Tag: Liberal Party Manifesto

  • General Election Manifestos : 1979 Liberal Party

    General Election Manifestos : 1979 Liberal Party

    The 1979 Liberal Party manifesto.

    ‘The Real Fight is for Britain’


    Introduction

    With your support this election could be about something more important than a change of government. It could be a chance to change a failed political system.

    Britain is deadlocked and that deadlock has meant economic and social decline. There can be very few voters, even among the keenest adherents of the Conservative or Labour cause, who really believe that our problems can all be solved just by yet another change of government. Oppositions promise grandiosely to generate ‘the white hot heat of technological revolution’ or to ‘roll back the frontiers of the state’. It takes at least a year or two of government for them to come to terms with reality and discard their doctrinaire programmes. Each time the country is weakened further.

    We have tried confrontation politics for long enough. In 1964, in 1970, in 1974, incoming governments promised that they held the key to Britain’s industrial and social problems, if only they could undo the achievements of their predecessors and push their own prescriptions through Parliament. The hopes they raised have all been cruelly disappointed. It is high time to try a different pattern of government, which is based upon the consent and support of the broad majority of the electorate. That alone can now provide the basis for the long term programme of reform which Britain so desperately needs.

    The Liberal Party has taken the first step towards breaking the deadlock during the past Parliament, by proving that co-operation among different parties is possible, practical and good for Britain. Unavoidably in this first experiment in a new style of government, our achievements were relatively limited. Many of the reforms which we wish to see implemented have had to wait.

    But during the 18 months of the Liberal Agreement with the Labour Government the stability and consistency provided by co-operation among parties which represented a clear majority of the electorate, and the requirement that the Labour Government respect the views of that majority, helped to bring down the annual rate of inflation to 8 per cent. The Tories had raised it from 5.9 per cent to 13.2 per cent. Labour raised it further to a peak of 26.9 per cent, now it is rising again. The Lib-Lab Agreement also reduced Interest Rates to 10 per cent (Minimum Lending Rate). The Tories left it at 12.5 per cent under Labour it reached a peak of 15 per cent in October 1976. It is now back up again.

    Industrial confidence began to return during the agreement. The divisive policies promoted by Labour’s lunatic left-wing were effectively held in check. On Liberal insistence the law was changed to encourage profit-sharing, to help bridge the gulf of mistrust between the two sides of industry – which has so far led 48 companies to adopt new profit-sharing schemes.

    Sadly, much of what was achieved for Britain during those 18 months has been thrown away since last October, as Labour clung on to office without secure and agreed majority support. If either of the two establishment parties grabs an exclusive hold on office after this election, Britain will slip even deeper into industrial confrontation and economic decay. The truth is, the Labour and Conservatives parties share a vested interest in the preservation of Britain’s divided society. The unrepresentative nature of our electoral system protects them from the full effects of public disillusionment. Continuing industrial and social confrontation reinforces their links with the opposing sides of industry. Britain’s secretive and centralised structure of government protects them, turn and turn about, from Parliament and the public.

    Many, on both front benches, would rather see Britain’s economy drift further behind our continental neighbours, would rather accept another cycle of industrial conflict and popular discontent, than touch the pattern of adversary politics which supports their alternating hold on political power.

    I appeal to you, as a voter concerned with what is best for Britain, to throw your support behind the fresh approach which the Liberal Party represents – and which we have now demonstrated can work for Britain. The effectiveness of whatever government emerges after this election, the whole style of British government, will depend less upon which big/dinosaur Party returns with the largest number of parliamentary seats than upon the size of the Liberal wedge in the House of Commons. A mass Liberal vote throughout the country and many more Liberal seats will call the final whistle on a discredited Tory/Labour game.

    Part Two of this manifesto sets out the Liberal Party’s detailed electoral programme. I want here to stress four underlying themes: our commitment to fundamental political and constitutional reform; our proposals for economic and industrial reform; our plans to change and to simplify our overburdened tax system and our concern to bring to bear an environmental perspective across the whole range of government policies.

    Political reform is the starting point. Until we break the two-party stranglehold, until we get away from the adversary class politics which are embedded in our parliamentary structure, we cannot successfully tackle the problems of economic weakness and industrial mistrust, of misspent resources in housing, of uncertain management of the public sector and of mishandled relations with our neighbours abroad. Electoral reform is the key to the lock. A democratic electoral system would deprive the Conservative and Labour parties of their ability to maintain electoral support by frightening wavering voters with the spectre of a single, unacceptable alternative. It would force them to face up to their own internal contradictions: the unstable coalition within a weakened Labour Party between its nationalising left and its conservative centre; the tensions within the Conservative Party between moderate Tories and doctrinaire free-marketeers. A democratic electoral system is needed, too, to generate the popular consent which is essential to support a long-term programme of economic and social reform.

    The reluctant and unsatisfactory compromises which recent governments have offered in response to demands for the reform of Parliament, for an end to official secrecy, above all for devolution and decentralisation, also demonstrate the need for more thorough-going change and the inability of the establishment front benches to meet that need. Privately, many MPs from both the Labour and Conservative parties accept the case for far-reaching changes, but they are unwilling publicly to challenge their own leadership. A powerful wedge of Liberal MPs in the next Parliament could start a chain reaction of political change.

    Economic and industrial reform must accompany and follow from political reform. Hardly surprisingly, the owner party and the union party have resisted the extension of democracy to industry, seeing a transformation of the pattern of industrial relations as a threat to their entrenched interests. Labour’s preferred approach would only strengthen the position of trade unions, which are already one of the most conservative forces in our society. They do not want to involve the workforce as a whole. The Conservative alternative of lightly-disguised confrontation is even more dangerous in 1979 than their Selsdon Park proposals were in 1970, and would no doubt lead again after a painful two years in office to another expensive U-turn.

    We Liberals seek instead to alter fundamentally the framework within which economic policy is made, to bring the different sides of industry together to work constructively to increase the well being of Britain – not to battle destructively over each other’s share of a dwindling national cake.

    The two-party confrontation has also wrought havoc with our tax system. Successive governments have tacked on new additions to an already unwieldy structure. It is too complex for most taxpayers to understand or to be sure of their rights and obligations. Many changes have been rushed through Parliament without adequate debate or consideration of their implications, at the behest of some vested interest or in the service of some outdated ideology. As a result tax avoidance has become our fastest growing industry. Liberals are concerned to simplify the personal tax system and reduce its burden to create a tax structure which encourages initiative and promotes a wider distribution of wealth, and above all to establish principles for a stable tax system which can command the respect of the electorate as a whole: wealthy, poor and average earners.

    Neither of the two established parties has paid any serious attention to the long-term conservation of Britain’s environment and resources. The argument over North Sea oil has been conducted in terms of immediate benefits rather than long term needs. The necessity to grow more of our own food and the conservation of man’s natural habitat, including its flora and fauna, have been wrongly regarded as low priorities in politics. The debate over Britain’s future dependence on nuclear power has hardly touched Parliament, conducted instead by environmental groups through the limited forum of the Windscale inquiry. Yet conservation and recycling of our limited and often finite resources is a vital issue for Britain’s future, and an issue which concerns a growing section of our electorate. We Liberals have used our influence to force Parliament to pay more attention to the ecological perspective.

    But Parliament as at present constructed does not find it easy to focus on questions like this, which do not fall conveniently into the categories established by the conventions of two-Party politics or the Left/Right dog-fight. Here is a key issue for Britain as the new Parliament takes us into the 1980s, too complicated for the current ritual of debate but too important to ignore.

    It may seem paradoxical that Liberals call at once for more stable government and for radical change. Our concern is for long-term change, as opposed to the twists and turns of short-term policies which have characterised British government since the end of the Second World War. Worthwhile reforms for Britain’s economy, for its industrial relations, its tax structure, its social services, its political system itself, can only be achieved after thorough examination and open debate – and can only be made to last if they command the respect and acceptance of the majority of the electorate.

    That is why we are prepared to co-operate with other parties, even as we insist on the need for a fundamental break in Britain’s political habits. Of course we want in time to see Britain led by a Liberal Government, implementing a coherent radical programme with the support of a clear majority of voters. But meanwhile we are prepared to co-operate with whichever party will go with us some way along the same road. It would, after all, be a profound and radical change for Britain to benefit from stability in economic policy, to gain a new consensus in pay policy and industrial relations, to achieve a wider agreement on the structure of taxation, or to open up a searching debate on the best use of Britain’s limited resources.

    It would be a radical change in itself for the next government to have to base its policies upon the support of the representatives of a genuine majority of the electorate. With your support, and the support of millions of voters like you, we can ensure that those changes take place.

    David Steel


    Economic and industrial recovery can only follow from a radical programme of political and social reform. In a liberal society in Britain, power and wealth will be distributed more widely, and government subjected to open democratic control. Participation and self-management will be encouraged, in government and in industry; public and private power will be, where possible, dispersed: individual initiative and independence will be rewarded; and a sense of partnership and community strengthened. But UK action alone cannot provide the stimulus for these major political and social changes. Many of our problems have to be tackled at the European level; action is also needed in the regions and nations of the United Kingdom, and within local communities through the efforts of voluntary bodies and community groups. But in an over-centralised Britain the process of reform is most urgently needed at the centre, in Westminster and Whitehall.

    POLITICAL REFORM

    Britain has a grossly undemocratic voting system, over-centralised government and an ineffective Parliament. Piecemeal changes have failed to introduce the necessary constitutional reforms. Bureaucracy and powerful organisations triumph at the expense of individuals who feel powerless to influence decisions that affect them. Liberals believe:

    1 That electoral reform is the essential first step to representative parliament and government.
    2 In open government accountable to a reformed parliament.
    3 That decisions must be taken at the most local level practicable.
    4 People and their communities must take part in decisions that affect them.

    Reform of the Voting System

    Our first priority is electoral reform, because Britain’s voting system is a root cause of our troubles:

    It damages living standards by preventing consistent economic and social policies.

    It leads to governments claiming a false mandate in favour of policies which have been decisively rejected by a majority of the voters.

    It encourages native voting, frustrates the intelligent elector and leads to increasing alienation from the whole political system.

    It rewards parties based on class distinctions and reinforces class divisions. Without reform our whole democracy is at risk.

    Liberals demand proportional representation at all levels of government:

    At Westminster, to give us representative parliaments and genuine majority government.

    For future elections to the European Parliament, to avoid the disgrace of being the only member of the EEC not to use a fair voting system.

    In local government, where the present system can often produce one-party dominance with its dangers of corruption.

    The system adopted must ensure that every vote is of equal value and affects the result. It must also ensure that parties win roughly the same proportion of seats as their proportion of votes, allow voters a choice between candidates in each party, and reflect minority interest and viewpoints. Liberals believe that of available PR systems, the single transferable vote (STV) best achieves these results.

    The main opposition to the overwhelming popular demand for electoral reform comes from political machines exercising unjustified privilege, and from those MP’s who fear that if voters had a real choice they would not be re-elected. Liberals support the people in their fight against electoral privilege, and will give first priority in the new Parliament to obtaining a cast-iron commitment to the early introduction of electoral reform.

    Reform of Parliament and Government

    Parliament should take control of its own business out of the hands of Government, and set up powerful Select Committees, to assert vigorous democratic control over the Executive. Section 2 of the Official Secrets Act should be repealed. We would introduce a Freedom of Information Bill similar to that of the Liberal MP Clement Freud in the last Parliament. This would give a right of public access to all official information except for certain listed categories (e.g. defence, economic and commercially sensitive information, and individual records).

    A National Efficiency Audit should be set up to scrutinise public expenditure plans and reduce waste.

    We need fixed dates for parliamentary elections to avoid the uncertainty which Prime Ministerial privilege imposes on the country.

    The House of Lords should be replaced by a new, democratically chosen, second chamber which includes representatives of the nations and regions of the United Kingdom, and UK members of the European Parliament.

    Reform of the Constitution – a Federal Solution

    Liberals supported the Scotland and Wales Acts, for all their defects, because we believed they offered a step in the right direction. These deficiencies – the weakness of the proposed Welsh Assembly and the constitutional contradictions in the Scotland Act – were exposed in the referendum debates and contributed to the results. This experience has reinforced our belief that the massive decentralisation of power from Westminster and Whitehall to Scotland, Wales and the major regions of England – for which we have long called – must involve legislative, executive and fiscal powers taken together. It has also demonstrated the need for a federal approach, which will involve a written constitution and a Supreme Court, as the only approach which can achieve legislative devolution within a workable framework of government for the United Kingdom.

    Whatever the outcome of the election, Liberals will press for the widest possible consultations among the parties on constitutional reform.

    Local Government

    The Tory reorganisation of local government proved an expensive disaster. In due course, the district and county councils must be replaced by one tier of multi-purpose authorities, whose boundaries match local needs and circumstances.

    We support the establishment of parish councils in urban areas and the extension of the powers of existing parish councils. These councils should have a statutory right ‘to be consulted’ by local government and other bodies and a duty to stimulate local democracy.

    NORTHERN IRELAND

    Progress towards peace ought to come from within the Province but if outside help is required Great Britain must be prepared to contribute.

    As an interim measure we propose that a 15 to 20 member Advisory Council be elected by the people of Northern Ireland using PR (STV). Such a council would be large enough to let every significant viewpoint have a voice but small enough for all its members to have real discussion with each other as well as with the Secretary of State and other political representatives.

    The Council would:

    1 Represent the views of the people of Northern Ireland to the Secretary of State and advise him accordingly, and

    2 discuss how a constitutional conference should be set up to consider the means by which a generally acceptable form of government for the Province should be developed.

    There must be no capitulation to violence. Direct rule must continue for the time being. The civil power must be given military assistance for as long as required. Britain will not force Northern Ireland to unite with the Republic of Ireland. All elections, including those for Westminster, must be by PR (STV). Continuing emphasis must be placed on the achievement of full human rights.

    REFORMS TO STRENGTHEN CITIZENS’ RIGHTS

    The liberty of the individual requires constant vigilance. Restrictions can only be

    justified if they protect the freedom of others. Liberals emphasise:

    1 Legislation to protect individual rights.
    2 A clear definition of citizenship.
    3 Equal opportunities for men and women in all spheres, especially equal pay for work of equal value.
    4 Protection for minority groups.

    Individual Freedom

    We need a Bill of Rights – as a first step, Britain should incorporate the European

    Convention of Human Rights into United Kingdom law. Individual rights protected by law should include:

    The right to see, correct and add comments to one’s personal records held by public and private bodies.

    The right of individual privacy.

    The right of free association with others, including the right to be represented through a Trade Union.

    The right to work without having to be a member of a Trade Union and the right to cross a picket line without intimidation.

    The rights of those in police custody, by means of revised Judges’ Rules.

    Reduction of Crime

    The steady increase in crime can only be checked in the short run by:

    Recruiting many more police, by improving working conditions.

    Strengthening the links between the police and the communities that they serve. Raving the greatest practicable number of policemen ‘on the beat’ by day and night.

    Making more resources and facilities (including secure accommodation) available to magistrates and others concerned with juvenile offenders, to curb juvenile crime and rehabilitate juvenile offenders.

    Prisons must be modernised and further experiments made with non-custodial treatment, except for those whose imprisonment is necessary for the protection of society.

    At the same time, we must realise that the long term solution is to attack vigorously the social, environmental and economic seedbeds of crime such as broken homes, bad schools, drink and drugs, decaying cities, bad housing, unemployment, and the boredom of mass production society.

    Nationality and Entry to the UK

    There should be only one class of citizenship for citizens of the UK and colonies. We would abolish the discrimination against non-patrials which creates second-class citizens. Citizens of the UK and colonies, including residents of Commonwealth countries who accepted the offer of remaining UK citizens when independence was granted, should have a right of entry. Spouses, children and other dependents of UK residents should be allowed to join their families in Britain and all children who have been born abroad of British mothers must have automatic right of citizenship.

    Liberals deplore the Tory policy of inflaming people’s fears about unrestricted immigration when the numbers of immigrants are actually falling. We should, wherever practicable, accept bona fide refugees.

    Equal Opportunities for Women and Men

    In order to ensure equal opportunities and rewards for women and men, we propose:

    Changes in the patterns of work to allow for greater flexibility, part-time and weekend work, so that men and women can better meet their social and family needs.

    Legislation to ensure that job evaluation schemes give adequate weight to factors found predominantly in work customarily done by women.

    Removal of anomalies in National Insurance benefits which are based on outdated assumptions about the roles of men and women in contributing to family income. Reshaping the Equal Opportunities Commission to create an effective instrument against discrimination.

    Minority Rights

    Britain is a diverse and multicultural society and Liberals rejoice in its richness, which owes much to the peoples of many different ethnic origins and cultures who have chosen to live here. We defend their right to maintain and develop their own traditions. Minority groups must be allowed to practise and advocate their beliefs, provided this does not reduce the freedom of others. We will protect and defend the rights of minorities by:

    A comprehensive law outlawing discrimination on grounds of race, sex or political belief with enforcement through a single Anti-Discrimination Board.

    Providing a legal right for nomadic people to live according to their life-style so long as this does not harm others.

    Removing all legal discrimination based on sexual orientation.

    ECONOMIC AND INDUSTRIAL REFORM

    The failures of our political system are reflected in our economic and industrial system. Confrontation is used instead of co-operation, resistance to change obstructs innovation, and frequent changes of government policy weaken our economy still further. Inflation has started to rise again, unemployment is unacceptably high and we are becoming increasingly uncompetitive in world markets. We have an unjust industrial society in which most workers are pitted against management and are denied any share in decision-taking or in profits.

    We need a radical long-term programme of reforms to restore Britain’s economy and industrial prosperity.

    Liberals believe in:

    1 Controlled and steady economic growth (in co-operation with our European partners), with greater attention to conservation of scarce resources, especially energy and land.
    2 Harnessing the potential of all at work to improve enterprise and productivity.
    3 Providing opportunities of useful work for all.
    4 Protecting the citizen from inflation by reconciling rises in incomes with the real rate of growth of the economy.
    5 Ensuring that the primary aim of government intervention in industry should be the promotion of viable market enterprises.

    We see a revolution in attitudes amongst all at work through the introduction of Democracy in Industry as the key to reversing Britain’s economic decline. This means employees sharing control and profits with shareholders. We would achieve this by giving all employees (irrespective of trade union membership) legal rights as individual members of their company; a direct vote in electing the board of directors jointly with the shareholders; rights to information about its plans and prospects; to participate in decisions through elected works councils; and to share in the profits. Liberals would encourage producer co-operatives by establishing a Cooperative Development Bank.

    Efficient use of resources means reducing Britain’s consumption of non-renewable raw materials, through government support (including tax incentives and penalties) for conservation, energy saving and recycling schemes. Whilst public expenditure already takes too large a share of our present national income, our health services, the schools and other essential public services cry out for more resources and the armed services remain underpaid. Economic recovery is essential to provide in the long run extra funds needed to continue the fight against poverty and deprivation. But in the immediate future, they can be found only by a relentless war against bureaucratic waste in central and local government.

    More jobs in new industries, as well as in agriculture and in the service sector, must be created to replace those being lost through international competition and technological change. Further positive discrimination in favour of small businesses and producer co-operatives, through changes in the tax system and in planning controls, will help to provide the catalyst for industrial renewal. This will build upon the success of the Liberals in getting the Government to appoint a senior Cabinet minister for the small business field, which has already led to major tax concessions and other reliefs.

    Employers, unions and public authorities must not be allowed to obstruct retraining. Liberals also challenge the belief in bigness for its own sake and concentration of control at the centre in both the private and public sectors. We aim at decentralisation, with greater autonomy for individual working units to encourage initiative and participation.

    We would introduce a sustained prices and incomes policy based on wide consultation and enforceable at law. Our incomes policy would be supported by tax measures and a national minimum income. It would reward increases in value-added. We support attempts to synchronise annual wage settlements.

    Liberal proposals for reducing personal taxation, introducing industrial democracy and profit-sharing are essential elements of an incomes policy since they would transform the industrial climate, restore incentive and reduce inflationary expectations.

    The role of government is to provide a stable political and economic framework, not to dominate the economy. But it is dangerous to pretend that government can be taken out of economic and industrial planning, given the unavoidable importance of public spending and the active involvement of governments of competitor countries in supporting their industries and promoting their own economic interests. There is no case for further large-scale nationalisation in Britain; but attempts to denationalise at present would further disrupt the industries affected. The National Enterprise Board provides a valuable mechanism for assisting new industries and for aiding companies temporarily in difficulty, but it should disengage from them when they regain commercial viability.

    The framework of government economic and industrial policy should be made more open and more subject to parliamentary control, by including Opposition parties on the National Economic Development Council and by establishing a Select Committee for Economic Affairs to consider its reports. Economic recovery is too vital to be subjected to all the twists and turns of partisan tactics, with Opposition parties glorying in their ignorance of facts which face government, and promising to reverse central decisions. Consistent economic policy requires a transformation of the way in which policies are debated and decided.

    REFORM OF THE TAX SYSTEM

    The British tax system frustrates initiative, inhibits new enterprises and discourages the wider spread of wealth. Penal rates of taxation encourage successful avoidance and evasion; whilst the poor and disadvantaged face a bewildering array of means tests and often fail to receive an adequate income.

    Liberals believe in:

    1 Providing an adequate minimum income for all.
    2 Treating men and woman as equals for tax purposes, whether married or single.
    3 Providing greater incentives for earning, productivity and enterprise.
    4 Encouraging employees to build up a stake in their enterprise.
    5 Widening the distribution and individual ownership of wealth.

    The central reform needed is the introduction of Credit Income Tax which should:

    Abolish the means test.

    Introduce cash credits in place of personal allowances, social security payments and

    national insurance benefits.

    Provide credits for students of all ages, for rate relief and housing.

    We also need a major switch from taxes on income to taxes on wealth and expenditure and propose:

    Income Tax starting at 20 per cent with a top rate of 50 per cent.

    A substantial increase in the level of income at which people first pay income tax.

    A gifts and legacies tax paid by the recipient in place of Capital Transfer Tax.

    A wealth tax on very large capital accumulations in place of the Investment Income

    Surcharge which would be repealed.

    Tax incentives for profit-sharing and employee share ownership.

    Self assessment of tax liability with spot-checks by the Inland Revenue.

    The changeover would be introduced over several years and be matched by indexation of taxes on drinks and tobacco, a single rate of VAT and the replacement of the employer’s National Insurance contribution with a regionally varied payroll tax.

    In a Federal Britain, regional and local government would have powers to raise the revenue they need for the services they provide. Income tax would be the main source of revenue at regional level with a tax on all land values (except agricultural land which would be zero-rated) being the main source of revenue for local government, which would also have powers to levy its own taxes. These would replace domestic rates.

