economic coercive policies and we united to condemn Russia’s aggression. Together, we showed our determination to stand shoulder to shoulder for freedom and democracy around the world.

    We are continuing that vital work this week with our AUKMIN, our Australia-UK Foreign and Defence Ministerial Meeting, the first that we’ve had since 2018.

    And we’re determined to act together in three key areas.

    First, we will stand up for our economic security.

    That means calling out China when it blocks products from Lithuania or imposes punitive tariffs on Australian barley and wine.

    It means cutting strategic dependence on authoritarian regimes, starting with Europe’s dependence on Russian gas.

    I means helping countries avoiding having their balance sheets loaded with debt. It is estimated that 44 low to middle income countries have debts to Beijing in excess of 10% of their GDP.

    We’re responding on all of these fronts. And we’re strengthening our supply chains by taking our economic ties with like-minded nations to new heights.

    We took a huge step forward by signing our Free Trade Agreement with Australia in December.

    This is a world-class deal that will remove all of the tariffs on goods, both ways.

    It will be easier for our people to live and work in each other’s countries, particularly those under 35.

    We are building on this by working with Australia to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership – reinforcing the reliability of supply through one of the largest free trade areas on earth.

    We’re also working together to provide low and middle income countries with honest and reliable alternative sources of investment.

    In November, I launched British International Investment, helping to mobilise up to £8 billion a year of public and private financing to these countries by 2025, leveraging the firepower of the City of London.

    Yesterday, Marise Payne and I agreed on closer UK-Australia cooperation to boost opportunities for investment across the Indo-Pacific – particularly in areas like energy, climate change, adaptation and technology.

    And we are working together to impose sanctions on human rights abuses and to keep those using forced labour out of our supply chains.

    Second, freedom must be defended and that’s why we are deepening our security ties.

    Last year in our Integrated Review, the UK we set out a new deterrence posture – including the biggest increase in defence spending since the end of the Cold War.

    We need to see everyone stepping up in this way. Too few of our NATO allies are meeting the 2% spending target. So it’s great to see that Australia is also increasing its commitments to our collective security.

    The power of our partnership has been demonstrated time and time again.

    We will forever remember those from Australia and New Zealand who gave their lives for freedom on the historic battlefields of Europe, the Mediterranean, North Africa and the Pacific.

    The depth of our commitment remains plain to see today… from the 5 Eyes intelligence partnership… to the Five Power Defence Arrangements with our friends Singapore, Malaysia and New Zealand… to the Carrier Strike Group which visited the region last year, led by HMS Queen Elizabeth.

    Our forces exercised in the South China Sea with ships and aircraft from Australia and other partners – standing up for our mutual interests, and supporting regional stability.

    And of course last year we finalised our landmark AUKUS partnership.

    With this deal, we’ve opened a bold new era in our long history together.

    By joining forces with the US we are showing our determination to protect security and stability across the region. We are helping Australia acquire a nuclear powered submarine, and also means deeper cooperation between our three nations on advanced capabilities like cyber, AI and quantum. We want to use this deeper expertise to help support stability with partners right across the Indo Pacific.

    I’m looking forward tomorrow to visiting the shipyard in Adelaide, where the UK and Australia are building new Type 26 Frigates. And Adelaide will of course play an important role in developing the new AUKUS submarines.

    This is a truly formidable and cutting edge partnership – and we are determined to continue strengthening it for the benefit of us all.

    Finally, we are boosting our cooperation on technology.

    Technology has empowered people by enabling incredible freedom, but we know it can be seized upon by others to promote fear.

    We cannot allow the technologies of the future to be hijacked for malign ends – whether it’s cyber attacks, or building high-tech surveillance states through facial recognition software and AI.

    Global technology standards must be shaped by the free world.

    That’s why we want to go further and faster by deepening our science and tech collaboration.

    Just as Australia has banned Huawei from its 5G network, we are stripping high-risk vendors out of our infrastructure. And we are embracing Australian expertise – for example to bring the state-of-the-art 5G to the London Underground.

    Delivering our strategic advantage in science and technology is an absolutely vital objective of the integrated review.

    And so I am pleased that this week we’re launching our new Cyber and Critical Technology Partnership with Australia – aimed at tackling malign actors, strengthening supply chains and harnessing tech to support freedom and democracy.

    Building these partnerships and drawing other countries closer to the orbit of free-market democracies, will ultimately make us all safer and freer in the years to come.

    That is why it is time for the free world to stand its ground.

    We need to face down global aggressors.

    We should be proud of our ideas and our ideals – clear about what they have brought to mankind, and even more ambitious for what we can do together in the future.

    Forty years ago Margaret Thatcher gave the Sir Robert Menzies lecture in Melbourne. She said: “Where freedom…exists, I seek to expand it; where it is under attack, I shall defend it; where it does not exist, I shall try to create it.”

    I cannot think of a better friend than Australia to work with on this vital endeavour. We can make great things happen.

    Thank you.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on Russia and Ukraine

    Liz Truss – 2022 Statement on Russia and Ukraine

    The statement made by Liz Truss, the Foreign Secretary, on 7 January 2022.

    Russia’s military build-up on the border of Ukraine and in illegally-annexed Crimea is unacceptable. There is no justification for its aggressive and unprovoked stance towards Ukraine. We stand with our NATO allies in urging Russia to end its malign activity and adhere to international agreements it freely signed up to.

    We will defend democracy in eastern Europe and around the world. Our support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is unwavering. We are clear that any Russian incursion would be a massive strategic mistake, for which there would be a severe cost.

    The Russian Government needs to de-escalate, pursue diplomatic channels and abide by its commitments on the transparency of military activities. We will be discussing this at the NATO-Russia Council next week.