    A CARING SOCIETY

    Liberals laid the foundations of the modern welfare state, but the original vision has been lost in a jungle of complex rules, means tests and decisions taken by remote officials. Those most in need often fail to get help or are caught by the poverty trap, whilst others fall through the gaps.

    Liberals believe in:

    1 Recreating services which recognise and respond to human needs, without excessive bureaucracy.
    2 Making a reality of democratic control.
    3 Providing greater choice for the individual.
    4 Renewing inner city life.

    The Change to Credit Income Tax

    Tax credits would meet the needs of the unemployed, retired, disabled and disadvantaged, and provide for maternity, children and students of all ages. All income would be taxable and where tax liability exceeds cash credits, the difference would be paid as tax; where credits exceed tax, individuals would receive cash regularly.

    It would take several years to introduce a full tax credit scheme and in the meantime, we would give priority to:

    Further increases in child benefit and the progressive conversion of other allowances against income tax into positive cash credits.

    The introduction of a supplementary pension for all pensioners not qualifying for a full earnings-related pension under the new state pension scheme, reducing the number of pensioners needing to apply for supplementary benefit.

    The introduction of a disablement allowance to help offset the additional expenditure caused by disablement.

    The early introduction of housing credits based on average local rents. An increase in the mobility allowance and its extension to those over retirement age.

    The implementation of the Finer’ recommendations for one-parent families. The removal of the anomalies affecting widows and others through the application of the rule about overlapping benefits.

    Care in the Community

    Liberals seek to make the welfare state more effective and democratic. Providers and receivers of care should participate in running the services. The elderly (especially the over 75s), single-parent families, the disabled, the mentally handicapped and the mentally ill should have priority for additional resources.

    We propose to tackle the mushrooming bureaucracy created by the Tories reorganisation of the health service by abolishing the area health authorities and bringing power back to the level of the local health district, and by placing the regional health authorities under the control of elected Scottish, Welsh and Regional assemblies.

    We would give a greater role for voluntary organisations in partnership with official services. We oppose widespread closure of cottage hospitals and encourage the retention of local pharmacies.

    Housing

    Housing policy should retain existing communities and help build new ones. Priority must be given to improvement of existing houses instead of wholesale clearance and rebuilding. Everyone must have access to adequate housing with a wide choice of tenure and type of home – within the price they can afford. Private and council tenants should have reasonable security of tenure, and help control the management of housing and its immediate environment. We would introduce an Occupiers’ and Owners’ Charter which safeguards the rights of both tenants and owners of rented housing.

    Housing co-operatives and smaller locally-based housing associations, which should be run democratically, should be encouraged. Councils should be required to build more homes for sale, and adequate resources should be provided for the full implementation of the Housing (Homeless Persons) Act, a measure introduced by Liberals.

    Liberals would concentrate resources on inner cities by positive planning for community based jobs, schools, housing and entertainment.

    Education and Training

    We see education and training as a lifelong process that must be as widely available as possible to people of all ages. Secondary education must be non-selective with schools and colleges matched to local needs and working together to give maximum choice to students. Post-school education must be integrated with closer links between universities, polytechnics and further education.

    We want to see:

    Nursery education for all children whose parents want it.

    The immediate right of rising-fives to enter primary school.

    Use of successfully qualified teachers now unemployed to reduce class sizes and improve literacy and numeracy.

    The involvement of all staff, parents and pupils in the running of schools through elected governing boards, and elected schools councils for secondary schools.

    Improved links between schools and industry to ensure preparation for the world. Expansion of adult education and a major expansion of training and retraining facilities in which Britain still lags far behind its industrial competitors.

    Education for retirement from employment.

    CONSERVATION OF RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENT

    The industrial world consumes far too much of the world’s non-renewable resources and is becoming increasingly dependent on imports of energy. Many of man’s activities threaten the natural environment. Few recognise that after the year 2,000, shortages of food, raw materials and energy will mean drastic changes to our lifestyles. The bonanza of North Sea oil must not blind us to the dangers facing us when the oil runs out We must start to change our attitudes now. Liberals believe in:

    1 Conservation and wiser use of scarce resources, especially land and energy.
    2 War on waste and pollution.
    3 The need to preserve the natural environment for future generations.
    4 A re-ordering of our economic and social priorities to put them on a sound basis.

    Energy and North Sea oil

    Liberals have repeatedly expressed doubts about a massive commitment to nuclear power and questioned the decision to expand the Windscale reprocessing plant. We must spread the extraction of North Sea oil over a longer period and use the revenues for long term investment with high priority for widespread energy conservation and developing alternative energy sources. We must:

    Substantially increase research and development on fusion, wave, solar and other sustainable sources of energy.

    Make greater use of combined heat and power systems which use waste heat.

    Promote maximum efficiency in the production and use of coal and the use of primary fuels.

    Set up a permanent Energy Commission to discuss in public future energy options. Not build any more nuclear power stations, at least until the problems of safe and permanent disposal of radioactive waste have been solved.

    Transport

    We would legislate to improve the standards of public transport in both towns and rural areas by making it more responsive to local needs and subject to democratic control. We would:

    Encourage self-help and other schemes which improve freight and personal mobility in rural areas.

    Amend the licensing laws governing stage carriage services to encourage local operators.

    Plan jobs and homes closer together, discourage the private motor-car in city centres and provide better facilities for pedestrians and cyclists.

    Limit expenditure on new road-building to socially desirable projects. Increase emphasis on road safety and therefore support the early introduction of tachographs in lorries.

    Oppose further nationalisation of the ports and reject implementation of the Dock Work Regulations Scheme.

    Retain the British Waters Board and increase expenditure on canal maintenance. Retain the British Rail network – and, where necessary, treat it as a social service. Support a rail-only Channel Tunnel financed with the aid of EEC finances. Improve the international communications of the regions by dispersing more international air traffic outside London.

    Food and Agriculture

    Liberal policy aims at providing a fair return for the farmer and reasonably priced food for the consumer. We also need a co-ordinated approach to the needs of food production and conservation of natural wild life which recognises their interdependence. We therefore propose:

    Fundamental reform of the Common Agricultural Policy to produce competitive prices, avoid structural food surpluses and encourage efficient farming; the creation of a Land Bank to help new entrants to farming, and the expansion of co-operatives.

    More land for small-holdings.

    To raise the guaranteed minimum earnings for farm-workers.

    Radical reform of the Common Fisheries Policy, conservation of fish stocks and a fifty mile exclusive limit for each member state within the EEC.

    Increase the number of abattoirs to EEC standards to discourage the export of live animals.

    Safeguarding the Environment

    Land is a finite resource and we need careful planning to ensure an adequate supply of land for housing without using valuable farm land. Resources should be concentrated on inner city renewal and rural regeneration so that all parts of Britain are fit to live in. We have a duty to preserve in trust for future generations that which we inherit from the past. We would:

    Make polluters pay the cost of their pollution. Drastically amend the Community Land Act.

    Introduce taxation of the unimproved value of land, in its optimum permitted use (agricultural land to be zero-rated).

    Introduced fiscal incentives for conservation, reclamation of industrial wasteland and recycling.

    Encourage rurally based crafts and appropriate industries in rural areas. Support the demand of the General Election Co-ordinating Committee for Animal Protection for a Royal Commission on Animal Welfare.

    Ban the importation and manufacture of any product derived from any species whose survival is threatened, and work for a total ban on commercial whaling. Expedite the work of the Commons Commissioners and legislate to implement the recommendations of the Royal Commission on Common Land with regard to access and management.

    Preserve moors, scrub woodland, wetlands and other wildlife ‘reservoirs’.

    EUROPE AND THE WORLD

    Liberals believe in:

    1 Opposing all forms of aggression and imperialism.
    2 Emphasising the protection of political and human rights as a basis for foreign policy.
    3 Fostering closer co-operation within the European Community as the most constructive means of promoting Britain’s best interests.
    4 Supporting closer integration of defence, security and weapons procurement policies within the Atlantic Alliance as the most effective way of utilising scarce resources.
    5 Working for a more equitable distribution of power and wealth throughout the world. Liberals support positive co-operation with the developing countries.

    Economic weakness and political failure have reduced Britain’s standing and influence in the world and strained the friendship of our partners in Western Europe and beyond.

    In Europe, we support a stronger and more democratic Community. Our long-term aim is a federal Europe based upon democratic institutions and an equitable sharing of economic and social burdens. This involves working towards economic and monetary union and more effective regional and social policies to overcome unemployment and deprivation. It also means commitment to the strengthening of the European Parliament. Only such a Parliament, elected by Proportional Representation, can provide democratic political solutions to Europe’s problems and make nationalist solutions as irrelevant as they are dangerous.

    Both Labour and Conservative Governments have been short-sighted and inward-looking in their attitudes to Europe. The Labour Government’s nationalistic stance has harmed Britain’s interests by blocking avenues for wider agreement. Britain’s foreign policy should become increasingly concerted with our European partners, and our aim must therefore be the evolution of common European policies, not to pursue the nostalgic illusion of independent power.

    Europe’s foreign policies must include continued close relations with the United States. We firmly support a peaceful settlement of the Middle East conflict within the framework of the relevant United Nations Resolutions. In Southern Africa, Britain has a special historic responsibility, and we must continue to work with our allies and with the United Nations to promote peaceful change. We support the Anglo-American efforts being made to end bloodshed and to establish an independent Zimbabwe with a Government elected under international supervision. We believe that sanctions should not be lifted nor recognition accorded until such a government is established.

    Europe’s defence must be a common defence, based on integrated forces and an integrated command within the Atlantic Alliance. Co-operation in armaments should be accompanied by ending British arms sales except in the context of a treaty of mutual defence. The fundamental solution to the problem depends on the establishment of a credible system of international controls of arms sales under the aegis of the United Nations. Arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union and its allies should be vigorously pursued to promote a basis for the mutual and balanced reduction of forces and armaments.

    It is one of the most important duties of Europe to help those peoples of the Third World who still lack effective influence in the international economy. In this context, Britain, because of our links with the Commonwealth, has a distinctive contribution to make. Liberals want to see reductions in the barriers to world trade, and support current negotiations to give the developing countries stable prices for their raw materials UK official aid should be increased to achieve the targets agreed by the United Nations.

    The work of the UN specialised agencies and of voluntary organisations should be generously supported. Aid should be directed wherever possible through multi-lateral channels, but there is no justice in assisting governments which systematically deny basic human rights to their own citizens.

    CONCLUSION

    The Liberal programme offers a coherent framework for a series of reforms which will need years of intensive effort. This requires for its success the support of an informed public, co-operation in industry, and a new spirit of mutual understanding among the democratic political parties. The vital choice at this election is whether Britain will start along this new path, or continue to shuffle down the slope of economic and political decline. The contents of the first Queen’s Speech are less important than the membership, composition and spirit of the new Parliament. A stronger Liberal presence, backed by a powerful Liberal vote throughout the country, will ensure that the door is opened to fundamental change, not slammed shut again by the negative reactions of the old two-party game which has failed the nation.

  • General Election Manifestos : 1987 SDP-Alliance

    General Election Manifestos : 1987 SDP-Alliance

    The 1987 SDP-Alliance manifesto.

    Britain United: The Time Has Come


    FOREWORD: BRITAIN UNITED

    The Alliance’s vision is of a Britain united, a Britain confident, compassionate and competitive. We know that it is possible to unite our country. We know the British people want greater unity. But we also know the task of drawing Britain together again can only be achieved through political, economic and social reform on a scale not contemplated in our country for over forty years.

    At the last election, about a third of the nation’s voters didn’t even both to turn out.

    It’s hard to think of a more damning condemnation of politics in this country.

    But it’s not difficult to understand why so many people feel cynical and uninterested.

    Since the last war the Tories and Labour have each had six turns at Government.

    Many honourable men and women on both sides have worked hard for the nation but the system has defeated all but a few.

    Rigid dogmas, the overriding need for party unity, and indiscriminate three-line whips have all helped to create a climate of conflict and rancour.

    Listen to Parliamentary question time and count how many times the Speaker has to call for order. We’ve had forty years of yah-boo politics and where has it got us?

    We live in a country that is patently unfair to many of its citizens. While politicians brandish statistics at each other on TV chat shows, we can all see with our own eyes what is happening to our schools, hospitals and inner cities.

    We know there is more crime because our own homes have been broken into, our own neighbours have been mugged, our own children have been offered drugs.

    We know that unemployment remains a huge problem because few families haven’t been touched by its shadow.

    For many, the situation seems hopeless. Unable to contemplate five more years of uncaring government under Mrs Thatcher, they still do not trust the Labour Party.

    Mr Kinnock tries hard but for how long can he keep the lid on the extremists of the Left?

    They already dominate some of the Town Halls When the election is over, will they emerge again to claim the rewards of their silence?

    Many of these people feel that the Alliance is the answer – but they ask what chance does it have of changing things? The answer is – every chance.

    At the last election, the Alliance won nearly 8 million votes, little less than the Labour Party.

    If just 72 more people in every 700 vote for the Alliance this time, we will be the single largest party in Parliament. If just 5 more people in every 700 support us, we would have over 70 seats and almost certainly hold the balance of power.

    Think of it. Issues would be judged on their merits. We would curb the Tories’ divisive policies and stop the destructive antics of the Labour Left.

    Politicians would be forced to listen to each other and work together. The two-party, two-class pantomime would finally be over.

    It’s not an impossible dream. It’s closer now than at any time in our history. All you have to do to make it happen is to vote Alliance on June 17th.

    DAVID STEEL
    DAVID OWEN


    INTRODUCTION

    There has never been an election like this in modern times. All the evidence and all the commentators confirm that it is a three-way contest which the Alliance enters from a position of unprecedented strength and promise. The Official Opposition is falling apart and is now quite unable to present itself as a realistic alternative to a Government which presides over the worst unemployment ever known in the lifetime of those who are of working age. The two-party system has broken down because it is rooted in outdated battles of class and ideology, and provides no outlet for the vast numbers of people who want individual freedom to go hand-in-hand with social justice, who want the state to back industry without trying to take it over, who want power to be given back to communities instead of concentrated in Whitehall and who want a nation which is soundly defended but takes the lead in the quest for negotiated disarmament and a fairer world.

    In any Government the policies which have been set out in the election programme can only tell part of the story of how they will behave in office. It is at least as important to know and trust the values and principles for which they stand, and which will guide their response to the new events and new problems with which governments have to deal. These values, we believe, are embodied in this Joint Programme. They are our guide-book for government:

    • Governments are there to protect and preserve the freedom of citizens, to whom they should be accountable and open;
    • Freedom must extend to all the people, and Governments must therefore widen the opportunities of those whose liberty is limited by lack of employment, education, health care, housing or help in dealing with disability;
    • Governments should not try to do what can be better done by individuals, by communities, by voluntary organisations or by private enterprise, but should set about enabling people to help themselves; however governments should be ready to enter into partnership with these organisations to tackle the problems that neither it nor they can solve alone;
    • Decisions of Government should be taken democratically at the most local level compatible with effective action;
    • Governments should learn to listen to the people to whom they are accountable;
    • Governments should exercise the creative leadership to enable society as a whole to match its needs and resources with the work to be done – of which there is an abundance in Britain today;
    • Government must challenge and curb all those who threaten individual freedom by the abuse of monopoly power, by the denial of rights or by crime and violence;
    • It is the business of Government to act fairly in the pursuit of a united society, not to identify itself solely with any one section of society or region of the country;
    • Government should take positive steps to ensure equal opportunities for women – who make up 52% of the population – and for minority groups such as the ethnic communities.
    • Government must enable society to take the longer view, setting the right balance between present consumption and future investment and ensuring that economic development is sustainable and environmentally responsible.

    These values must also guide foreign policy, where the defence of the nation goes hand-in-hand with the promotion of peace and fairness in a world marked by severe inequality and injustice.

    We believe that Government at all levels can be more open, more accountable, more fair and more in tune with the wishes of the people of this country if it is allowed to break free of the two-party system and the old class conflict which that system feeds. Our country and its people deserve better, and here is how we believe it can be done.

    BETTER GOVERNMENT

    Most of the problems facing our country cannot be solved unless we get better government. That means government which can carry the people with it in its major policies, and it means government which the citizens can call to account. Our system is currently failing in both respects, and it is getting worse. Under our proposals no government will be able to ride roughshod over the rights of its citizens.

    First, we insist that the voting system should be reformed so that no minority – which is what Mrs. Thatcher’s Party was at the last election – is given an inflated Parliamentary majority. Fewer people voted Conservative at the last election than the one before, yet the system gave the absolute power of a massively increased majority to Mrs. Thatcher, and ensured that the House of Commons could be little more than a talking shop. No wonder Labour leaders join with the present Conservative leadership in wanting to keep the old system – they can see that it offers the only hope of inflicting on the nation policies which the majority of the people reject. The Alliance will introduce community proportional representation, using the well-tried single transferable vote system with constituencies based on local communities. This system also gives the voters the chance to show which candidates they prefer and would increase the opportunities for women to be elected to Parliament, and make the election of representatives of ethnic minorities more likely. We will reform the voting system for local government on a similar basis, which is the real answer to the abuse of power by the Town Hall extremists. Fairly elected local councils can and should be entrusted with important responsibilities because they are not run as one party states. We will end the scandal whereby England, Scotland and Wales are denied fair representation in the European Parliament; we will introduce a new Great Reform Charter covering a range of specific legislation, all aimed at strengthening our democracy both locally and nationally.

    We will open the doors of government so that incompetence and deceit cannot be hidden behind them. We will repeal Section Two of the Official Secrets Act and introduce a Freedom of Information Act so that the public have access to government information to give people access to their personal files, including medical files, held about them by public bodies and to build on the foundation laid by the Access to Personal Files Act, which was introduced as a private members bill by a Liberal MP. We hope to strengthen data protection laws. In areas of government where secrecy is needed, we will introduce new safeguards including a committee of Privy Counsellors to oversee the security services.

    We do not believe that Whitehall knows best. British government has never been more centralised than it has become under Mrs. Thatcher. In education, health and every aspect of local government, power has been taken over by Ministers. As a result of what the Conservatives have done, an extremist government would have far more opportunities than ever before to control people’s lives. This centralisation is inefficient as well as dangerous. How on earth can the man or woman in Whitehall know the needs, the problems and the potential of every community from Shetland to the Scillies? The Alliance will reverse this trend.

    We will introduce a code for the public service and reassert the safeguards of ministerial responsibility and civil service impartiality which have been severely eroded under Mrs. Thatcher’s Government as the handling of the Westland affair showed.

    We will devolve power to the nations and regions of Britain. We aim to establish an elected Scottish Parliament, Welsh Senedd and elected regional assemblies throughout England. Public support is essential for progress to be made within the framework of an initial Devolution Act. The devolved structure will require a step-by-step process starting with establishing a Scottish Legislative Assembly with wide powers and self-government in her domestic affairs. This would be created within an overall framework in a devolution bill which sets out the objectives and principles for devolution of powers within the UK. Wales already has a well established, but unaccountable, layer of devolved administration; we therefore aim to create a Welsh Senedd and would publish an early Green Paper on its powers and responsibilities. The abolition of the Greater London Council and the six metropolitan county councils has created a vacuum. London is now the only major capital city in the democratic world without a democratically elected local authority. Greater London is of sufficient size and importance to be a region in itself and there is already widespread support for such a regional assembly, which should be established as soon as possible. We shall publish an early Green Paper with proposals for an elected Greater London regional assembly and setting out the proposals, as the need and demand is established, for the creation of democratically elected regional governments in England.

    Local government needs a fair system of local finance which the rates no longer provide. The Government’s alternative of a poll tax is unacceptable because it is grossly unfair: it does not relate taxation to the ability to pay. We are committed to the planned introduction of a local income tax as the main source of local government revenue in place of domestic rates. We believe that business rates should be related to ability to pay and we will consult with industry and commerce as to how this can be achieved.

    Parliament itself needs a shake-up. A fair electoral system will have that effect but even under the present system many existing Parliamentary practices will not survive for long after this election, because three major political forces will be strongly represented. It will no longer be possible for two political parties to run the House of Commons to suit their own convenience. We intend to put the control of parliamentary time in the hands of an All-Party Business Committee and to make much more use of select committees: we want widely-supported private members bills to have sufficient time to be debated and decided upon. In recent years the House of Lords has proved the value of a second chamber by its careful scrutiny of bills which got little attention in the Commons and by its willingness to defeat the government on issues of national concern. But there can be no justification for basing the membership of the second chamber so largely on heredity and on the whim of Prime Ministers. The Alliance will work towards a reform of the second chamber linked with our devolution proposals so that it will include members elected from the regions and nations of Britain and will phase out the rights of hereditary peers to vote in the Lords.

    We will greatly strengthen the rights of the individual. British Governments have sought to lull citizens into a false sense of security by claiming that our rights are protected by an unwritten constitution. Hundreds of British people find out every year that these protections are inadequate and they have to go to Strasbourg to seek protection from the European Convention on Human Rights. We will enact the European Convention into British law, so that the citizen can secure redress in the British courts.

    We will establish a Human Rights Commission, which will take over the work of the Equal Opportunities and Racial Equality Commissions, and counter all discrimination on grounds of race, sex, creed, class, disability or sexual orientation. The Commission would be able to initiate action in the courts.

    We will open up opportunities for women at work and in public life. Today, fewer than one in five of Government appointees on public bodies are women. We will secure equal representation of women on all appointed public bodies within a decade; our social and tax policies aim to give women equal rights and freedom to choose their way of life.

    The Alliance accepts the need for immigration controls and for clear legal definition of British nationality, but also accepts that the law in this area is fundamental to individual rights and should be fair to everyone regardless of race and regardless of whether they are men or women. There should be effective rights of appeal against refusal of citizenship and referral to an independent body in cases of deportation, and immigration procedures should be revised so as to promote family unity without significantly affecting immigration totals, which remain lower than rates of emigration from Britain.

    We will combat discrimination against black people in housing and employment and take positive steps through such measures as contract compliance to secure equal opportunities for racial minorities, and we will devote more police resources to dealing with racial harassment.

    We will combat prejudice against and misunderstanding of people with disabilities, to improve their quality of life, and to extend educational opportunities for disabled young people.

    We will restore the principle that anyone born in Britain is entitled to British citizenship. We are adamantly opposed to discrimination and we will repeal the sexist and racist aspects of the British Nationality Act 1981.

    The Great Reform Charter

    Democracy in Britain did not just happen. It was the product of reform – reform against vested interests of both left and right. In 1832 Britain took the first step with the Great Reform Act. Further instalments of reform followed in 1867, 1884, 1918 and 1928 before all men and women had gained the vote. Yet, since then, our democracy has stood still despite the tremendous changes in the economy and society. The Alliance believes that it is time for a new era of reform. For, without getting the structure of our democracy right, we will get nothing right.

    The Alliance, if empowered by the British people, will:

    • Replace the undemocratic ‘first past the post’ electoral system with proportional representation based on a single transferable vote for all Westminster and local authority elections;
    • Introduce PR for elections to the European Parliament. We support a common system for all member states;
    • Repeal the Official Secrets Act and replace it with Freedom of Information legislation providing for a public right of access to all official information, subject to limited and specific exemptions to protect national security and proper law enforcement and privacy;
    • Reform the law of confidentiality to ensure that freedom of expression on matters of public interest is not unnecessarily restricted;
    • Incorporate the European Convention on Human Rights and its protocols into British law in a Bill of Rights;
    • Remove the right of the Prime Minister to determine the date of general elections and replace it with fixed-term parliaments;
    • Devolve power to a legislative Scottish Assembly, establish a Welsh Senedd and decentralise decision-making to the English regions in accordance with the wishes of their electors;
    • Extensively reform Whitehall procedures in order to make the governmental system more responsive to the wishes and needs of the people;
    • Reform the House of Commons procedures;
    • Reform the House of Lords.

    Opportunities for Women

    The Alliance is committed to the principle that women should have equal opportunities and in government we will take positive steps to ensure this ideal becomes a reality.

    We will open up opportunities for women in public life by securing equal representation of women on all appointed bodies within a decade.

    We will strengthen the rights of women at work through equal pay for work of equal value, equal treatment, ensuring that all public authorities and private contractors are equal opportunity employers. We will restore the maternity grant and improve benefits for families.

    We will offer a tax allowance to help with the costs of childcare and remove the tax on the use of workplace nurseries.

    We will ensure that girls and women have equal opportunities in education and training.

    We will promote measures that give employees with family responsibilities rights to parental and family leave.

    The Alliance wants to see more women in Westminster. Changing the electoral system to a form of proportional representation will increase the opportunities for women to be elected to Parliament.

    Northern Ireland

    We intend to secure progress towards a peaceful and secure life for the people of Northern Ireland. That depends on the acceptance of three fundamental principles:

    • Rejection of violence;
    • Recognition that both Unionist and Nationalist traditions have their legitimate place;
    • Acceptance that Northern Ireland should not cease to be a part of the UK unless a majority of the people of Northern Ireland so wish.

    The government of Northern Ireland must be based on a partnership between the two traditions. The Alliance welcomes the Anglo-Irish agreement as a genuine attempt to achieve the objectives we set out. We wish to see a UK/Irish Parliamentary Council, and a devolved assembly where responsibilities and power will be shared. We would improve arrangements far considering Northern Ireland legislation at Westminster.

    Our commitment to incorporate the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law will strengthen individual rights in Northern Ireland and we would reform the Diplock courts so that three judges preside over non-jury trials; in this and other respects we believe that the passing of identical anti-terrorist measures in Northern Ireland and the Republic can increase the authority those measures carry in a divided community. We also support the establishment of a joint security commission.

    We would encourage the participation of people from the minority tradition in the RUC and believe that a totally independent police complaints procedure should be established. We would introduce the 110-day limit on the time in which a prisoner may be held in custody before appearing in court, as we propose for England and Wales.

    We would encourage those who are working for reconciliation in Northern Ireland and who are seeking to eliminate sectarianism and discrimination in religious life, education, housing and politics.

    We believe that the membership of the EEC offers not only practical help to Northern Ireland, but also prospects for the long-term development of a confederal relationship between UK and the Republic of Ireland which could offer a solution to a problem which has claimed over 2,500 lives in the last 18 years.

    FIGHTING CRIME

    Crime rates have soared in this Government’s last eight years. Overall, crime is up by over 60%, burglaries have almost doubled, while robberies have increased two and a half times over. People, particularly elderly people, live in fear in their homes and in the streets and women feel increasingly unable to go out at night.

    Detection rates have dropped from over two-fifths in 1979 to under a third in 1986. Increases in police numbers have been largely offset by special duties like policing strikes and demonstrations, and by a drop in the working week. There are few extra bobbies on the beat.

    The Alliance would tackle both crime and the causes of crime. Some Labour-controlled boroughs refuse to co-operate with the police in combating crime. The Conservative Government refuses to recognise that homelessness, unemployment and aimless bed-and-breakfast regimes are breeding-grounds of delinquency. Both are wrong.

    The Police

    The Alliance firmly supports the police in the battle against crime; that light can only be effective if the police get the support of the whole community, through community policing and policemen on the beat. Many police forces are still under strength: yet more officers are needed to provide the kind of local policing which we believe is essential. An Alliance Government will finance a further 4,000 police officers over and above the present Government plans and 1,000 more civilians, so releasing police officers for patrol duties.

    Proportional representation for local government would stop unrepresentative extremists from controlling police authorities. It would mean more sensible police authorities and make possible a democratically accountable police authority for London. We oppose the police monitoring units by which some Labour councils attempt to undermine the police. The Alliance fully accepts the need for chief officers to have full operational control of their force. The Alliance supports a fully independent system for investigating complaints against the police. We reject moves towards a national police force. We would appoint a Royal Commission to review the question of police accountability.

    Upholding the Law

    We will create a new Ministry of Justice. Its responsibilities will include the strengthening of the rights of the citizen to legal aid and advice and improving court and tribunal procedures. We will establish a family court system and set up a new legal services council.

    Sentencing Policy. Sentencing is often seen as arbitrary, with the same crime attracting widely divergent punishments. For the criminals, sentences become more of a lottery than a deterring force. We will strengthen the role of the Judicial Studies Board in setting guidelines for sentencing. This will mean that any judge stepping outside the Board’s recommendations would be asked to explain the reason and any special circumstances. This would maintain a judge’s flexibility, while keeping sentencing broadly consistent. It would also limit the ever-increasing upward trend in sentencing.

    A Royal Commission on the Presentation of Violence in the Media. We will establish a Royal Commission to report within a year on the public presentation of violence on TV and the reporting of crime in newspapers, to make recommendations on the possible link between these and violent crime on the streets.

    Crime Prevention Units. There would be a duty on all local authorities to establish Crime Prevention Units, and to work closely with the police to help in setting up Neighbourhood Watch schemes. They would advise on security in all new planning and building.

    Insuring Against Crime. We aim to make insurance available to all council tenants, who are twice as likely to be burgled as home owners and far less likely to be insured.

    Curbing the Sale of Offensive Weapons. We will curb the sale of knuckle dusters, battle knives, spiked shoe straps, cross-bows and catapults.

    Lifeline

    Too many elderly people suffer from isolation, fear and cold.

    We intend to give them the safety, security and warmth they deserve. Britain has 6 million people aged 70 or over. For them our “Lifeline” programme will:-

    • include free installation of a telephone;
    • protect them against the criminal by free installation of secure locks:
    • cut their heating bills by free home insulation;
    • abolish standing charges on electricity. gas and telephones;

    These 6 million people live in 4.5 million households and this will cost £180 million. “Lifeline” will build on present schemes and will also be part of our long-term job guarantee.

    Crime Crisis Areas

    An Alliance Government will target “Crime Crisis Areas”, those with the highest rates of crime, for special anti-crime measures. Chief Constables, in consultation with Community/Police Liaison Committees and police authorities, would define these areas. They will have:-

    • More police on the streets;
    • Local police stations re-opened. Police Posts should be established where no station is close by;
    • Security grants to pay for entry phones and security locks;
    • Projects to make crime danger spots safe and to provide effective street lighting and more caretakers on estates;
    • New housing estates designed to minimise opportunities for crime, and hazardous public areas will be redesigned;
    • A legal obligation imposed on British Telecom to keep all public telephones in constant repair. In London up to half our public telephones are broken at any one time – many of them the only lifeline in high crime areas.

    DEALING WITH OFFENDERS

    The Prison Scandal

    The prisons are bursting at the seams, yet Home Office projections show numbers increasing until the end of the decade 1985-1995. Of the 13,000 increase, 5,000 people will be untried and unsentenced.

    The Alliance believes drastic action is needed to reduce the prison population, while ensuring that those responsible for violent and serious crime are kept out of society for as long as the Courts think necessary. Imprisonment rarely rehabilitates the prisoner. Three-fifths of all men who receive a prison sentence re-offend within two years of being released.

    The minimum standards for prisons proposed by NACRO, and accepted in principle by the then Home Secretary as long ago as 1981, should be adopted as a target to be achieved within two years.

    A limit of 110 days should be laid down as soon as possible for remand prisoners. If not prosecuted within that period, they would be released. This system operates successfully in Scotland.

    Probation authorities should be required to provide bail hostels adequate to accommodate their own needs. The Home Office should make a special 100% grant for the purpose.

    The ‘short, sharp, shock’ has failed. As the Magistrate’s Association has recommended there should be a single youth custody sentence. Detention centres, already under-used by the Courts, should be abolished, and the accommodation released to be used for remand centres.

    Alternatives to Prison

    Every effort should be made to ensure that fine defaulters, elderly shoplifters and drunks are not sent to prison.

    Police cautions and intermediate treatment should be more widely used. Where punishment is appropriate, it should normally be community service rather than prison; but many of these offenders are more appropriately dealt with by rehabilitation or medical treatment.

    The probation service must be expanded to enable bail and non custodial sentences to be supervised where necessary under appropriate supervision.

    The Home Office should consider extending the period of automatic remission for less serious offences.

    We strongly support victim support schemes.

    Offenders should recompense their victims, either directly or indirectly. Community service orders oblige offenders to undertake work for the community. They should be more widely used.

    These changes should ease the frustration that threatens to erupt in the prisons, and enable prison officers to do the professional job they want to do. We welcome ‘Fresh Start’, which proposes shorter hours and less reliance on overtime, but recognise that unless overcrowding is tackled, this reform may not work.

    BUILDING THE FUTURE

    A generation ago, Britain was among Europe’s richest countries. Today Britain is falling down the league of industrialised nations. Real income per head is well below that of Sweden, Germany or France. Our manufacturing trade has gone into the red. In every year since 1983 we have imported more goods than we exported, the first time that has happened since the Industrial Revolution.

    Worst of all is unemployment. Many more than the three million people registered as unemployed have no jobs. The Government has juggled the figures and brought in cosmetic devices to hide the truth. But the facts won’t go away. The dole queue is three times what it was in 1979. Unemployment has been a low priority for this Government, used to keep down inflation. Tax cuts have had a higher priority than job creation. The cost in human misery and hardship, loss of confidence and self-respect, not least among young people. has been incalculable.

    Britain, like other industrial countries, has to cross the gulf between the first industrial revolution, based on steel, engineering and railways, and the second, based on the sunrise technologies of micro-electronics, bio-technology and new materials. To cross that gulf demands investment in new buildings, plant and machinery, and above all n the research and development on which new products and new processes are based. Yet under Mrs. Thatcher’s Government, investment in manufacturing industry and in R & D has fallen substantially. We must give a much higher priority to training and education. There has been a huge decline in apprenticeships and skill training in Britain in the last eight years, although the new technologies demand much higher qualifications and regular updating of knowledge.

    The Government has failed to use the once-in-a-lifetime opportunity North Sea oil gave us to invest in our industry and in our people. High interest rates have crippled businesses of all sizes; sudden ups and downs in the sterling exchange rate have handicapped exports. Even the proceeds from selling-off state assets – our assets – have gone into cutting taxes to buy votes.

    These are our objectives:

    • to reduce unemployment, first amongst those unemployed for a year or more, and amongst young people; in three years we will reduce unemployment by one million;
    • to bridge the gap between the older industrial areas and the areas of prosperity. The older industrial areas have lost a million jobs. We would encourage regional development agencies and local employment initiatives to harness the energy and enthusiasm of the local people in these hard-hit areas. The South-East would benefit too, for house prices are now snaring far beyond the ability of most families to pay, and attractive countryside is besieged by developers;
    • to build a new partnership between business and government, to re-equip our factories, tackle the blight of our inner cities, and draw up a strategy for a competitive and successful industry;
    • to abolish class division in the workplace by encouraging a single status for white collar and blue collar workers, and creating opportunities for all employees to share in the profits, decisions and ownership of firms;
    • to strengthen the rights of women at work including equal pay for work of equal value and equal treatment. We will ensure that all public authorities and private contractors are equal opportunity employers and we will promote changes to enable those with domestic responsibilities to secure access to employment. We would restore maternity grants and give a tax allowance to help with child-care costs. We would remove the tax on the use of workplace nurseries and encourage wider provision of child-care facilities.

    UNEMPLOYMENT

    Unemployment at present levels is not the inevitable result of new technology or world recession – Japan has only 2.5% unemployment and US unemployment has fallen by two million since 1983. It can be reduced in Britain. The key is to ensure that in creating new jobs the nation does not embark on another round of severe inflation which will damage competitiveness and cost us jobs in the long run. Labour ignores this danger and the Conservatives use it as an excuse for allowing unemployment to remain high. The Alliance is prepared to take the difficult steps necessary to create jobs and control inflation at the same time.

    Therefore we will expand the economy by targeting resources to increase output and exports rather than consumption and imports. New capital investment building up to £1.5 billion per annum will support the framework of services on which industry and society depend, like transport, homes, schools, hospitals and drainage. We will give more spending power to the poorest people in our society, which will itself generate more economic activity with much less impact on imports than general cuts in income tax;

    We will control inflation by winning the support of the British people for our incomes strategy; as a back-up we will legislate for reserve powers for a counter-inflation tax on companies under which inflationary increases would be unattractive because they would go in extra tax: profit-sharing would be exempted. We would introduce fairer arrangements for public sector pay, with an independent pay and information board whose findings would inform and assist negotiations, arbitration procedures and incentives to negotiate no-strike agreements in essential services;

    We will join the exchange rate mechanism of the European Monetary System, enabling us to make our currency more stable and to reduce current interest rates by as much as 2%. We would also seek to develop the role of the EMS within the world economy.

    For the long-term unemployed we will provide a guarantee of a job through:

    • a) a building and investment programme aimed at providing 200,000 jobs in such essential areas as transport, housing, insulation, urban renewal and new technologies;
    • b) a new recruitment incentive to encourage companies to take on over 270,000 jobless people;
    • c) a crash programme of education and training, offering new skills to the unskilled unemployed, with 200,000 places;
    • d) 60,000 extra jobs in the health and social services to improve care in the community and more jobs in nursery education;
    • e) an expanded job release scheme, opening up 30,000 jobs by allowing men to benefit from the scheme at 62 years of age.

    REBUILDING BRITISH INDUSTRY

    Manufacturing and services go hand in hand, but only a quarter of services are tradable and two thirds of our exports depend on manufacturing. Britain cannot survive on a basis of low-tech service jobs. Nor can business flourish without a thriving industry to buy their products. Manufacturing industry is the driving force at the core of our economy. Its decline must be reversed.

    Therefore:

    • We will introduce Industrial Investment Bonds to attract investors into industry, a new industrial credit scheme to provide medium-term finance for manufacturing companies and a tax allowance for investment in new technologies;
    • We will work in partnership with industry and put industry first. There will be a new Cabinet Industrial Policy Committee responsible for overseeing the development and implementation, in co-operation with industry, of a broad industrial strategy with long-term priorities;
    • We will encourage employers to take on more staff by a 25% cut in their National Insurance Contribution payments targeted on assisted areas and areas of high unemployment;
    • We will introduce a training incentive with rebates for companies who spend more money on training and contributions from those who do not provide it themselves; our new Department of Education and Training will monitor standards and turn youth training into a fully comprehensive, high quality vocational and educational programme for 16-19 years old;
    • We will increase the lamentably low funding of civil research and development, placing emphasis both on commercial exploitation of new technology using the British Technology Group, and on boosting basic scientific research; we would give greater support to European Community joint research programmes;
    • We will give more backing to exports using the Export Credit Guarantee Department and the Aid and Trade Provision (funded from the DTI) more effectively than the present Government has done in recent years because of its ambivalent attitude towards public sector support. We will press the European Community to take stern action against dumping. We will launch a more determined attack on unfair restrictions on our trade, including those imposed by Japan on a wide range of products and services and by the US on our high-technology exports;
    • We will insist on a strong competition policy to promote efficiency and give consumers a fair deal: the Office of Fair Trading will be strengthened and will take on the responsibilities of the Monopolies and Mergers Commission and companies seeking mergers will have to justify them; individuals and institutions will have power to seek redress in court against anti-competitive practices;
    • We will continue to judge whether industries should be in the public or private sector on objective criteria related to competition and efficiency. We opposed the privatisation of British Gas and British Telecom although we would not reverse it but instead concentrate on improving consumer choice and protection. We supported the privatisation of Rolls Royce. We would not privatise water authorities and the Central Electricity Generating Board on grounds of public policy relating to safety standards and care for the environment. We welcome the fact that British Steel is now operating profitably. We believe it should be retained as a single entity to withstand international competition and should be considered for privatisation providing its success can be maintained;
    • We will work with the people of the hard-hit regions to stimulate new economic activity and new prospects for jobs through regional development agencies. We will encourage the setting up of a local venture capital funds to finance new enterprise. We do not believe that government always knows best, so we will support local initiatives through appropriate fiscal and financial means.

    Backing Small Business

    We will build a partnership between government, entrepreneurs and investors to encourage new businesses and create new jobs. We will especially encourage small businesses, which will be a major motor of growth and employment in the 1990s.

    We will reduce the tax and administrative burdens on small businesses.

    We will promote the establishment of Small Firms Investment Companies to provide equity and loan finance.

    We will introduce a Bill to enable business to charge interest on overdue payment of bills, if they so wish.

    We will ensure that there are business start-up schemes and expansion schemes specifically geared to encouraging enterprise by women.

    We will ensure small businesses get their fair share of public contracts from both central and local government.

    We will encourage local public/private initiatives, such as the Enterprise Agencies, which we identified in our Worksearch Campaign.

    Industrial Investment Bonds

    We will introduce Industrial Investment Bonds to liberate many new and small businesses from the high cost of borrowing start-up capital.

    These bonds will help bridge the gap between the new businessman who needs access to low-cost funds and the investor, including individuals, who would like to back him or her provided the balance between risk and reward is reasonable. We will accordingly allow new and growing companies to raise funds through the issue of Industrial Investment Bonds which will pay interest free of tax to investors.

    A similar scheme is already providing a valuable kick-start for many new companies in the United States. Together with the Business Expansion Scheme, our Industrial Investment Bonds will give the next generation of businesses the most favourable climate ever to build up employment for the community and profits for themselves and their investors.

    We Will Promote Partnership

    For too long the industrial sector has been a battleground between opposing forces of capital and labour, instead of a mutually beneficial and equal partnership.

    We will legislate for employee participation but believe that flexibility must be allowed in working out the detail for employee councils at the place of work. These councils should have the information and the rights to enable them to contribute to strategic decisions; opportunity must be provided for participation at top level – for example by employee directors or a representative or supervisory council, or by directors elected by shareholders and employees jointly.

    We will encourage other forms of industrial participation, including co-operatives in which it is workers who hire capital and management skill; we will establish an Industrial Partnership Agency incorporating the Co-operative Development Agency to take a lead in this field.

    We will strengthen the law in relation to Directors’ statutory obligation to have regard to the interests of their employees as well as their shareholders; this should include a requirement to consult employees before making a recommendation in response to any take-over bids.

    We will extend incentives to employees’ share-ownership and profit-sharing which were introduced at Liberal insistence in 1987.

    We will encourage wider share ownership by a scheme which gives more people a direct tax incentive to become small investors;

    We have long been committed to trade union reform aimed at giving unions back to their members and we have taken the lead n promoting the extension of postal ballots and internal elections and have vigorously opposed pre-entry closed shops. Trades unions are an essential element in the protection of the employees’ interests, which is why we would return union recognition to GCHQ members. Our central aim is to make unions democratic and accountable and therefore entitled to positive rights including the right to recognition and the right to strike balanced by the acceptance of their responsibilities to their members, their industries and to the wider community.

    To reduce industrial conflict we support a system of referring disputes to independent arbitration prior to any industrial action. We will also encourage the establishment of freely negotiated strike-free agreements especially in the provision of essential public services.

    We will take action through equal opportunity and contract compliance policies to eliminate discrimination against ethnic minorities and women.

    We will actively promote measures that give employees with family responsibilities minimum rights to parental and family leave.

    AGRICULTURE

    The Alliance will promote a healthy farming industry. We must arrest the precipitous decline in farm incomes of recent years. Our policies for aligning supply and demand of agricultural produce are designed to secure fair returns for farmers’ efforts. Adequate price and income support is required to enable necessary farming adjustments to be made.

    We will join the exchange rate mechanism of the European Monetary System to lower interest rates, promote financial stability and prevent unfair discrimination against British farmers through over-valuation of the green pound.

    The Alliance will work to reform the CAP; the policy has achieved secure food supplies but has gone on unchecked to produce wasteful and hugely expensive surpluses. Many farmers who borrowed heavily on inflated land prices to meet production demands are now threatened with bankruptcy. The Alliance will secure the income of British family farms by negotiating adequate guaranteed prices for determined quantities of production, with additional quantities disposed at much lower floor intervention prices: a two-tier pricing system. An eligible tonnage for each member-state will be agreed to take into account the differing farm structures in the Community.

    We will seek a fairer share of milk quota for British producers and the retention of the right to quota transfer and leasing. Transfer of quotas through an agency would create a pool of quota to be administered by the Milk Marketing Board and would help small family farms.

    We are committed to supporting the less favoured areas, and ensuring that the upland beef and sheep industries are safeguarded through differential premia and retention of the sheepmeat regime.

    We shall increase Government support for effective marketing schemes for farm produce at home and abroad. Farm-based processing and marketing co-operatives will be assisted to retain more of the selling price of foodstuffs in rural communities.

    We will encourage conservation, the reduced use of chemical inputs, organic farming and less intensive methods of livestock production. The Government’s cuts in agricultural research, education and advice will be reversed. Special efforts will be devoted to lowering input costs. The Alliance will sponsor partnership between Government and industry to promote both research into new uses for farm produce which will help to sustain incomes and into the improvement of animal welfare.

    We will encourage farmers to diversify taking account of the needs of tenant farmers and other small family farms. We will make annual payments for the upkeep of important amenities such as walls, hedges, footpaths and meadows. We will provide further support for the custodianship of areas of environmental importance, and the encouragement of mixed forestry on the farm with establishment grants and annual payments for growers. We will propose clear guidelines for land use to assist diversification and to protect the countryside.

    The Alliance rejects proposals to rate farm land or buildings. We also reject the Government’s proposals for a poll tax which will apply to farmers and farm workers and, unlike Alliance proposals for local government income tax, is not based on the ability to pay.

    The Alliance wishes to support new entrants to the farming industry, and therefore proposes the retention of County Council smallholdings and the promotion of tax incentives to encourage landlords to let more land.

    We would promote local rural employment, including farm-based tourism, through properly funded rural development agencies and by means of a credit scheme which would provide working capital at low rates of interest to agricultural and rural industries.

    We will also encourage the establishment of a Credit Union (or Farm Bank) designed to help farmers secure finance at fair and reasonable rates.

    FISHING

    The Alliance in government will act to strengthen the contribution the fishing industry can make to the livelihood of rural communities.

    After many years of turmoil from the loss of traditional distant water fishing grounds and the protracted negotiations for a fair Common Fishing Policy, what British fishermen now need above all is stability to plan and invest for the future. We will:

    • Improve the conservation of fish stocks by the use of licensing and technical means that will safeguard stocks and decentralise the administration of quantitative controls so as to give fishermen greater responsibility for the management of necessary conservation measures with the flexibility to recognise regional differences.
    • Strengthen the European Community Inspectorate so as to achieve fair enforcement by all member-states.
    • We will support better vocational training, fish processing and marketing and export promotion under the co-ordination of the Seafish Industry Authority.
    • We would not impose light dues on fishing vessels.

    The Alliance believes that these policies will help to secure jobs, greater prosperity, greater fairness, and a sense of pride in the industries upon which our future depends.

    HEALTH AND COMMUNITY CARE

    The National Health Service is in a state of fundamental crisis and malaise. It is suffering shortages and declining standards. Our people are seeing their services cut, their waiting lists lengthened, and more and more needs going unmet. Unless a Government is elected again which is committed to the ideas and ideals of a National Health Service, one of the great achievements of 20th century civilised society could be in irreversible decline.

    We will back the National Health Service by increasing its budget so that by year five it will be £1 billion per annum higher than that planned by the Conservatives. Our Health Service was once the envy of the world: now the strains under which it is working are well known, and we are losing some of the best health professionals who can no longer do the job they were trained to do because of inadequate resources. We aim to restore a sense of pride in the Health Service and to give it a new sense of direction. Our priorities for change are:

    • to provide prompt medical treatment for those who need it, regardless of who they are or where they live. There are huge inequalities between and within regions of the country in availability of hospital treatment and family doctor services. We would set aside special funds – building on the recently introduced funds to cut waiting lists – to back good practice. The Conservative Government has increased prescription charges by 240% over the last eight years which is much higher than inflation. We will not increase prescription charges beyond the inflation rate;
    • to promote good health, not merely to treat illness. This means targeting resources in health education, promoting healthy eating, tightening up food labelling and facing up to the problems presented by smoking and alcohol abuse. We will ban advertising of tobacco products. Our policies to deal with unemployment, poverty and poor housing are crucial in reducing ill-health The primary health care team working with family doctors must be built up and their preventive work expanded. There should be more screening, including well-women clinics, with efficient follow-up for known risk groups;
    • to create a new innovation fund, to tackle inequalities in health care, improve the “cinderella services”, and to fund new developments and new priorities in health care; this will have an initial life of five years, with a budget which will total £250 million in the first three years. This will be in addition to money spent on creating new jobs caring in the community;
    • to make “care in the community” a reality. We are not prepared to see patients turned out of the old institutional hospitals without adequate facilities to care for them in the community. We want to support “carers” who look after elderly and handicapped people in their own families and their own homes. We intend to introduce a carers’ benefit, and we want carers to have more opportunities for a break from their responsibilities. However, we recognise that for some people good institutional care remains the best solution;
    • to strengthen patients’ rights, through statutory access for the individual to his or her own medical files, through more opportunities for patients to participate in decisions and through stronger community health councils;
    • to give real independence to the Health Education Authority;
    • to restructure the nursing profession along the lines proposed in Project 2000.

    In the longer term we want to see health authorities brought under democratic control at local level, but the NHS has suffered so many bouts of reorganisation under successive governments that for the moment the priority must be to let those running the service get on with the job.

    We would remove the centralising pressure to make all authorities do things in the same way, and we would leave authorities with more freedom to decide, for example, whether privatisation of services was likely to improve patient care or not; we would give these authorities more direct control over their budgets.

    We uphold the right of individuals to use their own resources to obtain private medical care, but we will not allow private medicine to exploit the NHS by using facilities at subsidised cost and we will work to end the delays which give rise to “queue-jumping” through private medicine.

    Right to Treatment

    No client of the NHS should have to wait longer than six months for hospital treatment. No-one should be kept waiting for years in pain, with unnecessary crippling disabilities for lack of a hospital bed. Patients should have the right to treatment in other authorities where there is spare capacity.

    The Alliance will work to ensure that every patient receives hospital treatment for routine operations within six months of referral by a GP. The backlog of people waiting is now of crisis proportions. We estimate it will take two years to reduce the maximum waiting time to one year. We aim to reduce this to within six months during our first term of office.

    To end long waiting lists District Health Authorities and Health Boards will be empowered to:-

    • Buy and sell hospital treatment from each other to obtain the best and quickest service;
    • Buy services from other Districts with surpluses. Selling services between DHAs would be a new incentive for good management practice rather than penalise success;
    • Pay travelling costs for patients who cannot afford transport out of their districts;
    • Appoint more hospital doctors and negotiate with consultants so that they give priority to their NHS waiting lists rather than on private practice;
    • Ensure an increased number of places in local hospitals for convalescence and community care to release beds for acute treatment.

    GPs will need to have full computerised information on waiting lists when they make their first referrals. There are already substantial funds within the NHS for computerisation and the Alliance will ensure all GPs can be linked to hospitals nation-wide.

    In consultation with the medical profession, we will draw up and regularly review a list of routine operations such as hip replacement for which all patients should expect treatment within our six month target.

    In consultation with District Health Authorities, we will agree allocations of extra resources, taking into account the numbers of patients from outside their area that Districts are already treating.

    The Vital Role of the Voluntary Sector

    In health and in many other fields of service the work of volunteers and voluntary organisations is vital: the Alliance sees no benefit in state monopoly, and welcomes the dedication, innovation and diversity which the voluntary sector can bring. We want a more stable framework for the voluntary organisations making them less dependent on short-term funding which can be misused by local councils and government departments as a means of exerting political control in the voluntary sector. We will:-

    • Expand opportunities for individual voluntary effort, giving young people, for example, the chance to volunteer full-time for a year without losing their social security entitlements and by linking existing voluntary groups with new initiatives;
    • Ensure that experience gained by volunteers is given proper accreditation to enable those without traditional qualifications to gain access to further and higher education;
    • Ensure adequate public core funding to enable voluntary organisations to take full advantage of tax concessions on payroll giving and individual donors;
    • Support services which advise voluntary organisations on how to develop their management skills and structures to ensure staff development and better service delivery;
    • Support and help to widen the network of Citizens Advice Bureaux, Law Centres and other legal advice services.

    ENDING POVERTY

    We can and will relieve many thousands of people from the burden of poverty.

    Poverty in Britain is getting worse. The Conservatives’ taxation and benefit policies have redistributed income from the poor to the rich, from people with dependent children to single people and childless couples, and from one group of the poor to another group of the poor. This is unjust and unacceptable. The Alliance will tackle poverty by targeting much higher benefits to those with the lowest incomes in relation to their needs. We will help families with children. We will improve benefits for the disabled and those caring for elderly and disabled relatives at home.

    Our proposals fall into two parts:

    • First, we will, over the first two years, improve the incomes of pensioners, families with children, the unemployed, disabled and carers. These improvements will be paid for in part from increasing public expenditure by a net £1.75 billion by the second year. The remainder will be paid for from increased tax revenues and from changes which will make the tax system fairer.
    • The second phase of our proposals will be a restructuring of the tax and benefits systems to create one integrated system which will be simpler and fairer.

    The Immediate Package

    PENSIONERS

    We intend to concentrate the bulk of extra spending on helping poorer pensioners with incomes on and just above the state retirement pension. We will increase the basic state retirement pension by £2.30 a week for a single person and £3.65 for a married couple. This will include the forecast update of the pension in 1988. For poorer pensioners we will introduce an additional benefit of £3.70 a week for single people and £5.75 for couples. This will increase the incomes of poorer pensioners in total by £6 per week (single person) and £9.40 per week (couple).

    We will introduce a Death Grant of £400, recoverable from the estate of the deceased, specifically designed to help pensioners with a small amount of savings feel confident that most of their, or their spouse’s, funeral costs will be covered by the Grant;

    We will require standing charges for gas, electricity and telephones to be abolished for everyone

    The £10 Christmas bonus has became hopelessly inadequate to meet the extra spending pensioners and widows face at Christmas.

    We will increase the bonus by paying a double pension in the first week of December. A single person will receive £39.50 and a married couple £63.25. The net cost will be £268 million.

    CHILD BENEFIT

    We will increase child benefit by £1 per child a week in the first year and by a further £1 per child a week in the second year.

    MATERNITY GRANT

    We will introduce a maternity grant of £150 for the first child born in every family and of £75 for the births of each subsequent child;

    FAMILIES IN WORK

    We will add £5 per week to the family credit due to be introduced in April 1968 as a replacement to family income supplement. These families will also gain from the extra child benefit. Unlike the Conservatives we will retain at this stage free school meals and milk for family credit recipients regardless of whether the families are in work or not; this will ensure equal treatment with families dependent on benefits.

    FAMILIES OUT OF WORK

    We will increase the family premium under the income support scheme by £5 per week and, in this first phase, we will increase the net amount per child received by income support families by £2 per child per week;

    SINGLE PARENTS

    We will increase the single parent premium for income support recipients by £1.10 a week, single parents will also benefit from the increased child benefit and, if their earnings are low, from the extra £5 on family credit. If they are not in paid employment they will benefit from higher family premium and the child additions.

    YOUNG PEOPLE

    The Conservatives’ benefit changes include setting a new low personal allowance for unemployed 18-24 year olds with a higher Personal Allowance for single people 25 and over. We do not support this discrimination based on age and we will abolish the 18-24 income support rate to ensure that all single people receive the same amount of benefit;

    LONG-TERM UNEMPLOYED

    We will establish a new premium under the income support scheme for the long-term unemployed without dependent children of £3.50 a week for a single person and £5 for a couple;

    SOCIAL FUND

    We will not place cash limits on the Social Fund and we will replace loans with grants. We will establish clear criteria of eligibility for special payments and a right of independent appeal and will ensure that the very poor receive extra money to cover heating costs;

    HOUSING BENEFIT

    We will not impose a 20% rates charge on those with very low incomes as the Conservatives plan to do from April 1988. We will not implement the Conservatives’ proposed cuts in the funding of Housing Benefit.

    The total gross cost of this immediate package over two years is £3.6 billion and the net cost is £1.75 billion, which will be met from our planned expansion of the economy. Part of the cost of the package will be met by changes to the tax system, and by starting to phase in independent taxation for married women.

    We will change the current personal tax allowances into a standard allowance worth the same value for all taxpayers and will not uprate the Married Man’s Tax Allowance. Pensioners’, Single Person’s and Wife’s Earned Income Allowances will continue to be uprated with inflation. We will confine Mortgage Tax Relief to the basic rate of tax, so that all taxpayers benefit equally from it at the same rate.

    PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES

    The biggest handicap faced by people with disabilities is the barriers put up by the rest of us to their participation in society. The Alliance therefore supports measures which reduce the physical and attitudinal obstacles faced by those with disabilities and which enable all to enjoy as many as possible of the opportunities which are often taken for granted by the able-bodied.

    We believe that the majority of people with disabilities wish to live an independent life in the community and in their own home. In support of this we will:-

    • speed up the full implementation of the Disabled Persons Act 1986;
    • increase the income of people with disabilities who are dependent on benefits by £3.50 per week and provide additional financial support through our tax and benefit proposals;
    • ensure that ‘care in the community’, policies are properly co-ordinated and funded, unlike the current situation which has been described by the Audit Commission as resulting in “poor value for money and unnecessary suffering”;
    • tackle discrimination against disabled people through our proposed new Bill of Rights and the Human Rights Commission;
    • support the voluntary organisations of and for disabled people and ensure that they are properly consulted on matters which affect them;
    • ensure that the needs of disabled people are taken into account in housing, public buildings and by public transport operators. We would expand support for the specialised transport which can often be the key to independent living for people with limited mobility;
    • improve the provision of education for those with special needs, in colleges as well as fl schools, backed by a National Advisory Committee.

    People Caring for Dependent Relatives

    We will legislate through the Carers’ Charter for carers’ needs. We will replace Invalid Care Allowance by a more generous Carers’ Benefit.

    We will seek to improve the position of people with disabilities in our society.

    The Second Stage

    The next stage will be to implement our structural changes to the tax and benefit systems. We will replace income support and family credit by a new basic benefit for those in or out of work. Basic benefit entitlement will be gradually reduced as income rises. Child benefit will be payable to all alike, whether they are in or out of work.

    We will introduce legislation to merge the tax and benefits systems, and employees’ NICs with income tax at a high threshold. These structural changes will not come into effect until the second Parliament.

    In the meantime we will continue to freeze the Married Man’s Tax Allowance, and this extra revenue will enable us further to improve benefits for families with children, people with disabilities and carers.

    Our Longer-Term Objectives

    We will reform capital taxation to encourage wider distribution of gifts and legacies;

    Wider tax relief for savings, including savings directly invested in small businesses, ending the artificial distinction between income from earning and income from investment;

    We would move towards an equal and flexible retirement age for men and women giving everyone the right to retire at any age from 60 to 70, with a reduced pension for those retiring below 65 but protection for women currently approaching retirement at 60;

    We will aim to restore the link between pensions and average earnings, broken by the present Government, which will become more feasible if our plans to achieve growth while restraining inflation are given the chance to succeed.

    EDUCATION: THE ESSENTIAL INVESTMENT

    We will increase investment in education and training by an additional £2 billion per annum beyond that planned by the Conservatives by the fifth year.

    Britain lags far behind our main industrial competitors in the proportion of our people who receive higher education, further education and skill training. Basic research is seriously underfunded. As a result, industry lacks the qualified and skilled people it needs, and individuals are not given the chance to develop their potential.

    We aim:

    • To widen access to education;
    • To raise standards in schools;
    • To increase research;
    • To provide more effective training and skills.

    Our schools are in turmoil. The decision of the two largest teachers unions to conduct a series of strikes in protest at the removal of their bargaining rights by the Teachers Pay and Conditions Act, means another term of disrupted education for the children of England and Wales, with especially serious consequences for those taking public examinations this summer. Many of these pupils have suffered repeated disruption of their schooling over the past three years; they are innocent victims of other people’s actions.

    To continue with the current Government’s present policy, which would deny to the teachers negotiating rights for the next three years, cannot create the mutual trust between the teachers, the local education authorities and the Secretary of State that is essential to improved morale in the profession. Without an improvement in morale, pledges of higher standards are in vain; higher standards in the schools can only be achieved by a committed self-respecting teaching profession.

    The teachers unions have been divided among themselves on pay and conditions. That is why the Alliance urged earlier this year in the House of Lords that an independent review body should put forward recommendations as a basis for negotiation. That was done by the Main Committee in Scotland; after an agreed settlement, disruption ceased in Scottish schools.

    The Alliance believes that the Government should make it clear that teachers pay and conditions would be imposed for the current settlement only; and that an independent review body would be established to make proposals on teachers’ pay and conditions as a basis of negotiation. We understand and sympathise with the teachers’ anger at the removal of their negotiating rights. We would restore them. But the action by the teachers unions should cease. It does nothing to achieve their aims. It is damaging pupils’ education, is alienating public opinion and undermining the standing of teachers in the community. It is in no-one’s interest that it continues.

    Investing in Quality

    A national programme for raising educational standards – The Alliance TEN POINT PLAN.

    • ENCOURAGING PROGRESS
      We will require all schools, both maintained and independent, to publish indicators showing progress in academic results related to intake and social factors such as community involvement, truancy, and delinquency.
    • SETTING GOALS
      We will ask each school to set targets for improvement – in the case of maintained schools, in consultation with their local education authority.
    • ASSISTING IMPROVEMENT
      We will institute ‘special inspections’ of all schools which regularly fall below a certain level in terms of progress achieved.
    • REWARDING EXCELLENCE
      We will institute an annual ‘Queen’s Award’ for schools, to be judged by an independent panel of experts, for outstanding progress, teaching and curriculum innovation and success.
    • PROMOTING PROFESSIONALISM
      We will establish ‘teacher fellowships’ as one year awards to outstanding teachers.
    • SPREADING TECHNOLOGY
      We will develop Information Technology Centres as resources of technological expertise in collaboration with local colleges, polytechnics and universities and computing.
    • ENRICHING EXPERIENCE
      We will initiate a pilot project of summer schools, targeted on inner city children, to enhance performance across the curriculum; we will approach independent schools to participate and make their facilities available for these summer schools.
    • BOOSTING NUMERACY
      We will inaugurate a national numeracy campaign, backed by advertising and television.
    • INVOLVING PARENTS
      We will launch pilot projects for parental involvement in schools.
    • EMPOWERING PARENTS
      We will establish a ‘code of good practice’ for local education authorities including:

      • Parents having a voice on education committees;
      • LEAs publishing their policies on home/school links;
      • LEAs appointing an advisory officer with special responsibility for developing a closer partnership with parents;
      • The training of parent governors.

    The Alliance Plans:

    • To create a united Department of Education, Training and Science, and put local education authorities in charge of much of the local training work of the MSC;
    • To restore negotiating rights to teachers and to create a General Teaching Council to enhance professional standards, which will also be supported by more in-service training and appraisal to ensure that good teachers do not have to leave the classroom to become administrators n order to achieve adequate rewards and status;
    • To raise standards in schools through increased resources for books and materials, doubling teacher training in shortage subjects such as maths, science and computing, through special funds for innovation, through a stronger Inspectorate and through a broad and balanced curriculum established by consensus providing for a core range of subjects to be studied by all pupils but allowing for local needs to be reflected and innovation to be tried.
    • To make available one year’s pre-school educational experience for all children;
    • To develop the potential of each young person by the wider use of profiles and records of achievement, by discouraging early specialisation by reforming the A-level examination so that it covers a wide range of subjects over the arts-science divide, by positive action to encourage girls to take up subjects previously dominated by boys, and by seeking to build on achievements rather than merely penalising failure;
    • To enable schools to have full charge of their own budgets, as the Alliance has done in Cambridgeshire, ensuring that a fully representative governing body is accountable for making the most effective use of the available money;
    • To get rid of artificial divisions at 16 by taking steps towards a single system of education and training allowances, replacing the present arrangements which make YTS schemes more financially attractive than further study;
    • To develop tertiary colleges where local conditions are appropriate;
    • A crash programme to overcome skills shortages, with an expansion of training and re-training facilities under the guidance of local education authorities, giving representation to trainees in the management of schemes;
    • A training incentive scheme to encourage employers to increase their commitment to training; companies spending above a certain quota on training would receive a rebate;
    • To enable the long term unemployed to take up vacant places on further and higher education courses without losing benefit, with the student able to leave the course immediately a job becomes available;
    • To widen access to further and higher education by an immediate restoration of benefits taken away by the Tories, plus a 15% phased real improvement in student support.
    • To recognise that education is a life-long process, and that more people need to return to it at different stages of life either to learn new skills or to acquire basic skills; we will seek to make access to higher and further education for mature students easier and to strengthen those institutions which are specifically geared to their needs; the European Social Fund should be widened to help in this area;
    • To guarantee a period of free further education based on Open University levels of funding for everyone over 1 e to be taken at a time of their choice;
    • To restore confidence in our Universities, Polytechnics and Colleges by according proper
    • recognition to their value and increasing so far as possible the resources available to them, by expanding scientific research, which has been severely cut, and widening access. We will increase the number of students by 20% over five years as a step towards our goal of doubling the proportion of our young people going in to higher education by the year 2000. The higher education sector would have a major part to play in our crash programme to overcome skill shortages; we intend to create a Higher Education Council to co-ordinate the planning of both sectors of higher education; we support corporate status for Polytechnics but oppose the Government’s plans to bring them under national control;
    • Improved education provision for those with special needs, in colleges as well as in schools, backed by a National Advisory Committee;
    • We recognise and would uphold the rights of those who wish to pay for independent education in the private sector. We would phase out the Assisted Places scheme without affecting pupils already in the scheme, so that money which has been diverted from the state system can once again be used to raise the standards in state schools. We believe that charitable tax reliefs in private education should only go to genuinely philanthropic activities, and would review the workings of charity law with that object in view. We will encourage greater co-operation between state and independent schools.

    An Alliance for Young People

    The Alliance seeks to give young people the opportunity to shape their own lives and play a full part in their community. Our policies are designed to provide a platform for young people to speak out and to increase their financial independence.

    • We will build on the YTS to turn youth training into a fully comprehensive, high quality vocational and educational programme for 16-19 year olds;
    • We will offer a job guarantee for our young people who have been unemployed for over a year;
    • Our “Rent-a-Room” scheme will help satisfy the need, particularly among single, young people, for rented accommodation and will make it easier for them to travel to seek work;
    • We will abolish the 18-24 income support rate so that all single people will receive the same rate of personal allowance;
    • We will review the duties of local authorities to house the homeless and in the first instance will aim to give 16-18 year olds leaving local authority care, a statutory right to be housed;
    • We will get rid of artificial divisions at 16 by taking steps towards a single system of education and training allowances, replacing the present arrangements which discourage young people from continuing in full time education;
    • We will restore student benefit entitlements, make a 15% phased real improvement in student support, increase the number of full time equivalent students by 140,000 (20%) in five years and double the number by the end of the century;
    • We will reduce the age of candidature to eighteen to enable young people to take a full part in local and central government.

    GREEN GROWTH

    There cannot be a healthy economy without a healthy environment.

    We will take proper care of our environment.

    Under an Alliance government every aspect of policy would be examined for its effect on our environment, which we hold in trust for future generations.

    We will ensure Britain takes the lead in promoting sustainable economic growth and investment in new technologies designed to remove pollution and thereby create new job opportunities.

    The Alliance will set up a new Department of Environmental Protection headed by a Cabinet Minister who will be responsible for environmental management, planning, conservation and pollution control, and promoting environmental policies throughout government. Among the priorities of this department will be:

    • Powerful disincentives to polluters based on tougher penalties and implementation of a polluter pays” principle for cleaning up the damage backed by support for good practice;
    • The safest possible containment and disposal for industrial waste, with recycling wherever feasible;
    • Clean Air legislation setting new standards, with tough measures to deal with acid rain and an acceleration of the phasing out of lead in petrol;
    • Introducing a statutory duty for both private and public sector companies to publish annual statements on the impact of their activities on the environment and of the measures they have taken to prevent, to reduce and eliminate their impact;
    • Protection of the green belt round our cities.

    The Alliance is opposed to privatisation of the water authorities, which would hand over vital environmental responsibilities affecting rivers, sewerage, water quality, pollution control and fisheries to private hands. These functions should be restored to democratic control.

    Energy and the Environment

    We will institute an energy policy which meets the needs of industry and the domestic consumer and has full regard to the environment. Britain is in a better position than many other countries to do this because of the natural assets we have. Alliance energy policy avoids dependence on any single source of supply and is based on:

    • More prudent use of our oil and gas resources so that they are not depleted too quickly;
    • Continued modernisation and development of the coal industry, including new coal-fired power stations with measures to prevent acid rain and more help to areas affected by pit closures; the power to license coal mines would be transferred from British Coal to the Department of Energy to prevent abuse of monopoly;
    • Much more research and development work on renewable energy sources, including wind, solar, wave and geothermal energy; we will vigorously pursue proposals for tidal barrages such as those suggested for the Severn and the Mersey, subject to taking the environmental impact into account;
    • Far more effort into energy efficiency and conservation, including higher standards of insulation in homes and encouragement of Combined Heat and Power schemes; nevertheless there will need to be a programme of replacement and decommissioning for power stations which are reaching or have reached the end of their design lives.

    Existing capacity and planned coal-tired power stations are enough to meet our needs for some time to come and we see no case for proceeding with a PWR at Sizewell or other nuclear power stations at the present time. Safety must come first and after Chernobyl there is clearly a need for a wider investigation into the safety of nuclear power, and there is also a need for a thorough and independent review of the economics of nuclear power generation.

    We will continue research into nuclear fission power including research into the fast breeder reactor which may be needed if renewable resources prove to be less viable than we believe. We remain committed to the Joint European Torus (Jet) nuclear fission project.

    There is a serious problem concerning the disposal of nuclear waste, and further studies will be commissioned to solve the problem as satisfactorily as possible. We do not believe that this critical matter should be rushed and therefore advocate on-site storage until suitable methods which have proved to be safe are available.

    We would abide by the international convention (the London convention) which prohibits marine dumping of nuclear waste.

    The environment is under particular stress in two areas: the cities and the countryside. The Alliance is determined to protect and improve the quality of life in both.

    Improving the Quality of Life in the Inner Cities

    Our cities are in danger of changing from having been centres of initiative and activity in the past into industrial deserts, pessimistic about their future. The division and bitterness in Britain that Conservative neglect in central government and Labour control in local government have brought about are seen at their worst in our major cities.

    Urban neighbourhoods need to be no less distinct and individual than rural communities but the Labour and Conservative attitude has been to regard the city and particularly the inner city as one huge problem area and as a battleground for the class struggle. Those who live there know better and are appalled at the damage inflicted on the close, caring communities of the past.

    The Alliance believes that the strong city cannot survive without strong neighbourhoods. We have confidence in the ability of those who live in the inner city to renew their own communities, but they must be given the political and economic tools to do the job. Too many of the people who serve the inner cities in professional jobs live in suburbs remote from local problems.

    Through a partnership of the public and private sectors we would invest in housing, schools and the infrastructure to encourage those who work in the inner cities to live there.

    We will make attractive residential accommodation available and closer to the city centre to end the twilight ghettos that assist the mugger and the burglar.

    We will support opportunities for local people to work in their own community, to establish new businesses through local enterprise agencies and to train for needed skills.

    The Alliance will use the Urban Programme to establish community centres, enhance voluntary groups and assist tenants to manage their own estates.

    We will promote the establishment of elected Neighbourhood Councils with statutory parish status, where there is clear demand.

    Genuine law and order depends on communities supporting the police in preventing crime and being confident enough to end the anonymity on which criminal activity thrives.

    Renewing our cities and enabling urban communities to develop a real sense of stability and security is the only sound way of preventing and detecting crime.

    Protecting and Enhancing Our Countryside

    The Alliance seeks to provide better opportunities for those who live and work in the countryside, to check decline and depopulation, (especially of young people), to support small businesses and to encourage self-help solutions to rural problems.

    Our agricultural policies are designed to allow farmland to remain in use rather than being set aside. However, our planning strategy will allow for alternative land use which is in keeping with, and makes a sensitive contribution to the local rural economy.

    • We will give strong support to the Development Commission and COSIRA, in their efforts to promote local enterprise and to re-use existing buildings for these purposes. In regions where Development Agencies are set up they will promote a co-ordinated approach to the rural economy. Rural areas with severe economic problems should be designated to receive aid from the European Community regional fund;
    • We will encourage imaginative schemes to maintain essential facilities in the countryside such as rural transport, village schools, call boxes and sub-post offices, all of which have been threatened under the Conservatives; nationalised industries and privatised monopolies such as British Telecom should be placed under stronger obligations to recognise rural needs;
    • We will conserve our heritage of buildings;
    • National Parks, areas of outstanding natural beauty and green belts should be fully protected, with those who live and work in these areas having a full, democratic voice in planning policies and recognition given of the added problems they face;
    • Forestry policy should place more emphasis on broad-leaved species, and larger scale afforestation should be subject to a special system of planning controls;
    • We oppose the privatisation of the Forestry Commission.

    BETTER HOUSING

    Home Start

    Owning a home of one’s own is most people’s dream but not everyone can afford the high cost of taking the first step. We will open the door to home-ownership for thousands more the young and the not-so-young – to enable them to cope with the initial problem, buying a home, when their resources are most stretched.

    We will build on and considerably improve the existing Capital Home Loan Scheme with a tax credit of up to £1,000 for every new buyer. This will give first time buyers the benefit of lower monthly repayments at the start of their mortgages.

    All those eligible will have average incomes for the two previous years not exceeding £20,000 (joint) or £10,000 (single). A ceiling will be worked out, region by region, on the price of the home purchased, so as to exclude people rich enough to buy very expensive homes. We estimate this will cost around £50 million per annum once the scheme is fully underway.

    We will abolish Stamp Duty on house purchases for everyone participating in “Home Start”. Stamp Duty now stands at 1% on purchases priced at above £30,000. Abolition would be worth at least £300 and could in the south-east be worth £500 to a first-time buyer.

    We will take action to deal with homelessness and bad housing. Housing is a vivid example of the Conservatives’ cynicism. The Government decided the narrow rules restricting local housing powers, cut back the capital sums available and is now blaming the local housing authorities for the housing crisis such national decisions cause. In particular the restriction of spending on housing to only 20% of the money coming to local authorities from capital sales makes no financial or social sense. We will remove the restriction.

    • We will tackle the problem of homelessness;
    • We will give tenants more control over their environment and more choice;
    • We will provide more choices for private tenants;
    • We will give the elderly and disabled more opportunities to move to more suitable housing or to adapt their present homes;
    • We will stop housing problems from restricting economic opportunities – it is no use getting “on your bike” to find work if the only available jobs are in places where there is no affordable housing accommodation;
    • We will require each housing authority to draw up a housing strategy to determine what are the areas of need and how they can best be met working with voluntary organisation, housing associations, building societies and the private sector, as Alliance groups on local councils are already doing;
    • We will open up a new ‘partnership’ sector of rented housing funded by building societies and institutions with a central government contribution to keep rents at reasonable levels; these schemes would be run by their tenants as co-operatives with the support of local councils and Housing Associations. In the long run we want public support for housing costs to be even-handed between those who rent and those who buy;
    • We will target our housing assistance on those who most need it. We will promote mortgage schemes which can open up home ownership to a wider variety of people, such as index-linked mortgages and shared ownership; we will improve the availability of home improvement grants to homeowners to maintain the fabric of their properties for the benefit of the whole community;
    • We will retain the right to buy. We also wish to give local authorities enough discretion to deal with local housing shortages. Parliament must ensure that limits are set on such discretion to ensure that it is not used to deny the right to buy to tenants in general, and that anyone who is precluded from buying his or her present home is given the opportunity to buy another property on comparable terms through portable discounts;
    • We would restore to councils the right to spend the proceeds of council house sales on replacing and repairing housing stock;
    • We will insist on higher design standards in public housing, more and greater recognition of the contribution that good community architecture can make to the quality of life and we want investment directed at improving existing properties wherever justified rather than demolition;
    • We will incorporate rights for council tenants to control and improve their houses in a statutory tenants’ charter;
    • We will set up a national mobility scheme covering all sectors of housing;
    • Once more homes are available because of the Alliance’s housing strategy, we will extend the statutory duty of local authorities to provide for the homeless, phasing in extensions to the 1977 act beginning with single people over 40 and young aged 16-18 leaving care or who are otherwise homeless.

    Rent-A-Room

    There is a desperate need for rented accommodation, particularly for single people and couples. There are millions of owner-occupied houses and council houses in Britain with spare rooms.

    Many are deterred from renting by the present rentals red tape. Another crucial factor is to make it easier for people to travel to seek work. We will act to enable owner-occupiers and council tenants wishing to let a room in their own home to do so more easily, and to their financial advantage.

    Rental income up to £60 per week will not be subject to income tax or capital gains tax.

    We will legislate to invalidate clauses in mortgage contracts or local authority letting contracts that prohibit such lettings.

    Re-possession of such rooms will be made easier.

    The “Rent-a-Room” scheme will be restricted to owner-occupier, council tenants, or tenants of housing associations, letting a maximum of two rooms in their home.

    The rent will be determined by the market, but only rental income up to a total of £60 per week will be disregarded by the Inland Revenue.

    We will legislate to impose a duty on local authorities to issue and regularly review licences to approved agencies, such as housing associations, housing aid centres, or commercial agencies, in their area to operate the scheme. Such agencies will enter into contracts with both landlord and tenant, and will be responsible to the landlord for ending any tenancy arrangement within a fortnight. Court procedures will be speeded up to ensure that possession in all genuine cases is obtainable in that time.

    The “Rent-a-Room” scheme will benefit many people.

    First, it will help single people and couples, particularly the young, and those moving in order to get work to find suitable accommodation, where at the moment it is both scarce and expensive.

    Second, it will help owner-occupiers, including elderly people, to increase their income, to assist with mortgage repayments or with the maintenance for their homes; it should help some young families to be able to afford to become home owners for the first time.

    Home Income Plan

    For many elderly people their only capital is their home and they do not have a regular income. Elderly home owners on low incomes, in fact, are becoming one of the most deprived sections of the community. The proportion in low standard homes is double that of the population as a whole and many others in good homes are short of spending money.

    To enable Britain’s elderly home owners to live more comfortable, independent and happier lives we will introduce a tax-assisted Home Income Plan. It will significantly increase their income or provide money for essential house expenses and repairs.

    The Home Income Plan will enable them, if they choose, to unlock the capital value of their homes to meet their need for more income now

    They will be able to take out a mortgage on part of the value of the house and use it to buy an annuity providing regular income. The interest on the loan will be added to the capital sum so that neither interest nor capital need be repaid during the borrower’s lifetime.

    Although several leading building societies and life assurance companies offer home income plans at present, they are of limited value because the interest has to be paid gross after the death of the borrower. Yet tax relief is allowed if the borrowers reduce their income by repaying the interest during their lifetime. Neither method gives really fair value and so only 25,000 home income plans have been taken out.

    We will make Home Income Plans a really worthwhile benefit for older people by allowing them to postpone the interest payments and qualify for tax relief when the interest is finally repaid. This could, on life assurance industry calculations give an 80% boost to the income of a woman in her 70’s.

    Tax relief for pensioners aged 70 or over who take out Home Income Plans would cost less than £40 million, assuming a 70% take-up. The cost would take time to build up and would not be incurred all at once.

    TRANSPORT

    We will maintain public transport.

    Wider car ownership has improved the quality of life and enhanced the freedom of millions of people, which we welcome; at the same time, transport policy has to deal with the problems of congestion and road safety, which arise from busier roads, and has to ensure adequate public transport for those who do not have access to a car, including many women, young people and the elderly. While so many people have greater freedom of travel than ever before, significant minorities now have significantly less opportunity to travel than previously, especially in rural areas and some outlying housing estates.

    The Alliance believes that:

    • Deregulation of bus services under the Conservatives was botched. Bus services could only survive if they paid for themselves, leaving many elderly people and single-parent families isolated in their own homes. The Alliance supports comprehensive competitive tendering for a network of necessary bus services, with local councils involved in planning and financing them. This combines greater enterprise and new ideas with more care for deprived groups and areas. Local councils and transport authorities should use their subsidy powers to ensure that essential services are maintained and that public transport in cities is attractive enough to reduce congestion resulting from commuting by car;
    • We will undertake a major renewal of road, rail and port infrastructure as part of our programme of measures to tackle unemployment; we will build more by-passes and a designated national heavy lorry network to get more of the vehicles out of the towns, villages and residential areas;
    • We will support investment in our rail network both to encourage the transfer of freight from road to rail and to ensure that the nations and regions of Britain all share in the economic advantages of the Channel fixed link.

    The Conservative Government has presided over a decline in our merchant fleet which threatens our national economic and security interest. We would entrust the lead role in co-ordinating maritime policy to a senior member of the Cabinet; and we would seek to help the industry through the present crisis by positive financial support and a determination to ensure fair play in world shipping markets.

    ARTS, BROADCASTING AND RECREATION

    We will ensure that people have the opportunity to enjoy the arts and physical recreation and to develop their own potential through these activities. To help achieve this aim we will double arts funding within the lifetime of one Parliament.

    The Alliance will set up a unified Ministry, headed by a Cabinet Minister, to have responsibility for the arts, broadcasting, films, publishing, leisure and recreation – these activities are at present scattered amongst Ministries within which they are of minor significance and are subject to control rather than enhancement;

    We will further decentralise funding for the arts, channelling it through enhanced regional arts associations and the Scottish and Welsh Arts Councils;

    Wherever possible we will replace grants with endowment trusts providing greater stability and independence for the arts with a mix of public and private funding;

    We will co-operate with artists to achieve better deals through stronger copyright and public lending right laws;

    We regard the BBC World Service, the British Council and the provision of educational facilities for overseas students as very effective cultural ambassadors and we will ensure that increased funds are available to carry out that task;

    We will secure the maximum access to sports facilities for the whole community.

    ANIMALS

    We will strengthen the protection of animals.

    A civilised society treats animals with care and compassion. An Alliance Government will therefore set up an Animal Protection Commission which will considerably improve control over the welfare of animals in laboratories, farms, zoos, slaughter houses and circuses, as well as domestic and wild animals, and at a reduced cost, by unifying all existing Government responsibilities in this field. The Commission will be given extensive powers to advise, inspect and enforce legislation, and to review the effectiveness of existing legislation to deal with cruelty, in particular police entry powers and the power of the courts. The Commission will include fair representation from animal welfare organisations as well as users.

    BRITAIN, EUROPE AND THE WORLD

    The Alliance will ensure that Britain’s foreign and defence policies help to bring a fairer and safer world. The things we want to achieve n our own country will not be possible unless we co-operate with other countries to achieve a fairer and safer world. Our concern that people should have basic human rights and a decent life cannot stop at the Channel. The huge public support for famine relief, the vigorous public debates on peace and defence and the public compassion for those suffering from oppression in many parts of the world refute the narrow-minded view that world affairs are not an election issue in Britain.

    Our Aims

    The Alliance is firmly internationalist. Opportunities for international co-operation have been thrown away by the Governments of the post-war years, when Britain needed to develop a new role and new relationships in a changed world.

    We see the future of the United Kingdom as being bound up with the future of the European Community. As an enthusiastic and committed member of that Community Britain can significantly influence political and economic decisions.

    Britain is also a member of the Commonwealth and should be using that position to develop concerted policies on eradicating hunger and on issues such as South Africa and Namibia, yet Mrs. Thatcher has made such agreement impossible and treats respected Commonwealth leaders with disdain.

    Britain should take the lead in seeking international agreement on selective, targeted sanctions, backed by help for the Front Line States, as a means of increasing the pressure for an end to apartheid n South Africa.

    Britain should have a sufficiently mature relationship with the United States for the British Prime Minister to make clear where British foreign policy departs from that of the President of the day. The British Prime Minister should disavow such ventures as the bombing of Libya and support for the Contras, as so many Americans do, rather than allying with the most conservative forces in the White House.

    On defence and disarmament, Britain should be firmly committed to the achievement of multilateral disarmament and firm in our acceptance of our responsibility towards collective security through NATO: the Alliance rejects the one-sided approach which characterises both the escalation of our present nuclear capacity through Trident and Labour’s decision to remove all nuclear weapons from British soil without securing the removal of those weapons which could threaten us.

    The Alliance believes that Britain should take a lead in seeking international efforts to tackle the basic problems of the poorest countries of the world, particularly the burden of debt which is crippling their efforts to feed their own people and the need to get a fairer system of international trade which is not biased against the poorer countries.

    Europe

    The European Community must be the basis of a united Europe which has common policies on trade, technology and social policy, and encourages Europe’s scientific and industrial development. We believe Labour’s negative attitude to the European Community, and the obstructiveness of Mrs. Thatcher’s Government, not least in vetoing the proposed European Community programme for co-ordinated research and development, is short-sighted and unconstructive. In a world of super-powers, Europe has to speak with a united voice.

    The Alliance would:-

    • Ensure fair elections to the European Parliament by proportional representation to give proper rights to the people of this country;
    • Seek reform of the Community’s political institutions so that the bureaucracy is properly accountable to the European Parliament, and that the Council of Ministers shares power effectively with the Parliament;
    • Work for reform of the Common Agricultural Policy so that it no longer dominates the Community budget, and to develop Community policies on regional development, social and employment issues;
    • Support European initiatives to put effort and resources into developing advanced technology; we would accept the negotiated European Community co-ordinated research and development programme;
    • Make it easier for companies to sell throughout Europe;
    • Extend the common rights of citizenship in Europe.

    Global Co-operation

    An Alliance Government will:

    • Increase British support for the United Nations, develop its capacity for peacekeeping, restore Britain’s membership of UNESCO and increase British backing for the UN agencies such as the High Commission for Refugees;
    • Develop Commonwealth and European co-operation on a wide range of issues, including sanctions against South Africa designed to increase pressure for an end to apartheid and peaceful change before war becomes inevitable; we are also determined to end South Africa’s illegal occupation of Namibia;
    • Increase efforts through international co-operation to deal with the threat of terrorism.

    Peace and Security

    We will promote disarmament while maintaining sound defence.

    Everything we prize most highly could be threatened by the destruction of our freedom through armed intervention or threat, or by the destruction of a world which now contains a massive arsenal of nuclear weapons. But at long last there is now an opportunity to halt the arms race. The Alliance is determined to combine sound defence against any possible threat with determined efforts to reduce and even remove the massive nuclear stockpile, which causes increasing anxiety to the peoples of the world. New opportunities for arms agreements are being opened up by the changed priorities of a new Soviet leadership: we cannot afford to assume that this new and welcome trend in Moscow will continue unchecked, but at this delicate and hopeful stage it is vital that we have a British Government determined to seize the opportunity to drive sensible bargains on arms control which are secure because they are seen on each side as being realistic. Britain cannot defend itself or the values of western democracy alone, just as it cannot achieve international disarmament solely by its own actions: both the other Parties have chosen in different ways to ignore the reality that our defence and disarmament efforts are interdependent with those of other countries.

    The Alliance is committed to NATO, and we accept the obligations of NATO, including the presence of Allied bases and nuclear weapons on British soil on the basis of clear arrangements for a British veto over their operations including where appropriate, dual-key systems; we believe it is essential to strengthen the European contribution to NATO.

    The Alliance welcomed the outline agreement discussed at Reykjavik to remove all intermediate nuclear weapons from Europe, and Mr Gorbachev’s later acceptance that such a deal should not be linked to the future of the US Strategic Defence Initiative; The Alliance believes that this must be only the first, vital step in a continuing process which will include both shorter-range nuclear weapons and conventional forces.

    The Alliance would withdraw UK support for President Reagan’s Strategic Defence Initiative, which clearly involves breaching the ABM Treaty, is destabilising and is likely to lead to further escalation.

    We will seek to revive negotiations on a Comprehensive Test Ban. In the meantime Britain should itself ban nuclear weapons testing and should encourage the US to do likewise.

    We would seek a battlefield-nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Europe extending 150km in each direction from the East-West divide.

    We believe that NATO relies too heavily on nuclear weapons at all levels for deterrence. A strengthened European pillar, involving effective defence co-operation and improved conventional strength would better enable Western Europe to move towards the elimination of dependence on first use of nuclear weapons. NATO should adopt strategies and weapons which are more self-evidently defensive in intent and which are concerned with minimum deterrence.

    We want to see a new initiative achieve Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions and we would be prepared to include Britain’s nuclear weapons in disarmament negotiations.

    We would continue Britain’s efforts to achieve a multilateral treaty prohibiting the manufacture, development and possession of chemical weapons. In the meantime, we would oppose any manufacture of fresh stocks of chemical or biological weapons.

    In government we would maintain, with whatever necessary modernisation, our minimum nuclear deterrent until it can be negotiated away, as part of a global arms negotiation process, in return for worthwhile concessions by the USSR which would enhance British and European security. In any such modernisation we would maintain our capability in the sense of freezing our capacity at a level no greater than that of the Polaris system. We would cancel Trident because of its excessive number of warheads and megatonnage, high cost and continued dependence on US technology. We would assign our minimum deterrent to NATO and seek every opportunity to improve European co-operation on procurement and strategic questions.

    We would seek to reduce the flow of arms to areas of conflict and to ensure that arms from Britain are not supplied to repressive regimes, particularly for their internal security operations.

    Shared Earth

    The Alliance will:-

    • Increase the share of Britain’s GNP which goes in development aid, which has gone down from 0.52% to 0.33% under the Conservatives, so that we reach the UN target of 0.7% by the end of a five-year Parliament;
    • Concentrate aid on raising the living standards of the poorest through more rural development, environmentally sustainable resource use, promotion of self-sufficiency, recognition of the role of women, appropriate technology, training and education, making full use of experience and expert voluntary agencies;
    • Seek to increase awareness of development issues through more resources being devoted to development education;
    • Change the situation in which many poor countries pay more in debt repayments to rich countries than they receive in aid by seeking international agreement on debt rescheduling and cancellation;
    • Combine the Aid-Trade Provision and the Overseas Development Administration’s “soft-loan” facility with the Overseas Projects division of the Department of Trade and Industry and the Export Credit Guarantee Department into one division of the DTI – help to British industry will no longer be taken from the aid budget.

    CONCLUSION

    The Alliance came into being to achieve these things. From three sources came the political ideas and momentum which are now carrying the Alliance forward. One was Liberalism, a long and honoured political tradition from which we draw not only the philosophy of individual freedom but also a record of achievement in the establishment of the modern welfare state and the championing of local communities. The SDP combines a commitment to social justice and ending poverty with a dynamic approach to wealth creation and its leaders have extensive experience of government. A third element, which has ensured that the strength of the Alliance is infinitely greater than the sum of its parts, is the support of those who have never before been members of a political party, because no party seemed to offer them the chance to realise their aims. Their numbers continue to grow.

    The Alliance is therefore different. It involves two political parties working together, and taking along with them the great mass of people who are dissatisfied with the politics of recent years, the kind of politics which is so dismally displayed in the shouting match of the House of Commons at Prime Minister’s Question Time. All political parties involve compromises between different views and different strands of opinion – the Labour and Conservative parties each embrace an enormously wide range of opinion. But for them the spirit of compromise, if it operates at all, has to be concealed, kept within the party and denied in public. We make no secret of the fact that our programme draws on the ideas of our two parties and that we are keen to work together to achieve shared goals. Like the others we seek to put our entire programme forward for endorsement and to form a majority Alliance Government, but unlike the others the whole approach of the Alliance underlines our belief that if we are in a balanced Parliament we must heed the message of the voters and work with the other parties to seek an agreed programme which commands the widest possible support.

    The Alliance is different also because it is not the voice of any one section or interest. It is not paid for and controlled by the trade union movement, as is the Labour party, and it does not have the massive dependence which the Conservatives have on the City and big business. These links make each of the other parties powerless to reform their own institutional backers and incapable of understanding or winning the confidence of their institutional opponents. The Alliance has a capacity to be fair which is based on its independence and on the breadth of its support, typified by the fact that we have been able to win by-elections in the heart of the countryside in a former Conservative stronghold in Ryedale and in a former Labour stronghold in Greenwich, both seats now held by Liberal and SDP women MPs.

    The Alliance is different in another respect. It is not merely seeking to become the elected government of the country, but to overhaul the system of government so that all future governments, of whatever party, are based on real public consent and full participation in an open society. Our intention is not simply to get into the driving seat but to re-design the vehicle. Once the Alliance has reformed the voting system, no future government will be awarded the power of a majority without the support of a majority of the people, and no kind of extremism, whether of the left or of the right, will be able to get in through the back door. Not only that – if we find ourselves exercising power in a Parliament with no overall majority, we guarantee that we will use that power to block extremism and to fight for the kind of reforms which make sure that governments cannot push people around and individuals have the opportunity and the means to achieve their full potential.

    The Alliance is different too, in its belief about the nature of society. Our aim is a civilised society in which individual freedom goes hand-in-hand with care for others. Individual freedom is central to our beliefs, but if it is not accompanied by social responsibility it becomes freedom only far those who can afford it, or the survival of the fittest. But when society as a whole tries to meet human needs it must respect individual choice and be aware of the dangers and limitations of state provision, otherwise there will be no freedom, and public services will be both inhuman and inefficient. Declining public services and the inhuman scale of organisations like the DHSS and the big council housing departments have contributed to a widespread feeling of apathy and despair, and many young people in particular feel that this society has no place for them and does not want to listen to them. Government must work in partnership with people, enabling them to use their own organisations, their own local communities and their own skills, and giving them effective democratic control over those services which can only be provided by the community as a whole. Our society is one that recognises that the arts are not an optional extra, to be grudgingly afforded when the economy is booming, but play an essential part in meeting the wider needs of individuals and in broadening the vision of communities. Our aim is a society in which values other than the purely economic are recognised and valued. Our society is one that recognises the importance of the environment in which we live – even those who are successful do not want to live in a shoddy society whose values are dominated by greed and selfishness. We recognise the crucial need to live in harmony with our environment and we will support those developments in our industrial and social activities which are environmentally enhancing and benign. We aim to join the nations which lead the field in environmental protection instead of trailing amongst the last,

    The Alliance is also different in being concerned about both unemployment and inflation. The Conservative Party concentrates all its attention on inflation and ignores unemployment and its consequences. The Labour Party concentrates all its attention on unemployment and ignores the fact that increased inflation undermines expansion and inevitably puts brakes on efforts to get people back to work. We must have sustainable growth. That is why our proposals for expanding the economy are accompanied by plans for an incomes strategy and for a firm monetary and exchange rate discipline through entry to the exchange rate mechanism of the European Monetary System. But in the long term we will only succeed if we give the top priority to industry. The service and manufacturing sectors of industry are mutually dependent, but manufacturing industry has been devastated in recent years. We believe it is the engine of growth and our competitors in Japan, in Germany and in the US demonstrate that only too well,

    Much of what the Alliance wants to do to ensure basic standards in the public services and to encourage people to find new ways of caring for one another depend on achieving success through our economic and industrial policies, which are designed to enable us to achieve greater prosperity. Some of what we want to do will have to wait until we have earned the resources with which to do it. We are not prepared to enter an electoral auction seeing who can make the largest bids to spend money which is not there and will not be there unless taxes and borrowing are increased to unreasonable and imprudent levels. Investment in industry and particularly in new and high technology industry is the key to creating the wealth we all want. We deplore the way in which windfall benefits such as oil revenues and the proceeds from privatisation have been frittered away instead of being used to enhance the basic fabric of our society.

    The other parties know that the Alliance is different, and they fear it, even to the extent of burying their own fundamental disagreements with each other so as to co-operate against us. In the House of Commons they have voted together against electoral reform, and against some of the measures designed to put trades unions fully under the control of their members. They work with each other in an attempt to preserve the appearance of a two-party system long after it is dead: Conservatives carefully protect Labour’s privileges in the House of Commons to ensure that latterly only Labour and Conservative working peers have been appointed to the Lords, in vain hope of silencing the Alliance voice. We do not rule out the possibility that after the next election there could be an informal “Lab-Con pact” to keep the Alliance out, as there has been on several local councils: it would be the old parties way of attempting to stagger on as if nothing had happened after the two-party system had suffered a shattering defeat. Indeed we believe that Labour and Conservative supporters should now be asking their candidates “In a balanced Parliament will you work with the Alliance or with our traditional opponents?”

    That is why our prime aim is an Alliance majority government, an aim that can certainly be realised at this election. Indeed, such are the absurdities of the voting system that quite small increases in Alliance support can make the difference between fifty Alliance seats and three hundred. If we get that majority we will at once set out to reform the system which produced it. Our commitment to fair elections is clear. We are the only political grouping who, if given a majority, would use that majority power forthwith to reform the system under which we gained it. But we will also be able to get on with the job of bringing down unemployment while managing the economy on a sound basis so as to prevent inflation from increasing dramatically again. We will be able to embark on immediate improvements in basic services like education and health, while we open the way to the longer-term proposals in these and other fields which will give people more chance to realise their full potential and build a caring community. We will be able through our tax and benefit proposals to improve the lot of those who now find themselves on or near the poverty line. We will be able to make the conservation of the environment a priority of government, and pay special attention to the needs of cities and countryside. We will be able to house many of the homeless through more imaginative housing policies involving partnership between public and private housing. We will pursue policies on defence and foreign affairs which will make Britain a force for good in the world, recognising our interdependence with other nations.

    All this is possible, and our Joint Programme sets out the main steps we will take. These aims and values are also a clear guide to the way we would use the power we had if no party had an overall majority. We would insist that the views of the substantial section of the electorate who had voted for us went into the process by which the programme of a new government was decided. If other parties seek to cheat the electorate of that right, we shall seek to bring the matter back before the voters as soon as possible. We are not prepared to see the views of so many voters ignored any longer.

    Alongside this Programme for Government the Alliance is publishing manifestos for Scotland and Wales, setting out our policies on those issues which we believe should be dealt with by devolved power.

    An Election of Opportunity

    We believe that our priorities are right, that our proposals are practical and that our values are those which are most urgently needed in the government of this country. We make no claim to have a monopoly on good ideas. We seek from the voters the chance to give back to them the power and the opportunities which are rightly theirs. Their time has come.

  • General Election Manifestos : 1983 SDP-Alliance

    General Election Manifestos : 1983 SDP-Alliance

    The 1983 SDP-Alliance party manifesto.

    PROGRAMME FOR GOVERNMENT

    The General Election on June 9th 1983 will be seen as a watershed in British politics. It may be recalled as the fateful day when depression became hopelessness and the slide of the post-war years accelerated into the depths of decline. Alternatively it may be remembered as the turning point when the people of this country, at the eleventh hour, decided to turn their backs on dogma and bitterness and chose a new road of partnership and progress.

    It is to offer real hope of a fresh start for Britain that the Alliance between our two parties has been created. What we have done is unique in the history of British parliamentary democracy. Two parties, one with a proud history, and one born only two years ago out of a frustration with the old system of politics, have come together to offer an alternative government pledged to bring the country together again.

    The Conservative and Labour parties between them have made an industrial wasteland Out of a country which was once the workshop of the world. Manufacturing output from Britain is back to the level of nearly 20 years ago. Unemployment is still rising and there are now generations of school-leavers who no longer even hope for work. Mrs Thatcher’s government stands idly by. hoping that the blind forces of the marketplace will restore the jobs and factories that its indifference has destroyed. The Labour Party’s response is massive further nationalisation, a centralised state socialist economy and rigid controls over enterprise. The choice which Tories and Socialists offer at this election is one between neglect and interference. Neither of them understands that it is only by working together in the companies and communities of Britain that we can overcome the economic problems which beset us.

    Meanwhile the very fabric of our common life together deteriorates. The record wave of violence and crime and increased personal stress are all signs of a society at war with itself. Rundown cities and declining rural services alike tell a story of a warped sense of priorities by successive governments. Our social services have become bureaucratic and remote from the people they are supposed to serve. Mrs Thatcher promised ‘to bring harmony where there is discord’. Instead her own example of confrontation has inflamed the bitterness so many people feel at what has happened to their own lives and local communities.

    Our Alliance wants to call a halt to confrontation politics. We believe we have set an example by working together as two separate parties within an alliance of principle. Our whole approach is based on co-operation: not just between our parties but between management and workers, between people of different races and above all between government and people. Because we are not the prisoners of ideology we shall listen to the people we represent and ensure that the good sense of the voters is allowed to illuminate the corridors of Westminster and Whitehall. The TUC and CBI, each paying the bills for the party it supports, have been too much listened to and ordinary people have been heard too little.

    We do not believe that all wisdom resides n one party, or even in the two parties of the Alliance. There are men and women of sense and goodwill n both the other parties. But they have opted Out and allowed the demands of the old party politics to make the House of Commons the most noisily partisan assembly in the Western World.

    Our concern is for the long-term, not just for tomorrow. We do not want to solve our immediate problems by piling up new crises for future generations. So when we plan for industrial recovery, we are not simply seeking growth for growth’s sake. We want an increase in the sort of economic activity which will provide real jobs, which will rebuild our decaying infrastructure, which will conserve energy, and which will re-use and recycle materials rather than wasting them. We want to invest in education and housing since our long-term future depends upon the skill and maturity of the next generation. The lavish promises and the class- war rhetoric of the Conservative and Labour manifestos have no place in our Programme for Government. We offer instead a sober assessment of the first steps back to economic health and social well-being. But the vision which unites us is of a nation of free people working together in harmony, respecting each other’s rights and freedom and sharing in each other’s success. To achieve these hopes, we must not only change failed policies. We must reform the institutions which produced them.

    When we advocate a fairer voting system we are therefore talking neither about a constitutional abstraction nor the self-interest of a new political force. Of course we want fairness for ourselves, but even more do we demand a change in the interests of the majority, whose wishes are increasingly distorted by the pull of the extremes. This is in the interests of the cohesion of the country, for it is wrong and dangerous that one big party should be a stranger to the areas of prosperity and the other an incomprehending alien in the areas of deprivation. It is also in the interests of a more stable political and economic direction, without which those who work in industry, public or private, or in the community services, will not have the framework within which to plan for the future.

    We believe that Britain needs the fresh start of the Alliance even more in 1983 than it did in the heady days of our birth in 1981. The Labour Party has not become more moderate. The extremists have been taken out of the shop window; they have not been removed from the shop. The policies of nationalisation, attacks on private enterprise, withdrawal from Europe, with its devastating effect upon our exports and investment prospects, and alienation of our international friends and allies, are all enthroned and inviolate. Jobs and national safety would be at risk.

    Mrs Thatcher offers no alternative of hope or of long-term stability. Some of her objectives were good. Britain needed a shake-up: lower inflation, more competitive industry and a prospect of industrial growth to catch back the ground we had lost over the years. But the Government has not succeeded. After a bad start it has got lower inflation, but the prospects even for the end of this year are not good. And the price paid has been appalling. British industry has seen record bankruptcies and liquidations. Unemployment has increased on twice the scale of the world recession.

    Prospects for the future are more important than arguing about the failures of the past. The last four years could be forgiven if we now had a springboard for the future. We do not. At best we have a prospect of bumping along the bottom. On present policies the 80’s will be a worse decade for unemployment than the 30’s. Nearly a half of those without a job in 1933 got one by 1937. By 1987, if we continue as we are, unemployment will be at least as bad as in 1983. As a reaction, if the old two-party system is allowed to continue, we shall then lurch into the most extreme left-wing Government we have ever known.

    The Alliance can rescue us from this. There is no need for hopelessness. By giving a moderate and well-directed stimulus to the economy, accompanied by a firm and fair incomes policy, we can change the trend and begin to get people back to work. Unlike the Labour Party. we would do it in a way which encouraged private business. We believe in enterprise and profit, and in sharing the fruits of these.

    Beyond that, further success will depend upon the international climate. That is not wholly ours to command. But it does not intimidate us. The world is looking for a lead. Concerted expansion, greater currency stability, a recognition of interdependence between poorer and richer countries are all possible and necessary. We need the vision and sense of enlightened self-interest which produced the Marshall Plan and pulled post-war Europe together.

    It is an opportunity for Britain. We yearn for a world role and are qualified by our history and experience to perform one.

    The Alliance is unashamedly internationalist. We cannot live in a bunker. We are for a British lead in Europe, for multilateral disarmament and for a new drive to increase our own prosperity by co-operating with others to reduce poverty and squalor throughout the world. We offer reconciliation at home and constructive leadership abroad. We are not ashamed to set our sights high.

    DAVID STEEL
    Leader of the Liberal Party

    ROY JENKINS
    Leader of the Social Democratic Party


    THE IMMEDIATE CRISIS: JOBS AND PRICES

    Our economic crisis demands tough immediate action. It also requires a Government with the courage to implement those strategic and structural reforms which alone can end the civil war between the two sides of industry.

    The immediate priority is to reduce unemployment. Why?

    To the Alliance unemployment is a scandal; robbing men and women of their careers, blighting the prospects for a quarter of all our young people, wasting our national resources, aborting our chances of industrial recovery, dividing our nation and fuelling hopelessness and crime.

    Much of the present unemployment is a direct result of the civil war in British industry, of restrictive practices and low investment. But in addition Conservative Government policies have caused unemployment to rise. An Alliance Government would cause unemployment to fall. How? Can it be done without releasing a fresh wave of inflation?

    We believe it can. We propose a carefully devised and costed jobs programme aimed at reducing unemployment by 1 million over two years. This programme will be supported by immediate measures to help those hardest hit by the slump – the disadvantaged, the pensioners, the poor.

    Ours is a programme of mind, heart and will, it is a programme that will work!

    The Programme has three points:

    • Fiscal and Financial Policies for Growth
    • Direct Action to provide jobs
    • An Incomes Strategy that will stick.

    Sustained Policies for Growth

    These will be based on carefully selected increases in public spending and reductions in taxation. Despite the impression Mrs Thatcher gives, the Conservative Government is borrowing £8 billion a year. It is costing us £17 billion to keep over 3 million people on the dole. In view of the depth of the slump, we think it right to increase public borrowing to around £11 billion and to use this money in two basic ways:

    • to reverse the reduction in public investment which over the last decade has been little short of catastrophic, through a selective programme of capital investment in the water and sewerage systems, electrification of railways, building and repairing roads, rebuilding and refurbishing hospitals, investing in housing, improving transport services and developing energy conservation schemes.
    • to concentrate the funds available for tax reductions in areas where tax cuts have a direct impact on prices such as the abolition of the National Insurance Surcharge (the ‘tax on jobs’) and in this way keep prices down as growth is stepped up. We will stop the nationalised industries being forced to raise prices for gas and electricity merely to increase Government revenue.

    Such action to rekindle growth without inflation, buttressed by a less restrictive monetary policy and management of the exchange rate to keep our exports competitive, will be pursued so as to reduce unemployment by 400,000 over our first two years.

    Direct Action to Provide Jobs

    The immediate action we propose is targeted on those among the unemployed in greatest need, the long-term unemployed and the young. It does not throw money wildly about, but has been carefully drawn up to achieve the biggest early fall in unemployment we can manage at the lowest practicable cost. Our main proposals are:

    • to provide jobs for the long-term unemployed in a programme of housing and environmental improvement – house renovation and insulation, land improvements; these jobs are real jobs crying out to be done. There will also be a major expansion of the Community Programme. We will back programmes of this kind with great determination to ensure that they generate at least 250,000 jobs over two years;
    • to extend the Youth Training Scheme so that it is available to all 16 and 17 year olds and give real help to those who want to stay on at school after 16 or go to college or take a training course. Our long term aim is to see all 16-19 year olds either as students with access to work experience, or as employed people with access to education and training. But the extension of training proposed here would alone reduce youth unemployment by 100,000;
    • to create more jobs in labour-intensive social services. There is a great need for extra support staff in the NHS and the personal social services. These services are highly labour-intensive and their greatest need for extra people is in regions of high unemployment. We propose the establishment of a special £500 million Fund for the health and social services in order to create an additional 100,000 jobs of this kind over two years;
    • to give a financial incentive to private firms to take on those longest out of work – To boost jobs in the private sector, we propose to pay a grant to companies for every extra job they provide and fill with someone unemployed for over six months. The scheme will be for employment pay, not unemployment pay. The Government loses about £100 per week (in unemployment benefit and lost tax revenues) for every person unemployed, so it is not extravagant to pay £80 a week for each additional job. According to the best estimates this incentive could increase employment by around 1 75,000 jobs within two years of its introduction.

    In sum, our immediate programme of direct action would reduce unemployment by well over 600,000 in two years. What is more, it will do so in a highly cost-effective way by switching the money which is now paid to people to do nothing, into payment for useful jobs instead, and it therefore will not involve irresponsible increases in public spending or borrowing.

    Taken together these proposals should reduce unemployment by 1 million by the end of our second year in government.

    An Incomes Strategy That will Stick

    We do not pretend that a lasting return to high levels of employment can be achieved painlessly, or without a reemergence of the inflationary pressures which record unemployment has temporarily damped down. We are convinced there is not hope of a lasting return to full employment unless we can develop ways of keeping prices down which do not involve keeping unemployment up. And unlike either of the two old parties, we are prepared to face up to this by pursuing a fair and effective pay and prices policy that will stick. It is Labour’s refusal to face up to the need to restrain incomes, at the dictates of its union paymasters, which above all makes Labour’s claim to have a solution to unemployment so utterly bogus, and it is Mrs Thatcher’s refusal to contemplate anything other than unemployment as an incomes policy which condemns the country to permanently high unemployment if she wins another term.

    In drawing up its counter-inflation programme, the Alliance has faced the question of pay and prices policy head on. Unlike other parties, the Alliance will seek a specific mandate from the electorate in support of an incomes policy. We shall campaign for a series of arrangements to keep price rises in check whilst unemployment comes down. Specifically we propose:

    • to establish a range for pay settlements. The Government will discuss with representatives of commerce and industry, trade unions and consumers, the prospects for the economy as a whole, and will establish the desirable range within which pay settlements should be negotiated given the outlook for unemployment. The Government will provide forecasts of the implications for unemployment, inflation and growth, of pay settlements at different levels, and the objective will be to arrive each year at an agreed norm or range for pay settlements. In the absence of agreement the government will announce its own view and tailor its policies accordingly, but every effort will be made to minimise disagreement and establish a common view.
    • a fair deal for pay in the public services. The agreed norm or range will provide the background to a fair and systematic approach to pay in the public services. A single, independent Assessment Board for public service pay will be set up to provide fair comparisons. Agreed arrangements for arbitration will be needed. As a result, public service sector pay will grow at broadly similar rates to that of comparable groups in the private sector.
    • new arrangements to discourage excessive pay settlements in the private sector- Pay settlements in the private sector will be negotiated with no direct interference in settlements made by small and medium sized businesses. We intend to set up a Pay and Prices Commission to monitor pay settlements in large companies, with powers to restrict price increases caused by wage settlements which exceed the agreed range. At the same time, we shall legislate to introduce a Counter Inflation Tax, giving the Government the power to impose the tax if it becomes necessary. The tax will be levied by the Inland Revenue on companies paying above the pay range. It will be open to successful companies where productivity increases have been high to pay above the agreed range if they do so through the distribution of shares which are not immediately marketable.
    • the nationalised industries will be subject to similar restraints, on excessive wage settlements; and will not be permitted to evade the consequences of excessive wage settlements and counter-inflation tax payments simply by raising prices.

    We would, if we were convinced it was necessary in the prevailing circumstances, be prepared to introduce a fully statutory incomes policy to cover the interim period whilst these new arrangements are being introduced.

    Previous incomes policies have been short term reactions to crisis. They have been reversals of earlier policies. They have had no mandate from the electorate. The Alliance presents its policy now because that is both honest and necessary. To work, a pay and prices framework must be understood and supported. The framework we propose can last. It is flexible. It will encourage growth and reward productivity and initiative. It offers the only way of regaining growth without refuelling inflation.

    STRATEGY FOR INDUSTRIAL SUCCESS

    The Alliance is alone in recognising that Britain’s industrial crisis cannot be solved by short term measures such as import controls or money supply targets. Our crisis goes deep. Its roots lie in the class divisions of our society, in the vested interests of the Tory and Labour parties, in the refusal of management and unions to widen democracy in industry, in the way profits and risks are shared.

    The policies offered by the two class-based parties will further divide the nation North v South, Management v Labour. Our greatest need is to build a sense of belonging to one community. We are all in it together. It is impossible for one side or the other in Britain to ‘win’. Conflict in industrial relations means that we all lose.

    But how do we reduce conflict? How do we end class war in industry? Not by intimidating the unions through unemployment. Not by nationalising, de-nationalising, re-nationalising. Not by pretending the problem doesn’t exist.

    The Alliance is committed to policies which will invest resources in the high-technology industries of the future. We are committed to a major new effort in education and training. We are pledged to trade union reform, to tough anti-monopoly measures. Above all we will act to share profits and responsibility in industry far wider than ever before.

    We need to do these things to ensure Britain’s economic success in a brutally competitive world. But the aim is not merely economic growth for its own sake. To live fulfilled and meaningful lives we each need challenge, reward and responsibility. In British industry far too many feel they have no stake in success, no role to play, nothing to contribute. It is that feeling which leads to bitterness, and conflict. The time has come to change these things – now, before it is too late.

    Partnership in Industry

    Britain has made little progress towards industrial democracy, yet several of our European partners have long traditions of participation and co-operation backed by legislation. They do not face the obstacles to progress with which our divisive industrial relations present us. To be fully effective, proposals for participation in industry need to be buttressed by action on two fronts: a major extension of profit sharing and worker share-ownership to give people a real stake where they work as well as the ability to participate in decision making, and reform of the trades unions to make them genuinely representative institutions.

    PARTICIPATION AT WORK

    We propose enabling legislation that will offer a flexible and sensible approach:

    • an Industrial Democracy Act to provide for the introduction of employee participation at all levels, incentives for employee share-ownership, employee rights to information, and an Industrial Democracy Agency (IDA) to advise on and monitor the introduction of these measures;
    • Employee Councils covering each place of work (subject to exemption for small units) for all companies employing over 1,000 people. Smaller companies would also be encouraged to introduce Employee Councils;
    • Top level representation will, for example, be through directors elected jointly by employees and shareholders, or a Representative Council with rights to codetermination on a range of issues;
    • No ‘single channel’ appointments by trade unions: every employee must have a vote and be able to exercise it secretly.

    PROFIT-SHARING AND EMPLOYEE SHARE-OWNERSHIP

    We propose:

    • through the Industrial Democracy Act to encourage companies to develop collective share ownership schemes based on profit sharing as an essential component of industrial democracy. We will also increase the exemption limit for Corporation Tax relief on Inland Revenue approved profit-sharing and share-ownership schemes to £3,000 per employee;
    • to give specific encouragement to co-operatives through increased funding for the Co operative Development Agency – to provide advice and financial support for those setting up co-operatives.

    GIVING THE UNIONS BACK TO THEIR MEMBERS

    Employee democracy in industry can only be extended if trade unions are made genuinely representative of their members since they are bound to have an important role in participation. It is for that reason, and not in any spirit of ‘union bashing’ that we propose further democratisation of the unions themselves. We want to see effective, representative and responsible trade unions playing their full part in industry, and in this we stand apart from the Conservative Party, which has no interest in participation, and which wants to reform the unions only in order to weaken them.

    We will legislate to provide for:

    • compulsory secret individual ballots, normally on a postal basis, for the election of the national executives of unions and, where appropriate, union general secretaries;
    • the right for a certain proportion – 10 per cent – of the relevant bargaining unit to require a ballot before an official strike can be called;
    • maximum encouragement of arbitration, as a fair and constructive means of settling disputes, including a legal requirement in essential public services that any dispute be taken to impartial arbitration operating on common principles for all public service groups, before industrial action shall commence;
    • measures to provide for a more efficient and more effective trade union movement:
    • tax exemption for union contributions to encourage a better level of funding, a Trade Union Development Fund to assist union mergers and rationalisation, statutory rights to recognition for unions that have won majority support from the relevant workforce; adequate facilities at the workplace and reasonable time off for union representatives to perform their duties; and increased support for education and training for shop stewards and representatives. We propose an Employees’ Charter clearly safeguarding trade union and workers’ rights.

    We favour a careful balance of collective and individual rights on existing closed shops, with action against the pre-entry closed shop matched by retention of legal provision for union membership agreements on condition the latter rests on substantial workforce support and that exemption from union membership is available on grounds of conscience.

    Government and Industry

    PRIORITY FOR INDUSTRY

    We cannot restore employment or achieve the standards we want in our social services unless we first reverse our industrial decline. So the rebuilding of our industry and commerce must be given priority in the formulation of government policies.

    GOVERNMENT AND PRIVATE INDUSTRY

    The role of an Alliance government in relation to private industry will be to provide selective assistance taking a number of forms:

    • an industrial credit scheme, to provide low-interest, long-term finance for projects directed at modernising industry;
    • a national innovation policy, to provide selective assistance for high-risk projects, particularly involving the development of new technologies and for research and development in potential growth industries (with a corresponding reduction in R and D spending on defence);
    • public purchasing policies to stimulate innovation, encourage the introduction of crucial technologies and aid small businesses;
    • Government assistance in export promotion, with increased efforts to reduce non-tariff barriers to trade;
    • we will establish a Cabinet Committee chaired by the Prime Minister at the centre of decision-taking on all policies with a bearing on the performance of industry.

    The Alliance will strengthen the Monopolies and Mergers Commission to ensure its ability to prevent monopoly and unhealthy concentrations of industrial and commercial power. The aim is to guarantee fair competition and to protect the interests of employees, consumers and shareholders.

    GOVERNMENT AND PUBLIC INDUSTRY

    We must get away from the incessant and damaging warfare over the ownership of industry and switch the emphasis to how well it performs. Thus we will retain the present position of British Aerospace but will not privatise British Telecom’s main network nor sell off British Airways. But we will make the nationalised industries successful and efficient as well as properly responsible to their consumers. Specifically, we propose that:

    • where nationalised industries are operating viably in competitive conditions, Government regulation and control should largely be removed. Their borrowing on the market should not be subject to external financing limits (EFLs), and they should effectively be run as independent enterprises;
    • where public industries are not subject to market forces – e.g. the public utilities – or where they are dependent on public finance – e.g. the railways – alternative means of exerting pressure to ensure operational efficiency are required, and we will set up an Efficiency Audit Commission to report regularly and publicly to a Select Committee of Parliament on the overall management and discharge of their responsibilities by the industries concerned;
    • we will seek to distance the Government from direct involvement in nationalised industries. They must be free to run their industries according to the criteria laid down for them, without political interference.

    NEW AND SMALL BUSINESSES

    To encourage the growth of new and small businesses, we will attack red tape and provide further financial and management assistance by:

    • extending the Loan Guarantee Scheme, in the first instance raising the maximum permitted loan to £1 50,000; and the Business Start-Up Scheme, raising the upper limit for investment to £75,000; and introducing Small Firm Investment Companies to provide financial and management help;
    • zero-rating building repairs and maintenance for VAT purposes and reducing commercial rates by 10 per cent;
    • making sure the Department of Industry co-ordinates and publicises schemes for small businesses and that government aid ceases to discriminate against small businesses;
    • tailoring national legislation such as the Health and Safety Regulations to the needs of small businesses and amending the statutory sick pay scheme to exclude small businesses.

    AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES

    Agriculture is an important industry and employer. To encourage its further development we will:

    • increase Government support for effective agricultural marketing at home and abroad and continue support for ‘Food from Britain’;
    • ensure that agriculture has access like other industries to the industrial credit scheme we propose;
    • encourage greater access to farming, especially by young entrants.

    We believe that the provision of alternative sources of employment is the key to many other problems of the rural areas. To this end, we will promote moves at local level to establish rural development agencies.

    The Alliance is determined to safeguard the future of our fishing industry which needs help to re-build after years of uncertainty and the drastic consequences for the deep-sea fleet of 200-mile limits in the waters they used to fish. We believe:

    • that in order to conserve stocks for the future, EEC inspection must be strengthened to ensure that conservation measures are fairly enforced on the fleets of all member states;
    • that better marketing and promotion, better vocational training, and reasonable credit terms would all help the future of the industry;
    • that government measures must take account of the special importance of our inshore industry to rural communities.

    ENERGY

    The first priority of the Alliance energy policy is the conservation and efficient use of energy. A programme of house insulation is part of our jobs plan and a programme to encourage increased energy efficiency in industry will lead to a substantial increase in employment and savings to the economy.

    For the foreseeable future, coal will continue to supply a large part of our major energy needs. To ensure the continued prosperity of the coal industry we will make substantial investments in the modernisation of techniques and capacity. This does not mean a dramatic schedule of pit closures. There will be some employment problems – where the oldest deep pits are coming to the end of their economic life. The Alliance plans for jobs and industry are designed to give particular help to areas like these where new employment is needed.

    The North Sea currently produces the oil and gas we need. But we want to make sure that there are enough reserves to keep up British oil and gas production. So we will encourage the exploration for and development of new reserves. We want to link Britain up by pipeline with the rest of the North Sea gas-fields so that, together with our European partners, we can make the best use of the gas that is there.

    We will invest as a matter of urgent priority in different types of energy and new technologies, especially the use of sources of energy like the sun, wind, waves and the heat below the earth’s surface and the development of combined heat and power systems. We are determined to maintain a British power plant industry.

    The power stations we have and are currently building will be enough for our needs for some considerable time to come. We see no evidence including anything yet submitted to the Enquiry to justify the building of Sizewell or other PWR generating stations. However research into nuclear waste disposal must be continued in order to cater for existing needs and we would develop Britain’s research programme and expertise in the field of nuclear power and the possibilities presented by fast-breeder technology and fusion.

    Education and Training

    The third basic condition for industrial success is a people with the skills and self- confidence that will be needed for the challenges of new technology. The education and training systems are not providing enough people with the skills necessary to make them employable and the country successful in competition with its rivals. We are falling further behind. Japan on present plans will be educating all its young people to the age of 18 by 1990. More than 90 per cent of the 16-19 age group in Germany gain recognised technical qualifications. And it is not just a matter of school-leavers. Our managers are less professionally qualified than our main competitors’. From the bottom to top we are underskilled, and this has to be put right if we are to prosper in future. To do this, to raise standards in education and training and to improve their effectiveness, is the object of proposals set out in the next Section.

    CREATING ONE COMMUNITY

    A fundamental purpose of the Alliance is to reduce the divisions which over the last two decades have been fragmenting our society, and restore our sense of being one community.

    The gap between rich and poor is as wide today as it was forty years ago when the Beveridge Report was written. There has been a big increase in poverty and urban squalor as a result of the present slump. The pressures of the recession have placed an increasing burden on women in particular. The trend towards two nations in health, education and the social services is accelerating as those who can pay increasingly opt for private provision.

    To combat these trends will require determined action across a wide front:

    • immediate help for those bearing the burden of unemployment;
    • a determined attack on poverty, aimed at releasing those locked in the poverty trap, by raising the living standards of the hardest-pressed families;
    • action to raise standards in education and the quality of health care provided by the NHS and remove the inadequacies in the state services which lie behind the trend to private provision;
    • increased investment in housing, drawing on wider sources of finance to build new communities of mixed ownership, together with urgent attention to the rehabilitation of existing council estates, the decentralisation of housing management and tenants’ rights;
    • giving serious priority to the environmental aspects of actions and policy changes at the earliest possible stage;
    • creating one nation will also require positive action to tilt the balance more in favour of disadvantaged and depressed minority groups and to focus assistance on inner city areas.

    This must be backed by firm action to strengthen the rule of law, with support for an effective police force commanding the confidence of the community in the fight against vandalism and crime.

    Immediate Help for Those in Need

    The burden of the slump is being borne quite disproportionately by those now in long- term unemployment and by the poor, especially poor families with children. We propose to take the following measures straight away:

    a) help for families with children by increasing Child Benefit by £1.50 per week; increasing the Child Allowance in Supplementary Benefit by £1.50 per week; increasing the extra child allowance of one-parent families;

    b) help for pensioners. We will up-rate the pension twice a year because the present system gives rise to serious injustices. We will make sure pensioners can earn money without losing pension; we will increase the death grant to £250 for those of lesser means; standing charges for gas, electricity and basic telephone services will be abolished;

    c) help for the unemployed and sick by increasing Unemployment Benefit, Sickness Benefit and sick pay by 5 per cent; giving long-term Supplementary Benefit to the long-term unemployed; changing the rules so people are not forced to spend their redundancy money before they can get Supplementary Benefit;

    d) help for the disabled by spending an extra £200 million a year to make a start on many reforms which will help disabled people. These will include the extension of the invalid care allowance and full rights under the non-contributory invalidity pension to married women and the abolition of the age limit on the mobility allowance;

    e) finance. The total cost of these proposals is approximately £1 ,750m. This will be financed by: raising the upper limit at which National Insurance contributions are paid to £31 5 per week; reversing the recent increases in the high rate tax bands; and by the first stage of phasing out the married man’s tax allowance. Therefore this programme does not require an increase in public borrowing.

    Attacking Poverty

    The Alliance proposes to carry through a major overhaul of the welfare system. The original grand design of the liberal reformer, William Beveridge, has been mutilated over the years. Instead of a basic benefit, which was to secure for the old, the sick and the unemployed, a tolerable minimum standard of living as of right, we have a complex network of benefits dependent on 44 different means tests. Many people are dependent on benefits which are woefully inadequate. Millions are in poverty because they fail to apply for benefits to which they are entitled. Others find that they are worse off if they earn more.

    Mass unemployment has made the scale of our problems greater than at any time since the war. We believe that we can offer a better, simpler structure of social security which would be the most important reform since Beveridge.

    In the long term, we plan a complete integration of the tax and benefit systems. We aim in the next Parliament to bring together all the major benefits – Family Income Supplement, housing benefits, free school meals, Supplementary Benefit, and to replace them with a simpler, single benefit, the size of which for each family will depend basically on the number of children and their housing costs.

    The levels of benefit we propose mean that:

    • a working family with two children, currently earning £100 per week, will be around £24 per week better off;
    • single parents with two children, currently helped by Supplementary Benefit, will be around £10 per week better off;
    • single pensioners only getting the state pension will be £5.50 per week better off, and pensioner couples in the same position £10 per week better off;
    • help will especially be concentrated on poor families with children since these are the real centres of hardship.

    The benefit will be used to supplement people’s income – whether from a job, unemployment or sickness benefit or a pension – and the amount people actually get will depend on their income. The benefit will be gradually withdrawn as incomes rise – but in a steady way so that as people earn more they do end up better off despite the reduction of benefit – and the overall effect will be a substantial boost to the incomes of those suffering most hardship.

    The additional spending which the new welfare system will involve will be paid for from three sources. First by the continued phasing Out of the married man’s extra tax allowance (over at least three years}. This is part of the removal of sex discrimination in taxation and will allow us to introduce the principle of separate taxation of earned income for all men and women. Second, by not fully indexing personal tax allowances, and third, by a relatively small increase in public borrowing – around £600-£700 million over the final programme.

    This attack on poverty is basic to the Alliance strategy for creating in Britain a more united and caring community. The Conservatives speak only of an efficient and competitive society. We seek a civilized community using the resources provided by a revived economy to guarantee to all the security and self-respect that are every citizen’s right.

    Education, Health and Housing

    Building a united, civilized community requires decent standards in education, health and housing for everyone. The Tories have imposed savage cuts in the social services and an Alliance Government would increase spending to restore and improve standards.

    But it will not be enough just to spend money. The social services are too centralised, too bureaucratic. They are often insensitive and unaccountable. We will aim to make the social services more democratic, attuned to the needs of the individual. In this way, also, they will become more efficient.

    EDUCATION AND TRAINING

    The principal need in education and training is to release the full potential of the individual. It is on the skills and energies of our people that our survival depends. An increasingly complex and technical society places great demands on the educational system and as falling school numbers continue to release resources these must not be withdrawn but invested to create better education opportunities.

    The needs of the under-fives have to be met by both education and the social services.

    • We will ensure that at least one year of pre-school educational experience is available for all children under five;
    • We will act to raise standards in the primary and secondary schools in three ways:
      • i) by involving parents, teachers and local people more in the running of schools – these are the people who really care about standards;
      • ii) by ensuring that children study a broader range of subjects than they do now right through to eighteen, putting more stress on maths, science and technical subjects as well as practical skills to make them better equipped for life in today’s world. It is especially important to ensure that these opportunities are equally available to girls as well as boys;
      • iii) by improving the in-service training of primary teachers and of others with specialist skills e.g. in maths.
    • we will develop a broader bridge between school and work including more part-time schooling, and more work experience and better technical education for all pupils;
    • we will undertake a major re-organisation of education and training for the 16-19s, so that school leavers are not faced with the dole but can opt for either education and training or employment or a combination of the two. Present arrangements are disjointed. Britain is well behind its competitors, resources have been devoted to ad hoc schemes not necessarily leading to employment, and many young people are unable to acquire skills and qualifications. So we propose:
      • i) a single Ministry of Education and Training combining the youth training functions of the MSC and the responsibilities of the Education Departments,
      • ii) full-time vocational courses offering sustained and properly planned periods of work experience, and the replacement of the time-served apprenticeship with training to set national standards,
      • iii) greater access to work experience for all 16-19 year old students and a right to further education and training for those of this age-group in work,
      • iv) expansion of the YTS to enable all 17 year olds not covered by the above to participate in a Government training scheme,
      • v) a new system of educational maintenance allowances to ensure that help is available to those who stay on at school, those who opt for further education and those who opt for further training.
    • we will increase access to Higher and Further Education. We shall also review the structure of higher education to see that people who are keen to work in industry are provided with the right range of skills at this level. This may mean for example students typically taking a wider range of courses before moving on to a job or more specialist education;
    • we will actively support Adult and Continuing Education. Initial education alone cannot prepare people adequately for life. It must be made easier for them as part of their normal development to acquire new skills and to re4rain as technology advances.
    • we will ensure further public support for the voluntary and statutory sectors of the youth service.

    Improvement in training facilities provided by the State will be accompanied by fiscal and other incentives to companies to increase their training efforts.

    HEALTH AND SOCIAL SERVICES

    The Alliance is wholly committed to sustaining and strengthening the NHS. The Health Service must be funded to ensure that extra help goes to those most in need and that sufficient resources are available to meet the needs of our ageing population. The Alliance is committed to the steady increase in the real level of funding for the health and personal social services required to maintain standards in the face of demographic changes such as the increasing numbers of old people.

    In addition, the Alliance will set up a special Fund with £500 million each year to pay for new schemes and ideas submitted by area health authorities, local authorities and other voluntary organisations to help the poorest areas and the neediest people. The funding of this scheme will count as part of the Alliance’s immediate employment programme, and employment as well as other criteria will govern the choice of projects by the fund. The areas of greatest need in the health and social services are also high unemployment areas, so that such a special fund is an ideal use of available money.

    Within the health programme, action will be taken to make better use of the health budget by:

    • increased emphasis on primary care, health education and preventive medicine;
    • emphasising community care, not as a cheap option but because of the improved quality of care this brings;
    • re-allocating funds between areas and between users to increase equality of access to services for people in need whatever their means or wherever they happen to live. Particular attention will be given to the traditionally under-funded services such as those for the elderly, the chronically disabled and the mentally handicapped;
    • encouraging local experiments and plans to improve services;
    • reducing the drugs bill by extending the practice of generic prescribing, saving over one hundred million pounds.

    The quality of care will also be improved by our policies in three related areas. First, the continuing commitment of all NHS staff is vital if the health service is to deliver the best care it can. This means NHS staff must be properly and fairly treated. We gave our commitment in Section II to determine pay in the public services by a new system based on fair comparison with other groups and a fair arbitration procedure which will also apply to NHS staff. Second, we will pay far more attention to prevention of accidents, illness and stress, making sure that health and safety legislation is properly applied and reducing environmental risks, for example by removing lead in petrol. Third, we will work for much closer co-operation between public and private services, to maximise the amount and coverage of health care available to the community as a whole. As with private schools, we have no wish to ban private health services, but nor will we subsidise them.

    In the personal social services, the Alliance is determined to make the welfare state less bureaucratic and more responsive to people’s needs, charting a more imaginative way forward by creating community-orientated services, incorporating a much greater degree of voluntary effort, and making much better use of the dedication and enthusiasm of professional staff, working with and through voluntary groups. We favour caring for people in the community for example, helping the elderly to live among family friends and neighbours. We will support and sustain the family, in particular by helping those, especially women, who carry the burden of this care. We will encourage the development of supportive care in the community for children through a wide range of facilities including pre-school play schemes and nursery centres, and will support training for child-minders. Imaginative grants can produce value for money and high community involvement.

    HOUSING

    Housing standards have fallen under the Tory Government, and fewer houses have been built. Council tenants have been able to buy their own houses but face almost impossible financial difficulties if trying to move out of council estates into private housing.

    Alliance housing policy has three basic aims: to restore the housing stock where this is needed, to provide wider genuine choice for consumers and to allocate available funds with greater fairness.

    This will mean increased investment. Bntain’s building industry has been one of the worst hit by the recession. 1 in 8 of the unemployed are in construction. Higher investment here will not only help the tenant, the home buyer and the home-owner: it will help the whole country by creating jobs and boosting the economy.

    Investment

    There is an urgent need for increased investment in housing. The Housing Programme has suffered more than any other under this government, falling in cash terms from £4,514m in 1979-80 to £2,792m now which represents a fall of almost two-thirds in real terms. The all-party Environment Select Committee predicts a shortage of nearly half a million houses by 1985. And not enough is being spent even to maintain the standard of existing houses. More than 2 million houses are now ‘unfit for habitation’ or ‘in serious disrepair’, and the figure is rising.

    We propose:

    • a steady expansion of local Council and housing association building programmes, particularly for the single and the elderly, local council programmes to be in low density, human scale developments;
    • vigorous programmes of repair, improvement and rehabilitation of existing Council estates;
    • scrapping VAT on repairs;
    • maximum use of improvement grants to the private sector with particular help for elderly owner-occupiers who face difficulties in maintaining their houses;
    • attracting institutional investment in a new type of non-profit making rented housing to be managed by housing associations;
    • encouraging partnership schemes between local councils and private builders to provide houses to rent; and low cost house ownership opportunities on the same estates.

    The last two proposals will involve new non-public money in housing, and cut down the public expenditure costs of increasing housing investment.

    Widening choice in housing

    We propose:

    • changing council allocation and transfer procedures to give tenants far more choice about where they live;
    • encouraging shared purchase and other schemes which bring owner occupation within the reach of lower income families;
    • providing new sources of rented housing to compete with local councils;
    • breaking up the large monolithic council housing departments into Neighbourhood Housing Trusts run jointly by tenants and Council representatives;
    • decentralising the management of the remaining Council housing to local offices responsible to local boards composed of Councillors and tenants;
    • introducing a new Tenants Charter to define standards of repairs, maintenance and amenities to which tenants are entitled;
    • giving tenants the right to call in an outside contractor from an approved list when they are dissatisfied with the Council’s performance on repairs and sending the bill to the Council;
    • establishing a single national scheme to help tenants wanting to move from one area to another.

    The Right to Buy should be retained. After the introduction of proportional representation and hence greater accountability. Councils could be given more discretion to decide their housing policy. However, there should be a right of appeal in which Councils would justify to the Local Government Ombudsman any proposed restriction on the individual’s right to buy such as in areas of housing need or in certain rural areas where cheap rented housing is necessary to keep an adequate proportion of young people in the community.

    Major extension of the capital home loan scheme At present this scheme to help first time buyers is a paltry thing adding at most £110 capital for £1,000 saved by the buyer. The Alliance wants to give far more substantial aid to those determined to buy their own homes but without the means to do so under present arrangements.

    We will extend the scheme so that anyone saving £1,000 over 2 years will receive an extra £1,000 at the end of that period. Rents paid over more than five years by Council tenants will count as equivalent to £1,000 savings and will also qualify for the additional £1,000.10 years rent will entitle the tenant to £1,500 and 15 years to £2,000. We will seek to devise similar arrangements for private tenants.

    Of course the present limits on the maximum value of properties which can qualify for such assistance will be maintained. The scheme is to help those who cannot otherwise become home-owners, not to benefit those with adequate resources. This will be strictly enforced.

    This measure is imaginative and bold. It opens up new prospects and hope for many who are determined to save and work for a better way of life.

    Greater fairness Housing subsidies must be distributed more according to need. Council tenants have been particularly hard hit by the government’s policy of deliberately forcing up rents far faster than the rate of inflation. Central government subsidies to local authority housing fell from £1,274m in 1980/81 to £370m in 1983/84 with the result that in most parts of the country. housing accounts are now moving into surplus. The Alliance says this process must stop. Council rents should be fixed so that housing accounts balance. Any surplus should be reinvested in improved management and maintenance, and not used to subsidise the general rates.

    For owner-occupiers, the Alliance’s long-term policy is to reform mortgage tax relief so that it relates to individual income rather than the size of the loan. In the meantime, tax relief will be limited to the standard rate of income tax. The Alliance also intends to encourage ‘low start’ mortgages and other schemes to bring home-ownership within the reach of more people.

    The Environment

    There can be no healthy economy without a healthy environment. For far too long we have been wasting irreplaceable resources and amenities, both natural and man-made on which our community’s prosperity and well-being depend. In all public decision-making the environmental aspects of changes should be assessed and taken into account from the beginning.

    POLLUTION

    We endorse the ‘Polluter Pays’ principle – that those responsible for pollution should pay for the resultant environmental damage. Existing pollution control legislation must be enforced and extended as recommended by the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution.

    LIMITING WASTE

    We will encourage the manufacture of products to last longer than at present and the manufacture of those goods which cannot be re-used from materials which can be re-cycled. We will provide financial incentives for authorities with responsibility for waste disposal to construct new plants to re-cycle waste material.

    Transport

    Without an effective public transport system the environment will suffer serious damage and energy resources will be wasted. We believe that new investment should be linked with modernised operating practices to ensure a future for our railways, and we therefore reject the negative philosophy of the Serpell Report. Careful planning and co-ordination is required to meet the different public transport needs of both the cities and the countryside.

    Land Use

    We need a fundamental change in the way in which we plan our cities, towns and villages to develop greater participation by those directly affected, to protect, create and develop living communities.

    Farming and Conservation

    We will give increased responsibility to local bodies representative of farming and environmental interests which would be based on the present Farming and Wildlife Advisory Groups, in the award of agricultural grants and subsidies, and which would seek to reconcile different interests in the use of land.

    Animal Welfare

    Cruelty to animals and unnecessary suffering by animals demean our society and the Alliance would, as a matter of priority, establish an advisory Standing Commission on Animal Welfare. This would keep under constant and rigorous examination all issues of animal welfare including experimentation on live animals, the treatment of farm animals, the transportation of animals and the regulations covering the use of animals for entertainment. A caring community must care for animals as well as for human beings.

    TRANSFORMING THE POLITICAL SYSTEM

    Electoral Reform

    The introduction of Proportional Representation is the linchpin of our entire programme of radical reform. Alone of the political parties the Liberal Party and the SDP recognise that our economic crisis is rooted in our political system. As class based parties, Labour and Conservative represent and intensify our divisions. The ‘first-past-the-post’ voting system ensures the under-representation of all those who reject class as the basis of politics. Electoral reform is thus a pre-condition of healing Britain’s divisions and creating a sense of community. It is also a change we must make if we are, in the full sense of the word, to be a democracy.

    The national interest demands electoral reform. The Alliance will not hesitate to use its strength in the next Parliament to ensure the introduction of a system which will strengthen the power of the voters.

    A system based on proportional representation will provide a stable political framework in two ways. First, in order to form a government, political parties combining together will need to command the support of about half the voters. The policies such a government will pursue can only be less dogmatic and extreme than those likely to be followed under our present system where governments can be elected with the support of no more than one quarter of the electorate. Secondly, the political parties will have to aim much more for the centre ground and will be much more reluctant to adopt the divisive policies we see at present.

    Specifically we propose to:

    • replace the existing electoral system with a system of Community Proportional Representation. It will be based on multi-member constituencies which correspond to natural communities. It will use a system of preferential voting under which people list candidates in the order of their choice. The outcome will be that the share of seats gained by the parties in Parliament will reflect their support among the voters.

    Thus natural communities like cities (e.g. Hull, Plymouth, Leeds, Edinburgh), and counties (e.g. Somerset, Northumberland) will be single multi-member constituencies of different size, represented by different numbers of MPs. Preferential voting by single transferable vote (STV) will enable the voter to distinguish between candidates of a particular party and thus to affect the character of that Party in Parliament. A single Party will not be able to gain a parliamentary majority unless it secures nearly 50 per cent of the votes. There will be a spread of representation in every part of the country and we will see the end of the increasing political polarisation between North and South.

    Electoral reform is no academic matter. While this is our preferred system it is not the only acceptable system of fairer voting. It is necessary to strengthen and restore faith in our democratic process, under which the relationship between seats and votes is becoming entirely arbitrary. A switch to proportional representation will transform the character of our politics, producing a more constructive political dialogue, and it will change the nature of the policies pursued by successive governments. As the fundamental reform required for continuity of policy – crucial if we are gradually and steadily to overcome our basic economic problems – it is no less than the precondition for economic recovery and future prosperity.

    Decentralising Government

    In addition to electoral reform, the Alliance is committed to two further constitutional reforms: decentralisation to make government more accountable to the electorate, and basic legislation to protect fundamental human rights and freedoms.

    Our system of government is inefficient because it is over-centralised. Departments, Ministers and Parliament are hopelessly overloaded and Parliament cannot adequately control the executive; there is great reliance on non-elected quangos, particularly at regional level – such as Regional Health Authorities, and Regional Water Authorities which together with the regional ‘outposts’ of central government departments now constitute an undemocratic regional tier of government; local government is too dependent on and dominated by central government – which has eroded not only its independence but also its sense of responsibility – and the Tories have made the spending of individual local authorities subject to central control. The overall result is lack of efficiency and lack of accountability, and the concentration of political power in London leads to a concentration of economic power there too, accentuating the trend to two nations – a relatively prosperous South, and a relatively deprived North. We need to disperse power in order to help spread prosperity.

    In the light of these deficiencies in the structure of government, we propose:

    • to transfer substantial powers and responsibilities, currently exercised by the centre, to the nations and regions of Britain. The demand for devolution is clearly stronger in Scotland than in Wales or in some of the English regions, and we do not believe that devolution should be imposed on nations or regions which do not wish it. But there is a strong practical case, especially in terms of regional development, for relevant public expenditure to be allocated between and within regions in line with regional needs. We therefore propose:
      • a) immediate action to set up a Scottish Parliament with a full range of devolved powers, including powers to assist economic development and powers to tax, but not to run a Budget deficit;
      • b) to enact Scottish devolution in an Act which would also provide the framework for decentralisation to assemblies in Wales and the English regions as demand develops;
      • c) in the English regions to set up economic development agencies with substantial powers. To make these development agencies, and other nominated regional authorities which already exist, accountable in the first instance to regional committees of a reformed Second Chamber.
      • d) in Northern Ireland to encourage a non-sectarian approach to the problems of the province. We support the present Northern Ireland Assembly and will work towards a return to devolved power in place of direct rule from Westminster. We favour the early establishment of an Anglo-Irish consultative body at parliamentary level representing all parties at Westminster, Belfast and Dublin.
    • to revitalise local government, restoring its independence and its accountability to the local electorate by:
      • a) introducing proportional representation at local level to make local government representative of its electorate and responsive to currents of opinion in that electorate;
      • b) simplifying the structure of local government to make it more effective by abolishing one of the existing tiers of local government. This will be done by stages against the background of our proposals for the development of regional government. It would inevitably involve the eventual abolition of the Metropolitan Counties, and the GLC (but not ILEA) and would also allow for the restoration of powers to some of the former County boroughs;
      • c) paving the way to the abolition of domestic rates and reducing local government’s dependence on central grant, by introducing a local income tax. This change in the structure of local government finance will increase the independence of local government;
      • d) extending the right of local communities to have statutory Parish or Neighbourhood Councils.
    • to increase the accountability of Government to Parliament by reforming the operation and procedures of the House of Commons, to make its control of the executive more effective and to reform the powers and composition of the House of Lords, which must include a significant elected element representative of the nations and regions of Britain.

    This set of proposals amounts to an extensive decentralisation of power from the centre, both to the nations and regions and to local government, and to considerable strengthening of democratic accountability at all levels of government.

    Promoting Individual Rights

    Resting on our laurels as the oldest modern democracy, we have become smug and complacent with the result that the rights we have taken for granted are being increasingly threatened. The third major area of constitutional reform therefore includes a series of measures to buttress our now shaky structure of liberties and rights and guarantee them by law. Changes in the power of the State, the media and in technology require specific protection of rights by statute. Such action will be coupled with determined action to strengthen the rule of law, giving full backing to the police subject to a proper system of accountability.

    INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS

    The following are our proposals:

    • a new Bill of Rights. It is shaming that our citizens have so frequently had to go to the European Court to have basic rights enforced. We shall incorporate the rights and freedoms of the European Convention of Human Rights into English, Scottish and Northern Ireland law by means of a new Bill of Rights Act which will be paramount over all inconsistent statutes and common law.
    • we shall create a UK Commission of Human Rights to help people bring proceedings under the Bill of Rights to secure compliance with its provisions. This will incorporate the existing Equal Opportunities Commission and Commission for Racial Equality and will deal with discrimination on grounds of sex or race;
    • the Alliance believes that sex and race equality are fundamental to our society. they will be promoted by positive action in relation e.g. to public employment policies which will be monitored in central and local government. Anti-discrimination legislation will be actively enforced;
    • nationality and immigration: we believe the British Nationality Act 1981 to be offensive and discriminatory. We will revert to the simple concept that all those born in Britain are entitled to British Citizenship. There should be objective tests for citizenship and a right of appeal against refusal. Immigration controls will be applied without discrimination on grounds of sex, race or colour, and rules on dependents will be revised to promote family unity;
    • we shall legislate for public access to official information, including the right of individuals to have access to information on themselves, subject to a Code of Practice defining exceptions and limitations;
    • we support state financing of political parties. Trade Union members must have the right to ‘contract-in’ on the political levy and to determine their union’s party political affiliation by secret postal ballot. There should be equivalent action to regulate company donations to political parties.

    The Rule of Law

    We are dedicated to extending individual rights but rights also carry responsibilities. We need to restore our traditions of responsible citizenship. There is great concern about rising crime. The number of serious cases has this year risen above 3 million for the first time in our history. The rise in the crime rate has accompanied the rise in unemployment. As the Conservative Government has put more and more men and women out of work, the family has been undermined, whole communities have lost their self-respect and good and neighbourly values have been forgotten. Many citizens now live in terror of the vandal, the mugger and the thief. Old people in particular are cruelly exposed to violence and abuse. The causes of crime are complex but we all have an obligation to resist the dangerous slide to lawlessness that has brought fear to our streets. The Alliance believes that it is vital to support and reinforce the police in their efforts to prevent and detect crime.

    But policing can only be effective if it is responsive to and carries the support and confidence of local communities. We therefore propose:

    • to support community policing with local policemen on the beat and living locally, small local police stations and reforms to police recruitment and training policy;
    • support for local liaison committees which will involve local people in helping the police to do their job;
    • to enhance confidence in the police by introducing a conciliation service and an independent system for the investigation of serious complaints. We will establish a new police disciplinary offence of racially prejudiced behaviour and introduce lay visitors into police stations;
    • to improve police accountability outside London by strengthening the community element on Police Authorities and encouraging community representation at the level of police divisions. For the Metropolitan Police, we shall as an interim measure establish a Select Committee drawn from London MPs.

    Action to protect and promote individual and minority rights is an essential part of the Alliance’s determination to heal division and enhance Britain’s awareness of being one, inter dependent Community. Prejudice against racial and other minorities, discrimination against them and against women in job opportunities and in pay, all threaten the creation of this community. The Alliance is born of Liberal and Social Democratic values. In government it would be true to those values.

    The Alliance recognises that the expansion of television technology through cable, video cassettes and satellite offers great opportunities in the creation of a better informed society and provides new opportunities for the Arts.

    However these technologies also carry dangers to our society if they become vehicles for pornography and violence. This must not be allowed to happen, and the State must have particular regard to its responsibilities for the young.

    PEACE AND SECURITY

    Alliance policies in the field of foreign policy and defence are uncompromisingly internationalist. They are based on the view that Britain must play a full and leading role in the community of nations.

    The Alliance holds that Britain’s security as a country depends on the cohesion and effectiveness of the NATO alliance; that our political and economic interests require us to play our full part in the European Community, and that the poorest countries of the world can best be helped if the industrial nations pursue more expansionary economic policies in concert.

    The Alliance’s commitment to internationalism and its recognition of the inter dependence of nations clearly differentiates its approach from that of both the Labour and Tory parties. In a dangerous and complex world there is a temptation to withdraw into narrow and nationalistic attitudes. This is what both the class-based parties have done.

    Labour is now pledged to policies which would isolate and weaken Britain – import controls, unilateral withdrawal from the EEC, one-sided disarmament. If these policies were enacted our Allies would lose all confidence in us, the Western Alliance would be badly undermined and as an economically debilitated and less influential country we would be quite unable to launch the international initiatives now desperately needed to help the poor of the world through concerted economic expansion and aid.

    The Conservative Party specifically refuses to recognise the true inter-dependence of nations in its approach to both development and peace. It has failed utterly 10 respond to the challenge of the Brandt Report. Their refusal to countenance the inclusion of Britain’s nuclear systems in any disarmament negotiations displays their lack of real commitment to multilateral disarmament; their determination to spend vast sums on Trident betrays their lack of confidence in any commitment to our alliance with the United States.

    The Alliance sees little prospect for progress towards a more peaceful, prosperous and just world unless inter-dependence is accepted as the basis of international relations. This leads us to radically different policies from those advocated by the class based parties in three key areas:

    Defence and Disarmament

    The Alliance believes Britain must be properly defended and our forces equipped for that task. We pay tribute to the courage and determination of our armed forces in the Falklands and in Northern Ireland. Our defence policies reject both Labour’s one-sided disarmament and the Conservatives’ escalation of the nuclear arms race. The main points of our policies for defence are:

    • to adhere firmly to the principles of collective security. Britain cannot defend herself alone, and the NATO Alliance has made a decisive contribution to the maintenance of peace in Europe. Participation in NATO must be the cornerstone of the country’s defence policy, and in order to consolidate the NATO Alliance we reaffirm our commitment to the NATO target for strengthening conventional forces in Europe;
    • we accept the need for a nuclear component in the NATO deterrent whilst the USSR has nuclear weapons. NATO should however move away from its present excessive dependence on the early use of nuclear weapons. We therefore support raising the nuclear threshold in Europe and moving towards a ‘no first use’ policy by strengthening NATO’s conventional forces and establishing a 150km Battlefield Nuclear Weapon- Free Zone at the central front. An Alliance Government would regard such a zone as the basis for negotiations with the Russians on a wider verifiable nuclear weapon-free zone;
    • we strongly back multilateral disarmament and arms control efforts, in particular the Geneva negotiations for reduction in both sides strategic (START) and the intermediate range (INF) nuclear weapons. More specifically, the START and INF talks should be merged or at least closely linked so that trade-offs can be made across weapons systems: Trident should be cancelled to avoid a new and provocative contribution to the nuclear arms race and demonstrate our commitment to arms control; Polaris should be included in the merged START and INF talks as a further contribution to the prospects of multilateral disarmament.
    • the Geneva negotiations should be pursued to a successful conclusion. Before deciding whether or not to oppose the deployment of Cruise missiles in Britain, an Alliance Government will take account in particular, of the negotiating position of the Soviet Union and the United States; the attitude of our NATO partners in Europe; and whether arrangements for a double safety-catch system have been agreed;
    • if successful progress in nuclear weapons reductions has not been achieved in the negotiations at Geneva, an Alliance Government will explore the opportunities for a verifiable, mutual freeze on the production and deployment of all nuclear weapons;
    • we strongly support an agreement between East and West to ban the production and possession of chemical weapons and we would work for mutual and balanced force reductions in Europe and a comprehensive test ban to strengthen the Non-Proliferation Treaty;
    • on international security, we support the recommendations in the Palme Report, and wish to see the UN’s peace-keeping role strengthened, and increased powers given to the UN Secretary-General. An Alliance Government will press for a European initiative to register the sale of arms to third world countries, and will act to end sales of British arms to regimes which persistently and brutally violate human rights.

    This set of policies – stressing disarmament on both sides, a nuclear weapon-free zone in Europe, strengthened conventional forces for NATO and reduced NATO reliance on nuclear weapons, the cancellation of Trident and the inclusion of Polaris in disarmament negotiations – will reduce the danger of nuclear conflict and increase Britain’s security.

    Membership of the European Community

    The Alliance is wholly committed to continuing UK membership of the European Community. Membership has increased our political influence with our European neighbours and in the world beyond. Continued membership is also unequivocally to our economic advantage. The community is by far Britain’s largest trading partner, with over half of our exports going to community countries or countries with whom they have Free Trade Agreements. It also provides an influential framework for the discussion of the Irish problem between two member states, ourselves and the Irish Republic. Withdrawal, to which Labour is committed would have a highly destructive effect on exports and hence on jobs. We would also lose a great deal of foreign, particularly US investment which has come here because we are in the Community.

    The Alliance advocates further development of the Community and new common policies. At the same time however, there is a great deal wrong with the structure of existing policies, and we will take the lead in putting things right.

    First, we support political development of the Community through adoption of the common electoral system for the 1984 direct elections to the European Parliament; more majority voting in the Council of Ministers; and greater involvement of the European Parliament in the appointment of the Commission.

    Second, to correct the imbalance in existing activities, an Alliance Government will press for expansion of Community activity on regional and social policies, industrial innovation, energy conservation and the development of renewable sources of energy. To develop new policies we accept the need for an increase in community revenues on a more diversified and fairer basis. We will work for some reduction in the agriculture budget first by holding back intervention prices for agricultural products in surplus and if need be by setting a limit on the quantities of production eligible for intervention support.

    These are important policies which will help to solve the British budget problem, help solve some of Europe’s most chronic difficulties such as the imbalance of wealth and development between regions, and switch the balance of Community activities more directly in line with Britain’s needs.

    Third, we will take the lead in advocating the development of new policies where Europe has everything to gain from standing together. We must increasingly stand together in trade talks, following the pattern of the recent Multi-Fibre Arrangement talks and GATT talks in which the Commission spoke for the Community. We must increase political co-operation to reach consensus on foreign policy questions and be prepared to move into new areas such as a common procurement policy for defence. We need to develop a Community industrial policy to spend money on easing the pain for areas dependent on declining industries and also in encouraging new, high technology investment. And we need to develop and back initiatives at European level through the Social Fund aimed at reducing youth unemployment from 25 per cent to the level of general unemployment. There is great scope for launching joint economic policies and an Alliance government will take the lead in advocating them. Fourth, an Alliance government will make Britain a full member of the European Monetary System in order to iron out the wild fluctuations in the exchange rate which have done such damage to exports and jobs over the last few years.

    Helping the World’s Poor

    Conservative policy towards the poor countries of the world has been mean and short sighted, reducing the level of British aid and effectively excluding Third World students from our higher education system. The widespread pursuit of restrictive policies has plunged the world into the worst slump for 50 years, and the poor countries have suffered most. On the other hand, Labour’s restrictive trade policies would be extremely damaging to the developing world. There is no hope for them or for the rest of the world if protection leads on to waves of retaliation and countries destroy each other’s markets, sending the world economy spiralling further downwards.

    We want to do two things. First, to advocate joint policies, to be developed and implemented by the major industrial countries, to take the world out of slump. We advocate co-ordinated action:

    • a) joint expansionary measures following the example of the 1978 Bonn Economic Summit, so that the main countries expand together, so managing to avoid balance of payments difficulties and the inflationary consequences of collapsing currencies;
    • b) monetary stability. Co-operation between the three main currency blocs – the US, Japan and the EMS (including Britain) – to keep their currencies stable;
    • c) Additional finance for the developing world so that general expansion is not frustrated by credit constraints – increased resources for the IMF and World Bank, and fresh issues of international money (Special Drawing Rights).

    International policies of this kind could chart the way out of recession. In so doing they would help developing countries – and, indeed, the developed countries alike – than any foreseeable increases in levels of aid. However, Britain has a significant individual contribution to make to Third World development through its own aid programme. An Alliance government would:

    • increase the proportion of GNP spent on aid over 5 years to 0.7 per cent;
    • concentrate aid on the poorest countries and on the poorest people in those countries;
    • increase financial support for the work of voluntary agencies, stressing urgent projects;
    • promote more generous funding for overseas students, especially those from the poorest countries and the poorest students from other countries;
    • support the principles of the Brandt Report, and in particular the proposals for increased credit through the international institutions.

    The programme of reform set out in this document rivals in scope and imagination that of the liberal reforming government of 1906-11 or the Attlee administration of 1945-51. It is a formidable challenge to the nation to opt for a decisive change of course to put things right. There is no chance that either of the two old class parties will carry out any of the fundamental reforms – to the system of pay determination, or the structure of industrial relations, or the welfare state or the political system – advocated in this document, all of which are now desperately needed. The Alliance alone provides the opportunity to decide against the failures of the past and offers new hope for the renewal and rejuvenation of our country.